Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm Paul Dobryden University of Virginia Abstract: This article examines a set of films from the Weimar period that thematize urban nature from a hygienic perspective� In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, solutions proposed by hygiene experts to make cities both more and less natural were implemented on a wide scale in Germany, resulting in transformations of urban infrastructure and municipal administration� Knowledge of hygiene, transmitted in part through film, also changed the way individual city dwellers perceived and inhabited their environment�- Im Strudel des Verkehrs- (1925), a traffic safety film, and- Die Stadt von Morgen-(1930), a film on urban planning, both portray the project of urban hygiene as replacing a ‘natural’ state of urban conflict with organic harmony; and both work to bolster their audiences’ confidence in the experts and agents of the state tasked with designing and regulating the urban organism� The leftist newsreel-Zeitprobleme. Wie der Arbeiter wohnt-provides an economic analysis missing from the other two films� Keywords: Weimar cinema, urban planning, traffic safety, educational film, public health “Unsere Vorfahren waren seit undenklichen Zeiten Waldmenschen; wir sind Häuserblockmenschen� Daraus allein schon erklärt sich der unwiderstehliche Naturtrieb des Großstadtbewohners hinaus ins Freie, aus der Staubmühle des Häusermeeres ins Grüne der freien Natur�” Camillo Sitte, Der Städtebau nach seinen künstlerischen Grundsätzen (1909) 310 Paul Dobryden “Die tiefsten Probleme des modernen Lebens quellen aus dem Anspruch des Individuums, die Selbständigkeit und Eigenart seines Daseins gegen die Übermächte der Gesellschaft, des geschichtlich Ererbten, der äußerlichen Kultur und Technik des Lebens zu bewahren - die letzterreichte Umgestaltung des Kampfes mit der Natur, den der primitive Mensch um seine leibliche Existenz zu führen hat�” Georg Simmel, “Die Großstädte und das Geistesleben” (1903) To some observers in the era of industrialization, cities were the antithesis of nature; to others, they were far too natural� Among the former, there were both enthusiasts and critics� The metropolis could represent culture’s triumph over nature, its capitalist abundance a liberation from the relative scarcity of the pre-industrial world� Critics, while sharing a view of the city as fundamentally artificial, lamented its lack of green spaces, the separation of country and city, and the decline of purportedly more natural forms of community� Just as often, however, critics of urbanization pointed to the city’s excessive naturalness� The mortality rate in cities was higher than elsewhere for much of the nineteenth century (see Labisch 143); migration to cities interrupted traditional networks of community-based care; unregulated factory work damaged lungs, skin, and bones; and diseases spread easily in crowded housing and poor sanitary conditions� While appearing superficially unnatural, the urban environment nonetheless exerted a powerful grip on the bodies of its inhabitants, and in this sense reproduced the impositions of nature� Social relations were no different� As a spatial expression of capitalist development, critics portrayed the city as the site of an animalistic Existenzkampf driven by greed and self-interest, and therefore as base and brutal as any found in (non-urban) nature� In this article, I will examine a set of films from the Weimar period that thematize urban nature from a hygienic perspective� In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, solutions proposed by hygiene experts to make cities both more and less natural were implemented on a wide scale in Germany, resulting in transformations of urban infrastructure and municipal administration� Knowledge of hygiene, transmitted in part by films such as the three I consider below, also changed the way individual city dwellers perceived and inhabited their environment� The first two films fall under the category of Kulturfilm, a specifically German genre of quasi-documentary educational film that encompassed a number of sub-genres such as “ethnographischer Film, Kolonialfilm, Reisefilm, Naturbeobachtungen, biologisch-medizinische Unterrichtsfilme sowie ‘Lehrfilme’ für nahezu alle Lebens- und Wissensbereiche” (Kreimeier 68)� Specifically, I discuss Im Strudel des Verkehrs (1925), a traffic safety film, and Die Stadt von Morgen (1930), a film on urban planning� Both portray the project of urban hygiene as replacing a ‘natural’ state of urban Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 311 conflict with organic harmony; and both do their part to bolster their audiences’ confidence in the experts and agents of the state tasked with designing and regulating the urban organism, though from different perspectives� The leftist newsreel Zeitprobleme. Wie der Arbeiter wohnt (1930), which I analyze in the final section of the essay, likewise deals with the environmental conditions of the modern metropolis, but provides an economic analysis missing from the other two films� But what is - or, rather, what was - hygiene? Today, the term evokes primarily the practice of individual cleanliness, the hygienic care of the self and the home� In the context of nineteenth-century responses to urban epidemics of cholera, tuberculosis, and other diseases, hygiene took on a public dimension that became essential to its meaning during the period I consider here� 1 Inspired in part by Edwin Chadwick’s Sanitary Movement in England and given further impetus by Robert Koch’s bacteriological discoveries, urban hygiene achieved its first important successes in Germany with sewer construction and municipal trash removal, which had demonstrable benefits for the cities that implemented them� As the threat of epidemics receded somewhat, hygienists extended their field of intervention and proposed guidelines for structuring everyday life as a whole� In 1911, the International Hygiene Exhibition in Dresden offered extensive exhibits on “Air, Earth, Soil, Water,” “Settlements and Dwellings,” “Nutrition and Food-Stuffs,” “Clothing and Care of the Body,” “Professions and Trades,” “Traffic,” and other topics� As Friedrich Lenger writes, urban hygiene “covered all aspects of urban planning and development, it comprised infrastructural modernization as well as the equipment of apartments or specific settlement structures” (96)� While gradually reducing the urban mortality to a rate comparable to (or below) that in rural areas, hygiene experts achieved a crucial role in the administration of city government, such that, according to Beate Witzler, “die Erhaltung der Gesundheit in den großen Städten wurde zum Leitmotiv einer Diskussion über soziale Reform, die Hygiene zur Leitwissenschaft der kommunalpolitischen Praxis” (11)� As Witzler’s book demonstrates, hygiene’s influence on and position within city government took various forms, from informal cooperation between city leadership and planners with experts in medicine, chemistry, and bacteriology, to the appointment of official Gesundheitskommissionen, Stadtärzte, and Schulärzte� Cities were also the driving force behind the construction of new hospitals in the late nineteenth century, as well as the modernization of existing ones� Large cities also typically maintained their own offices for disinfection; building inspection and certification; and bacteriological, chemical, and food testing� During the Weimar Republic, many cities founded Gesundheitsämter that unified these various forms of municipal public 312 Paul Dobryden health intervention� Hygiene thus became a defining aspect of urban daily life in the early twentieth century, influencing both the practices of individuals as well as the construction and maintenance of the urban environment itself� Moreover, cities were crucial sites of knowledge production, where experts formed institutions, worked across disciplines, and tested theories� This broad understanding of hygiene accords with the notion of social engineering elaborated by historian Thomas Etzemüller, which he describes as a “transnationalen, Disziplinen übergreifenden Versuch, mit künstlichen Mitteln eine verlorene natürliche Ordnung der Gesellschaft wieder zu erschaffen, indem man eine alle gesellschaftlichen Bereiche durchdringende, vernünftige soziale Ordnung entwarf” (30)� Urban hygiene promised to give order to the city and make it manageable, and the order it envisioned would be as natural as it would be artificial� In response to the ambivalence of nature with regard to critiques of urbanization, important city planners, architects, engineers and others in the early twentieth century reconceived the city as an organism� On one hand, the biological model of the organism offered an answer to the city’s perceived separation from nature; while a city may lack green spaces, its interlocking systems of housing, production, traffic, waste removal, and so on, sustain life processes and could be said to possess a kind of natural organicity� At the same time, form was key to the biological notion of organism; calling the city an organism meant drawing attention to its social and spatial unity, (and thus) countering the image of a formless and purposeless struggle for existence between individuals� 2 More than merely describing the city, however, the organic model provided a basis for diagnosis and intervention� In his 1873 lectures “Über den Werth der Gesundheit für eine Stadt,” the chemist and pioneering hygienic thinker Max von Pettenkofer defined health in functional terms: “Gesundheit im Allgemeinen ist eine Summe von organischen Functionen unseres Körpers, deren harmonisches Verhältniss und schmerzloses Zusammenwirken es uns leicht macht, die Zwecke des Lebens zu verfolgen” (1)� This conception of health, based on an understanding of the individual body as an organism, provided a foundation for hygienic expertise across the natural and applied sciences, from chemistry and physics to architecture and engineering� 3 Sociology and statistical demographics also offered crucial resources for understanding the social dimensions of health (see Moser and Fleischhacker)� Projecting this organic-functional conception of health onto the city, urban hygienists saw cities not as unnatural but as organisms out of balance� Through a combination of technological, social, and political interventions, hygiene experts promised to restore a natural balance and organic cohesion to modern society that had been disturbed by industrialization� Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 313 Taken together, all three films work with a visual idiom of ‘urban nature’ to register profound dissatisfaction with capitalist economic relations and their urban environmental effects� The first two films I discuss, Die Stadt von Morgen and Im Strudel des Verkehrs, illustrate how hygiene was envisioned and promoted through a narrative of nature disturbed and then restored: urban hygiene promised to return harmony both to social relations and relations between human beings and nature - relationships that modernization had thrown out of balance� At the same time, we see how hygiene appealed differently to lay and expert audiences� Targeted at a mass urban public, Im Strudel des Verkehrs offered viewers a smoothly functioning city in exchange for obedience to the rules of traffic; speaking more to urban planners and administrators, Die Stadt von Morgen promised the expert audience power over both the unruly masses and powerful economic actors whose pursuit of profit threatened the health of the urban organism� In both films, however, while promising order and social cohesion, the matter of capitalist economy largely remains subtext� In Zeitprobleme, the leftist filmmaker Slatan Dudow takes up the theme of public health grounded in a class analysis of the industrial city, thereby contesting the claim that hygiene, on its own, would be able to produce a harmonious urban organism without addressing economic relations under capital� The 1930 city-planning film Die Stadt von Morgen visualizes the city as organism� Directed by a pair of architects, Maximilian von Goldbeck and Erich Kotzer, and funded by a collection of state, regional, and municipal groups, the film introduces its audiences to modern concepts of regional and city planning� It is structured simply, with the first half dedicated to a critical summary of how urbanization had actually proceeded since the nineteenth century, while the second half envisions an ideal city as it could develop if planned properly� Film historian Thomas Elsaesser ascribes Die Stadt von Morgen to a loose sub-genre of Kulturfilme associated with modern architectural movements of the 1920s, in which “auf exemplarische Weise das Dokumentieren von sozialen Zuständen, das Zeigen von technischen Prozessen und das Propagieren von architektonischen Lösungen miteinander verknüpft sind” (388)� Though representations of urban space abound in Weimar cinema, most (including the second film I will discuss) view it from street level� Die Stadt von Morgen is exceptional in the extent to which it takes its viewer above the fray in order to grasp the city as a coherent whole embedded within the surrounding region� In so doing, we see how urban hygiene pictures an ideal of organic growth whose preconditions must be established through rational planning� The first sequence begins by showing how “unsere Städte und besonders die Großstädte [ ] zu dem wurden, was sie sind: Häusermeere, voll Lärm und 314 Paul Dobryden Qualm, ohne Sonne und Luft�” Die Stadt von Morgen initially frames its intervention within a narrative of modernity alienated from nature� The film’s first images are of a panorama of rolling farmland, a cattle-drawn hay wagon, and a picturesque village, along with the intertitle: “Ruhig und beschaulich lag das Städtchen�” The subsequent urbanization is depicted with a mix of animated aerial views of an exemplary city, population statistics, and illustrative documentary inserts, which serve as visual evidence of what has gone wrong� Typical of landscape preservation and urban reform discourse of the period, these images show crowded train platforms, landscapes despoiled by coal mining, smokestacks and Mietskasernen, children playing in streets and Hinterhöfe� The aerial animations, meanwhile, depict runaway development that crowds out urban green spaces and covers the city in a layer of soot� An intertitle proclaims: “Diese Großstadt macht gesundes Wohnen unmöglich! Nimmt den Menschen den Zusammenhang mit der Natur! Lässt Generationen an Leib und Seele verkümmern! ” Here, nature means green nature, “die freie Natur,” which the first generation of green urban planners saw as vital to the maintenance of human health and sought to restore to industrial cities in various ways (see Lachmund 20-26)� Alongside this depiction of the city’s artificiality in opposition to green nature, however, the film also depicts the process of urbanization as altogether too natural� The animations and intertitles suggest that the problem is not urban development as such - the film is subtitled “Ein Film vom Städtebau” after all - but development without a plan (“planloses Bauen” or “systemlose Entwicklung”)� In the animations, buildings pop up like weeds, colonizing whatever available space is most convenient in the moment� The wild, unchecked growth of the city is driven by unthinking self-interest: economic considerations lead industries to crowd around natural resources, workers to crowd around factories, developers to build on former green spaces, train tracks to be laid on the most direct paths, and so on� This critique of urbanization echoed that of a number of important regional and urban planners, such as Robert Schmidt, who helped pioneer regional planning in the Ruhr area� For such planners, writes Ariane Leendertz, nineteenth-century urbanization had led to cities that were characterized by “eine[m] Verlust an Form, die einzelnen Elemente im Raum hatten begonnen, einander zu ‘stören’, und es fehlte an ‘Ordnung’ und ‘Übereinstimmung’” (130-31)� One senses an implicit rejection of liberal economics in this critique, but couched in functional-biological language that avoids direct reference to political economy and maintains the scientific authority of the expert planner� Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfi lm 315 Figure 1 City planners proposed to give cities form; in conceptualizing urban form, however, they turned to the model of biological organism� Th e city would be an organism whose plan would be laid out in advance, but whose subsequent growth would proceed naturally� Th e second half of the fi lm depicts this process: “wie bewusster Gestaltungswille die Entwicklung der Stadt hätt e leiten können�” We fi rst see the overhead map of the small city whose development turned sour the last time around, returned to its original form� Th en, however, an iris transitions to an even larger map of the entire surrounding area, including neighboring cities and the various waterways, railways, and roads that connect them� Before a plan can be made, the planner requires a holistic knowledge of the geographic, economic, and even geologic characteristics of the region� Th e planner’s exhaustive research is represented by a montage of maps revealing diff erent aspects of the terrain, and statistical tables of economic and demographic data� Returning to the comprehensive map, a male hand enters the frame and draws the new urban plan, designating areas for industry, residential development, roads, railways, a freight depot, an airport, recreational green spaces, agriculture, and forestry� 316 Paul Dobryden Figure 2 Th us far, the fi lm has worked to provide the viewer with a holistic view of urban development as well as a confi dence in the experts who should be tasked with guiding it� According to Leendertz, producing order meant fi rst that urban planners had to create an image of the whole; quoting Robert Schmidt, she writes, “Staat und Verwaltung hatt en sich den neuen, modernen Zeiten anzupassen, mussten das ‘Zeitalter der Froschperspektive’ hinter sich lassen und dem ‘Zeitalter der Luft schiff ahrt und der Vogelperspektive’ gerecht werden” (131)� In the spirit of social engineering’s desire for rational transparency, Die Stadt von Morgen translates the planner’s statistical and cartographic image of the city into cinematic terms� I am tempted to call the fi lm’s use of large-scale animated maps an att empt to off er a literal Vogelperspektive, but they possess a stability, exemplarity, and legibility that aerial photography would not achieve� Instead of indexical authenticity, the animated maps reduce the city to an abstract image of the interlocking systems that determine its life and growth, like an anatomical illustration� Th e city is presented as knowable and therefore manageable, for those with the proper maps and statistics� At the same time, the fi lm only shows each map or table partially, and cuts quickly from one to the next, suggesting that a detailed understanding of the urban organism is beyond the capacity of the average viewer� We are meant to leave planning to the planners, with an awareness that their work is based on extensive empirical data� Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 317 Once the plan is drawn, “planvoll entwickelt sich jetzt die Stadt�” Housing and industry develop separately and within limits; recreational green spaces and surrounding nature preserves are easily accessible; public transportation connects homes with factories, while industrial and express traffic is routed to avoid passing through residential and business zones� Allotted its proper place within the whole, each of the urban organism’s sub-systems performs its work without interfering with the others� An intertitle declares: “Bewusste Gestaltung, nicht mehr ‘das freie Spiel der Kräfte’ schafft so ein organisches Stadtgebilde�” The urban planner’s design guarantees the orderliness of life in the city, as a now-absent God once guaranteed the order of nature� The “Stadtgebilde” is an artificial organism, ordered in its spatial form and growth in time� Die Stadt von Morgen’s vision of urban organicism stands in implicit opposition to a sense, shared across lines of political division, that industrial cities were profoundly disordered� This sense is crystallized in the film’s ironic invocation of ‘das freie Spiel der Kräfte,’ a phrase originally associated with critiques of liberal free market economics, but which by 1900 was also deployed to signal the purported meaninglessness and disorder implied by a Darwinian worldview� For the anti-liberal right, unregulated capital upset divinely ordained - and therefore natural - hierarchies within human society, while Darwin threatened to undo the very notion of a natural order planned by God� From this perspective, the “Stadtgebilde” proposed in Die Stadt von Morgen could appeal as a way to maintain social hierarchies within a pseudo-natural order modeled on the organism� From the left, some accused Darwin of projecting a liberal economic ideology onto nature in positing a universal “struggle for life” between individuals, providing scientific cover for structures of exploitation that were in no way natural� 4 In this light, the promise of urban hygiene lay in its call to subordinate profit to the biological necessities of those living in the city: their need for housing, sunlight, clean air and water, and green spaces for recreation� At the same time, the organic model offered an image of naturalness rooted, at least potentially, in cooperation and solidarity rather than competition� The way the film compresses time when demonstrating urban growth is crucial to Die Stadt von Morgen’s depiction of the city as an organism� In speeding up relatively slow processes to make them visible to the viewer, the film’s animations resemble time-lapse photography, which was popular in the Weimar Kulturfilm for showing processes of organic growth� In an article on slow-motion and time-lapse photography in an anthology of texts by Kulturfilm producers, K� Krüger noted that the effect provided “einen guten Gesamtüberblick über sehr langsam verlaufende Erscheinungen” and had been used to produce images “vom Entstehen der Kristalle, vom Aufblühen der Blumen [ ] neuerdings sogar von der Entwicklung der Lebewesen in Eiern, vom Wuchern der Krebszellen, von 318 Paul Dobryden chemischen Reaktionen, von der Wirksamkeit der weißen Blutkörperchen, dem Wachstum neuer Gewebe [ ]” (193)� Time-lapse images of plant growth were especially popular, such that the 1925 film Das Blumenwunder built a feature-length story around them (see Blankenship)� Analogous to the regional maps that allow the viewer to grasp the city as a coherent geographical whole, Die Stadt von Morgen’s time-compressed sequences of urbanization lend these processes a semblance of orderliness� By adapting a technique associated with organic growth, the film depicts planned urban development as both natural and controlled� Die Stadt von Morgen’s final minute shows the results of urban planning in human terms� We leave the animated map behind in favor of images of people in idealized urban surroundings: “Hier kann der Mensch in sonnigen und luftigen Wohnungen ein gesundes Leben führen, in unmittelbarem Zusammenhang mit der Natur�” In every shot, the built environment contains elements of (green) nature - people stroll along a tree-lined street, a couple tends to chickens being raised in a courtyard, families relax in gardens and grassy yards� Images of young children and babies recur insistently� The final five shots of the film consist of a toddler on a blanket, a baby playing in a large outdoor crib, two shots of a group of babies playing on a blanket in the grass, and a baby in a carriage in front of a row of flowering bushes� These images reveal the biopolitical thrust of urban hygiene, which sought to remake the city in service of improving the health - and ultimately the size - of the population� Given the previously unthinkable numbers of young men killed and injured in WWI, malnutrition due to rationing and food shortages, and deadly epidemics at home and on the front, health and population became central to discussions of Germany’s postwar recovery� If Germany’s economic (and, implicitly, military) power relied on the strength of its laboring population, urban hygiene proposed to strengthen the nation through rational planning� As with its notion of an “organisches Stadtgebilde,” however, it is important to stress the political multivalence of Die Stadt von Morgen’s concluding images of a healthy population� On one hand, the film heralds an industrial city in which everyone, regardless of class, might have access to living conditions adequate to their biological needs and enjoy the type of healthy life promoted in hygiene discourse� On the other hand, the period’s racial imaginary could have inflected how viewers understood who belonged to ‘the population,’ as well as who was most valued within that population� With its primary focus on living conditions rather than bodily degeneration, Die Stadt von Morgen shows its indebtedness to a pre-war tradition of social reform, but by 1930 this tradition was on the wane� “Compared to the first decade of the twentieth century, the discourse on social hygiene had changed by the early 1930s,” note Moser and Fleischacker� “The disconnection of social hygiene from progressive social reform was accompanied Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 319 by the rising influence of medical-biological thinking on social hygiene” (156)� Die Stadt von Morgen’s final shots of healthy, happy children thus also resonate in a context of post-WWI anxiety over birthrates, the demographic composition of the German population, and the racial ‘degeneration’ (Entartung) associated with urban modernity� Examining health as an effect of hereditary factors and constitution, racial hygienists imagined health in opposition to ‘sickliness,’ ‘frailty,’ and congenital physical and cognitive disabilities, whose incidence within the population they wished to reduce� Racial hygienists, too, advocated for the “introduction of favorable hygienic conditions for the industrial and urban population,” as Alfred Ploetz wrote in 1910, precisely because the city’s unfavorable conditions were thought to cause racial degeneration (qtd� in Weiss 208)� Die Stadt von Morgen does not explicitly deploy the language of racial hygiene, but its concluding emphasis on non-disabled, white children does not foreclose reading the film in these terms� One’s understanding of whom the city was for, and of who would or should benefit from its healthy functioning, depended on how one imagined its proper inhabitants and their place within a national Volkskörper� As Michael Cowan writes, Weimar-era filmmakers like Walther Ruttmann and Svend Noldan, who produced Die Stadt von Morgen, used “film itself as a medium of biopolitical intervention,” making films that sought to improve the health of the population by spreading hygienic knowledge (100). This goal is more readily apparent in films that offered viewers advice about how to conduct their everyday lives, with regard to household cleanliness, sexual health, or accident prevention (as in the film I discuss in the following section)� Die Stadt von Morgen does not provide hygiene advice of this kind, and, although the directors made overtures to a mass public, Jeanpaul Goergen notes that the film was mainly shown for audiences with a professional interest in urban planning (116)� From a hygienic perspective, it is more important that the average viewer wash their hands than conceive of themselves as part of an urban organism (though this might help them understand why handwashing is good); the intended audience is more plausibly the educated and political classes that would have the power, directly or indirectly, to help produce an organically functioning city if they viewed it as such� By contrast, the traffic safety film Im Strudel des Verkehrs aims to provide practical advice for a broad audience, as indicated by its subtitle: “Ein Film für Jedermann�” Framed as a pedagogical lecture addressed to its audience, the film consists of short scenes, by turns comic and tragic, which demonstrate both proper street conduct as well as the consequences of disregarding the rules of the road� Written by Willy Rath and directed by Leo Peukert for Ufa’s Kulturfilm division, Im Strudel des Verkehrs premiered in November 1925� While Die Stadt von Morgen depicts urbanization as an organic process that proceeds in 320 Paul Dobryden an orderly fashion once the planner has done his work, Im Strudel des Verkehrs shows how the urban organism must be kept in balance through myriad acts of individual self-discipline, and, failing that, police enforcement� Rather than cartographic abstraction, the film shows us how the city works at street level� Following a brief introduction by the film’s internal narrator, Im Strudel des Verkehrs begins with a comic depiction of motorization’s effect on the urban environment� “Welteroberer Motor schuf in kaum 25 Jahren das Zeitalter des Kraftverkehrs,” the narrator announces� We see a street from the year 1900, in which pedestrians wonder at the appearance of an automobile; the film then flashes forward to the present, where cars surround a bewildered old man like sharks circling prey in the water� This dystopian image, however comic, is reinforced by the image that follows� “Auf seinem Wege um den Erdball kam Moloch Verkehr,” an intertitle states, “auch zu uns�” A monstrous incarnation of traffic - a giant robotic figure apparently composed of automobiles and train cars, animated in stop-motion - invades a busy metropolitan square and collapses, halting the flow of vehicles and pedestrians� This introduces the film’s central concern: “Der nicht ganz gebändigte Riese zeigt uns dennoch täglich und stündlich seine Schreckensgestalt: den Unfall! ” Together, these introductory scenes contain the ambivalence with regard to nature that I described above: on one hand, motor traffic disturbs an earlier, more harmonious and thus more natural way of life; on the other, motorization is depicted as a terrifying Naturgewalt beyond human control� The latter image is what allows it, and hygiene discourse more generally, to describe the injury and death that occurs in city streets as accidental� By portraying traffic as an inevitable part of city life, death on the street is naturalized� The film’s concern with accidents places it in the realm of hygiene discourse, though this may not have been obvious to its contemporary viewers� While hygiene experts had successfully raised public awareness of epidemic diseases and how to prevent them from spreading, some warned that accidents had not received nearly enough attention� In an article arguing for the use of film to promote accident prevention, Curt Thomalla noted that “Governments, public utility organizations of every kind, technical and professional associations and the schools regard it as their duty to cooperate in safeguarding public health and in spreading the necessary doctrines throughout the length and breadth of the land� The same, however, does not apply to the prevention of accidents� The mass of the people are unfamiliar even with the use of the term; it has no exact meaning for them�” (954) This was the case despite the fact that “the totality of accidents claim [sic] more victims and result in a larger number of deaths than the gravest epidemics” (954)� Thomalla was a physician and an important figure in Ufa’s Kulturfilm division as founder of its Medical Film Archive (see Killen, Homo Cinematicus)� Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 321 In the years after the war, Thomalla collaborated on numerous public hygiene films, on topics such as malnutrition, sexually transmitted diseases, tuberculosis, infant care, and more� By the late 1920s, Thomalla understood accidents as part of the larger project of hygienic reform, and served as the organizational director of the 1928 Reichs-Unfallverhütungswoche in Hamburg, a weeklong event devoted to accident prevention� Thomalla gathered thirty films for the event that addressed the problem of accidents in the workplace, at home, and on the street (Thomalla 951-53)� In 1924, the psychologist Karl Tramm argued that film and other visual propaganda could prevent accidents and save lives if they answered the following questions “in auffälliger und allgemein verständlicher Weise”: “1) Wie ereignen sich Unfälle, 2) wodurch werden Unfälle verursacht, 3) wie können Unfälle durch überlegtes Denken und Handeln vermieden werden? ” (149)� Inspired by campaigns in the United States and England, Tramm suggested numerous strategies for raising and maintaining awareness of the dangers of accidents, from standardized warning symbols and simple Schlagworte (like “safety first”) to emotional appeals and comic exaggeration (particularly for youth)� Im Strudel des Verkehrs employs all of these, addressing the variety of ways one might put oneself or others at risk on the road, whether as a pedestrian, a driver, or a passenger� The film cautions children against playing in the street; urges pedestrians to use sidewalks and crosswalks; warns drivers not to speed or consume alcohol; and admonishes train and streetcar passengers for attempting to board or exit vehicles while they are still moving� The tone careens wildly from comic vignettes of distraction or carelessness - such as when someone discards a banana peel on the street, causing a man to slip and nearly be run over - to scenes of tragic recklessness, including a woman who commits vehicular manslaughter and subsequently kills herself� In the course of the film, we learn the standardized gestures used by the Schutzpolizei (Schupo) to direct traffic, as well as handy rhyming mnemonics for pedestrians� By imparting rules and techniques for preventing accidents in specific situations, Im Strudel des Verkehrs aims to provide knowledge that is directly useful to its viewers� Like Die Stadt von Morgen, however, the film labors to convince the audience of the efficacy of hygienic intervention guided by expert knowledge - in the first place, this means establishing the legitimacy of film itself as a pedagogical tool� Following the Moloch Verkehr sequence, an intertitle informs us that “Praktische Propaganda, der z� B� in New York [ ] das Zurückgehen der Verluste an Kindesleben von 30 auf 16 monatlich zu danken ist, belehrt jetzt auch die deutschen Schulkinder�” A “besonders beauftragte[r] Polizeioffizier” then presents a traffic safety film to a class of schoolchildren, providing commentary as it plays� 322 Paul Dobryden Figure 3 For educated German audiences, film was still of dubious pedagogical value, and, like Tramm in his plea for safety awareness campaigns, Im Strudel des Verkehrs highlights the apparent efficacy of such propaganda in the U�S� In pedagogical contexts, it was common for Kulturfilme to be accompanied by a lecturer, whose expertise could guide the audience’s understanding of the film� In this scene, the presence of the police officer assuages anxiety over the filmic medium’s dangerously suggestive influence, ensuring that the pupils will avoid rather than imitate the bad behavior they witness on screen� For those watching Im Strudel des Verkehrs, this function is served by the internal narrator, who declares at the beginning of the film “Ich habe vom Polizeipräsidium, Berlin, den ehrenvollen Auftrag, Ihnen einen Vortrag zu halten�” At the end of the classroom scene, the children rush to the podium to shake the police officer’s hand� In addition to promoting the use of film as a tool for urban hygiene pedagogy, the film assures us of the competency and goodwill of traffic police� Bolstering trust in experts and those responsible for producing and maintaining order was a central feature of urban hygiene projects, and the management of traffic was no different� 5 One of Im Strudel des Verkehrs’ longer sequences depicts the training and testing of prospective traffic police� We see one recruit at a tachistoscope as a training officer tests his speed at recognizing signals; another officer explaining one-way streets to a group of recruits in front of a massive scale model of the center of Berlin; recruits practicing gestures to Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 323 guide traffic; and finally training on a mock intersection with real pedestrians, carriages, and cars� These scenes aim to bolster confidence in the authority of the police and the rules of the road, which constitute a regulating superego with regard to the otherwise natural disorder of the street� The Dortmund police, which had edited their own copy of Im Strudel des Verkehrs for use in schools, saw traffic safety education as an opportunity to improve the image of police generally in the eyes of children� After an outdoor safety lesson near a police station, the class would be invited to tour the premises� “Das Motiv dieser Einladung,” the head of the Dortmund Schutzpolizei explained, “liegt darin, Polizei und Jugend einander näher zu bringen� Die Jugend soll einmal einen Einblick darin erhalten, was moderne Polizei bedeutet, sie soll zum andern erkennen, daß die Polizeiunterkunft nicht die Höhle des Löwen ist, sondern daß die dort wohnende uniformierte Polizei zu ihren besten Freunden rechnet” (Kade 594)� Im Strudel des Verkehrs likewise pursues the double strategy of offering lessons in traffic safety while also legitimizing the authority of those imparting it� After learning about how traffic police are trained, we see them in action, in two staged scenes that reveal another dimension to the film’s view of urban traffic as excessively natural� The film cuts from the police training field to shots of cats and dogs fighting: “[S]o lieben sie sich: Fußvolk und fahrend Volk�” This is followed by two scenes of traffic conflict resolved by police� In the first, presumably set in the nineteenth century, two women converse in the street and block the path of a horse-drawn carriage� The two parties argue until “Herr Wachtmeister” arrives to sort things out� We then witness an identical scene set in the present, in which the carriage is now a car and the Wachtmeister is a modern Schupo� By framing the sequence with fighting animals, traffic is portrayed as a site of natural aggression, in which the egoistic pursuit of self-interest leads to conflict� At the same time, as domestic animals, dogs and cats can potentially be tamed by an external authority� The traffic cop thus functions to ensure the smooth flow of traffic by taming the selfish, animalistic impulses of pedestrians and drivers� The policeman is an agent of culture that mediates between conflicting interests, enforcing lawfulness against the threat of descent into the Darwinian struggle for life� Seen at a distance, as in the film’s opening, traffic appears as a force of nature whose risks can only be managed, not eliminated� On the ground, as in this sequence, Im Strudel des Verkehrs portrays traffic accidents as the expression of a sometimes brutal war of all against all that characterizes urban life, but which can be tamed by the introduction of a cultural superego� In these two vignettes, at least, the dynamics of traffic regulation are gendered� Both depict women disturbing traffic by engaging in activities more suited to the domestic sphere: in the first, gossiping; in the second, applying makeup� Urban authority, by contrast, is embodied by male figures� The sequence offers 324 Paul Dobryden one example of the many ways that gender structured hygiene discourse, and how women were conceived as subjects in special need of hygienic education, particularly in matters of household labor, sexuality, and the care of children� While most of these concerns related to the role of women in the home, Im Strudel des Verkehrs shows how women’s exclusion from the public sphere put them under special hygienic scrutiny when they appeared there, as well - in this case, because they were presumed to be unfamiliar with navigating urban traffic, akin to children playing in the street� In this way, the film implies that the transition from nature to culture on the urban street involves internalizing a hygienic gaze that is coded as masculine� Ultimately the film wishes to inculcate such a superego in its viewer, first by modeling ways that pedestrians can (literally) watch out for others, and then by encouraging self-critique� In an early scene, a man catches a woman as she falls out of a passing streetcar, and teaches her a rhyme that explains the correct way to disembark� However, the man is infatuated to the point of distraction, and must in turn be rescued by a young boy, who teaches the man how to properly cross the street� This scene and others like it display ordinary pedestrians acting as traffic cops, watching out, helping in moments of need, and educating others� Furthermore, the man’s watchfulness in one moment and distraction in the next emphasize the need for constant self-monitoring and the repression of instinct� Later, an extended comic sequence depicts a man from the country unsuccessfully attempting to navigate Potsdamer Platz, engaging in one risky gambit after another� We are encouraged to laugh at this rube, whose knowledge of modern traffic is obviously inferior to ours� The sequence ends, however, with a clever reversal of the gaze, when the lecturer says: “Ja, meine Damen und Herren, Sie belächeln diesen unbeholfenen Provinzler� Hand aufs Herz - handeln Sie nicht manchmal ebenso kopflos? ” Andreas Killen’s summary of the Weimar-era response to the problem of workplace accidents applies equally to traffic, and this film in particular: “Accident safety meant internalizing a new gaze, one that was, first and foremost, directed inward” (“Accidents Happen” 84)� Through adopting such a gaze, the film implies, culture can replace nature both at the individual level and with regard to traffic as a whole� At the same time, the film implies that self-discipline and vigilance is what will integrate society into a balanced and harmonious whole - in other words, it will help produce the city as functioning organism, rather than a field of conflicting interests� As Fack writes, quoting traffic safety evangelist Wilhelm Vonolfen, “Der Gemeinschaftsgeist, das soziale Eingliederungsvermögen der Einzelpersönlichkeit galt allgemein als Grundvoraussetzung erfolgreicher Verkehrserziehung� Als Mittel zur Verwirklichung der Gemeininteressen in einer ‘organischen Plan- und Zweckmäßigkeit’ wurde die Bildung des Einzelnen gesehen [ ]” (272)� Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 325 The film’s final image stresses the individual’s Eingliederung into society as a whole� As if to test our skills of visual apprehension like the traffic police undergoing psychotechnic training earlier in the film, the internal narrator asks: “Und nun zum Schluß - schenken Sie mir noch einmal Ihre gespannteste Aufmerksamkeit für die nun folgenden Worte�” We then see a composite shot� A traffic cop stands in the center, stretching the entire height of the frame, while smaller scenes of traffic are superimposed on each side of him; the superimposed scenes sometimes overlap, but no collision interrupts the smooth flow of pedestrians, cars, carts, streetcars, and trains� All the while, to the policeman’s right, as if looming behind him, the faint image of a skeleton plays a violin� Text fades in around the policeman, summarizing the film’s message: “Allein schaffen wir es trotzdem nicht! Helfe jeder durch Besonnenheit und Aufmerksamkeit - dann wird es keinen Unfall mehr geben�” These final words emphasize traffic safety as a collective endeavor, while the surrounding traffic montage offers an image of the city as a well-functioning (if complex) organism� The authority and expertise of the traffic police work together with the specter of death to mediate conflicting interests and ensure the orderliness of urban space� Figure 4 Urban hygiene’s organic rhetoric helped give it an apolitical facade� The idea that urbanization did not necessarily have to be in conflict with nature helped blunt criticisms of capitalism, and health appealed as an ideal across the political spec- 326 Paul Dobryden trum� Die Stadt von Morgen and Im Strudel des Verkehrs both maintain an apolitical front, proposing an apparently universal, technocratic vision of an organically functioning community� Of course, urban hygiene was political in its appeals and effects� It drew on a widespread dissatisfaction with unfettered capitalism and industrialization, whose urban environmental effects had become so tangible� Its benefits were material and could be broadly enjoyed, especially by those who bore the brunt of industrialization’s health impacts� Perhaps even more fundamentally, it helped expand the field of the political by articulating and publicizing what we now call questions of health and environmental justice� From a different angle, we might say urban hygiene contributed to the biopoliticization of society, whereby populational health became an object of surveillance and management by experts and the state� While producing modern hygienic subjects, urban hygiene also left the stratification of society along lines of class, gender, and race largely unquestioned� The notion of an urban organism naturalized social segmentation and hierarchy, but in a way that masked social antagonism, implying that particular groups were like organs with specific roles to fulfill in in the shared interest of the organism as a whole� As we have seen in Die Stadt von Morgen and Im Strudel des Verkehrs, urban hygiene films provided audiences images of this larger organism and helped them internalize the rules proper to their place within it� In this concluding section, I will examine an explicitly political film, Slatan Dudow’s Zeitprobleme: Wie der Arbeiter wohnt, which adapts themes and tropes of more mainstream hygiene rhetoric in order to contest them in key ways� Dudow’s 1930 short film was intended to be the first installment of a newsreel series for Weltfilm, a film production and distribution company founded by the Internationale Arbeiterhilfe. With Soviet assistance, the IAH and its director Willi Münzenberg worked to build a modern left public sphere, and film was a central part of those efforts (see Silberman)� Dudow’s Zeitprobleme offers an instructive contrast to the films discussed in the previous sections, by revealing the particularity of those films’ organic urbanism, as well as the broad circulation of hygiene discourse, which, as Corinne Treitel writes of biopolitics generally, was “immensely flexible in its goals and political alliances” (10)� Zeitprobleme aims to document the poor living conditions in working-class neighborhoods, opening with the intertitle: “In den Mietskasernen der Millionenstadt müssen sich mehrere Familien eine lichtlose, ungesunde Wohnung teilen� Feuchte Kellerwohnungen rauben dem Arbeiter die Gesundheit� Den Kindern vernichtet das Wohnungselend die Lebenskraft�” Before documenting unhygienic worker housing, the film offers an economic context, emphasizing the rampant unemployment and rent increases in the midst of the world economic crisis� A series of brief sequences follows - working-class and bourgeois neighborhoods in Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfi lm 327 Berlin juxtaposed through editing; unhealthy tenement courtyards and a crowded, shallow pool for children, which intertitles refer to ironically as “die Gartenanlagen für Proletarier” and “unsere Ostsee,” respectively; a comparison between the lives of a working-class family and their landlord; and, fi nally, an eviction enforced by the police� While containing many images of tenement housing and courtyards similar to those seen in Die Stadt von Morgen, Dudow’s fi lm interprets these conditions as an expression of class exploitation� In Die Stadt von Morgen, the overcrowding and poor hygiene of working-class housing are portrayed as emerging naturally in the course of unplanned urbanization; in Zeitprobleme, they are part of a human story of exploitation, in which there are perpetrators and victims� Formally, Zeitprobleme’s use of editing distinguishes it from the other fi lms I have discussed so far� In the spirit of Eisensteinian montage, editing is used to create confl ict rather than smooth it over, which ultimately gives the fi lm a fundamentally diff erent temporality than Die Stadt von Morgen or Im Strudel des Verkehrs� Two sequences stand out in this regard� In the fi rst, the fi lm cuts between shots of long rows of tenement housing, framed on the right, and a pleasant “Villenviertel” of modern homes with grass and trees, framed on the left � Editing thus creates an imaginary space of confrontation, with hygienic urban design on the ‘left ’ and the working-class neighborhoods on the ‘right’ - spaces that are actually segregated in the urban landscape but brought into confl ict through fi lmic means� Figure 5 328 Paul Dobryden Figure 6 Th e second likewise joins two scenes separated in space, a working-class family sharing a meal in a dark basement apartment, while their landlord bathes and feeds his dog� Th e dog, ironically, is given more hygienic care than the family, implying that capitalist greed has turned the natural order on its head� In both sequences, the fi lm points to actually existing contradictions, a stark contrast to how similar images are ordered in the more typical hygiene fi lms� Die Stadt von Morgen, for example, arranges its images of ‘bad’ and ‘good’ environmental conditions into a historical progression - unplanned urbanization has led to an unhygienic present, but a hygienic future can be achieved through careful planning� Th ere is no such narrative of hygienic progress in Zeitprobleme� Th e science of hygiene may reveal a particular dimension of how capitalist exploitation is expressed, but cannot alone provide the solution� Th is is refl ected in the fi lm’s att itude toward expertise and state authority as well� Unlike the other fi lms, Zeitprobleme is unconcerned with bolstering confi dence in hygienic expertise� Expert knowledge is useful to the extent that it can diagnose inequalities of health and their intersection with environmental conditions, but the fi lm does not portray urban hygiene as a success story of modernization� At most, it has been a success only for some, not for the majority� Police, likewise, do not function to mediate confl icting interests, but to uphold class domination� At the end of the fi lm, a family is evicted from their Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 329 apartment, and when a neighbor attempts to resist, police arrive to remove him and enforce the landlord’s property rights� Zeitprobleme foregrounds existing social tensions while refusing to imply that medical expertise or agents of the state could resolve them� Anticipating his work with Bertolt Brecht on the film Kuhle Wampe, Dudow argued in Die Weltbühne that a filmmaker “hat nicht mehr einfach die Fabel dramatisch zu steigern, er muß die für die weitere Entwicklung wichtigsten, in den Vorgängen enthaltenen Widersprüche aufzeigen” (956)� The film’s final intertitle: “Das ist keine Lösung! ” In this the film reveals its fundamentally different orientation toward urban conflict, which it figures in class terms� In the Darwinian Existenzkampf envisioned in Die Stadt von Morgen or Im Strudel des Verkehrs, conflict plays out between individual egos struggling to achieve personal advantage� The solution to such conflict involves, on the one hand, planning and regulation by mediating authorities, which present themselves as objective mediators external to the otherwise reigning war of all against all, and, on the other, the individual’s own self-discipline� Success would be measured in functional terms, according to the biological health and reproduction of the population of the whole� Conflicts internal to the healthy urban organism are immaterial, as long as they do not interfere with health and reproduction� From the perspective offered in Zeitprobleme, the organic urbanist utopia proposed in Die Stadt von Morgen would be incomplete, since the city would still be characterized by capitalist exploitation, no matter how healthy the working population might become� At best, planners and doctors and police serve to stabilize the city’s contradictory class interests, not solve them� Given its class-based view of urban conflict, nature functions differently within Zeitprobleme’s discourse on urban hygiene as well� The film contains images that, in isolation, would seem to invoke the urban Existenzkampf witnessed in other hygiene films� One sequence focuses on children, showing them at play in desolate tenement courtyards and busy streets, before the sequence’s climax depicts two children fighting in a sandy playground� While this resonates with the “cats and dogs” of Im Strudel des Verkehrs, Zeitprobleme’s economic framing of urban environmental problems ensures that we do not view this as the children’s “natural state�” Their seemingly animal aggression is thoroughly artificial, a result of the man-made conditions in which they have been forced to live� The film thus invokes nature as part of a dialectical critique of the urban environment under capitalism, or to draw attention to the working class’s lack of access to green space, as in the ironic references to “die Gartenanlagen der Proletarier” or “unsere Ostsee�” Furthermore, as an oppositional film, Zeitprobleme does not adopt the notion of an urban organism, as this would imply a false harmony between fundamentally opposed economic classes� 330 Paul Dobryden The film’s investment in health as an ideal indicates the extent to which hygiene discourse offered a language with which actors in varying social and political contexts could think through questions of collectivity, space, and the nature of the modern city� For urban planners, architects, traffic scientists, and other experts in urban space, the city’s nature was one of conflict and struggle, which was waiting to be given form through expertise and regulation - a form that would produce another kind of naturalness, that of a harmonious and balanced organism� For leftists like Dudow, hygiene could serve to articulate some of the material effects of capitalist exploitation, but images of urban nature, whether as Existenzkampf or as organism, were neither the starting point nor the goal� All three of the films discussed in this essay agree that the city should not be a site of Darwinian struggle� For the racial hygienists that would take a pivotal role in the administration of public health in Germany after 1933, urban modernity was simply not Darwinian enough� In their reasoning, the material abundance, technologies, and medical advances of modern civilization had rendered the principle of natural selection inoperative, leading to racial degeneration� The economic crisis initiated significant cuts to welfare and other public provisions, making expansive reform schemes like the one presented in Die Stadt von Morgen seem hopelessly out of reach; National Socialism, finally, foreclosed its inclusionary potential� Under the Nazis, “public health was reorganized on a racial basis” (Weindling 496)� German racial hygiene’s valorization of the ‘Nordic’ or ‘Aryan’ type as against Jewish and other European or non-European peoples, along with its devaluation of those with chronic illness or disabilities, became the principles for selective eugenic measures such as marriage bans, forced sterilization, and murder by the state� Health care, as Paul Weindling writes, was selectively applied “to promote a Nordic elite, which would lead a purged but a fitter and healthier nation to military victories� Physical capacity (Leistung) and mental vigour were the criteria for a hierarchical and functional reorganizing of society” (490)� Urban hygiene was biopolitics at one remove, which worked to reshape the material environment and the distribution of the population within it; racial hygiene operated on the population directly, striving to make race and population coincide by more or less violently removing “‘alien parasites’” and “‘cancerous growths’ in the German body politic” (ibid�)� Notes 1 On the history of hygiene discourse and its relationship to public health, see Labisch (1992) and Sarasin (2001)� Teaching Urban Hygiene in the Weimar Kulturfilm 331 2 This was common to social engineering projects: “‘Gemeinschaft’ wurde wie eine Pflanze oder ein Lebewesen als Organismus begriffen; und wenn die Zoologie den Beweis erbrachte, dass Tiere in Gemeinschaften lebten, dies also der Natur gemäß war, so konnte ‘Gemeinschaft’ als Norm auch für menschliche Verbände postuliert werden” (Etzemüller 23)� 3 On the history of the biological concept of organism as an interlocking system of organic functions in relation to its environment, see Nyhart (2009) and Toepfer (2011)� 4 In 1909, Czech biologist and historian of science Emanuel Rádl wrote of Darwin: “Im Sinne der nationalökonomischen Theorien hielt er die ganze lebendige Natur für eine Gesellschaft, für einen Staat, der aus nach eigenen Trieben handelnden Tieren und Pflanzen besteht” (129)� Friedrich Engels offers a similar account in Dialektik der Natur� 5 When carrying out housing inspections, for instance, Weyls Handbuch der Hygiene declared that inspectors “müssen als Freund und Berater, nicht als Vollziehungsbeamter zu den Leuten kommen,” and recommended that women be included as part of any municipal inspection force: “In der Wohnungsaufsicht macht sich ihre besondere Begabung, durch persönlichen Einfluß alles auf gütlichem Wege zu erzielen, [ ] die man nie von polizeilichen Organen, selten im vollen Umfange von männlichen Berufsorganen erwarten kann” (Rath 64)� Works Cited Blankenship, Janelle� “‘Film-Symphonie vom Leben und Sterben der Blumen’: Plant Rhythm and Time-Lapse Vision in Das Blumenwunder�” Intermédialités 16 (2010): 83-103� Cowan, Michael� Walter Ruttmann and the Cinema of Multiplicity: Avant-Garde - Advertising - 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