PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna (1413- 1463): A post-Tridentine Saint from the Middle Ages J ENNY K ÖRBER (S TAATLICHE M USEEN ZU B ERLIN ) Introduction The year 1712 was an important one for the Poor Clares, since one of their most venerable members, Catharina Vigri of Bologna (1413-1463), was officially canonised. On this occasion, the abbess of the Poor Clares of Vienna, Maria Susanna de Monte Oliveti, wrote a vita of Catharina pubished in 1713: Ein lebendig=glantzende Sonn der Wahren Kirchen; sage: Das Gott=lobende Leben Der H. Ivngfraven Catharinae à Bononia. By that time, the medieval saint, born in 1413, was venerated for nearly three centuries, although her cult remained a local Bolognese one until 1586. Then, in the midst of the Counter-Reformation, and with the helping hand of one of its most important figures, the Italian cardinal and archbishop of Bologna Gabriele Paleotti, the first official attempt was made in her canonisation process 1 . When Clemens XI finally sanctified the Poor Clare in 1712 2 , the event was publicly celebrated across Europe with a grand media campaign. In their book on the Dominican tertiary, Catherine of Siena (1347-1380), Jeffrey Hamburger and Gabriela Signori asked the question of how to construct a saint and promote a cult beyond the immediate community in which he or she lived. Analysing different media that propagated her 1 Elisabeth Bäbler et al. (ed.), Katharina Vigri von Bologna (1413-1463): Leben und Schriften, vol. 6, Norderstedt, Books on Demand, 2012, p. 32. 2 Cf. Verfassung der Wunderwerk, mit welchem die H. Catharina von Bononien, Ordens der Clarae, In dem Leben / und nach dem Tod geleuchtet: Durch Sinn=Bilder und Reimen ausgeführt, Vienna, Johann van Ehelen / Kayserliche Hofdruckerei, 1714. Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 120 veneration, the study reconstructed the difficult road to canonisation of the Sienese saint through the production and diffusion of her cult 3 . While these issues are important to understand the preliminaries that create the foundation and dissemination of a cult, a paper about Catharina of Bologna needs to ask further questions. For when the Church decided to finalise her canonisation process in the 17 th century, the Bolognese saint was already worshiped across Europe. Considering that the mere promotion of her veneration beyond the cloister’s walls could not have been the primary intention of the post-Tridentine Church, one needs to bring into question other motifs that go beyond the production and diffusion of her cult. It is to presume that the life of Saint Catharina was of particular interest for the Catholic Church in times of crisis. Especially in the light of the Reformation and its critique of the devotion to the saints, the Catholic Church had to reconsider its cultic system without discarding pre-existing values and traditions. In this article, I would like to suggest that early modern hagiographies reflect those ambitions and to show that in the 17 th century catholic writers of hagiographies used a saint’s biography as a vehicle to disseminate ideas crucial for a reform that both renewed and confirmed the cultic and administrative structure of the Catholic Church. But why was the medieval Saint Catharina of Bologna so particularly interesting for the Counter Reformation’s program? To answer this question, I will investigate multiple hagiographic accounts on Catharina’s life to outline their similarities as well as their differences. A comparative analysis will demonstrate to what extent Das Gott=lobende Leben Der H. Ivngfraven Catharinae à Bononia processes earlier versions of Catharina’s life and how it reacts on the demands formulated by the Council of Trent. The goal of this article is to show that hagiographic accounts of the post-Tridentine era serve to establish a foundation in order to convey ideas that are supposed to reinvent the cultic system while at the same time validating its traditions. Moreover, it will be demonstrated that Catharina’s worship of the Eucharist, her approach to imagery, and her ability to discern the spirits not only meet with the Church fathers who had to face the criticism of the Reformation concerning image-centred cult and devotional practices but also endorsed the spiritual programme of the Jesuits as one of the major Reform orders. 3 Jeffrey F. Hamburger / Gabriela Signori (ed.), Catherine of Siena: the creation of a cult, Turnhout, Brepols, 2013. The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 121 1 Catharina Vigri da Bologna Catharina Vigri da Bologna originated from an upper-class family in Ferrara and was raised at the d’Este court where she received some education in writing, grammar, and Latin, and had access to books and illuminated manuscripts in the d’Este library. By the age of thirteen, she turned to a spiritual life, became a nun in Ferrara and eventually arose to be the successful abbess of the convent Corpus Domini in Bologna, known for her constant worship of the Eucharist, her ability to discern the spirits as well as her excellent handling of imagery. Reports like those of her contemporary and fellow nun Illuminata Bembo (1410-1493) tell that Catharina not only fought with the devil on a regular basis, but also had several visions of Christ, the Virgin Mary and Thomas Becket 4 . But Catharina also was a part of the Observant reform in northern Italy. During her time as abbess the Poor Clares “reinvented themselves with new civic, political and educational agendas 5 ”. Engaging with the preaching of Bernardino of Siena (1380-1444), the orders latest constitutions written by John of Capestrano (1445) and readings by the Church fathers, the nuns of Ferrara developed a new reformed spirituality 6 . After her death in 1463 a sweet smell emanated from the grave and light beams were seen. Her undamaged body was exhumed and relocated to the church Corpus Domini where it stays on display until today. 2 The vitae and handwritten reports Maria Susanna de Monte Oliveti was not the first one to write a vita of the Bolognese saint. There are a couple of textual witnesses of the life of Catharina that she could rely on and that she refers to in her text. Right after the saint’s death, Illuminata Bembo was commissioned to write a biography. The text entitled Specchio d’Illuminazione (1469) is a personal account of Catharina’s life and a devotional reading at the same time. 4 It is said that she even had visions of future events, such as the fall of Constantinople in 1453. Cf. Specchio d’illuminazione sulla vita di S. Caterina da Bologna composto dalla sua compagna Suor Illuminata Bembo, in Le armi necessarie alla battaglia spirituale: Operetta composta da Santa Caterina da Bologna alla qualo si aggiungne lo specchio d’illuminazione sulla vita della medesima santa Catharina, Bologna, Volpo, 1787, cap. 6, p. 81 f. (henceforth SpE). 5 Kathleen G. Arthur, Women, Art and Observant Franciscan Piety. Caterina Vigri and the Poor Clares in Early Modern Ferrara, Amsterdam, AUP, 2018, p. 18. 6 Cf. Susanne Ernst, “Einführung”, in Bäbler, Katharina Vigri, p. 13-35, here p. 23 seq. Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 122 Illuminata’s personal memories, quotes and teachings of the deceased abbess are intertwined with citations of Saint Augustine, Bernard of Clairvaux and Saint Francis among others 7 . She also refers to the writings of Catharina, since the abbess left a remarkable number of texts herself, e.g. a manual for spiritual warfare with autobiographical elements: Le Sette Armi Spirituali (written between 1438 and 1450/ 1456). The treatise, in which Catharina instructs her sisters to discern the spirits, was circulated in manuscript through a network of Poor Clare convents. Like the text by Illuminata, the writings by Catharina refer to bridal mysticism and relate to the Song of Songs continuously. First printed in 1475, it was edited several times during the 16 th and 17 th century and translated into different languages (Latin, French, Portuguese, English, Spanish, and German). Catharina also left her illuminated breviary, religious treatises, and sermons, as well as a couple of letters 8 . Illuminata’s version of Catharina’s vita remained a prototype for several years 9 . But the most successful biography of the saint’s life was published in 1610 by the Jesuit Giacomo Grassetti (1579-1656). It remained edited and translated during the whole 17 th and 18 th century. The sources for Grassetti’s edition were all written documents about the saint’s life that had been accumulated by the convent of Corpus Domini so far 10 . Grassetti’s way of working was mainly influenced by his orders hagiographic programme. In the 1560s, the Jesuits discovered the strength of hagiography, starting a campaign for canonisation through hagiographic documents to promote their order’s saints. The Jesuit Pedro de Ribadeneira (1527-1611) wrote the Vita S. Ignatii (1572), a text based on all documents officially accumulated by the order in Rome. Shortly after, the Jesuit Heribert Rosweyde (1569- 1629) gathered unpublished papers and documents on the lives of saints in libraries and archives and laid the foundation for the later Acta Sanctorum (1643-1794). 7 Cf. Arthur, Women, p. 75. 8 In recent decades Catharina Vigri has been confirmed as author of the Dodici Giardini (1434-37), a 5595 verse Latin poetic prayer Rosarium, and sermons that were re-copied in the 17 th century. Cf. Arthur, Women, p. 67. 9 It served as a model for the first printed biography by Sabadino degli Arientis in 1483 and for the version of the nun’s father confessor, Dionysius Paleotti, published in 1502. Cf. Ernst, “Einführung”, p. 13-35. 10 Bäbler, Katharina Vigri, p. 32. Serena Spanò Martinelli, Il Processo di Canonizzazione di Caterina Vigri (1586-1712), Florence, Sismel-Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2003, XVIII. The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 123 Although Grassetti worked with archival material, that was according to him absolutely trustworthy (“scritture […] [di] indubitata fede 11 ”), there is good reason to assume that he took the freedom to set priorities while adapting Catharina’s vita. In the Proemio he admits that he took the liberty to reduce redundant passages (“ridurre […] cose disperse 12 ”) or arrange those sections of the Historia that caused confusion 13 . The Jesuit’s biography of Catharina was of great influence for the cult of the Bolognese saint. Comparing Maria Oliveti’s Das Leben Der H. Ivngfraven Catharinæ à Bononia with the Vita della B. Caterina di Bologna (1610) by Grassetti, one notices similarities. The scheme and content of the vitae follow the same structure. Both are accumulations of all known written documents about the saint’s life and the texts attributed to her. The chapters of both vitae are completed by meditations about Catharina’s piety, her charity, and close with an account of miracles attributed to her. Maria Oliveti quotes the Jesuit directly and treats him and his hagiographic writing as an authority, referring to Grassetti as the noble writer of histories (“der vornehme History=Schreiber 14 ”) or the devout writer of legends (“der andächtige Lebens=Scribent 15 ”). The fact that the vita of the Viennese Poor Clare stands in the Jesuit’s tradition becomes evident when considering the medieval version of the saint’s life written by Illuminata Bembo. Looking at this medieval template the reader realises that Grassetti and Maria de Monte Oliveti both emphasise Catherina’s constant worship of the Eucharist, her attitude towards imagery, and her ability to discern the spirits; virtues that are in line with the demands formulated by the Council of Trent and the forthcoming developments in Christian spirituality as brought forward by the Counter-Reformation. 3.1 Eucharist On their thirteenth session on 11 th October 1551, the Council of Trent formulated the decree of the Eucharist. In the fifth chapter On the cult and 11 Giacomo Grassetti, Vita della B. Caterina da Bologna, Bologna, Bartolomeo Cochi 1610, “Proemio”, p. 2. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. 14 Maria Susanna de Monte Oliveti, Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn Der VVahren Kirchen; Sage: Das Gott-Lobende Leben Der H. Ivngfraven Catharinæ à Bononia, Deß Ordens Der Heiligen Ivgfraven Claræ, Vienna, Ignatio Dominico Voigt / Universitätischen Buchdrucker, 1713, p. 65. 15 Ibid., p. 292. Cf. “Ja, es bezeugt der andächtige Lebens=Scribent Jacobus Grassetus[.]” Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 124 veneration to be shown to this most holy Sacrament, the Eucharist was officially declared as symbol of the ecclesia triumphans of the Counter Reformation. As such, it needed special veneration: The holy Synod declares, […] that this sublime and venerable sacrament be, with special veneration and solemnity, celebrated, […] and that it be borne reverently and with honour in processions through the streets, and public places. […] And so indeed did it behove victorious truth to celebrate a triumph over falsehood and heresy, […], at the sight of so much splendour, and in the midst of so great joy […], may either pine away weakened and broken; or, touched with shame and confounded, at length repent 16 . While this passage propagates appointed holy days, such as the Feast of Corpus Christi, whereon Christians should demonstrate their faith, the veneration of the host became increasingly important during the 17 th century. Liturgic ceremonies like the Quarantore, on which the host was displayed in a decorated church for 40 hours, became highly popular and were in line with the first canon of the Council’s decree on the Eucharist that reads: “If any one denieth, that, in the sacrament of the most holy Eucharist, are contained truly, really, and substantially, […] but saith that He is only therein as in a sign, or in figure, or virtue; let him be anathema 17 ”. The grandiose mise-en-scene of the Quarantore left no room for doubt that the body of the Saviour was truly present in the white oblate displayed to the people 18 . In this light, Catharina’s deep worship of the Eucharist must have been of great significance for the post-Tridentine Church. Grassetti describes in detail how Catharina, came to a deeper understanding of the real presence of God in the Blessed Sacrament through inner struggle during mass 19 . For Maria de Monte Oliveti, Catharina’s worship of the Eucharist shows that the saint is a worthy daughter of their Orders foundress Saint Claire (“würdige 16 The Council of Trent, “The Thirteenth Session”, in The Canons and Decrees of the Sacred and Oecumenical Council of Trent, ed. and trans. J. Waterworth, London, Dolman, 1848, p. 79. 17 Ibid., p. 82. 18 Cf. Joseph Imorde, Präsenz und Repräsentanz, oder: die Kunst, den Leib Christi auszustellen, Emsdetten, Edition Imorde, 1997 and Jenny Körber, “Die Quarantore - Ein Ritual zwischen Tradition und Restriktion. Die sichtbaren Folgen einer Inszenierung des Unsichtbaren”, in Paramente in Bewegung. Bildwelten liturgischer Textilien, eds. Ursula Röper, Hans Jürgen Scheuer, Regensburg, Schnell & Steiner, 2019, p. 180-194. 19 Grassetti, Vita della B. Caterina, p. 12-16. The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 125 Tochter der heil. Mutter Clarae 20 ”), who was also known for her intense love for the Eucharist 21 . But in contrast to Claire, who uses the sacrament of the Eucharist as a sign of victory in a concrete military sense, demonstrating the protection as well as the triumph of the contending Church against heresy and unbelief 22 , new elements in Catharina’s devotion become visible, which unmistakably recall the decrees of the Council. A significant aspect in this matter is the miracle of Catharina’s exhumation. All vitae highlight the moment when the convent exhumes the saint from her grave. In community, the sisters were drawn to the church, where they directly confronted Catharina with the Blessed Sacrament. Face to face with it, Catharina’s body began to move. In her bodily gestures and movements, she showed reverence to the host: her face lit up, she lowered her head, and a sweet smell emanated from her body that filled the whole church. Illuminata writes: [Q]uesto fu manifestamente veduto e sentito, che subito che fu posta innanzi a quello, tutto quel Corpo, e nella faccia fece nuova giubbilazione, spargendo un grande e soave odore; e così fece per due ovvero tre volte: con che volle dimonstrare che, siccome in vita, ci dava esempio e dottrina di quello che ebbe in somma riverenza. Imperocchè quello sommamente onorava, e andando nella Chiesa tutta si prostrava con atti e modi, che parea, come era dinanzi a quello che è Signore del cielo […]; e così in morte, come lo vide, incrocicchiò le braccia, inchinando il capo con gesti e modi pieni di divozione 23 . Maria Oliveti interprets the wonder as a Godly response towards Catharina’s constant veneration of the Eucharist: O Wunder! Sie wurden innerlich gezwungen / sich mit dem H. Leib umbzuwenden / daß sie der Kirche zugiengen / und den H. Leib vor dem 20 Maria de Monte Oliveti, Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn, p. 178. 21 Through the Holy sacrament Catharina reaches the highest level of union with God (“[I]n der Gedächtnis des kostbaren Todts Christi durch sein Hl. Lieb in dem Hl. Sacrament mit ihn vereinigt”). 22 Cf. Thomas von Celano. Leben und Schriften der Heiligen Klara von Assisi, transl. Engelbert Grau, Werl/ Westfl., Dietrich-Coelde-Verlag, 1953. 23 SpE, Cap. 9, 15, p. 144. “It was clearly seen and perceived that as soon as she was brought before the Most Holy Place, the whole body and face again showed joy and gave off a strong and sweet fragrance. This happened two or three times, to show that, just as she had set an example and taught us in life, when she showed the utmost awe, she did so in death. She honored this sacrament most highly, and when she went to church, she bowed in such a way that it seemed as if she were […] before the Lord. […] As you one could see, she also crossed her arms and bowed her head in reverence.” (Transl. JK) Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 126 hochwürdigsten Sacrament des Altars nidersetzten. Christus wollte nemblich der Welt anzeigen / wie angenehm ihm die vilfaeltige Besuchung seines H. Sacraments in der h. Catharina gewesen[.] 24 She made clear, that for Catharina there was no doubt that the trinity was present in the Eucharist: “[A]ber Catharina thaete solche Anbettung dreymal / und zwar mit auffgehebten Leib verrichten / als ob sie auch nach dem Todt die dem H. Sacrament lebendige Gegenwart der Allerheiligsten Dreyfaltigkeit bezeugen wollte 25 ”. Thus by bowing three times before the host, her body testifies the real presence of the Holy Trinity in the Holy Sacrament. The vitae do not only account that the Poor Clare felt deep veneration for the Eucharist but point out that she also had a God given knowledge of the real presence of God in it - an aspect most relevant for the eucharistic controversy in the early modern period. Furthermore, Catharina not only displays that the host should be adored, but also exemplifies how to venerate the sacrament in an ideal way. Since the early modern debate on the Eucharist is closely intertwined with the discussion on imagery, this point is crucial for the post-Tridentine era. The Church fathers of Trent clearly stated that “there is no room left for doubt, that all the faithful of Christ may, according to the custom ever received in the Catholic Church, render in veneration the worship of latria, which is due to the true God, to this most holy sacrament 26 ”. By instructing the faithful how to adore the highest image, Catharina proves a great knowledge of imagery and an understanding of how to use images in a way that absolve image-centred piety from idolatry. 3.2 Images The tradition to integrate imagery in liturgic practices was harshly criticised by the Reformation. The Council of Trent discussed the question of images on the 25 th session (3 rd to 4 th December 1563) failing to reach a 24 Maria de Monte Oliveti, Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn, p. 285. “O miracle! They were inwardly forced / to turn around with the holy body / to approach the church / and to set the holy body in front of the most revered sacrament of the altar. Christ wanted to show the world how pleased he had been by the many visits of his H. Sacrament by the Holy Catharina.” (Transl. JK) 25 Maria de Monte Oliveti, Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn, p. 287. “But Catharina performed such adoration three times / with her body up straight / as if she wanted to testify to the real presence of the Holy Trinity in the Holy Sacrament, even after death.” (Transl. JK) 26 The Council of Trent, “The Thirteenth Session”, p. 79. The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 127 distinct result. While the bishops were commissioned to guard the performed cult in their diocese, it was up to the Reform orders to develop new ways for old practices. Among the most influential orders were the Jesuits who employed visual media in abundance as instruments for their global mission of guiding souls. The Jesuits’ emphasis on visual and graphic arts, architecture, and stage performance reflects the role of mental images in the Ignatian Exercises, the psychagogic practices, that form the foundation of the order. The Exercises deal with the creation of images within the mind and the heart of the believers to strengthen their faith. Through a constant reflection and training as provided by the meditations given by Ignatius of Loyola, images are supposed to reach a greater understanding of Christian mysteries 27 . Outer imagery serves to form and shape the interior of the faithful believer that mainly exists of images as well. From this point of view, it is no wonder that the Jesuit Grassetti showed great interest in working on Catharina’s biography. Like the creation of images within the mind of its readers in the later Spiritual Exercises, Catharina constructs visual similes and metaphors, stages dramatically imagined scenes of heaven or hell, and describes visions based on common devotional objects, artworks, and devotional and lyrical texts that both she and her audience probably had known and seen, as Kathleen G. Arthur suggests 28 . Catharina even produced images herself. She embedded visual imagery in her personal breviary, depicting Christ and several saints, forming an interplay of text and image as a foundation for devotional practice. In the 6 th chapter of Lo Specchio, Illuminata records how Catharina experienced a lively vision of Thomas of Canterbury, who accompanied her and offered her his hand for a kiss 29 . Throughout the accounts of Catharina’s life imagery serves as a foundation for deeper meditations. Illuminata writes that the saint painted Christ as a child on the cloister’s walls to start reflections on the Holy Scripture: E volentieri dipingea il Verbo Divino piccolino infasciato, e per molti luoghi del Monastero di Ferrara, e pei libri lo faceva così piccolini; e diceva spesso con gran tenerezza: piglierollo per la fasciola, ch’egli è il foco che mi accora, e altre infocate parole, dicendo: O frutto dolce di Maria, quando 27 Cf. Ignatius of Loyola, The spiritual exercises, London, Charles Dolman, 1847. In my dissertation I examine the use of media in the context of the psychagogic practices of the Jesuit order. The book will be published in Kulturen des Christentums / Cultures of Christianity, Böhlau Verlag, 2023. 28 Arthur, Women, p. 67. 29 Cf. SpE, Cap. 6, 20, p. 66: “Facendo orazione si pose in capo della cella appoggiata all’asse, e alquanto si addormentò; ed ecco San Tommaso Vescovo di Cantorbery venne a lei apparato pontificalmente, […] e dielle la mano sua a baciare[.]”. Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 128 farò in te abissata, facendo melodia dentro del tuo Costato? Altro da te non vorria, se non sempre stare ivi ferrata. E diceva con molta giubbilazione di cuore queste cotali parole: condotta fui in stanza del cuore mio sola soletta con nuovo desio, ed ivi chiamando il gentile Sposo Dio ebbi sollazzo di nuovo sentire, il quale diletto a tale mi fe venire, che in Paradiso mi parve esser stata 30 . Therefore, rather than being suspicious towards images, to Catharina they serve as inspiration and foundation for devotional experience and meditation. The immersion in meditation, which is triggered by external images, is intertwined with ideas of physical interiority. The vitae tell that in her soul, Catharina stores images of Christ and the Virgin Mary and advises the novices to do the same. Maria de Monte Oliveti explains: Auff daß sie [Catharina] ihr hertz allzeit aber mit ihrem Gott vereinigt erhielte / hat sie in ihrer Seelen ein Gott geweyhtes Zellulein eingericht / solches auch ihrer lieben Schwestern als ein wohlerfahrne Baumeisterin gerathen. In diesen Zellulein wohneten Gott und die Heilige [Catharina] allzeit […] / durch welches sie dann alles sichtbarliche vergasse / und allein jenen suchte / dessen Ansehung die Seeligkeit ist 31 . In this small chamber dedicated to God she can reach the highest level of interior contemplation and communion (“innerliche Betrachtung und Versammlung 32 ”) with the holy family. Eventually, her image-based meditations make her overcome all outer imagery (“durch welches sie dann alles sichtbarliche vergasse”). To reach this interior state, it is essential for Catharina to keep the balance between her “fiery love 33 ” for Christ and an inner condition of castitas (“Keuschheit der Seelen 34 ”). The vita by Maria de Monte Oliveti explains that Catharina lay great store in controlling her 30 SpE, Cap. 1, 9, p. 12: “She liked to paint the Word of God as a child wrapped in diapers in many places throughout the monastery of Ferrara. She drew the Christ Child in books and said with great tenderness: ‘I grab his clothes because he is the fire that seizes me,’ and other passionate words, and she said: ‘O sweet fruit of Mary, / when will I be sunk in you / in your side (Song of Songs 2,14) / to become a new song (Rev. 5,9; 14,3)? / I want nothing else from you / than staying locked in there forever.’” (Transl. JK) 31 Maria de Monte Oliveti, Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn, p. 68. “So that her [Catharina’s] heart would always be united with her God / she installed a small chamber dedicated to God in her soul[.] In this small chamber God and the saint [Catharina] resided permanently […] / Thereby she forgot everything visible and sought only him whose contemplation is eternal salvation.” (Transl. JK) 32 Ibid., p. 68. 33 “feurige lieb”. Cf. ibid., p. 178. 34 Ibid., p. 59. The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 129 outer senses so that her heart would not reach any sign of “Unsauberkeit” but rather exist in a state of “heilige[r] Reinigkeit 35 ”. Here, parallels are traceable to the Vita S. Ignatii in which de Ribadeneira points out that not only Ignatius’ worship of the Eucharist and his control of the inner affects are of great importance, but also the Jesuit’s approach to imagery. While meditating in front of an image of the Virgin Ignatius feels: eine solche und so newe Leibs und Gemuets veraenderung […] / das er ein hefftiges mißfallen und abscheuwen ab allen / insonders unzuechtigen / wolluesten des fleisches / gewunnen: und es war ihm nicht anderst / dann alß wenn einer alle unflaetige fuer- und einbildungen unkeuscher dingen / […] von ihm nehme / und von seiner Seel unnd Gemuet abwischet und hinweg striche[.] 36 Through image-based piety, the Jesuit reaches a state that can be understood as a natural clearance of impure imagery. According to the Church fathers of Trent, an “inward cleanness and purity of the heart” is an essential precondition to perform the celebration of Mass. In the Decree concerning the things to be observed, and to be avoided, in the celebration of Mass, the Council of Trent declares “that all industry and diligence is to be applied to this end [the Mass, JK], that it be performed with the greatest possible inward cleanness and purity of heart, and outward show of devotion and piety 37 ”. The series of copperplate prints Cor Iesu amanti sacrum (1585-1586) by the Jesuit Karel van Mander and the engraver Anton Wierix show how such a pictorial purification was to be imagined. The work consists of copper engravings with mnemonic verses. Each engraving shows a heart-shaped vessel, framed by clouds and angels. The Christ child energetically lends a hand on the cleaning process (fig. 1) 38 : with his sleeves rolled up, his skirt 35 Ibid. 36 Pedro de Ribadeneira, Historia von dem Leben des Seligen und Glorwuerdigen P. Ignatii von Loyola, Lutzenburg, Matth. Birthons Wittib, 1612, p. 10-11. “[S]uch a new change of body and mind […], that he felt very displeased and disgusted with all things, especially with the indecent desires of the flesh: he felt as if someone erased all imaginations of unchaste things, wipe them off from his soul and mind, and sweep them away”. (Transl. JK) 37 The Council of Trent, “The Twenty-second Session”, p. 160. 38 Karel van Mander and Anton Wierix, Cor Iesu amanti sacrum [1585-1586], printed in König Orendel von Trier oder der Graue Rock. Gedicht des zwölften Jahrhunderts, trans. Philipp Laven, Trier, Lintz’sche Buchhandlung, 1843, s.p. (image (c) Staatliche Bibliothek Passau, Yge 248). Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 130 gathered and equipped with a large broom, he cleanses the inside of the heart vessel. The monstrous beings are swept out and fall into the darkness. Fig.1 The accompanying text reads: O beatam cordis aedem! Te cui caelum dedit sedem Purgat suis manibus. Animose puer verre, Monstra tuo vultu terre, Tere tuis pedibus 39 . After a removal of the demonic inhabitants, Jesus paints images into the believer’s heart (fig. 2) 40 . 39 “O blessed temple of the heart! Let him, whom heaven has given his residence, cleanse you with his hands. Cleanse determined, boy, (scare off) the monsters with your face, Crush them with your feet.” (Transl. JK) 40 Ibid. (image (c) Staatliche Bibliothek Passau, Yge 248). The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 131 Fig. 2 The accompanying verses clearly refer to the replacement of inner imagery: Sume IESU penicilla, Corque totum conscribilla Pijs imaginibus: Sic nec Venus prophanabit, Nec Voluptas inquinabit Vanis phantasmatibus 41 . Jesus fills the entire heart with pious images (“pijs imaginibus”) to prevent improper images to settle there (“Sic nec Venus prophanabit, Nec Voluptas inquinabit Vanis phantasmatibus”). Thus, the clearance of demonic and vain images finally leads to a re-equipment of the heart with adequate Christian images. The novelty of the Cor Iesu amanti sacrum series is that it 41 “Take your paintbrush Jesus, and paint on the whole heart, pious images: So that neither Venus shall profane it, nor Voluptas defile it, with vain phantasms.” (Transl. JK) Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 132 turns the invisible process of a spiritual transformation outward, making the non-visible noticeable and comprehensible to the faithful, a tendency that is of great relevance in Jesuit media and that can also be discovered in the vita of Saint Catharina. While in Catharina’s admiration of the host, the “outward show of devotion and piety” is clearly visible, the “cleanness and purity of heart” is as essential. In her breviary she teaches in text and images how imagery triggers and supports a meditation that finally can help to overcome all secular images. Hence, Catharina’s approach to imagery seems to meet with a form of spirituality that becomes significant for the order of the Jesuits 42 . However, as essential as images, both material and mental, they also possessed an uncertain and even morally suspect status. In early modern thought, mental visions could just as well derive from the devil as from God. While the Counter Reformation movement was aware of how to harness the power of visualisation as a means for psychagogic goals, it was equally mindful of the dangers inherent to those means that contradicted and threatened the very aims it hoped to achieve through them. Three hundred years before, Catharina Vigri da Bologna knew about these challenges and wrote a manual about her own experiences, the Sette armi spirituali, instructing the novices about how to deal with visions and reflect on their quality. Discerning whether the good spirit or the bad spirit is at work requires calm and rational reflection. Nonetheless she also warns that there is danger in doing too much as well as too little. Rather, one must do the correct balanced amount in a discreet way. Therefore, the abbess’s selfdiscipline and self-reflection corresponds with the Jesuits’ ambition to make the discernment of the spirits and the correct use and judgement of imagery an everyday practice. The Sette armi give instructions on how to separate inner from outer imagery, good from bad spirits and how to eventually reach “the greatest possible inward cleanness and purity of heart”. Thus, the discerning of the spirits is the third and final aspect of Catharina’s vita that I would like to point out as being pertinent within the post-Tridentine hagiographic programme. 42 But while the enhanced interiority of Grassetti’s vita reminds the reader of the Vita S. Ignatii, Maria de Monte Oliveti draws on the tradition of Illuminata who, as mentioned before refers to bridal mysticism and the Song of Songs, to accentuate her orders principles in contrast to the Jesuit version. While still being in accordance with the post-Tridentine requirements to hagiography, Maria adds her own twist to the vita. The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 133 3.3 Discernment of spirits The Sette armi spirituali describe spiritual weapons that will help the novices decide whether the good spirit or the bad spirit is at work in their thoughts and desires. Since the battle is paramount, Catharina offers her readers arms for fighting vigorously 43 . The fight is mainly a contest of images. Grassetti accentuates that Catharina is continuously tempted and confused by visions and apparitions. Several mystical visions explore the subtle deceptions of the devil and stress the need to discern the spirits, since the devil can masquerade as the Virgin Mary, the Angel Gabriel, the crucified Christ, and many other visual forms 44 . Illuminata records Catharina’s fights with the devil in a rather reserved manner: [E] parea, e credo che era con ogni verità, secondo che ella ci disse più volte, che li Diavolo la temevano, ed aveanla in grande dispetto, e ruggivano perchè [sic! ] non le poteano nuocere [.] 45 . To Grassetti however her ability is doubtless and appears as a sign for her holiness. He interprets the Sette armi as a “remedy” (“rimedio 46 ”) against the great disturbance (“grande disturbo” 47 ) and different forms of temptations (“diversi sorti di tentationi” 48 ), that clears the mind, and brings tranquillity to the soul eventually 49 . Here one must remember that the discernment of spirits is crucial in the Ignatian Spiritual Exercises. The Spiritual Exercises are a personal account of Ignatius’ fights with the devil and a guidance for his followers on how to overcome these forces. They were interpreted by Jesuits as a written proof of his sanctity. In the Vita S. Ignatii by de Ribadeneira next to the founder’s worship of the Eucharist, and his handling of imagery, the Jesuit’s sanctity is mainly proven by his ability to discern the spirits. In accordance with the Vita S. Ignatii, the inner struggle of Catharina, her continuous fight, and the wording of a manual for those who are not a chosen soul, an “anima elletta” 50 , are of great impor- 43 Cf. Santa Caterina Vigri, Le sette arme spirituali, ed. by Cecilia Foletti, Padova, Editrice Antenore, 1985. 44 Cf. Grassetti, Vita della B. Caterina, p. 24, p. 123, p. 127. 45 SpE, Cap. 6, p. 83: “[A]nd it seemed, and I believe it was with all truth, according to what she told us many times, that the Devil feared her, and had her in great spite, and roared because they could not harm her[.]” (Transl. JK) 46 Grassetti, Vita della B. Caterina, p. 250. 47 Ibid. 48 Ibid. 49 Ibid. 50 Ibid., p. 21. Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 134 tance for proving her holiness to the readers. Although Grassetti writes a vita on a different saint from a different order, he establishes a life and a type of saint that corresponds with the Jesuit founder’s vita and, by this, promotes the Jesuits’ spiritual programme. Hence Catharina‘s holiness is proven by Grassetti by constructing her vita as an imitation of Ignatius‘ life. Maria de Monte Oliveti describes Catharina’s demonic apparitions and inner struggles as heroic deeds with grand use for her followers. Maria emphasises the heroic virtue of the contesting and attentive virgin Catharina (“heroische Tugend der Streit=wachtsamen Jungfrauen Catharinae” 51 ) who fought knightly (“ritterlich” 52 ) against the evil powers. Maria stresses that the seven weapons strengthen her in her decision to be a bride of Christ who does not need a human husband. She also compares Catharina to Anthony the Great who was attacked by demons and resisted them 53 . When the devil in the appearance of Jesus tempts Catharina to leave the cloister and become a hermit, she resists due to her ability to discern the spirits 54 . Rather than serving God in solitude, she dedicates herself and her psychagogic and spiritual knowledge to her fellow Clares and to all lay people seeking her advice in Bologna. Arthur states that “Vigri’s preaching and teaching inside the cloister attracted attention from a wider public audience” and in this way “helped to shape the Observant reform in northern Italy 55 ”. Her ability to discern the spirits enables her to contact the outside world, questioning the utility of a distinction between stabilitas and mobilitas in monastic life. For even if she does not leave the monastery walls, they become permeable with Catharina. 4 Résumé After having compared different hagiographic documents of the life of Catharina da Bologna one can conclude, that the 17 th century vitae are a transformation of the medieval templates. The Vita della B. Caterina di Bologna (1610) by the Jesuit Grassetti as well as Das Gott-lobende Leben Der H. Ivngfraven Catharinæ à Bononia (1713) by Maria de Monte Oliveti put an emphasis on aspects that became important during the Counter Reformation but are already present in the medieval texts. Their accounts of Catharina’s life can be read as a hagiographic reaction towards the Church fathers’ 51 Maria de Monte Oliveti, Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn, p. 123. 52 Ibid. 53 Cf. Ibid., p. 17, p. 141. 54 Cf. ibid., p. 132f. 55 Arthur, Women, p. 86. The Life of Catharina Vigri of Bologna PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 135 demands as formulated by the Council of Trent. The saint’s constant worship of the Eucharist, her approach to imagery, and her ability to discern the spirits are in line with the decrees by the Council and the Post- Tridentine spirituality of the reform orders. This is not a coincidence but can be seen as a strategy. The spiritual life of Catharina corresponds to the guidelines of the Church fathers of Trent and validates the rites and cult of the Catholic Church. For the Church of the post-Tridentine era, which had to face the criticism of the Reformation concerning image-centred cult and devotional practices, she also becomes interesting in another aspect. By constantly threatening to transgress boundaries, Catharina puts the system to the test: as her corpse worships the host in a life-like manner, she teaches how to worship in an ideal way while at the same time absolving herself from demanding a cult of herself. Her sensual and intensive usage of imagery and her paintings are not triggers for idolatry but provide for a meditatively supported overcoming of all earthly imagery. Although she spends her life as a nun in a convent, she does not stay in seclusion but receives believers who seek her counsel. The ability to discern spirits allows her to contact the outside world, questioning the utility of a distinction between stabilitas and mobilitas in monastic life. Nevertheless, this questioning serves the Council of Trent as a confirmation of its guidelines. All of Catharina’s innovative tendencies were to be incorporated in the body of the Church eventually. Even her breviary, which she initially wrote in secret and even burnt a first version, was declared as a relic after her death. In fact, the handwritten document, that is still kept as a relic in the convent Corpus Domini in Bologna, had been copied and edited for the first time during the post- Tridentine campaign for her canonisation in 1679 56 . Catharina is a saint who was crucial in a reform that both renewed and confirmed the cultic and administrative structure of the Catholic Church. The medieval saint can be seen as a system critic in the sense of the system. Moreover, one observes that the early modern adaption of the medieval vita is mainly influenced by the Jesuit order. The saint from the 14 th century serves Grassetti to promote his order’s spirituality. Without addressing it directly, the Jesuit Grassetti points out the parallels between the vita of Catharina and the Vita S. Ignatii and describes the abbess’ qualities as a proof for her real holiness, validating the holiness of Ignatius at the same time. One must remember that, in the year 1610, the year of the publication of Grassetti’s Vita, Ignatius had not been canonised yet. Interestingly enough, the padre’s version - thus the Jesuit version - remained the hagi- 56 Cf. Bäbler, Katharina Vigri, p. 42. Jenny Körber PFSCL XLIX, 96 DOI 10. / PFSCL-2022-0006 136 ographic authority. To Maria de Monte Oliveti it was the official authority to turn to with the aim to promote her order’s saint. Although the abbess integrates additions to the Vita that draws the reader’s attention towards Poor Clare’s spirituality, the authority of the noble “History=Schreiber” 57 remains untouched. Apparently, the Jesuit model did not only transform a medieval legend into an early modern hagiography, but also provided a post-Tridentine template for writing about holiness. 5 Bibliography 5.1 Sources Celano, Thomas von. Leben und Schriften der Heiligen Klara von Assisi, transl. Engelbert Grau, Werl/ Westfl., Dietrich-Coelde-Verlag, 1953. Grassetti, Giacomo. Vita della B. Caterina da Bologna, Bologna, Bartolomeo Cochi, 1610. Loyola, Ignatius. Ignatius of Loyola, The spiritual exercises, London, Charles Dolman, 1847. Monte Oliveti, Maria Susanna de. Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn Der VVahren Kirchen; Sage: Das Gott-Lobende Leben Der H. Ivngfraven Catharinæ à Bononia, Deß Ordens Der Heiligen Ivgfraven Claræ, Vienna, Ignatio Dominico Voigt, 1713. Verfassung der Wunderwerk, mit welchem die H. Catharina von Bononien, Ordens der Clarae, In dem Leben / und nach dem Tod geleuchtet: Durch Sinn=Bilder und Reimen ausgeführt, Vienna, 1714. Ribadeneira, Pedro de. Historia von dem Leben des Seligen und Glorwuerdigen P. Ignatii von Loyola, Lutzenburg, Matth. Birthons Wittib, 1612. Vigri, Caterina. Le sette arme spirituali, ed. by Cecilia Foletti, Padova, Editrice Antenore, 1985. 5.2 Studies Arthur, Kathleen G. Women, Art and Observant Franciscan Piety. Caterina Vigri and the Poor Clares in Early Modern Ferrara, Amsterdam, AUP, 2018. Bäbler, Elisabeth et al. (ed.). Katharina Vigri von Bologna (1413-1463): Leben und Schriften, Norderstedt, Books on Demand, vol. 6, 2012. Hamburger, Jeffrey F. / Gabriela Signori (eds.). Catherine of Siena: the creation of a cult, Turnhout, Brepols, 2013. Imorde, Joseph. Präsenz und Repräsentanz, oder: die Kunst, den Leib Christi auszustellen, Emsdetten, Edition Imorde, 1997. Spanò Martinelli, Serena. Il Processo di Canonizzazione di Caterina Vigri (1586- 1712), Florence, Sismel-Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2003. 57 Maria de Monte Oliveti, Ein lebendig-glantzende Sonn, p. 65.