Codex Calixtinus.indd 1 Codex Calixtinus.indd 1 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 The Codex Calixtinus and ehe Shrine of St.James Codex Calixtinus.indd 2 Codex Calixtinus.indd 2 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 J akobus-Studien 3 im Auftrag der Deutschen St. Jakobus-Gesellschaft herausgegeben von Klaus Herbers und Robert Plätz Codex Calixtinus.indd 3 Codex Calixtinus.indd 3 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 John Williams / Alison Stones (eds.) The Codex Calixtinus and the Shrine of St.James ~ Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen Codex Calixtinus.indd 4 Codex Calixtinus.indd 4 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme The Codex Calixtinus and the shrine of St. James / John Williams ; Alison Stones (ed.). -Tübingen: Narr, 1992 Oakobus-Studien ; 3) ISBN 3-8233-4004-2 NE : Williams, John [Hrsg .]; GT © 1992 · Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen Dischingerweg 5 · D-7400 Tübingen 5 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwer tung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Da s gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspe icherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Gedruckt auf säurefreiem und alterungsbeständigem Werkdruckpapier. Druck: Müller+ Bass, Tübingen Verarbeitung : Braun+ Lamparter , Reutlingen Printed in Germany ISSN 0934-8611 ISBN 3-8233-4004-2 Codex Calixtinus.indd 5 Codex Calixtinus.indd 5 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Contents Preface JoHN WII.LIAMS Introduction MANDELDfAz Y DfAz El CodexCalixtinus: Volviendo sobre el Tema KLAus BERBERS The Miracles of St. James ROBERT PLöTZ VII IX 1 11 Peregrinatioad Limina SanctiJacobi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 EUZABETII A.R. BROWN Saint-Denis and the Turpin Legend THEODOR HAusclllLD Archeology and the Tomb of St. James MICHELHUGLO Les Pieces notees du CodexCalixtinus HENDRIK V AN DER WERF The Polyphonie Music AusoN SToNEs The Decoration and Illumination of the CodexCalixtinusat 51 89 105 125 Santiago de Compostela . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 JAMES D'EMILIO The Building and the Pilgrim's Guide SERAFIN MoRALEJo The CodexCalixtinusas an Art-Historical Source Commentators RICHARD LANDES The Absence of St. Martial of Limoges from the Pilgrims' Guide: 185 207 A Note Based on Work in Progress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231 WALTERCAHN Comments on the Question of Illumination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 V Codex Calixtinus.indd 6 Codex Calixtinus.indd 6 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 LARRY M. AYREs The Illumination of the CodexCa/ ixtinus: A Norman Dimension 245 THOMAS w. LYMAN The Guide's Language: Some Subtext in a Wider Context . . . . . . . . . . . . 255 MARrr.. YN STOKST AD Comments on the CodexCa/ ixtinus as Art-Historical Source . . . . . . . . . . 261 VI Codex Calixtinus.indd 7 Codex Calixtinus.indd 7 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Preface The Colloquium on The Codex Calixtinus and the Shrine of Saint James was undertaken on the initiative of the Henry Clay Frick Department ofFine Arts of the University of Pittsburgh and the Friends of the Frick Fine Arts. Neither the Colloquium nor the present volume would have been possible without a generous subvention from the Helen Clay Frick Foundation. Essential, as well, was support from the University, especially its University Center for International Studies, and from the Program for Cultural Cooperation between Spain's Ministry of Culture and United States' Universities. The Central Research Fund generously awarded us a publication subvention. We welcome this occasion to acknowledge the enthusiastic cooperation of The Pittsburgh Camerata, under the direction of Gayle Kirkwood, in undertaking a concert of the music of the CodexCalixtinus, and its success in performing it. Aid from the R.K. Mellon Family Foundation made this enhancement of the prögram possible. The cooperation and help of the faculty and graduale students of the Department of Fine Arts, especially Andrea Poole and Elizabeth Peterson among the latter, are also gratefully recognized. Finally, it should be acknowledged that the enthusiasm of the conferees was crucial to the success of the colloquium and the determination to see the papers published . We hope this volume in some measure meets their expectations. John Williams Alison Stones VII Codex Calixtinus.indd 8 Codex Calixtinus.indd 8 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Codex Calixtinus.indd 9 Codex Calixtinus.indd 9 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Introduction Jmrn Wrr.UAMs Tue papers of this volume are the result of a colloquium held at the University of Pittsburgh 3-5 November, 1988 on the topic of 'The Codex Calixtinus and the Shrine of St. James'. By the early twelfth century, the relics of St. James Major, apostle of Spain, beneath the high altar in the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela were being enclosed in a splendid building adomed with monumental sculpture and precious metalwork, and had long been the goal of one of the most popular pilgrimages of the Middle Ages. The five-part compilation of texts and music directed towards the cult of St James is most completely preserved in a luxury illuminated copy, made in the twelfth century, in the Cathedral Archives at Santiago. That manuscript and its contents are known variously as Jacobus, the name given the book on its title page, or, as Walter Muir Whitehill preferred, the Liber Sancti Jacobi, on account of its Jamesian focus, or again, following Manuel C. Diaz y Diaz's most recent monograph which appeared concurrently with the colloquium, 1 the Codex Calixtinus, because substantial parts of all five Books are (falsely) claimed in tituli as the work of Pope Calixtus II; occasionally the title Codex Compostelanus is also used. The issues discussed here are those raised by the cult of St. James and the building that houses his shrine, and on what is said about them in each of the five Books of the Codex Calixtinus. The essays in this publication discuss questions about the music and liturgy in Book I and the musical supplement that follows Book V; the 22 Miracles of St James in Book II and the extra ones in Books I, V and the supplement; the accounts ofthe Translation of St James's relics to Spain in Book III; the legendary account of Charlemagne' s campaigns in Spain attributed to the authorship of Archbishop Torpin of Reims, Book IV; and the last of the five Books, which has come tobe known as the Pilgrim's Guide. The speakers worked from rather general charges, bot the issue of sources for the various components of the Codex Calixtinus (hereafter CC) and its possible archetype, the Liber Sancti Iacobi (hereafter LSI) loomed large and were guided by Diaz y Diaz's seminal monograph, although that publication was available to most of the participants for the first time at the 1988 meeting. But the discussion at the colloquium and the time that has since elapsed have allowed all the speakers a füll opportunity to reflect upon and take acount of Diaz y Diaz's salutary view of the origin of the compilation, presented modestly and without fanfare: Tue most original aspect of [the confection of the l.SI] was not so much its conception as its realization, which had such internal coherence that it succeeded in 1 Manuel C. Dfaz y D{az, EI C6dice Calixtino de la catedral de Santiago: estudio codicol6gico y de contenido, Monografias de Compostellanum 2 (Santiago de Compostela 1988). Dfaz y Dfaz reserves the designation Liber Santi / acobi for the possible archetype from which the Codex Calixtinus, and other versions, may descend; we follow that distinction here. IX Codex Calixtinus.indd 10 Codex Calixtinus.indd 10 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 tricking and misleading [its readers], including modern scholars. Tims the Liber was presented as a product exclusively by French, for the French, with, even, a French mentality, masking itself as extra-Compostelan through exotic and appealing Jamesian traditions, while managing to achieve at the same time a notable literary triumph. 2 lt is a conclusion that has much to recommend it. Where, after all, but at the Apostolic shrine itself would one expect to find the font of such an extraordinary promotion ofthe cultof St James? For, as Diaz points out, theLSI was inspired by .. . a goal less adrnissable [than that of the cult and the pilgrimage] but one worthy and important: that of endowing the see of Compostela with a maximum of honor celestial, pontifical, Frenchat a moment when the ecclesiastical star of Santiago was in decline. 3 The scholarship on the CC has been notably reluctant to credit the peninsula with a decisive hand in its confection. In many accounts Santiago de Compostela seems to have been involved merely as the final repository of the CC, and that almost casually. The culture-bound nature of scholarship certainly had a role in downplaying Santiago's role, but the scant acknowledgement of motive and special interest in the search for the CC's birthplace is all the more striking given the relative weight attached in the scholarly literature to its references to Cluny and Saint-Denis. When, in fac t, it comes to documented Dionysian connections, it is Santiago' s arch rival, the cathedral of Toledo, that is involved, albeit as an indirect result of the Frankish ruler Louis VIl's pilgrimage to the shrine of James . In the course of his retum from Compostela, Louis was received by Alfonso VII of Le6n-Castile and given a magnificent gern with which he enriched the reliquary of the Crown of Thoms at Saint-Denis. As a consequence, Louis prompted Odo ofDeuil, abbot of Saint-Denis, to carry from the abbey's collection to Toledo the arm of the reputed first bishop ofToledo, St. Eugene . 4 In this context the rivalry between Santiago and Toledo went beyond the question of rank and privilege to that of the responsiblity for the evangelization of Spain. According to the legends that grew up at Saint- 2 M. DiAZ y DiAZ, EI C6dice Calixtino (note 1) p. 311: "Lo rnas original de este proyecto no fue tanto su concepci6n corno su realizaci6n, arrancado de una cohesi6n intema suficiente lograda corno para que haya conseguido burlar y despistar incluso a 1a erudici6n rnoderna: presentar el Liber como un producto de solos franceses, con objectivos franceses, e incluso con rnentalidad francesa, que llev6 a perspectivas de apariencia extracornpostelana, y hasta ajenas y distantes de tradiciones jacobeas entrafiables para rnuchos fue una notable proeza literaria." This was not the first clairn for a Cornpostelan origin. See, e.g., A. HÄMBL, Der Pseudo-Turpin von Cornpostela aus dem Nachlaß herausgegeben von Andre de Mandach, Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akad. der Wissenschaft, Phil.-Hist. Kl. (München 1965), p. 7-105 , esp. 19. 3 lbid. p. 314. " .. . late en el wia preocupaci6n rnenos confesble pero digna e irnportante , lade rodear a la sede cornpostelana del rnaxirno arroparniento, celestial, pontificio, frances, en rnomentos dificiles en que iba declinando la estrella eclesiastica de Santiago. " 4 See JUU! SHolW! NI', Chroniques espagnoles et chansons de geste , Le rnoyen ige, 53 (1947) p . 271- 302, esp. 287-91; Er.rwmm A.R. Ba.oWN AND MiO! AEL W. ConmsN, The Twelfth-Century Crusading Window of the Abbey of Saint-Denis, Journal of the Wamurg and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986) p. 1-40, esp. 28-29 . X Codex Calixtinus.indd 11 Codex Calixtinus.indd 11 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Denis, Eugene had brought the Gospel to the peninsula, on order from St. Denis, who had accorded him the rank of Bishop of the Primal See, Toledo . 5 Louis VII made his pilgrimage in 1154, and Toledo received from Abbat Odo the relics of its first bishop in 1156. These are the years that would have seen the gathering, in Diaz y Diaz's view, ofthe collection which became the CC. If it may be argued that the CC only masqueraded as a French product, it did so within a context that makes the distinction of nationality complex. At the time it was composed, the peninsula had relatively recently modified its national liturgy on the basis of an ultrapyrenean standard and was in the process of abandoning its distinctive style of writing in favor of the Frankish (Caroline ). In the realm of art, styles and iconographies had been based for some time on Gallic models. This certainly was true of the great church that rose over the shrine of St. James, which, whatever the outcome of the debate over priority within the 'Pilgrimage Roads School', helped to introduce a foreign-bom architectonic vocabulary to the peninsula. The site of Santiago provides two examples of cultural appropriation that are especially telling for the discussion of the national identity of the CC. One was another literary enterprise, theHistoriaCompostellana, which had been chiefly left in the hands of a canon who was a native of Beauvais. Sculpture supplies the other example. If some catastrophe had caused the reliefs of the tympana of the Platerias doorway to become detached and to wander north of the Pyrenees to reappear in some antique dealer's shop, Toulouse and Conques undoubtedly would be declared their original homes. 6 The thoroughly Frankish character of the CC is not anomalous, even if it does confound the modern tendency to thinks in terms of national identity. The fundamental issue of the widely accepted distinction between the LSI, the hypothetical model, and the CC was not directly addressed in the conference. Even so, its implications for the date of the decoration of the CC caused some tension. For Diaz y Diaz, what began as a possibility has become a reality: the CC is an important copy of an LSI that already had been composed in the form found by the CC. If the LSI can be no earlier than c. 1160, then the CC must have been created c. 1170. This same decade saw the beginning of the completion of a great basilica, with a decorative vocabulary based on contemporaneous developments in Burgundy. This is also the region providing counterparts for the decoration of the CC. However, the parallels repeatedly invoked for the illumination of the CC reach back even to the beginning of the century. Texts were generally copied with great fidelity, but the illumination that accompanies them is not subject to the same strictures. Neither the hypothetical LSI of c. 1160 nor a copy of it should employ 5 For St. Eugene see J. Duao1s,Saint Eugene de Duell, sa personalite et sa culte, Revue benedictine 70 (1960) p. 83-101; BAUDOlßN DE GAIPFll! ll, La legende de saint Eugene de Tolede, martyr a Duell pres de Paris, Analecta Bollandiana 83 (1965) p. 329-49. There is the issue, asa weil, of the relic of St. James' arm at Saint-Denis. See ERJcBoURNAZBL, Suger and the Capetians, in: Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis, A Symposium, ed. Paula Lieber Gerson (New York 1986) p . 55-72, esp. n. 145. 6 In fact, on the strength of the highest scholarly authority a carved head in the Metropolitan Museum in New York was once assigned to Santiago until petrigraphic analysis made its attachment to Saint- Semin de Toulouse mandatory. XI Codex Calixtinus.indd 12 Codex Calixtinus.indd 12 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 such archaic decorative language. On the other band, there is less inherent conflict between the age of the textual materials gathered in the LSI (c. 1140-50) and the style of its illumination. All issues raised by codicology, philology, and paleography aside, the richness, morphology, and style of the illumination make it a very attractive candidate as the original LSI of, say, the 1140' s, a project which, like the Historia Compostelana was not quite finished before Gelmfrez expired. The date of the CC and LSI also involves the issue of sponsorship. lt is true that the decade 1160-1170 was a moment when Santiago enjoyed the active support of its ruler Fernando II (1157-1188). In 1168 the king delivered into Master Matthew' s hands directions for completing the cathedral. lt is true too, that the sources identified for the music and illumination of the CC in the papers of the conference are from the same general zone (namely northern and central France, Normandy and Burgundy) as the architectural vocabulary employed in the western bays when the cathedral was finally finished, and of the illumination. In view of a tendency at the beginning of the Europeanization of hispanic art and music at the end of the eleventh century to borrow from the proximale models in Aquitaine and Languedoc, this unity of geographical source might argue for a date for the CC in the same period of the 1160' s. However, if the Gallic architectural models employed are of that era, the illumination depends, as we saw, on models of a more remote time. Moreover, given the nature of the CC, attaching its conception to Gelmirez has great appeal, for he looms large in the cast of ambitious and creative ecclesiastical promoters. The time of confection preferred by Diaz y Diaz separates him from the CC by almost a generation. If the final assembling of the Compostelan collection did not begin under Gelmirez, this supreme effort in the promotion of Compostela took place in a more hectic period of Compostelan history. In contrast to Gelmirez's lengthy term of forty years, eight prelates presided over Compostela in the next quarter century. 7 The dependence on Gallic sources went far beyond pallid imitation. lt was a case of employing the modern style, and the specific use to which this style was put is the telling gauge of regional creativity. None of the so-called Pilgrimage churches surpassed Santiago, whose exploitation of sculpture was, at the time, unparalleled. This was the product not only of Bishop Gelmirez's admiration for the Frankish style in worship and its setting, but also of bis imagination when it came to putting it to ever more creative uses. Kingley Porter's metaphor seems apt: Santiago was a delta, a rieb and fertile seedbed for ideas that originated upstream. 8 If the CC was conceived anywhere but in Santiago, its apparent end, the promotion of the shrine of St. James, was but a pretext for some other possibly trivial! goal. For more recent generations, however, the issue of authenticity touches Saint James' tomb, the seed from which the whole enterprise blossomed. If some of the mystery surrounding the CC may be lifting, that which enshrouds the tomb may never be dispelled. The Asturian 'Father', Beatus, bad popularized the 7 For the post-Gelmfrez period see R.A. FU! TOIER, The Episcopate in the Kingd001 of Le6n in the Twelfth Century (Oxford 1978) p. 53ff. 8 A. KiNosLBYPoRTER, The Sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads (Boston 1923) p. 175. XII Codex Calixtinus.indd 13 Codex Calixtinus.indd 13 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 mission of James in Spain, and its invention was one of the moves made by the Asturian crown and church to construct a post-Invasion, post-Toledo state by claiming Apostolic authority . 9 However, the reason why this program invqlved the remote site of Compostela remains a puzzle. lt represented, in some sense, the kind of colonization through ecclesiastical foundation that would later characterize the reconquest of the frontier between Le6n-Castile and Andalusia, but in the case of Compostela the frontier was not Christian/ pagan. Indeed, Galicia was a zone susceptible to the spread of a quasi-Apostolic cult, that of St. Martin of Tours. A tangible witness to the cult of James is the most plausible explanation for the selection of Compostela, but neither the nature of what actually remains at the site and the early literary references offer much support fot the presence of something material, such as a shrine or tomb, even though the site was adjacent to a cemetery . 10 The language of the CC does not even indicate that a visitor in the heyday of pilgrimage to Santiago saw an actual tomb: 'Within the above mentioned venerable basilica lie the revered relics of the blessed James beneath the high altar magnificently built in his honor, so it is said (utfertur), in a marble sarcophagus within in a finely arched sepulchre of admirable craftsmanship and appropriate size (magnitudinecondecente).' These are the words of the Pilgrim's Guide, and the qualification utfertur and the vague reference to dimension, in marked contrast to the exact measurements just provided for the basilica, make it improbable that even a privileged visitor, which the author of the Guide must have been, had access to the tomb. Like the early 'portraits' of the tomb, 11 the 'marble sarcophagus' and 'finely arched sepulchre' of the description would seem to be based on the language (arcamarmorica,sub arcis marmoricis, etc .) habitually employed for the site rather than the result of visual experience . 12 Equally remarkable, the Guide's description of the tomb gives no support to the idea that the tomb itself, as opposed to the setting church, reliquaries, liturgywas the center of attention. If accurate, a remarkable account of a visit to the shrine in 1056 by pilgrims from Liege before the transformations imposed by Gelmirez strikingly divorces the relics of James from a tomb. In it the 'king's' hunt for a suitable relic of James involved a search through reliquaries and the royal chapel, with no mention of the tomb.13For L6pez 9 ÜOILO ENol! LS, Die Anfänge des spanischen Jakobusgrabes in kirchenpolitischer Sicht , Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altenumskunde und Kirchengeschichte 75 (1980) p. 146-80 : "Die asturische Kirche befand sich durchaus in Übereinstinimung mit Bestrebungen ihrer 7.eit, wenn sie innerhalb des zweiten oder dritten Jahrzehnts des 9. Jahrhundens das Grab der Mission des Apostels Jakobus hinzufügte. Der Sinn des damit beginnenden Grabkultes bestand darin, der gotisch-mozarabischen Kirchenordnung, wie das asturische Reich sie repräsentiene, einen apostolischen Ursprung zu geben (p. 169) ." 10 For the evidence of what was visible see JosB GumuiACAMPOS, Exploraciones arqueol6gicas en tomo al sepulcro del apostol Santiago (Santiago de Compostela 1982) p . 95ff . 11 Serafin Moralejo, La miniatura en los Tumbos A y B, in: Los Tumbos de Compostela (Madrid 1985) p . 45-62, esp. p. 46. 12 For the usage sub arcis marmoricis see R. P=, Der Apostel Jacobus in Spanien bis zum 9 . Jahrhunden, in: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, ed. 0. Engels 30 (1982) p . 19-145. 13 Gesta Episcoporum Leodiensium by ABomrusAUR1! ABVALU! NSts (MGH, SS, XXV, 84) . See J. STIBNNoN, Le voyage des Liegeois a Saint-Jacques de Compostelle en 1056, in : Melanges Felix XIII Codex Calixtinus.indd 14 Codex Calixtinus.indd 14 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Ferriero, the Canon and historian of Santiago de Compostela, and for his age, the tomb itself would be called on to play a key part in authenticating the site. The effort itcost him 14 to find tracesofwhathe presentedas the 'tomb' within the choir of the church of Santiago can be understood only if the church lacked a tomb that was the center of the Jamesian cult. In a real sense, L6pez Ferreiro should be credited with the second invention of the tomb of St. James. Rousseau (Brussels 1958) p. 553-81; P. GooRoE,Un reliquaire , 'souvenir' du pelerinage des Liegeois a Compostelle en 1056 (? ), in: Revue beige d'archeologie et d'h istoire de l'art 57 (1988) p. 5-22, esp . p. 10. According to Stiennon, the account, essentially accurate , was composed under Stephen the Great (1095-1112). Howev er, a telling marle against its accuracy is its denomination of the 'king of Galicia' as Garcia, son of Fernando I of Le6n , who would become king only in 1065. Tue preoccupation with the martyrium in recen t scholarship led the author of this Introduction to force the evidence to yield a tomb/ confessio . See J. WII.UAMS, La arquitectura del Camino de Santiago , in: Compostellanum 29 (1984) p. 267-290, esp . 274 n. 16. 14 GUERRA CAMPOS (note 7), p . 109-11. XIV Codex Calixtinus.indd 15 Codex Calixtinus.indd 15 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 EI Codex Calixtinus: Volviendo sobre el Tema MANuEL C. DIAZ y DIAZ Confieso mi embarazo al presentar aqui y ahora unas consideraciones sobre el C6dice Calixtino, en parcial desacuerdo con el titulo previsto anteriormente (El C6dice Calixtino: wor quien y para quien? ), que se debia por cierto a la buena voluntad y a la confianza depositada en mi por el Prof. Williams. Las preguntas de por quien y para quien fue elaborado el C6dice me parece que resultan prematuras; todavia hay que puntualizar antes otros aspectos importantes del complejo problema del Calixtino. Por descontado, como cosa resuelta, y aunque todavia en muchas publicaciones se sigan observando las consecuencias de esta confusi6n, distinguire con estricto rigor cuanto se refiere al LSI , contenido unico del C6dice Calixtino, de lo que hace relaci6n a este excelente manuscrito de la Catedral de Santiago, arquetipo para nosotros del texto de aquel. Se me perdonara que en esta ocasi6n a la vez resuma algunas de las conclusiones a que hemos llegado en un estudio reciente 1, y que, dando algunos pasos mas, sugiramos ciertas nuevas conclusiones que parece Hcito deducir de las anteriores. Sobre el LSI continuan las dudas ·e incertidumbres. Pienso que se trata del resultado tardfo de un proyecto, acaso concebido por Gelm: frez,quizas desde antes de ser arzobispo en 1120, probablemente aprobado y apoyado por el, en paralelo con otras geniales empresas como laHistoria Compostelana 2, o el Tumba A 3 • Es altamente probable que el proyecto del LSI fuera confiado a algun clerigo frances relacionado de manera mas o menos inmediata con Compostela (como ocurre en parte con las otras empresas mencionadas) . Tambien parece indiscutible, aunque resulte casi imposible fijar los detalles, que la acumulaci6n de materiales para el LSI debi6 iniciarse hacia 1130, y con toda certeza aun no estaba rematada en 1145, cuando muere Guillermo de Jerusalen, destinatario con Gelmirez (fallecido en 1140) de la Epistola introductoria atribuida al papa Calixto. Corno se ha visto en epocas recientes, singularmente desde los estudios de Buchner4, Hämel 5, David 6, 1 El estado de la cuesti6n, creo que bastante completo, se presenta en M. C. ThAZv ThAZ (A. GAll.CIA PtNE111.o / P. om. Oao Ta100), El C6dice Calixtino de la Catedral de Santiago . Estudio codicol6gico y de contenido (Santiago 1988), p. 33-93 (citado luego ThAZ). 2 Vease B. Rmu.v, The "Historia Compostellana": The Genesis and Composition of a Twelfth- Century Spanish Gesta", en : Speculum 44 (1969) p. 78-85. Una nueva edici6n acaba de aparecer: E. FALQUE REY,Historia Compostellana, Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaeualis, 70 (Turnhout 1988) . 3 M . C . ThAZv ThAZ/ S. MoRALB10/ F. LoPEZ AuiINA, Tumbos de Compostela (Madrid 1985) p. 14. 4 M . BuCHNBR, Pseudo-Turpin, Reinald von Dassel und der Archipoet in ihren Beziehungen zur Kanonisation Karls des Grossen, in: Zeitschrift für franwsische Sprache und Literatur, 51 (1928) p. 1-72, especialmente p . 17. 5 A. HÄMEL, Überlieferung und Bedeutung des Llber sancti Iacobi und des Pseudo-Turpin (Munich 1950). 6 P . DAVID, Etudes sur le livre de Saint-Jacques attribue au pape Calixte II, en: Bulletin des etudes portugaises 10 (1945) 1-41, 11 (1947) p. 113-185, 12 (1948) p. 70-223, 13 (1949) p. 52-104; en especial 13 (1949) p. 102-103. 1 Codex Calixtinus.indd 16 Codex Calixtinus.indd 16 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 De Mandach 7 , Hobler! , y Herbers 9 , hay indicios de que ciertos detalles del Liber no pueden ser anteriores a 1150: a esta decada estimamos verosimil atribuir la puesta a punto de la forma actual de esta compilaci6n 10• Los intentos de retraer esta fecha hasta 1140, en virtud de la supuesta carta otorgada por Inocencio II, no escapan a fuertes criticas, que hacen tal dataci6n por lo menos insegura 11• Para evitar malos entendidos quiero explicar desde ahora que la supuesta carta en el Calixtino parece no pertenecer al nucleo codicol6gico inicial 12• Probablemente ha sido escrita en su forma paleografica actual hacia 1175 13 y supongo que, quizas igual que pasa con los restantes folios del Apendice, proviene de algun otro c6dice similar pero distinto al nuestro 14• Por lo que hace al autor del LSI, cuesti6n con la que esta estrechamente relacionada la del destinatario, no tenemos ninguna indicaci6n firme salvo 1a de que debe haber sido un can6nigo frances, acaso de formaci6n monastica, buen conocedor de Santiago y sus problemas, aunque no siempre participe de las preocupaciones compostelanas de caracter mas local. Un nuevo camino para abordar este tema serfa estudiar lo que hasta ahora ha sido objeto de escasa atenci6n: el problema de la estructura del Liber en funci6n del genero literario correspondiente. EI LSI no es una vida de santo en sentido tradicional, ni un libro de milagros, ni la forma compuesta de una y otro quese hace bastante comun en el siglo XII. Nada nos resuelve tampoco pensar en una obra de propaganda de la peregrinaci6n, porque si bien esta puede ser el objetivo inmediato de la obra, no es su raz6n de ser literaria. De todas maneras, el libro II es a estos efectos muy determinante: una colecci6n de milagros era algo real, normal, en funci6n de un culto; lo habitual era que la precediera una biografia del santo, o un equivalente. En LSI esta biograffa como tal no existe, aunque podemos considerarla trasmitida por el complejo de algunos sermones 15 mas la Pasi6n Magna: de todos modos no se entiende por que 1a biograffa viene sustituida por un desarrollo 7 A. DBMANDACH, Naissance et developpement de Ja chanson de geste en Europe I (Ginebra 1961) p. 301. 8 C. HoHIEll,A Note on Jacobus, en: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972) p. 31-80. 9 K. HlllUIERS, DerJakobuskult des 12. Jahrhunderts und der Liber sancti lacobi (Wiesbaden 1984) p. 197. 10 Sobre Ja puesta a punto paleografica de! Calixtino, que es otro problema, vease luego. 11 HBRBERS, p. 38; A. MmsAN, Aimeri Picaud de Parthenay et le Liber sancti lacobi, en: Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 143 (1985) p. 5-52, especialmente p. 27. 12 DIAZ, p. 187-195. 13 Pendiente de algunas comprobaciones tecnicas, y antes de ofrecer el resultado de las mismas y sus consecuencias, quiero sefialar desde ahora que seria muy dificil no relacionar Ja escritura contrahecha de las firmas de los testigos en Ja bula con otros testimonios analogos en documentos de este tiempo. Por otra parte mas de una vez me he preguntado si esta carta se refiere al LSI completo o a una parte de el, que quiza serian los libros 1-11,para los que pasa mejor Ja autoria calixtina y algunos detalles de la bula . La frase usada por Inocencio es equfvoca, porque habla de hunc codicem y en el uso del compilador de! LSI este termino no designa tanto el manuscrito completo como cada libro (cf. DIAZ, p. 227-228). 14 Las razones para este modo de ver, iniciado por Hohler, pueden encontrarse desarrolladas en DIAZ, p. 193 ss. 15 Piensese en el serm6n Quare Petrus, sacado de Jer6nimo, de f. 55v; en Ja carta dedicatoria de Calixto se dan ya como parte fundamental los libros I y II: sermones et miracula beati Iacobi que in hoc codice continentur (f. 2 = DiAZ, p . 338). 2 Codex Calixtinus.indd 17 Codex Calixtinus.indd 17 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 desmesurado .de la liturgiajacobea. Por otra parte, es evidente que estos dos libros van estrechamente unidos, no s6lo por razones de disposici6n, sino porque los milagros no se presentan practicamente en funci6n de Compostela (es decir, de su sepulcro despues de una inevitable traslaci6n), sino en funci6n de su solo nombre y poder 16• Se trataria, ciertamente, de un modo de ver que no dejaria de plantear problemas al santuario compostelano, ya que, de hecho, de esta forma, todo podrfa aplicarse a cualquiera iglesia dedicada al ap6stol1 7• i,Por que , entonces, los textos especfficos que justifican los titulos de la lglesia Compostelana se proponen como libro III, en lugar de incluirse, de una u otra manera, en el libro I, en todo caso antes del Libro de los Milagros? No cabe mas que suponer que el libro III, ademas de actuar como determinante de los dos primeros , sirve de justificaci6n o ambientaci6n a los dos siguientes : la acci6n de Carlomagno s6lo se comprende si ha habido traslaci6n , y a su vez esta y la obra del emperador justifican la llamada Gufa 18• EI libro III, contra lo que se dice a menudo 19, serfa la charnela que permiti6 la presentaci6n final del LSI. EI interes compostelano aparece neta y diafanamente en esta estructura. Que el autor general haya sido un compostelano es, sin embargo , absolutamente de excluir; pero quien haya sido tenia con Compostela suficientes conexiones como para alcanzar estos resultados a partir de no pocos materiales anteriores, unos mas organizados y otros menos, algunos de entre ellos elaborados con certeza en Compostela 20• Frente a estas irnprecisiones relativas , podemos movemos con mayor soltura cuando enfocamos nuestra atenci6n sobre el C6diceCalixtino. Sigue siendo diffcil contestar a las preguntas de "por quien" y "para quien" ha sido ejecutado, pero podemos intentar avanzar en dos cuestiones conexas e importantes: "d6nde" y "cuando" se escribi6 el C6dice . Si para estas preguntas obtuvieramos respuestas validas, podrfamos acercamos con mas confianza a todas las demas que tenemos planteadas. Vengamos al "d6nde ". Desde un primer momento quiero decir que numerosos indicios convergentes, que adquieren por este hecho una fuerza inesperada, apuntan vigorosamente al origen compostelano del c6dice . Hasta ahora se ha venido considerando producto de algun escriptorio frances 21, situandose esta copia hacia 1140 para los defensores de la autenticidad de la bula de Inocencio II; hacia 1150 / 1160 cuando se da preferencia a conexiones paleograficas 22• En el primer caso el C6dice de Santiago serfa el propio ejemplar que Aimerico Picaud habrfa traido 16 Corno se indica en el serm6n Veneranda dies, cf. DIAz, p . 53. 17 Corno quiere HOHU! R(cit. nota 8), p . 63 . 18 Su conexi6n coo el Pseudo-Turpin ha sido notada desde muchos puntos de vista por diversos investigadores; resumen de la cuesti6n en DiAz (cit. nota 1), p. 82 ss. 19 P. ej. DAvm(cit. nota 6), 13 (1949), p. 98-100 . 20 Lo son, sin duda , el serm6n Veneranda dies (f. 74), el milagro 2 (f. 141v), la llamada epistola Leonis (f. 159), al menos en su forma inicial, y la narraci6n de tribus sollempn itatibus, al menos en parte (cf. DiAZ,Descripci6n en el siglo XII de una procesi6n en Cornpostela. Algunos de sus problemas, en : Studia Graecolatina Carmen Sanmillan in Memoriam Dicata [Granada 1988) p . 79-89) . 21 As( lo hab(a supuesto yo mismo hace muchos aiios, d . Hmuuw (cit. nota 2) , p. 28. 22 DiAz (cit. nota 1), p. 315 . 3 Codex Calixtinus.indd 18 Codex Calixtinus.indd 18 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 desde su patria a Santiago y entregado en la Catedral compostelana, con el beneplacito pontificio. En el segundo supuesto, la relaci6n con Aymerico quedaria en la sombra. Ahora bien, toda la construcci6n que relaciona el C6dice con Aymerico Picaud 23 se basa en argumentaciones de ida y vuelta: 1a bula de ser autentica de la fecha al c6dice, y esta fecha permite que el responsable del mismo sea Aimerico Picaud, beneficiario de la bula, resultando asi confirmada 1a bula y la fecha . Sorprende, por ello, que no se haya prestado atenci6n preferente al texto y presentaci6n de esta bula de Inocencio, sobre todo porque cuando se estudia con cuidado, se descubren en ella pequeil.osindicios que despiertan sospechas sobre su . autenticidad 24 • Para las consideraciones que siguen voy a prescindir de este bifolio y de las hip6tesis que a partir de el se han venido haciendo como si pudieran sin mas transferirse al conjunto del Codice Calixtino. Vuelvo, pues, al problema de d6nde se escribi6 este C6dice . Ya queda dicho que se descubren diversos indicios de tipo compostelanista: en primer lugar, detalles codicol6gicos bastante significativos; en segundo lugar, la realizaci6n de un programa decorativo que ofrece una lectura aparentemente clara; finalmente, la posici6n misma del Codice en la transmisi6n del Liber. Por cuanto hace al primer punto, seil.alarela unidad basica del tratamiento de la mise en page: doble rectangulo de Pitagoras superpuesto creando una relci6n 3: 2 entre alto y ancho de la caja 25 , que se mant iene incluso en aquellos folios en que interviene para el pautado una tecnica nueva, 1a de trazar en tinta diluida las lineas pertinentes. Recordemos que, como es admitido desde Hämel, numerosos bifolios y un cuademo entero han sido sustituidos en el manuscrito original, sin que sepamos a ciencia cierta cuales han sido las razones que han llevado a esta alteraci6n. Todo el mundo conviene (en verdad, sin que se haya probado nunca) en que estos bifolios nuevos fueron elaborados en 1a propia Compostela. Si esto es verdad , tendremos un valioso indicio a favor de Compostela a partir de la unidad codicol6gica del Calixtino, toda vez que un aspecto tan delicado de la construcci6n del bifolio antes de disponerlo para 1a escritura, como es el de su ordenaci6n (que comporta las proporciones de caja de escritura y blancos, de los distintos blancos entre si, y del pautado), resulta 23 No me pronuncio de momento sobre la exactitud de la tesis inicialmente enunciada por dom Lambert (DHGE, V (Parfs 1931) p. 1297) de identificar el Aymerico, can6nigo de Jerusalen, asentado desde 1128, mas o menos , en las cercanfas y dependencia de Santiago, con el Aymerico Picaud de Parthenay que menciona la bula de Inocencio II. 24 A los indicios arriba apuntados de relativa incoherencia codicol6gica del bifolio que contiene la bula con el C6dice, hay que afiadir la probable fecha posterior de este bifolio, y el aprovechamien• to de estas hojas que se conservaban quizas con cierto aprecio por llevar el poema, copiado en fecha muy anterior, acaso del primer cuarto del s. XII, Dum paterfamilias, aunque sea en trascripci6n literaria y musical imperfectas . Aun se me ocurre pensar en un leve indicio, pero de valor indiscutible en aquel tiempo: si la bula fuera autentica y estuviera verdaderamente ligada a nuestro C6dice como quieren tantos investigadores, no seria admisible, sin chocar frontalmente con ella de una u otra manera, la sustituci6n de bifolios y hasta de un cuademo fntegro que tuvo lugar despues: la excomuni6n contra quienes alteraran el texto del manuscrito o atentaran contra su integridad se expone de manera manifiesta en la Bula. 25 La excepci6n, unica segun resulta de nuestras mediciones, es lade f. 186-187, en que la caja puede considerarse formada por un cuadrado (de lado igual al ancho de la caja real) superpuesto a un rectangulo pitag6rico, todo ello aparentemente calculado sobre las lfneas interiores del doble pautado vertical . 4 Codex Calixtinus.indd 19 Codex Calixtinus.indd 19 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 ser practicamente el mismo a lo largo de nuestro c6dice tanto en la parte primigenia como en casi todas las adiciones. Comprobaci6n interesante porque hace altamente verosimil la continuidad de la copia en un mismo escritorio (en el que a1existir divisi6n del trabajo, se explica que hayan podido mantenerse procedimientos o pequefios ensayos personales de los diversos artesanos) 26 • El hecho de que tanto los folios primeros como los nuevamente afiadidos mantengan un tratamiento identico en la configuraci6n de la caja de escritura se convierte por si mismo en un indicio, siquiera se le tenga por leve, repito, que apunta claramente a Compostela. Creo que llegamos a identica soluci6n si estudiamos de cerca el programa decorativo del Calixtino, no en sus valores artisticos, sino en la relaci6n de ciertos detalles de la decoraci6n con los textos correspondientes. Aunque se haya supuesto, acaso con raz6n, que el modelo artistico del Calixtino tenia mas variada decoraci6n que el c6dice conservado en Santiago 27 , sigue teniendo validez el estudio de los criterios selectivos (de esa supuesta abundancia decorativa) con que oper6 el responsable de nuestro c6dice. Aunque no hubiera tal, y se llegara a establecer que la decoraci6n del Calixtino es original (excluidas, naturalmente, fuentes e influencias), volveriamos a encontrarnos con el mismo problema, a saber, que significan las relaciones entre decoraci6n y contenido del c6dice. En esta lfnea llamo la atenci6n sobre un hecho importante: el c6dice se abre con una figuraci6n del papa Calixto, que constituye la C inicial del primer texto 28 , precisamente el que pretende establecer de manera inequfvoca la autorfa de este papa sobre la obra entera que viene a continuaci6n, autoria recalcada por la destinaci6n de esta carta-pr6logo a1 arzobispo Gelmfrez y al patriarca Guillermo de Jerusalen, y subrayada luego por multitud de indicaciones 29 • En cierta manera podemos establecer una correspondencia entre la C figurada en folio 1 con el papa Calixto y la formidable T, con retrato del personaje en mandorla, que representa en f. 163 a Turpin, supuesto autor del libro IV. Deduzco que se quieren subrayar las dos autorfas fingidas. Es curioso que la segunda quede marcada no s6lo por la gran T, sino tambien por la presencia en las paginas anteriores de las miniaturas alusivas a Carlomagno. La diferencia de tratamiento entre el responsable de toda la obra, el pseudo-Calixto, y cuanto se 26 Subrayo la tesis de pequefios ensayos personales, porque tecnicas como el pautado, vertical y horizontal, a tinta diluida, que sin duda son posteriores al pautado en seco, y que se encuentran como normales en los folios afiadidos, aparecen en estas partes nuevas y en otras del cuerpo original del C6dice (f. 42, 46, 58, 100). Por otro lado, este detalle nos permite pensar que no hay una diferencia demasiado notable entre el tiempo de Ja escritura primigenia y el momento en que· se generaliza en el escritorio correspondiente Ja nueva tecnica . 27 A. STONES Four llustrated Jacobus Manuscripts, in: The Vanishing Past, Studies of Medieval Art, Liturgy and Metrology Presented to Christopher Hohler, ed. A. Borg y A. Martindale, B.A.R . International Series 111 (Oxford 1981) p . 197-222, esp. 203 . 28 Sefialo su semejam: a con Troyes Bibl. Munic., ms. 900 . 29 Recuerdese que hay una diferencia bastante notable entre los epfgrafes, sobre todo en el libro I, y el indice del contenido que precede al libro. En este el responsable parece como obsesionado por atribuir al papa Calixto Ja mayor cantidad posible de piezas; al reves sucede en el libro II, donde son los epfgrafes que en este libro ya no pertenecen al responsable del programa decorativo los que recalcan sin cesar la autorfa calixtina , incluso en piezas increibles. EI estudio comparado de fndices y epfgrafes deja entrever que los fndices han sido compilados en momento distinto de aquel en que se crearon los epfgrafes. Habria que profundizar mas en esta cuesti6n, que acaso arroje mas luz todavfa (DiAZcit . nota l , p. 233-238). 5 Codex Calixtinus.indd 20 Codex Calixtinus.indd 20 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 refiere a Turpin y Carlomagnoes evidente,en beneficiode este ultimo.No puedo por menos de pensar en un deseo de remacharla conexi6ncompostelanacon los ambientesde Aquisgran,acaso favorecidopor la utilizaci6nde un modelo especialmentedecorado30. Se puede avanzar mas estudiando1acombinaci6nde epfgrafesricos y grandes capitales. En este punto se atiendecon preferencia a1 empefiode presentar1afiesta luturgicade Santiagodel 25 de julio como la verdaderamentecentral e importantes31. Ahorabien, esta comprobaci6nno basta para explicarotras accionesen este terreno que apuntana que el responsablede la decoraci6ntenfaun enorme interes en destacarpiezas tradicionalesen Compostela.Lo hace asi'.singularmentecon 1a Pasi6n Magna que habfaestado en uso en 1aliturgia visig6tica,y que en el libro I deja huellas tan importantes como la conmemoraci6nde San Josi'.as,personaje unicamenteconocidoa traves de esta Pasi6n, en 1aliturgiadel 26 de julia3 2• Si se comparanlos tratamientosen el libroIII, observaremosque, a pesar del cambiode decorador, las iniciales de las piezas jacobeas de principal interes compostelano aparecen cuidadosa y brillantementeejecutadas. No seria de excluir que en el modelo de estos folios rehechos ya aparecieranricas capitales o, por lo menos, iniciales muy elaboradas. Finalmente, otra intenci6n del decorador aparece manifiesta si se piensa que actua con otro objetivobien definido: vincularestrechamentelos cinco libros para subrayar su I unidad. En efecto, con independencia de los epfgrafes, el primer capi'.tulode cada uno de los librosI, II, (acasooriginariamentetambienIII), IV y V van realzadospor una gran capital,cuya presenciadestacapor el hecho de que en los libros II, IV y V no aparecenmas decoracionesde este mismo tipo. Asi'. pues, tendriamosuna tripleserie: la que vinculalos iniciosde cada uno de los libros para dar coherenciay unidad a1 conjunto; la que se utiliza para destacar la preeminenciade la fiestade]25 dejulio; y 1aque pone de relieveespeciallas piezas de sello mas netamente compostelano. Por otro lado las figuras de Calixto y de Turpi'.nindican,ademasde las autoriascorrespondientes,la importanciarelativa de cada una de las responsabilidades,con realce de cuanto se refiere a Carlomagno. Par mucho que se suponga un origen frances a1 menos para 1a elaboraci6n del conjunto (y hay que admitirlo), no cabe 1amenorduda de que en el momentode ser 30 Parece que podrian descubrirse ciertas minusculas diferencias de tratamiento entre la primera miniatura de f. 162 (suefio de Carlomagno) y las otras dos de f. 162v. Habra que plantearse el problema de silas aquisgranenses de f. 162v,junto con la T def. 163, no pueden habertenidouna existencia anterior, acaso acompafiando una versi6n independiente del Pseudo-Tmpm (no me resuelvo a aceptar las tesis de multiple s fases de este texto antes de que se incluyera en el Liber , aunque tengo por seguro que el Pseudo-Turpm es anterior a el, en algunos de cuyos textos ha influido ciertamente). 31 Grandes capitales en f. 24v, 31v, 44v en sermones atribuidos al 25 de julio; f. 53v, 55v y 72 para sermones correspondientes a los dfas 26, 27 y 31 de julio. Esta intensidad decorativa para la fiesta de julio y su octava contrasta con la mas reducida presencia de capitales respecto a la fiesta tradicional del 30 de diciembre : capitales en f. 74 y f. 95v. En el primero de estos dos casos, que se corresponde con el senn6n Veneranda dies, no podemos excluir que el tratamiento se deba precisamente al hecho de que esta pieza es, sin la menor duda, compostelana y acaso el nucleo de todo el LSI. 32 F. 122v (cf. D1AZ ciL nota 1, p. 108). 6 Codex Calixtinus.indd 21 Codex Calixtinus.indd 21 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 ejecutado el C6dice Calixtino se quiso llamar la atenci6n sobre los puntos arriba indicados, que desde 1aperspectiva del preparador del texto del LSI no tenian tan singular relevancia. Si ahora aparecen, en funci6n de ciertas pretensiones concretas, hay que pensar en intereses de Compostela. Me parece que en esta misma direcci6n apunta el hecho mismo de la elaboraci6n del C6dice. Si habia un modelo que ha sido copiado con suma atenci6n, reproduciendo incluso ya que no la totalidad al menos una parte muy importante de su decoraci6n, parecerfa ingenuo pensar en una copia mas y no en una copia especialmente cuidada, aunque no de gran riqueza 33, con destino a algun personaje o comunidad de Santiago. Hay a este respecto dos indicios que no querrfa descuidar: es evidente que en el Calixtino se ha prestado atenci6n singular desde el punto de vista codicol6gico a los libros I y 1134, con el ensayo de liturgia de Santiago y los milagros 35, aunque ciertas piezas importantes como las miniaturas carolinas avaloren el libro IV: los epfgrafes, la disposici6n del texto, 1agraffa misma son mucho mas cuidados en los primeros ciento cincuenta folios que en todo el resto. Por otro lado, pienso que esta conclusi6n, que parece orientamos hacia alguien mas interesado en esta parte del LSI que en otras, se corresponde con las modificaciones y amelioraciones que se han practicado en las trascripciones musicales de f. 130-131, y en el Complemento. iPodriamos deducir de aqui que esta copia ha sido ejecutada especialmente pensando en algunas personas concretas, acaso dignidades de la Iglesia compostelana? Quisiera en este momento introducir un problema que no me parece carente de interes. De las copias sacadas de nuestro C6dice en Compostela, dejada de lado la que hizo Arnaldo de Monte en 1173, hay dos que no dejan dudas de que derivan del manuscrito de Santiago: la del Vaticano, y lade Londres. Anterior a ellas parece la que se conserva en Salamanca, que he atribuido a los ambientes de Don Berenguel de Landoria por leves indicios que no es el momento ahora de repetir3 6 • Una colaci6n de su texto, relativamente descuidado, creo que autoriza a pensar que depende de un modelo que deriva a su vez de la forma exacta del LSI que poseemos en el Calixtino, pero probablemente no de este. EI c6dice gemelo (? ) de nuestro Calixtino de que parece derivar el c6dice de Salamanca era bastante puntual por lo que toca al texto, pero debia estar ya hecho a dos columnas, al menos en parte 37 , como el propio Salmantino, y limitarse como el a los solos cinco libros sin el 33 La variedad de pigmentos , la labor de los decoradores, y el cuidado de copia desarrollado sobre todo por el escriba lA excluyen que el C6dice sea producto en serie de un obrador poco selecto. 34 Es altarnente probable que aquf tendnarnos que incluir asimisrno el libro ill; pero lo cieno es que este libro no se conserva rnas que en la forma al rnenos paleografica rehecha posteriorrnente; el fol. 162, unico conservado de la forma prirn igenia no basta para adscribir esta pane tarnbien a la rnas cuidada, que propugnarnos. 35 Dw: (ciL nota 1), p. 318 . Se subraya alH c6rno en esta pane se trabaj6 con rnayor esrnero y sin aprernios, al contrario que en el resto del rnanuscrito . La observaci6n es vilida independienternente de que se acepte o no nuestra tesis de dos escribas conternporaneos, pero con distintos habitos y calidad de trabajo (vease ibid. p . 283-292) . 36 Dw: (cit . nota 1), p . 135-136. 37 Por lo rnenos estabaa dos colurnnas el mdice del libro I, pues de otro modo no pueden explicarse las confusiones que presenta el c6dice de Salamanca. En otros pasajes no puede estimarse tan necesaria esta disposici6n . 7 Codex Calixtinus.indd 22 Codex Calixtinus.indd 22 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Complemento musical 38 ; tambien es probable que la graffa utilizada no fuera tan formada como la del Calixtino, a juzgar por no pocas malas interpretaciones del texto al procederse a la copia en el manuscrito de Salamanca, de imposible explicaci6n si la graffa fuera tan nitida como lo es, en general, la del Codice Calixtino. La existencia de todas las copias antes mencionadas, singularmente cuidadas, nos pennite concluir que el Codice Calixtino que poseemos se guardaba, al menos desde el siglo XIII, si no antes, en la Iglesia de Santiago; pero mas aiin, el ejemplar salmantino nos asegura de que existi6 en Compostela mas de una copia puntual del LSI. Si ahora volvemos la vista atras desde este supuesto, tendremos que aceptar, al · menos como altamente verosimil, que el Codice Calixtino fue copiado para la Iglesia compostelana, y se ha conservado en ella. Probablemente ha sido este caracter el que penniti6 que se introdujeran en el ciertas novedades (pienso en las musicales). Quiero, no obstante, indicar que no se explican asi satisfactoriamente las alteraciones de folios y cuademos, cuya raz6n ultima sigue escapandosenos. l Cuando se copi6 el Codice Calixtino? No he logrado obtener hasta el momento datos que me pennitan situarlo de manera precisa. Quiero sefialar que la copia del manuscrito de Ripoll, a la que siempre se le prest6 tanta atenci6n, haciendo hincapie en su data de 1173, sirve para datar el Liber de manera definitiva, que le ha de ser anterior, pero no surte los mismos efectos demostrativos por lo que se refiere al Codice. Mientras no concluyamos los estudios que sobre el Ripollense estan en curso, ni siquiera queda libre de duda el hecho comtinmente admitido ahora de que se copi6 sobre el Calixtino que poseemos. EI argumento era valido mientras no hemos tenido la certeza de que en Santiago hubo por estos afios mas de una copia del LSI. Pero el estudio minucioso de las relaciones entre ejecuci6n de las capitales o de las grandes iniciales y copia del texto ya no pennite dudar de que se disponfa de un modelo tenninado y decorado del que nuestro Codice no pasa de ser un excelente, pero acaso no tinico ejemplo. EI hecho mas significativo al que ahora prestaria atenci6n es el musical en el Complemento: si la mtisica de estos folios ha de ser de 1160/ 1170, con diferencia de afios respecto al momento de la copia de la mtisica mon6dica del cuerpo del LSI , se nos plantea un problema que apunta como unica soluci6n a la existencia de un modelo, en que se hizo al menos una adici6n posterior. En efecto, en el C6dice Calixtino el Complemento es de mano textual y musical distinta a la que habia actuado en la parte musical primigenia 39 • Pero creo 3 8 Corno en el Salrnanticense aparece el texto que contienen los folios modificados en el Calixtino parece necesario suponer que se utiliz6 este; pero esta dificultad se compensa con otras pequefias pero significativas variantes que excluyen que el Calixtino haya sido el modelo. Mas dificultad produce, corno se indica, que no figuraran en el prototipo del Salrnantino los folios 214-220 (y siguientes) del Complemento, que no son posteriores a aquellas alteraciones de 1aforma primigenia del C6dice . 39 La mano del texto parece distinta; pero con los cambios de mudulo y calibres y la peculiar disposici6n de las silabas para acoplarse a 1asecuencia musical resulta muy dificil comprobar y probar este ascrto . Por lo que hace a las iniciales, a pesar de su extraordinaria sernejanza con las que aparecen dentro de los cinco libros, ciertos pequefios detalles causan la impresi6n de que nos encontramos ante el producto de otro artista diferente; los pigmentos parecen ser, sin embargo, los mismos . 8 Codex Calixtinus.indd 23 Codex Calixtinus.indd 23 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 haber probado que cuando se prepar6 y dispuso el ultimo cuademo del C6dice ya se cont6 con 1ainclusi6n del Complemento, que probablemente por aquel tiempo ya se habia incluido en el manuscrito modelo 40 • Resulta, pues, que no contamos por el momento con otros indicativos que los paleograficos. Y estos todavfa no han sido agotados. Los paralelos con las distintas partes del Tumbo A son menos probantes de lo que deseariamos, ya que, aunque unas y otras copias hubieran salido de un mismo escriptorio, no estariamos por ello ciertos de que hubieran coincidido las manos, con lo que careceriamos igualmente de pruebas suficientes. De otra parte, la carencia de documentos originales de notarios compostelanos de este tiempo hace muy dificil entrar en precisiones con una dosis minima de credibilidad. Si podemos estar seguros de que el Codice ha debido ser copiado entre 1160 y 1180; pero si se piden argumentos en que pueda apoyarse esta aseveraci6n, dificilmente podriamos presentarlos. Nuestra vuelta sobre el tema no ha dado todos los resultados que nos hubiera gustado presentar. Algunas cosas parecen poder ponerse de relieve: el LSI se remata bastantes anos despues de muerto Gelmirez, aunque el respeto por el arzobispo que se desprende del contexto parece remitir a ambientes que le habian sido afectos, y que estaban al menos en parte en oposici6n al conjunto de los can6nigos de la iglesia compostelana . Quizas se haya alcanzado el final del Liber poco despues de 1150, aunque quizas se podria pensar en un ano mas cercano a los movimientos de Aquisgran de exaltaci6n de Carlomagno, de los que parece dificil separar 1aforma ultima del Liber. Elaborada esta obra, cuando se trat6 de copiarla para difundirla hubo dos actuaciones: 1adel que prepar6 los indices de contenidos de los distintos libros, y la del que organiz6, o seleccion6 el programa decorativo. Uno parecia especialmente interesado por 1asupercheria calixtina, que recalcaba por todos los medios a su alcance; el otro parece preocupado por subrayar cuanto habia en el Liber que verdaderamente confirmase y protegiese las tradiciones compostelanas. Esta doble actuaci6n debi6 haber finalizado no mucho antes de 1173. Seria por este tiempo, o algunos anos antes, cuando se sacaria la copia que conservamos como Codice Calixtino. Probablemente en 1173 este todavfa no contaba con el Complemento musical, previsto, pero aun no copiado, que ahora se ofrece como parte integrante e inseparable del propio manuscrito. 40 De todos modos esta precisa conclusi6n no queda al abrigo de discusiones. No estoy tan seguro de que en el caso de la musica del Complemento se haya procedido a copiar cuidadosamente un modelo. Se descubren no pocas incongruencias (entre las que sena una de las importantes, el descuido con que se tratan los epfgrafes de autorlas musicales ), que dificilmente se darfan si existiera el supuesto modelo, en forma y debidamente terminado, como habfa sido el caso para el Liber respecto de nuestro Codice Calixlino. 9 Codex Calixtinus.indd 24 Codex Calixtinus.indd 24 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 Codex Calixtinus.indd 25 Codex Calixtinus.indd 25 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 The Miracles of St. James KLAUS HERBERS I. "Le peuple cria au miracle," common people cried out for miracles so Pierre Andre Sigal assessed the climate of devotional sites in the late middle ages. 1 Of course, accounts of miracles were an excellent means to attract people to places of worship in the first place, as the agents of such cults, as Manuel C. Diaz y Diaz termed them, 2 well understood. For Compostela this strong desire was met in the second book of the Liber Sancti Jacobi, where twenty-two miracles underscored the awesome power of Saint James . 3 One, the 4th, may serve as an example. Thirty knights from Lorraine wished to travel to Compostela. They all swore loyalty to one another, save for one. On their arrival in Gascony one of the company became ill. Tue knights who had professed loyalty carried him to the Cisa pass in a joumey that took fifteen days rather than the normal five. There the sick knight was left alone, butin a development which recalls the parable of the Good Samaritan the knight who had not swom loyalty stayed with his suffering companion. Nevertheless, the stricken knight died during the night, and was ushered to paradise by Saint James. On being left alone the faithful knight became fearful and asked for help from Saint James. The apostle came to him in knightly disguise, andin the course of the night carried the corpse and the loyal knight on his horse to Compostela in order to bury the dead knight there. After praying, the loyal knight was ordered by James to tel1 the rest of their companions, who were in Le6n, that if they did not do penance their pilgrimage would be in vain. This mission was carried out, and the guilty knights continued their joumey after receiving absolution from the Bishop of Le6n . 1 L'hornrne et le rniracle dans la France rnedievale (XI-XIl 0 siede) (Paris 1985) p. 9. - I thank 0. Scheiding and John Williams for their help in translating this paper. 2 M .C. DfAZ Y DtAZcon colaboraci6n de M .A. GARdA PrNEiaoy P. del Oao Tamo, EI C6dice Calixtino de la Catedral de Santiago: Estudio codicol6gico y de contenido (Monografias de Cornpostellanurn 2, Santiago de Compostela 1988) p. 24; p. 1-97 are identical with : M .C . DtAZ v DfAZ, EI Liber Sancti Iacobi. Situaci6n de los problernas, Cornpostellanurn 32 (1987) p. 359-442. 3 Liber Sancti Jacobi, Codex Calixtinus, ed. W.M . WHITEHILL, 3 volurnes (Santiago de Compostela 1944) vol 1, p. 259-287. For the defects of this edition see K. HERBERS, Der Jakobuskult des 12. Jahrhunderts und der "Liber Sancti Jacobi" (Historische Forschungen 7 Wiesbaden 1984) p . 28-29 and D1AZYDtAZ,Calixtino (note 2) p. 126-128. A new edition is being prepared by Dfaz y Dfaz. Tue book of rniracles figures in the "indice de contenido" de Dfaz y Dfaz (p. 110-112) from n. 80 to 104. Tue abundant literature dealing with the Liber and the Codex Calixt inus are cited in these works; in the following notes I shall cite only those works dealing rnore directly with the second book (rniracles) of the Liber Sancti Jacobi and refer to the bibliographies of these books. Recently F. l.oPEZ AuINA, La ciudad de Santiago de Compostela en la alta Edad Media (Santiago de Compostela 1988) dealt with the Liber Sancti Jacobi as source for the urban evolution of Cornpostela . 11 Codex Calixtinus.indd 26 Codex Calixtinus.indd 26 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 This is only one of many stories which emphasize Saint James' ability to perform miracles, 4 a power demonstrated throughout the Liber Sancti Jacobi . 5 One finds miraculous tales 6 in the other parts of the Codex Calixtinusthe Compostelan version of the Liber Sancti Jacobi1but they differ, as we shall see, from those of the second book. I shall provide a brief characterization of the twenty-two miracles of the second book. In a prologue by Pseudo-Calixtu s the twenty-two miracles are described as the "truest" ones. 8 Tue stories which then follow start almost always with a statement of time, in most cases an exact year . 9 With the reading of each miracle one finds, excep t with miracles 16 to 18, acertain formula based on Psalm 117, 23: A domino factum est istut et est mirable in occulis nostris. A doxological ending-formula, in 4 Tue author is said to be the canon Hubert of St. Mary Magdalene of Besan~on, a person not known from other texts . I chose this miracle be c ause many of my observat ions may be proved by this miracle and because some miracles have been analyzed already in othe r worlcs. Cf. e.g. miracle 5 by B. DB GAFPIBR, Un theme hagiographique: Le pendu miraculeusement sauve, Revue beige d'archeologie de d ' histoire de l'art 13 (1943) p. 125- 148, reimp. in: idem, Etudes critiques d'hagiographie et d'iconologie, Subsidia Hagiographica 43 (Brussels 1967), p. 194-227) esp. p. 208 -215 and 226; R. Pwrz, Der hunlr hinder dem altar saltu nicht vergessen . Zur Motivgeschichte eines Fügelaltars der Kempener Propsteikirche, in: Epitaph für Gregor Hövelmann, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Niederrheins dem Freund gewidmet , ed . ST. FRANXEWITZ (Geldern 1987) p . 119-170 (citing older articles p. 127 note 29). Cf. for the evolution of this hagiographic theme in the context of the evolution of medieval society and law: F. Larrait, Heiliger und Gehenkter. Zur Todesstrafe in hagiographischen Episodenerzählungen des Mittelalters, in: Ecclesia et Regnum . Beiträge zur Geschichte von Kirche, Recht und Staat im Mittelalter . Festschrift F.-J. Schmale, ed . D. BERGand H.-W. GoBTZ(Bochum 1989)p . 1-19, especially 15- 16. Foran interpretation ofmiracle 19 cf. M.C. Dr...zv DfAz, Santiago Caballero y la Reconquista de Coimbra, in idem, Visiones del mas alla en Galicia durante la alta Edad Media, Bibliofilos gallegos, Biblioteca de Galicia 24 (Santiago de Compostela 1985) p. 121- 143 (with edition). 5 See e.g . book I , chapter 17 (WIIITEHILL [note 3) p. 148) and book V, ed. J. V=, Le Guide du pelerin de St-Jacques de Compostelle, text e latin ~du xn• siecle edite et traduit en fran~ais d ' apres les manuscrits de Compostelle et de Ripoll (Macon-Paris 1938, 5th ed . 1981) chapter 9, p. 118 (with similarities in both citations ). Both passages underline the thaumathurgic power of St . James, stressing, above all, his power to liberate from sin. Cf. the German translation and comments : K. HmmEM, Der Jakobsweg. Mit einem mittelalterl ichen Pilgerführer unterwegs nach Santiago de Compostela (Tübingen 1986, 4th ed . 199l ) p. 61 with note 11 and p. 158 with note 372 (cf . p . 54-55 notes 8-10 for other translations of the fifth book). 6 Book 1, chapter 2, ed. WH1TBH11L (note 3) p . 20-21 ; book V, chapter 11, ed . Vllll.LIAIID, Guide (note 5) p. 122-124; appendix, ed. WHITBHIIL (note 3) p. 400-401, 404-406, 406-407, 413-415; finally another miracle in book IV (Pseudo-Turpin) , ed. A. HAMm., Der Pseudo-Turpin von Compostela, aus dem Nachlaß von A. DB MANDAOt in: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophisch-historische Klasse (München 1965) p. 94-96. Cf. the exact references and further literature in: lliaBEM, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 112. Same of these miracles are edited now by H.W . Ki.mi., Verstreute Mirakelberichte aus dem Llber Sancti Jacobi, in: Text-Etymologie . Untersuchungen zu Textkörper und Textinhalt, Festschrift H. Lausberg zum 75. Geburtstag, hg. von A. ARENS(Stuttgart 1987) p. 19-27. Cf. the edition of miracle 19 in DfAz Y DIAZ,Santiago Caballero (note 4 ). 7 For the relation between Liber Sancti Jacobi and Codex Calixtinus (or Compostellanus) see HmmEM, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 16-32 an d DfAz v DfAz, Calixtino (note 2) especially pp. 99-101. 8 Nec quis putet me omnia, que audiui de eodem, miracula et exempla scripsisse , sed que uerissimis assercionibus uerissimorum hominum uera approbauifuisse, WlllTl! llllL(note 3) p. 259 (all quotes of the Whitehill-edition are revised on the Codex Calixtinus ). 9 Only miracles 1, 2, 16-21 are without indication of a year. The miracles cited here are from the second book of the Codex Calixtinus, with the number of their order; the folio and pages are indicated in the table (Appendix 2, p. 34) . 12 Codex Calixtinus.indd 27 Codex Calixtinus.indd 27 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 some cases a moral, closes each story. The other miracles spread through the Liber Sancti Jacobi are different. 10 In most cases they have no ending-formula. They are much shorter 11 and chiefly describe incidents of misbehaviour in which punishments follow in a miraculous way. The miracles of the second book are therefore to be put in the category of "miracles of help" or "Hilfswunder." 12 Stories about miracles were collected in almost every pilgrimage center. 13 They normally had a "living structure," that is, new things were constantly added to preexistent tales, while older events were eliminated or the main body of the text changed in some other way . 14 A sermon of the first book of the Liber Sancti J acobi where more recent miracles are inserted beside earlier ones attests to this. Moreover, in stating that the miracles had tobe witnessed by two or three persons,1 5 the author of this passage made claims similar to those in the prologue of the second book. 16 For many of these tales one can find earlier pattems . I will not enter further into the early history bfthe second book. 17 10 Cf. note 6. 11 HERBERS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 113 and DtAZ y DIAZ,Calixtino (note 2) p . 55. 12 The oppos ition of "help" and "punishment" may be important for the conception of a cult and for the tendency of special collections of miracles. Cf. conceming the difference of "Hilfs-" and "Strafwunder" F. L=, Methodisches zur Gewinnung historischer Erkenntnisse aus hagiographischen Quellen, Historische Zeitschrift 229 (1979) p. 298-356, p. 333. The miraculous events in the Pseudo-Turpin are cited in I<i.e! N, Mirakelberichte (note 6) p. 20-21. These are, above all, events that are integrated with the text . Cf . the analysis of those represented on the shrine of Aachen: H.W. KU! IN, Karl der Große und Compostela, in : Deutsche Jakobspilger und ihre Berichte, ed. K. HERBERS (Tübingen 1988) p. 133-148 and K. HERBERS , Karl derGrosse und Spanien - Realität und Fiktion, in: Karl der Grosse und sein Schrein in Aachen, ed . H. MtlLLE1ANS (Aachen/ Mönchengladbach 1988) p . 47-55, especially p. 51 -52. Some of the miracles in the Appendix (ed . Kl.E1N, Mirakelberichte , note 7, p . 23-27) are closer to those of the second book . 13 Cf . R.C . FINticANE, Miracles and Pilgrims . Popular Beliefs in Med ieval England (London-Melboume-Toronto 1977) especially p. 130-151 ; B. WARD, Miracles and the Medieval Mind . Theory, Record and Event. 1000-1215 (London 1982 and Philadelphia 1987), with analysis of miracles from English centers (but cf. for the miracles of St. James p . 110-116, based on the theory of P. DAVID[note 15 belowl) . Cf. the corpus ofthe 11th and 12th century interpreted by SmAL,L'homme (note 1) p. 316-329 (208 collections) and p. 330-332, and the more precise catalogue of C. R.ioorrni., Hochmittelalterliche Mirakelberichte als Quelle zur Sozial- und Mentalitätsgeschichte sowie zur Geschichte des Wallfahrtswesens, 2 vol. (Phil . Diss . FU Berlin 1982, Düsseldorf 1985) p . 332-505. We are dealing here only with the miracles of pilgrimage centers and not the "miracula in vita" or other forms. For questions of definition "miracle-exemplum" cf. note 68. 14 Among other factors the competition between different centers , the reactions of other clerics or of lay people influenced these "changes ." Cf. SmAL,L'homme (note 1) p. 185-188 and REND11! L, Mirakelberichte (note 13) p. 140-163. 15 Miracula tarnen,q~ ipse adhucfacturus est, q~ sub duobus aut tribus testibus testificatafuerint, concedimus uJ adfuielium edificationem scsribantur, I chapter 17, WHI'IBHILL (note 3) p . 145. Cf. P. DAVID, Etudes sur le livre de St-Jacques attribue au pape Calixte Il, 1-IV, Bulletin des Etudes portugaises 10(1945)p. l-41; 11 (1947)p.113-185; 12(1948)p. 70-223andl3 (1949)p.52-104; 11 (1947) p . 175 (erroneously citing the introductory letter of Pseudo-Calixtus) . 16 Cf. note 8. 17 At least miracles 16-19 can be traced back to earlier sources; above all the "Dicta Anselmi," which took shape about 1116, cf. R .W. SoUTHERN, F.S. SC11MITI, Memorials of St. Anselm (London 1969) p. 26; R .W . SoUTHERN, Tue English Origins of the Miracles of the V irgin, Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4 (1958) p. 176-216, p. 188-190 and 208-213 (miracles 16-18) and pcrbaps the "Historia Silense", ed. J . ~ DEURBELand A.G . Rmz ZoRIU..A, Escuela de Estudios medievales 30 (Madrid 1959) p. 191-193 (miracle 19), although the two versions are perhaps based independently on an oral tradition, cf . HERBERS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p . 111 and DtAZv Dw: , Santiago caballero 13 Codex Calixtinus.indd 28 Codex Calixtinus.indd 28 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 The time of origin for the Codex Calixtinus version of the Liber Sanct i Jacobi has been estimated as the some poin t betwen 1139 and 1173, more prec isely some time around 1160. 18 Book II, now under discussion, was already basically compiled , perhaps, between 1110 and 1120. According to recent, above all codicological, research, it seems probable that the Liber Sancti Jacobi existed in various copies, possibly shorter and differently aranged, in Compostela in the 12th century . 19 That becomes even more probable when we consider the copy which Arnaldus de Monte made for the monastery of Ripoll in 1173, for it does not correspond in every detail with the Codex Calixtinus of Comp ostela. 20 Arnaldus completely copied books II, III and IV as well as some parts of Books I and V. 21 Tue following points about this copy are noteworthy : (note 4) p. 123. I cannot discuss here either the interpretation of the name of Pope Calixtus II (1119-1124) , originally from Burgundy (Guy of Vienne), in the context of the miracles. Although he was not the true author of the miracles of the Codex Calixtinus (cf. for theories about the authorship of Calixtus : HERBERS, Jakobuskult [note 3] p. 44 and note 192), the influence of his authority concerning miracles is stresse d by the citation of Calixtus in Paul of Bernried, Vita Gregorii VII papae, ed. J.M . WATI1! RICH, Pontificum Romanorum vit ae , vol. 1 (1862) p. 474-546, p. 479-480 : papa Calixtus narrare consuevit . lt is interesting that this miracle in Paul von Bernried figu res also (although differently) in the Dicta Anselmi . Cf. H. FUHRMANN, Zu den Marienwundern in der Vita Gregorii Vll pape des Paul von Bernried, in: Ecclesia et Regnurn (note 4) p. 111-119, especially p. 112. For Paul von Bernried cf. generally R. SCHIEFFER, in: Verfasserlexikon 2 7 (1988) col. 359-364 . This argument has to be taken into consideration for the evolut ion of the cornpilation, cf. for the rniracles and Burgundy note 65 . In such an analysis the different use of edire and conscribere in the title of the miracles should be considered . Tue supposition of C. ToRRES RooRfoUFZ, Aldhelmo, Adhelmo o Adelrn, Abad de Malmesbury y obispo de Sherborn . Su relaci6n con la tradici6n Jacobea (650-709), Compostellanurn 28 (1983) p. 417-428, p. 425 that an expression in Aldhelrn might refer to the book of miracles is at the least very hypothetical. 18 DAVID, Etudes (note 15) IV (1949) p. 102 (about 1150) HERBERS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 33-38 (1140-1150) , DrAZ Y DrAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p . 81 (about 1160). All recent propositions for dating (cited in these works) start from the reflection that Arnaldus de Monte copied parts of the Liber Sancti Jacob i from the Compostelean version in 1172n3 . Another argument is the letter attributed to Innocent II (1130-1143), P. JAFFJ! , Regesta pontificum Romanorum ab condita ecclesia ad annurn post Christum natum 1198, Leipzig 1885-1888, ed. S. LöWENFELD (cited JL) n . t 8286) , which I think rnust have been forged soon after the death of lnnocent, because it offered a more actual papal legitirnation (normally represented by the fictive Pseudo-Calixtus II) for the ·Liber Sancti Jacobi . But this second argurnent is not necessarily valid for the entire cornpilation in the Codex Calixtinus, for the bull oflnnocent figures, e.g., after Book Il in Arnaldus' copy . This may indicate a "pre-Liber Sancti Jacobi" consisting of Books I and II. 19 Cf . the suppositions of M.C. DlAZv DrAZ, Problemas de la cultura en los siglos XI-XII. La Escuela episcopal de Santiago, Cornpostellanum 16 (1971)p. 187-200 with note 34; idern, Calixtino (note 2) p. 38-42, treating the problem in the context of the "Libellus" version, which rnight be earlier than the Codex Calixtinus , and p. 312-314 . The differentiation between "Liber" and "Libellus" goes back to A. HÄMEL, Überlieferung und Bedeutung des Liber Sancti Jacobi und des Pseudo- Turpin, in: Sitzungsberichte der Bayeri schen Akademie der Wissens chaften, phil.-hist. Klasse (Munich 1950) p . 6 and 42-43 and idern, Los rnanuscritos latinos del Falso Turpino, in : Estudios ded icados a Menendez Pidal, vol. 4 (Madrid 1953) p . 67-85, p. 73-8 1 (with list of manuscripts). Häme! thought the "Llbellus" tobe a later reduction of the Liber Sancti Jacobi based on the Codex Calixtinus, but the question rernains open. 20 Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n , Ms. Ripoll n. 99. See the description of this manuscript in R. BEllll,Die Handschriften des Klosters S. Maria de Ripoll , in: Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften , phil .-hist. Klasse 5 (Vienna 1908) p. 7; HÄMEL, Überlieferung (note 19) p. 65-67, cf. p . 21-28; HERBERS , Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 22-23 note 67 and 33; DrAZ y DrAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p . 134-135 and 327-333 . 21 See liÄMa , Überlieferung (note 19) p . 65-67 and DrAZv DIA2: , Calixtino (note 2) p. 262 and note 56 and 327-333. 14 Codex Calixtinus.indd 29 Codex Calixtinus.indd 29 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 1) The tales of miracles are enhanced after the 22nd miracle by those from Book I, and shortly afterwards with those from the appendix and Book V. 2) The letter related to Pope Innocent II falls after the miracle tales . 3) The marginal remark in the Codex Calixtinus which points to a miracle feast as the third feast of St. James is now integrated with the text . 22 The first two points lead to the conclusion that a version of the Liber Sancti Jacobi with more than the twenty-two miracles might have existed in Compostela .23Perhaps the forged bull of Innocent, today at the end of the collection, originally authenticated only Books I and II as well as some further pieces . The third point raises problems. Two possibilities exist. If Arnaldus had copied his text from the Codex Calixtinus manuscript, the marginal note must have been inserted before the date of Arnaldus's visit to Compostela. But if Arnaldus copied from another version, as the first two points make probable, then the marginal note must have existed in the other version too, as a gloss or as part of the text. 24 But in this case it is strange that we have the miracle feast present in the Codex Calixtinus as a marginal gloss. Apparently various independent collections of miracles with different arrangements existed in Compostela, but the comparison of the two surviving copies ofR ipoll and Compostela (Codex Calixtinus) shows how difficult it is to resolve contradictions and to describe further possible and probable versions of the Liber Sancti Jacobi more precisely . In any case it appears certain that the compiler of the book of miracles as we know it from the Codex Calixtinus used various sources . 25 Tue book then took shape according to certain goals sought by clerics and other supporters of the bishopric of Compostela. 26 II. Les us now focus on the collection ofthe Codex Calixtinus. What did the clerics of Compostela wish to achieve with such a compilation? lt has always been said that the purpose of collections of miracles was, above all, the propagation of a given cult. Put so generally, it does not say much about the particular collection . We must 22 F. 35r-48v : 22 miracles; 48v-49r miracles of Book I (chapter 2, WHITEH! IL [note 3] p. 20-21; KwN, Mirakelberichte [note 7] p . 22); f. 49r-49v two miracles of the appendix in CC (WHITEHILL p . 404- 405 and 405-406 ; KwN p. 24 and 25); 49v-50r miracles of Book V (Vll! ILIARD, Guide [note 5] pp . 122-124). Cf. the synopsis of manuscripts in DrAZ y DtAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p. 330 . Cf. for this feast note 40. 23 Cf. DtAZ Y DtAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p . 261-262 with the remark that Amaldus perhaps found another copy of the Llber cont.aining the first and the second (slightly different) book. This might be correct for the miracles of the actual appendix, but less so for those of the 2nd chapter of Book I : a note in the Ripoll copy in I 2 (f. ? •) hints at the later following collection of miracles in the Ripoll copy. 24 DrAZ Y DrAZ,Calixtino (note 2) p. 266 concludes from all marginal notes that those were inserted before 1172, i.e., before the time when Amaldus copied parts of the Liber S . Jacobi. But this is contrary to the supposition that Amaldus copied, perhaps, from another manuscript in Compostela; more precisely , it might indicate only the form of another manuscript . 25 HERBERS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p . 110-111 and DrAZ y DrAZ , Calixtino (note 2) p . 54; cf. note 17. 26 The fmal redaction in Santiago de Compostela is assumed by luMm.,Manuscritos (note 19) p. 68; HÄMl! l,-DE MANI>Acri, Pseudo-Turpin (note 6) p. 17-23 and DtAZ Y DrAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p . 90-91. 15 Codex Calixtinus.indd 30 Codex Calixtinus.indd 30 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 become more concrete. When we consider the prologue of our book of miracles, it is apparent that liturgical significance is emphasized. lt stipulates that sermons and miracles should be recited during the Saint's feast in the church, and read in the refectory on the day the Saint's feast fell upon that year .Z7The prologue ofthe book of the miracles says almost the same: the text should be read in the church or in the refectory, especially on the Saints' feasts. 28 Arnaldus de Monte, the monk from Ripoll, also noted in his copy from 1173 that parts should be read in the church. 29 The provision of material for office s in the church and refectory makes it clear that only "the most authentic miracles," as they stipulated, were chosen, for the amount of text in the first and second book seems to be more than enough for matutinal lectures: Satis sufficiuntad matutinaslegendum. 30 At the same time, the Pseudo- Calixtus recommended the continuation of reading in the refectory. 31 The doxological ending -formula also reflects the compiler's liturgical intention. Half of the miracles 32 end with this formula and the above-mentioned quotation from Psalm 117. When we look at the construction and content of the miracles we note that with few exceptions 33 every story begins with a Statement of time, in most cases the exact year. 34 Usually the participants are then introduced and sometimes their native regions. The above-mentioned ending-formula, based on Psalm 117, always appears after the story itself. Exceptions are miracles 16-18, which are based on a text from the "Dicta Anselmi. " 35 A few stories stand out compared to the rest. This is the case with miracles 10- 14, where a relatively simple style avoids the circumlocutions found in other miracles of the compilation. In my opinion the built-in morals and explanations 27 JL n. t 7108 ; last edition DfAZYDfAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p. 335-340, p. 338, line 66-69. 28 Fol. 140r, WH1TBH1u. (note 3) p. 259: codex iste.. . in ecclesiis et refectoriis diebus festis eiusdem apostoli a/ iisque, si placet, di/ igenter / egatur. Cf. sirnilar words concerning the "Passio", WHITE- HILL (note 3) p. 94: Passio in ecclesiis et in refectoriis secure legatur. 29 Quid aUlem / egendum sit in ecclesia sive in refectorio, de suprascriptis omnibus, ex epistola Ca/ ixti ... nullifuielium contempnenda prebetur auctoritas . . ., ed. V1ELUARD, Guide (note 5) p. 130. 30 JL t 7108, ed. DfAZYDtAZ,Cafür.tino (note 2) p. 338 line 65-66. 31 Cf. concerning the lectures at table in the refectories : B. DE GAIFFIER, Apropos des legendiers latins, Analecta Bollandiana 97 (1979) p. 57-68. Cf . HÄMEL, Überlieferung (note 19) p. 24 : The nwnber of miracles in hook II and later additions seems to indicate that this book was destined for a mo nastic community. Cf. DAVID, Etudes (note 15) II (1947) p. 155-156; cf. sirnilarly WARD, Miracles (note 13) p. 111. But cf. the different observations of C . HoHI.ER, A Note on Jacobus, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972) p. 31-80, p . 43-44, who favored a use in communities of regular canons . Let us take into consideration that the canons of Compostela were instituted in 1102 (Historia Compostelana, ed. E. F ALQUE REY; Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaeva! is 70, [Turnhout 1988] I 20 p. 46-47 cf. R.A. FLETCHER, Saint James's Catapult. The Life and Tirnes of Diego Gelm{rez of Santiago de Compostela [Oxford 1984] p. 167-169, stressing the French influence of this innovation) . Before then the cult of Compostela was served by monks (cf. DtAZ Y DtAZ,Calixtino [note 2] p. 24-28 on the cult in Compostela following traditional forms ). This change has to be taken into account in the consideration of the evo! ution of the book of miracles and its different nwnbers in different versions. 32 Thus miracles 1, 7, 10, 11-15, 19-21; special cases are miracle 17 and 18, lacking this formula. 33 Exceptions are miracles 16-19. Miracle 1 contains a form of second introduction, miracle 4 a form of introduction andin miracle 21 it says vague! y nostro itaque tempore. 34 Without exact year are miracles 1, 2, 16-21. 35 Cf. note 17. 16 Codex Calixtinus.indd 31 Codex Calixtinus.indd 31 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 were introduced by interested parties from Compostela . Tue miracle was not allowed to speak for itself, but had to receive an added emphasis on the thaumaturgic power of St. James. Thus the second miracle states that as the story shows, he who comes to Santiago de Compo stela ready to do real pen ance can count on forgiveness for his sins . 36 Or one notices in the 20th miracle (in case someone did not notice it through the hearing or reading of the preceding 19 miracles! ) that St. James has become famous for perform ing many miracles in our (! ) time. 37 I will retum to the structural and textual differences among the various miracles later, but allow me to make the following comments. Tue explanations and the moralistic insertions in the version of the CodexCalixtinus are concrete indications of the purpose of the recitation of the miracles, namely , the further enhancement of the the propoganda of the cult. Tue primary aim, aedificatioas the sermon Venerandadies of the first book calls it 38 -was changed through exaggeration, remodeling and insertions from that of simple narrative to a specific intention to edify. The promoters of Compostela responsible for such changes went even further. TheLiber SanctiJacobi recognizes two feast days for St. James: the 25th of July and the 30th of December. Much has been written about the reason the 30th of December remained a feast after the introduction of the Roman liturgy and the feast day of the 25th of July. 39 They went further, however, and tried to appropriate still another feast day for St. James . Tue version of the Codex Calixtinus contains in miracle 17 a marginal note which claims a miracle feast on October 3rd. 40 Books I and III have some similar notes. 41 A separate folio that can be dated between 1172- 1190 according to recent research by Manuel C . Dfaz y Dfaz, 42 was inserted after the mass formulas for the 25th of July and the 30th of December . lt concludes with the injunction lectionesde miraculiss. Jacobilegantur. 43 These attempts demon- 36 Hinc datur intelligi, quia quisquis uere penitens fuerit et de longinquis hcris ueniam a Domino et auxilia beati lacobi postulanda in Gallecia toto corde pecierit, procul dubio delictorum eius cyrographum deletum in euum erit. WHl'IBHILL (note 3) p . 263. 37 .. . cum iam nostris lemporibus multis miraculorum signis beatissimus Iacob(us) apostolus per totum orbem lange lateque refulsissel . WHITl! HILL (note 3) p. 285 . 38 Miracula / amen qUJ ipse adhucfacturus est, q"! sub duobus aut tribus testibus lestificatafuerint , concedimus ut adfidelium edificationem scribantur , chapter 17, WHITl! HILL (note 3) p . 145. 39 · Cf. J. PilREzDBURBEL, E1 antifonario de Le6n y el culto de Santiago el Mayor en la liturgfa mozarabe, Revista de Ja Universidad de Madrid 3 (1954) p. 5-24, p. 23; J . V1VES, Liturgia. C. Calendarios liturgicos , in: Diccionario de historia eclesiastica de Espafia, 2 (Madrid 1972) pp. 1324-1326 and HERBl! RS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p . 103-105 with the quotation of the passage of the Liber Sancti Jacobi. - In the Liber the 25th of July signifies the Feast of the Passion, the 30th of December the Feast of Vocation and Translation. DAVID , Emdes (note 15) II (1947) p. 130-131 considered an influence of the feasts of St. Martin in Tours . In the miracles of book II we twice find a date for the feast day of the 30th of December and only one time for the feast day of the 25th of July, perltaps a hint of a certain traditional Compostelean influence. Cf. M. DB MBNACA, Histoire de Saint Jacques et de ses miracles au Moyen Age (Ville-XIIe siecles) (Universite de Nantes 1987) p. 141 (cf. for this work note 65). 40 Cf. HBRBl! RS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 27 note 92 and p. 205 ; DtAZ y DIAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p. 250 and 266. Contrary to HoHI.l! R, Note (note 32) p. 32, I think that the point of departure for these notices is to be found in the book of miracles. 41 F. 20r, 152r and 161r. Cf. the added miracle in the append ix, WHITl! HILL (note 3) p. 406-407 . 42 DIAZYDtAZ,Calixtino (note 2) p. 266. 43 F. 128, WHITl! HILL (note 3) p. 240. 17 Codex Calixtinus.indd 32 Codex Calixtinus.indd 32 27.09.22 11: 41 27.09.22 11: 41 strate the resourcefulness of the clerics of Compostela, even if the insertions by those responsible for the campaign for an additional feast day failed in the end to accomplish that goal. 44 The miracles were employed in order to establish a further day for James in the feast calendar and the enhancement of James' reputation in comparison with those of other Saints and apostles. Perhaps the number of Roman Apostolic feasts for Peter and Paul influenced the scribes of these notes as well as the author of the additional folio. 45 As wonder-worker James had many competitors with their own compilations of miracles. 46 How could Compostela promote its Saint against these rivals? Above all, it was important to select the right examples for the book of miracles . As the prologue states, only the most beautiful, truest, and valuable ones are to be taken into consideration. 47 In comparing this compilation with other books of miracles of the same period, one perceives what the so-called compiler, Pseudo-Calixtus, wanted to express in his prologue. For instance, simple healing of bodily afflictions or diseases are exceptional; raising from the dead and salvation ofbody and soul in all kinds of extreme situations are frequent, and in comparison with other collections of this genre skillfully woven into a tale. 48 If the tales constantly stress the special thaumaturgic strength of Saint James, they do so in order to distinguish him from the huge crowd of wonderwo rkers. The tale of miracle 3 goes even further . Here a mighty competitor of St. James is directly addressed ; The author asks how St James can raise the dead after his own death, when "God, our Lord, and St. Martin raised persons from the dead during their lifetime. " 49 This objection to St. J ames' performance post mortem might have been formulated by critics. 50 The end 44 Further influences of this feast are unknown; cf. DAVID, Etudes (note 16) II (1947) p . 131 for traditions in Compostela. WARD(note 13) p . 111 proposed (without proof) that the feast was kept in the 12th century. lt is of interest that JACOB GRErsER, De sacris et religiosis peregrinationibus libri quattuor (Ingolstadt 1606) p. 279 still mentioned this feast. 45 Cf. W. DORJo, Apostelfeste, Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche 1 (1957 , Repr. 1986) col . 742-743 for the evolution of the different feasts. 46 Cf. in general the miracles analyzed by SmAL, L'homme (note 1) and Rioomn.,Mirakelberichte (note 13). The fifth book (chapter 8) of the Llber Sancti Jacobi cites much hagiographic literature of irnportant French competitors. Cf. VIELI.JARD, _Guide (note 5) p. 34-82 and the identifications in HERBERS, Jakobsweg (note 5) p. 105-133. For miracles see especially p. 108-109 (Saint Gilles), p. 115-116 (Sainte-Foy de Conques), p. 116-117 (Vezelay), p. 118-119 (Saint Leonard), p. 122 (Saint Martin). The idea of subordination of the French saints, stressed by DfAZYDfAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p. 30, has some exceptions in Book V, e.g., VmlllARD, Guide (note 5) p. 46 (sirnilar rights of James, Martin, Leonard and Gilles ) or p. 60 (very sirnilar to the healings in Compostela described on p. 118). 47 W11ITE11ILL (note 3) p. 259: Q~ qrumto magis sunt pulcriora, tanto magis cariora. Nec quis putet me omnia, ql4! audiui de eodem, miracu/ a et exempla scripsisse . .. 48 Cf. the classification in HERBERS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 119 and 122. WARD, Miracles (note 13) p. 116 compares the miracles from the Codex Calixtinus with those of the Abbey of Reading, where a hand of St. James was venerated, and concludes: "St . James at Reading was the divinus medicus not Santiago Matamoros". From this comparison the special character of the miracles in the Codex Ca/ ixtinus seems evident . 49 W11ITE11ILL (note 3) p. 264: Res est noua et adhuc inaudita, quod mortuus mortuum suscitaret . Beatus Martinus adhuc uiuens et Dominus noster lh( esu)s Christus tres mortuos suscilauit : beatus uero lacob(us) mortuus mortuum ad uitam reduxit . 50 See the continuation: Sed dicat econtra aliquis: Si Dominus noster et beatus Martin(us) 11emi11em pos t mortem , sed ante necem tres tantum mortuos suscitasse leguntur, ergo mortuus 11011 posse suscitare mortuum peribetur. 18 Codex Calixtinus.indd 33 Codex Calixtinus.indd 33 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 of the passage says that every Saint, communing with God our Lord and thus "living", is able to raise people from the dead. Despite this explanation, we should keep in mind that one of James' more important competitors, St. Martin, is indirectly forced to step back into a second rank position through this comparison. The tale reflects, by the way, links to the fifth book of the Liber Sancti Jacobi, which also deals with revivals of the dead by St. Martin in vita. 51 As a further reduction in rank, St. Martin's church is called a reproduction of the cathedral in Compostela. 52 Tue idea of the subordination of saints and other devotional places to Compostela, recently stressed by Manuel C. Diaz y Diaz, 53 is not an exclusive property of the fifth book. St. Martin' s example shows that this idea is true as well for parts of the second book too. Not only was the importance of one's own Saint tobe enhanced by the overshadowing of competitors, but it was also necessary to demonstrate the universal dimension the cult had attained. People who were personally affected by miracles were said to come from present-day Germany, Italy, France, Greece and Catalonia. 54 According to this and various other primary sources, all of the chief countries where St. James' pilgrims came from in the 12th century are mentioned. The portion ofpilgrims from Burgundy is notably high. Pilgrims coming from the area around Compostela were obviously less important. They could not contribute anything to the cult's universal claim and they would come to the apostle's tomb as a matter of course. The setting of the miracle is in five cases the pilgrim's home, in five others at Santiago de Compostela, six occur on the journey there by land, four on board ship, 55 in a demonstration that the Saint's thaumaturgic strength is present everywhere. 56 Miracles happening on the way to and taking place in Compostela have special importance. Tue way to the holy place, a central motif especially of St. James' cult, 57 is reflected in the miracles too. Even the whole of the pilgrimage 51 Liber Sancti Jacobi V, 8, ed. Vrnu.1ARD, Guide (note 5) p. 60: Hie vero trium mortuorum suscitator magnificus esse perhibetur ... Cf. to the Life of St. Martin the "Vita" of Sulpicius Severus, ed. J. Fom-AJNE, Vie de Saint Martin (Sources Chretiennes 133-135, Paris 1967-1969) (cf . Bibliotheca Hagiographica Latina, Brussels 1899-1901, n. 5610, cf. for his miracles n . 5619-5623, 5653-5656, 5660-5663). Cf. C . STANCLIFFE, St. Martin and His Hagiographer. Histoiy and Miracle in Sulpicius Severus (Oxford 1983) and generally C. DoNALDSON, Martin of Tours, Parish Priest, Mystic and Exorcist (London 1980). For the pilgrimages cf. E. DELARUEILE, La spiritualite des pelerinages a Saint-Martin de Tours du Ve au Xe siecle, in: idem, La piete populaire au Moyen Age (Torino 1980) p. 477-519. 52 Liber Sancti Jacobi V, 8 ed. VIELl.! ARD, Guide (note 5) p. 60. Super quem ingens basilica veneranda sub ejus honore ad similitudinem scilice/ ecclesie beati Jacobi miro apere fabrica/ ur ... Cf. for interpretations of this dependence: M. DURLIAT, Pelerinages et architecture romane, Les dossiers de l' archeologie 20 (1977) p. 22-25 and J. Wll.llAMS, La arquitectura del camino de Santiago, Compostellanum 29 (1984) p. 267-290, especially p. 278-280 with references to the archeological evidence. 53 DfAZv DfAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p. 30. 54 France : miracle 3, 6, 9, 13, 16-18, 20, 21 (Lorraine: miracle 4); Italy: miracle 11, 12, 15; Germany: miracle 5 and 7; Greece: miracle 19; Catalonia: miracle 1 and 22 (culturally, Catalonia belonged to southem France). Miracle 14 cannot be localized . 55 Cf. HERBERS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 115 and notes 49-52. 56 Cf. ibid. and DfAZv DfAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p. 54 note 81. 57 Cf. K. lliRBERS, Via peregrinalis, ed. R. Pl1lTZ(Jakobus-Studien 2, Tübingen 1990), p. 1-27. 19 Codex Calixtinus.indd 34 Codex Calixtinus.indd 34 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 roads, as in miracle 5, which is an early version of the "chicken miracle," 58 are susceptible to James' intervention . The same power can be found in still other miracles 59 where James helps pilgrims to overcome space and distance on their long way to finis terrae. Thus in miracle 4 recounted above James appears to his loyal companion as a knight andin a single night carries the dead and living knights over the twelve stages described in book V to Mons Gaudii near Compostela: . . . Nocte illa transcuro interuallo itineris duodecim dierum, ante solis ortum . . . apostolus quos acceperat ab equo deponit ... 60 lt is difficult to systematize the different kinds of miracles. Basically, the text had to satisfy different purposes. James had tobe a potent protector, but at the same time his strength was supposed to be available to all. Very often the miracles have a complex structure as the just quoted fourth miracle demonstrates . On the other hand, some tales were constructed very simply around the theme of the healing of "normal" diseases . However, these are rare. Tue time of occurrence is usually the beginning of the 12th century. 61 Thus the traditional hagiographical texts about mission, Passio and Translatio are completed in the present. Finally, looking at persons affected by miracles it becomes clear that above all members of the lower aristocracy experienced the thaumaturgic strength of St. James. 62 This chivalric orientation of the Liber Sancti Jacobi and of the compilation of miracles had its consequences: St. James could become a figure of identification all over Europe for the new rising group of the lesser nobility of the ministeriales. Tue House of Thum from the area around Salzburg, about 1500 miles from Compostela, represents a good example of this. 63 However, if the miracles focus not only on the needs and problems of all pilgrims but place a certain emphasis upon those of chivalric rank, that does not automatically mean that this theme was meant tobe exclusively a chivalric one. Members of different social groups shared the literary themes from the world of chivalry. At the beginning of the 12th century there were intensive contacts between Compostela and the Burgundian aristocracy, 64 and the fact that the Burgundian area played such an important role in the miracles has been emphasized in arguments for a Burgundian origin for theLiber Sancti Jacobi. Scholars such as Pierre David and 58 Cf. note 4. 59 Cf. miracles 3, 4, 5, 6 and 16. 60 Forthe day's stages cf. Book V, 2, ed. VrELUARD, Guide (note 5) p. 4, cf. HERBERS, Jakobsweg (note 5) p. 44 and F. hsmLER,Die Bedeutung von Pilgerwegen für die mittelalterliche Siedlungsentwicklung, Siedlungsforschung. Archäologie - Geschichte - Geographie 4 (1986) p. 81-102, p. 85 stressing that nobles especially were the addressed in the pilgrim' s guide. This remark is correct for the whole compilation of the Llber Santi Jacobi, but less for Book V, and especially the cited chapter 2, because here the author supposes a pilgrimage on foot and indicates two stages to be made on horseback. 61 Miracle 3, 6-15, 20-22. Miracles 6-15 seem tobe chronologically classified (with exception of miracle 13, cf. appendix 2). The other miracles happened mostly in the 11th century (miracles 1, 4, 5, 16-19); miracle 2 in the 9th century. 62 Two comites (miracle land 18); six knights (milites, heroes) (miracles 4, 6, 9, 12, 15, and 20), one vir inc/ itus (miracle 21). Ecclesiastics are mentioned in miracles 8 and 19. 63 Cf. J.B. FREED, Devotion to St. James and Family Identity. The Thums of Salzburg, Journal of Medieval History 13 (1987) p. 207-222. 64 Cf. FurrCHER, Saint James' s Catapult (note 31) p. 45-52. 20 Codex Calixtinus.indd 35 Codex Calixtinus.indd 35 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 recently, but differently, Marie de Menaca, 65 have argued that an original collection of St. James's miracles existed in Burgundy or in the Rhöne valley. Burgundian preponderance in the second book could represent a certain counterweight to the Pseudo-Turpin' s Carolingian references, imposed by promoters of the cult of Compostela who were open to various Burgundian influences at the beginning of the 12th century. III. I shall not discuss the thesis conceming Burgundy and the origin of the Liber Sancti Jacobi any further, but the question ofits possible earlier forms is pertinent for this third section, dealing with the reception of St. James' miracles. Leaving aside the immediate copies of the "Liber" and "Libellus" versions, 66 it is of interest to look at the adaptations ofmiracles in different contexts . Our analysis will be limited to the 12th and 13th centuries up to Jacobus de Voragine (Varazze) and will not pretend to assess the reception of the miracle collection completely. 67 Nevertheless, we 65 DAVID, Etudes (note 15) II (1947) p. 178-184 and IV (1949) p. 58-60; M . DE MENACA, Histoire (note 39) especially p. 191- 197. Tue latter work contains some useful ideas , but is full of errors and inaccuracies, which I cannot deal with here . Tue importance of Burgundy for the whole Liber and the miracles was stressed very often in research done about the Liber Sancti Jacobi, chiefly connected with the identification of the supposed bearer of the manuscript from Vezelay to Compostela, Aimeric Picaud. Cf. above all: R. Loms, Bulletin de la Soc iete nationale des antiquaires de France 1948/ 1949, p. 80-97; A. DE M=Arn, Naissance et developpement de la Chanson de geste en Europe, 1 (Geneva-Paris 1%1), especially p . 77-90; HoHI.E.R, Note (note 31); J. VANHERWAARDEN, L ' integrita di texto del Codex Calixtinus, in: Il Pellegrinaggio a Santiago de Compostela e la letteratura jacopea, Atti del convegno intemazionale de Studi 23 .24.25 settembre 1983, ed. G. ScAuA(Perugia 1985) p. 251-270; A. MorsAN, Le sejour d ' Aimeri Picaud a l'eglise d'Asquins et la composition du Liber Sancti Jacobi (1135-1140), Annales de Bourgogne 57 (1985) p. 49-58, especially p. 52 and idem, Aimeri Picaud de Parthenay et le "Liber sancti Jacobi", Bibliotheque de l'Ecole de Chanes 143 (1985), p. 5-52, especially p. 38-39. lt is worth noting that Burgundian influence is manifest in the miracles too (persons of the miracles, authority of Guy de Vienne-Cal ixtus II, influence of Hugh of Cluny; cf. for further remarks the contribution of M. Huglo to this volume)but despite all these arguments, we have to make a distinction between the Liber and its evolution and the Compostelan version, the Codex Calixtinus. A special problem is presented by the influence of Ouny in the composition of the Liber, which may be deduced from the colophon and other indications . For a revision of this theory, which goes back to Bedier: HERBERs , Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 34-35 . Nevertheless, a certain influence of Cluny is undeniable. For new interpretations conceming art on the roads see J . Wn.L! AMS, Ouny and Spain, in: Gesta 27 (1988) p . 93-101. 66 Cf. HÄMEL, Überl ieferung (note 19) p . 65, 70-73; D1AZ y D! AZ, Calixtino (note 2) p . 133-139, conceming the manuscripts of the Codex Calixtinus. lFor the manuscripts bearing on the Libellus version cf. HÄMEL, Manuscritos (note 19) and the index (noting all manuscripts bearing also on the Pseudo-Turpin in Latin or other languages) in A. DE MANDACH, Naissance (note 65) p. 367-398 . Cf . M.L. BERKEY, Tue Liber Sancti Jacobi : Tue French Adaption by Pierre de Beauvais, Romania 86 (1965) p. 77-103, especially p . 80; cf. the critical review: A. DE MANDACH, Le "Livre de saint Jacques de Compostelle" par Pierre de Beauvais (1212). A propos d'une edition recente , Vox Romanica 30/ 2 (1971) p. 287-300 . I thank E. Brown lfor her suggestions conceming the reception of the Pseudo-Turpin (cf. her contribution in this volume) , which are perhaps valuable for the miracles too, although I cannot deal with these problems here. 67 Robert Plötz needed more than fifty pages recently to show the after-effect of only one miracle, admittedly an especially famous one (miracle 5), cf. Pw-rz, Hunlr (note 4), especially p. 127-128 . 21 Codex Calixtinus.indd 36 Codex Calixtinus.indd 36 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 may be able to detect how the original goal of the collection of miracles from Compostela was expanded or changed. Through plot and structure, hagiographical texts offered an extended range of moral models and provided an excellent base for the instruction of all. Tales of miracles were adopted in many collections, especially when the literature of sermon and Exempla began to grow in the 13th century. 68 lt is frequently difficult to identify the source of an appropriated tale, and the lack of published editions impedes the search. When we take into consideration only the 12th and 13th centuries, we get the following picture. Leaving aside notices about copies of the Liber and Libellus, 69 the suggestion that Guibert of Gembloux (t 1213) copied the "miracula b. Jacobi" together with miracles of St. Martin of Tours around 1180 (before 1187) in the monastery of Marmoutiers near Tours, is significant. 70 Unfortunately, we cannot get a clear picture of the collection that must have existed in Marmoutiers, but it is worth recording that James' and Martin's miracles are mentioned together. Other mentions of miracles were made later by Alberic of Troisfointaines. 71 In Caesarius ofHeisterbach (t about 1240), who wrote his "Dialogus miraculorum" between 1219 and 1223, 72 several miracles are connected with St. James, but only the "ch icken miracle" shares essential features with the fifth miracle of our 68 Cf . as general introduction C. BREMONT, J. u; GoFF,J.-C. S=m, L'exemplurn, Typologie des sources au Moyen Age, fase. 40 (Tumhout 1982). Tue critical remarks of C. DAXELMOu..ER, Fabula 26 (1985) pp . 139-142 stress the importance of a wider conception of "exemplurn," but is less important in our context. See also the index of F.C. TUBACH, Index Exemplorum. A Handbook of Medieval Religious Tales (FF Cornmunications 204, Helsinki 1969); criticism by H.D. ÜPPEL, Exemplum and Mirakel. Versuch einer Begriffsbestimmung, Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 58 (1976) p. 96-114, cf. p. 99 note 22. For furtherliterature cf. E. RAUMER, Exempel, Exemplum, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters IV (Munich 1987) col. 161-163. Tue headings ofthemiracles in the Liber Sancti Jacobi seem to use the term exemplum and miraculum synonymously, although Pseudo- Calixtus mentions bothforms in his prologue seperately: Nec quis pule/ me omnia ... miracula et exempla scripsisse . .. , WHrIBHILL (note 3) p. 259. 69 Cf. note .20. A note in book ill of the Codex Calixtinus refers to the copying of miracles (together with the translation) in Cornpostela: : Ki.En., ed., Mirakelberichte (note 7) p. 23. The note surely goes back to Compostelan influence. Cf. DfAZY DfAZ,Calixtino (note 2) p. 40 note 29. 70 Cf. J. MABILLON, Vetera analecta (1676) p. 547 (Nova ed. 1723) p. 482. Cf . the remarks conceming the Brussels manuscript (n. 5527-34) of the letter: DAVID, Etudes (note 15) II (1947) p. 159. Perhaps the note refers to a Libellus-version. The study of other manuscripts is still to be made: cf. e.g. a manuscript of the 12th century of the Abbey of Marchiennes, Bibl. municipale Douai, Ms. 842. Cf. Les chemins de Saint-Jacques dans le nord de la France, Catalogue (Douai 1988) p. 232 n. 29. · 71 Chronica, ed. SCHEFFER-BmCHoRST (MGH SS XXIII, 1874) p. 719 and 822-825. Anothermention is found in the Chronica universalis Mettensis, ed. G. WAITZ(MGH SS XXIV, 1879) p. 515 (now identified as a work of Jean de Mailly, cf. note 74). 72 Ed. J. STRANGE (Cologne, Bonn, Bruxelles, 1851, Reprint 1966), cf. P. McGmRE,Friends and Tales in the Cloister: Oral Sources in Caesarius of Heisterbach Dialogus Miraculorum, Analecta Cisterciensia 36 (1980) p. 167-245 and generally: F. WAGNER, Caesarius von Heisterbach, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters II (1983) coL 1363-1366. According to ÜPPEL, Exemplurn (note 68) p. 108 Caesarius marks the end of the monastic Exempla-literature. I cannot treat in this context the translated versions of the miracles; cf. e.g. for the German and Nederlandic legendaries: W. Wn.uAMs-KRAPP, Die deutschen und niederländischen Legendare des Mittelalters. Studien zu ihrer Überlieferungs-, Text- und Wirkungsgeschichte. Texte und Textgeschichte 20 (Tübingen 1986) with presentation of the most important legendaries like Hermann von Fritzlar, the "Passional" 22 Codex Calixtinus.indd 37 Codex Calixtinus.indd 37 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 compilation. Caesarius certainly adopted things from other written or oral sources.73Works of two Dominicans, Jean de Mailly and Stephen de Bourbon, may be cited for the middle of the 13th century. 74Tue miracles of St. James, as already demonstrated in the case of Caesarius of Heisterbach, found their way into the context of devotional and moralizing Exempla literature. This kind of literature was employed by the mendicant orders especially, but also by Cistercians and Universitarians. 75I named as examples Jean de Mailly and Stephen de Bourbon because Dondaine's quotation seems tobe true indeed: 'The prodigious success of the 'Legenda aurea' by the blessed James de Voragine has almost completely blocked out the memory of similar works that were issued during the same centuries. For example, who remembers the 'Sanctorale' of Bemard Gui ... Nowadays the only people acquainted with them are some specialists and a few antiquarians ... Jean de Mailly is even less known ... However, sometimes the favors of fortune are distributed without perfect justice, and it seems permissible to lodge an appeal against her." 76 Jean de Mailly (t 1254-1260) arranged his compilation 77 around the cycle of feast days. For the 25th of July he gave a Passion and Translation commentary about St. James, and added to it miracles 2-6, as well as 16 and 17. Miracle 22 followed, preceded by a miracle dated in 1139, which is in the appendix of the Codex Calixtinus. Stephen de Bourbon (t 1261), on the other hand, ordered his tales and exempla systematically around certain themes, for he designed them as materials for preaching. He named Jean de Mailly and the Historia Turpini among his primary etc. (especially p. 12-33); for St. James cf. the index. Cf. for e.g. the French version of Pierre de Beauvais: M.L. BERKEY, Tue Liber Sancti Jacobi (note 66) p. 77-103, forthe choice of miracles p. 83-84 and p. 92-101. Cf. A. DE MANßACH, Le Livre (note 66). Cf. for Galician traditions: E. Lo,EZ AmULO,Os miragres de Santiago (Valladolid 1918); A. LöPEZ, Os mirages de Santiago, in: Nuevos estudios crltico-hist6ricos acerca de Galicia, 1, ed. L. GoMESCANEDo (Madrid 1947) p. 224-251 (Galician version of the Codex Calixtinus) and J.L. PENSADo, Miragres de Santiago, Revista de Filologfa espafiola, Anejo 68 (Madrid 1958). Other hispanic traditions are reflected in collections of miracles originating from the milieu of the order of St. James. Cf. to two of these collections: D.W. LoMAx, Medieval Predecessors of Rades y Andrada, Iberoromania 23 (1986), p. 81-90, p. 85-87. Above all they pick up the political inteiventions of St. James. In one of those collections, Diego Rodrlguez de Almela, Compilaci6n de los milagros de Santiago (Murcia 1946), only one miracle can be traced back to the collection of the Codex Ca/ i.xtinus (p. 29-30: miracle 19 of the Codex). 73 Cf. the last note and PWTz, Hunlr (note 4) p. 128. 74 Cf. for these authors and their works: T. °KAEPPELI, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi II (Rome 1975) p. 473-474. (Jean de Mailly) and ill p. 354-355 (Stephen de Bourbon) . 75 Cf. BREMoNr, LEGoFP,SatMITI,L'exemplum (note 68) p. 55-57. 0PPEL, Exemplum (note 68) p. 105- 108 stresses the existence of monastic (expecially Cistercian) exempla-collections in the 12th century up to Caesarius and D.L. D' AVRAY, Tue Preaching of the Friars (Oxford 1985), especially p. 13-63 revises the evolution, function and form of friars' preaching. 76 Cf. the English translation with further obseivations in: S.L. REAMES, Tue Legenda Aurea. A Reexamination of Its Paradoxical History (Wisconsin 1985) p. 197 based on: Jean de Mailly, Abrege des gestes et miracles des saints, transl. A. DoNDAINE (Bibliotheque d 'histoire dominicaine 1, Paris 1947), introduction p. 18. 77 Cf. DoNDAINE, Abrege (note 76) and for further references °KAEPPEU, Scriptores (note 74). Tue passages referring to James are in Dondaine p. 255-267, miracles p. 259-267. 23 Codex Calixtinus.indd 38 Codex Calixtinus.indd 38 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 sources. 78 At least the 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 22nd, and the 1139 miracle of the appendix of our compilation were assembled in a paragraph entitled de peregrinacione. 19 Probably the most complete collection of St. James' miracles appears in the Speculum historiale of Vincent of Beauvais (t 1264), written slightly earlier, around 1250. 80 Vincent copied parts of the prologue and then presented the texts of the miracles omiting only miracles 9, 12, 13, and 21. Furthermore, one can find the appendix miracle of 1139, as well as tales of miracles from the second chapter of book one . Two points are especially striking when comparing the arrangement and the tales of the Codex Calixtinus with those of Vincent' s compilation: 1) The chronological order of miracles is clearer and more uniform in Vincerit than in the Codex Calixtinus. We find the following arrangement after the fourth miracle: 1080, 1090, 1100, 1102, 1104, 1105, 1106, 1107, 1110, 1108. Then two miracles follow without any date. Finally, Vincent offers further undated accounts for the time between 1100 and 1139. lt is noteworthy that in this diverging arrangement the 13th miracle, dated in the Codex Calixtinus as 1135, is recorded in the year 1105 in Vincent's version , for in dealing with the question of the date of the compilation many scholars have referred to this miracle. 81 Also miracle 3, a bit further removed chronologically in the Codex Calixtinus' arrangement, appears later, after miracle 15, in his version. 78 Cf. the title of Stephen's unedited work: Tractatus de diversis materiis praedicabilibus ordinatis et distinctis in VII part. secundum VII dona Spiritus sancti; cf. the partial editions quoted in l<AEPPEU, Scriptores (note 74) p. 354-355 . Cf. the passage to his sources: . .. de cronicis fratris Johannis de Mal/ iaco de ordine Predicatorum .. . ltem de hystoria Turpini Remensis archiepiscopi , ed. in the partial edition of A. LEcoYDE LA MARCHE, Anecdotes historiques , legendes et apologues tires du recueil inedit d'Etienne de Bourbon (Paris 1877) p. 7. Cf. also the rest of the prologue for the system of his arrangement (p. 4-8). 79 LEcoYDE LA MARam,Anecdotes (note 78) p. 170-171 prints parts of the passage including the 4th miracle . Further miracles are not included in this edition, but their insertion can be deduced not only by the manuscript, but also by the analys is of the passage made by J. BERLloz, Pelerinage et penitence dans le recueil d'exemples d'Etienne de Bourbon, OP (t vers 1261), in: La faute, la repression et le pardon. Actes du l07e congres national des societes savantes, Brest 1982, Section de philologie et d'histoire jusqu'a 1610, I (Paris 1984) p. 399-412 . 80 I am using the edition of 1684 (Douai, Reprint Graz 1965) Liber 26 cap. 30-41, p. 1065-1068, which is better than MmNE,Patrologia latina vol. 163 (Paris 1893) col. 1369-1376. Cf. for the St. James miracles in Vincent: DAVID, Etude (note 15) II (1947) p. 159 and 176, speaking of "resumes." J . VoRBu,Tue Speculum Historiale: Some Aspects of Its Genesis and Manuscript Tradition, in : W.J. AERTS, E.R. SMITS, J.B . VoRBu,Vincent of Beauvais and Alexander the Great: Studies on the "Speculum Maius" and its Translations into Medieval Vemaculars, Medievalia Groningen 7 (Groningen 1986) p. 11-55 speaks of four main manuscript groups. Cf. recently M.- C. ThiFRENN! ! , G. GuzM..N, J.B. VoRBu,Une liste des manuscrits du Speculum historiale de Vincent de Beauvais, Scriptorium 41 (1987) p. 286-294 . According to some of the main manuscripts of the passage conceming the miracles of James (for which I thank Mme Dr. Paulmier-Foucart, Nancy) confirmed by a letter from Prof. J. B. Vorbij (8/ 1/ 1990) for further manuscripts, the version of the Doua i-edition may be used for this part . For bibliographic orientation cf. Vincent de Beauvais - Orientation bibliographique, in: Spiciae. Cahiers de l' atelier Vincent de Beauvais (CNRS) 1 (1978) p. 6-30, especially p. 20-21. For the distribution of (Pseudo)-Calixtinian texts in Vincent's "Speculum historiale" cf. the edition of the table of: Jean Hautfuney, Tabula super Speculum historiale fratris Vincentii (A-L), ed. M. PAUI.\IIl! R, in: Spiciae 2 (1980), p . 19-263, p. 101 and 218. 81 Cf. DAvm,Etude (note 15) II (1947) p. 167 and 177-178; IV (1949) p. 60; lliRBERS, Jakobuskult (note 3) p. 114-115; DfAZ y DIAZ, Calixtino (note 2) p. 79. However, without a critical edition of Vincent we are not able to state definitely that the date given by him should be preferred. 24 Codex Calixtinus.indd 39 Codex Calixtinus.indd 39 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 2) Vincent of Beauvais used a less omate style than appears in some tales of the Codex Calixtinus, but with the absence of critical editions, it is not yet possible to make definitive remarks on literary characteristics. He moralized only occasionally and the above-mentioned slight to St. Martin in the 3rd miracle is absent. 82 lt is difficult to identify the source for Vincent's text. Those researching Vincent's method of working consider the chronicle of Helinand a likely source for this part, 83 but Helinand notes only about half of the miracles found in Vincent's text and various differences exclude this hypothesis for the sequence of the miracles of St. James. One example noted in Vincent, is completely absent in Helinand's work. 84 On the other hand, it is not very probable that Vincent or his collaborators took this passage from a Liber Miraculorum in the form of the Codex Calixtinus or a direct copy of it. Vincent and his team may have shortened or excluded some of the tales, 85 but the work ofreducing and arranging would have been considerable. If this in fact occurred, we are left without an adequate explanation for the prologue to the miracles. lt states at the end that "the miracle tales should be read in the refectory, as well as the Turpiri tale." 86 However, the Pseudo-Turpin does not follow in Vincent's version at this point. Had Vincent himself compiled and shortened the miracles, this sentence would not have appeared in the prologue. In my opinion there might have existed, whether in Compostela or elsewhere, a compilation at least of the miracles, which was loosely linked to the Codex Calixtinus but was nonetheless independent. This version would have contained miracles in a different arrangement andin a more sober style. Even though it would berash to decide definitively that this version was an earlier, prototypical, collection rather than a later reduction of the Codex Calixtinus' version, the evidence in 82 Cf. p. 18-19 and note 50. 83 Helinand of Froidmont, Chronicon, MmNB, Patrologia latina 212 (Paris 1855) col. 481-1082 for the miracles col. 1024-1028; cf. M. PAULMIER-FouCART, Ecrire l'histoire au xiiic siede. Vincent de Beauvais et Helinand de Froidmont, Annales de l'Est, 5c serie, 33 (1981) p. 49-70 and idem, Helinand de Froidmont. Pour eclairer les dix-huit premiers livres inedits de sa chronique, in: Spiciae 4 (1986) p. 81-254. Tue question of Helinand's sources remains an open one (cf. ibid. p. 55). 84 Worth noting is the fact that book XXVI in the Klosterneuburg manuscript of Vincent contains among other things the miracles of St. Mary in Laon and the miracles of St. James, which Eugene ill united in one book (I thank Mme Dr. Paulmier-Foucan for a transcription of this passage). 85 Forthe method of work in Vincent's work cf. A.-D. voNDENBRINCKEN, Tabula alphabetica. Von den Anfängen alphabetischer Registerarbeiten zu Geschichtswerken (Vincenz von Beauvais O.P., Johannes von Hautfuney, Paulus Minorita OFM), in: Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel (Göttingen 1972) II p. 900-923, p. 903-904 and idem, Geschichtsbetrachtung bei Vincenz von Beauvais. Die Apologia Actoris zum Speculum Maius, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 34 (1978) p. 410-499, p. 420-421. According to Vincent's account of his own working method in his Apologia, personal contributions are marked by the word actor. In the prologue to the miracles it reads (preceded by: author): ... de quo ad edificationem legentium hie inserere curavi (p. 1065). 86 ltaque miracula quae in hoc codice continentur diebus festis eius in refectoriis legantur ... ! dem de historia Caroli a beato Turpino Remensi archiepiscopo descripta statuimus, edition (note 80) p. 1065. Cf. A. DI! MANDArn, Naissance (note 65) p. 377 who notes the Pseudo-Tuipin, the miracles and the story of Amicus and Amelius in Vincent' s Speculum and classifies it as belonging to the family "D" (famille Aimeric Picaud). His conclusions are based, above all, on the Pseudo-Tuipin, not on the miracles, bot might be possible for the miracles too. 25 Codex Calixtinus.indd 40 Codex Calixtinus.indd 40 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Vincent's collection of an independent abbreviated version supports such a conclusion. Some miracles in the Codex Calixtinus' version, in my opinion, retain the simplified shape ofthis prototype, while others were changed through enlargement and remodeling. We may see from the comparison of two examples the two different kinds of miracles in the Codex Calixtinus. 87 Despite a few differences, miracle 11 in Vincent is almost identical with the version in the Codex Calixtinus. Only the two ending-formulas are missing, and a stylistic figure of speech, quid plura? , frequently encountered in the Codex Calixtinus and designed to catch the audience's attention, is replaced by a simple et by Vincent. At first glance one can see differences in quantity in miracle 4, but there are six more points worth noting: St. James is twice called apostle of Galicia in the Codex Calixtinus (p. 30 heading and line 7). Tue prayer in Compostela occurs solito rrwre; an expression absent in Vincent (p. 31 line 34). The concrete reference to fear of the basci impii is also missing in Vincent's version (p. 31 line 4). The use of a so-called "Unsagbarkeitstopos," a topos referring to the inability to express, such as ultra quam dici Jas est, merits a simple valde in Vincent's version (p. 32 line 9). - Some special forms (hopus for opus, orror for horror) pointing to the Iberian Peninsula are not found in Vincent's version (e.g. p. 30 line 27) . - The heroes of the Codex Calixtinus become simple viri, thus widening the score of adressees too (p. 30 line 5). We may draw the following provisional conclusion: in Vincent certain "simple" tales, like miracle 11, are almost word for word as they appear in the Codex Calixtinus; more complex tales, like miracle 4, are fewer and they lack elements and stylistic figures typical for Galicia and the compilation of the Codex Calixtinus. I wish finally to mention Jacobus of Voragine (Varazze) , because he was one of the last in this line who significantly influenced further adoptions. 88 First, Jacobus narrates tale 11 of the miracles, which is connected to an Italian tale, and then gives a selection of ten tales, referring also, like Stephen de Bourbon, to an additional St. James miracle from Hugh of St.-Victor. 89 He concludes with an event in Pistoia 87 See Appendix p. 30-33. 88 Tue Latin edition still tobe used is: Jacobus de Varazze (Voragine) Legenda aurea, vulgo Historia lornbardica dicta, ed. T. GRABSsE (Bratislava 1890, Reprint Osnabriick 1965); St. James miracles p. 425-430 . Cf. conceming the work and its influence: M. voNNAGY, N.C. DE NAGY, Die Legenda aurea und ihr Verfasser Jacobus de Voragine (Bem-Munich 1971); R.! lAMES, Legenda (note 76), especially p. 197-209 (over eight hundred manuscripts and up to the Renaissance a "best-seller"). Cf. for its intemal structure : A. BoUREA U, La legende doree. Le systeme narratif de Jacques de Voragine (t 1298), preface de J. LEGoPF(Paris 1984) p. 82 and 90 for authentification and sources (e.g. citing Calixtus and his "dossier" as a source) . Boureau explains the success of the Legenda aurea, above all, through its narrative structure. 89 Ed. GRABSsE (note 88) p. 427. This miracle is found in Hugh of Saint Victor, De sacramentis libri II, pars 16, cap. 2, ed. J.P. MIG1'E, Patrologia latina 176 (Paris 1854) col. 583-584, to Hugh of St- 26 Codex Calixtinus.indd 41 Codex Calixtinus.indd 41 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 which does not have its origin in the Liber Sancti Jacobi, so that the beginning and end of this compilation may be seen as a tribute to the native Italian country of the compiler . We know that by this time there were special relations between Pistoia and Compostela. 90 The appendix miracle of 1139 of the Codex Calixtinus falls, as in Jean de Mailly's version, before the 22nd miracle of the Codex Calixtinus. IV. I do not wish to confinue with the history of the early reception of the James miracles, but instead to draw some conclusions from the above . The miracles of St. James were adopted in the 13th century in different forms. As presented in Vincent of Beauvais, they could be shortened, although remaining essentially intact as far as content was concemed, and arranged differently. On the other hand, they could be handed down .for further devotional "edification" and public instruction as largely shortened selections of some dozen or more of the twenty-two miracles, as we see in the tales of Jean de Mailly, Stephen de Bourbon and Jacobus of Voragine. In these contexts they lost their specific liturgical function. The integration in the new context of Exempla literature as practiced, above all, by the Dominicans, required such a constriction . lt seems that some miracles of the Codex Calixtinus were never of any interest to these compilers: examples are the miracles of the Jerusalem pilgrims on their way to Santiago. 91 The miracle of 1139 of Bruno of Vezelay, which was relegated to the appendix of the Codex Calixtinus, reappears in some of the non-Spanish texts before the last (22nd) miracle, which takes place in Victor cf. J. EHIERS , Hugo von St. Viktor . Studien zum Geschichtsdenken und zur Geschichtsschreibung des 12. Jahrhunderts, Frankfurter Historische Abhandlungen 7 (Wiesbaden 1973), p . 196 for the work "De sacramentis" . Cf. for the miracle in Jean de Mailly: DoNDAINE, Abrege (note 76) p. 265-266 and Stephen: BERI.mz, Pelerinage (note 79) p. 405. lt has not yet been noted that the miracle in the text of Jacobus de Voragine immediately precedes miracle 17 of the Calixtinian collection, a miracle with a similar plot . Vincent of Beauvais also cites the miracle in a place later than the Calixtinian miracles (ed . Douai, note 80, p. 1070) and refers to the already cited miracle : .. . de quo scilicet superius diclum esl ... The plot of this miracle was handed down quite often: it appears already in the 11th century, cf. note 17 and A. MolWJ! Jo,Tres versiones del milagro XVII del Libro XVII del Calixtino, Cuademos de Estudios Gallegos 20 (1950) p. 337-352 (the version of Guibert de Nogent now in the edition of E.R. LABANDE, Autobiographie , Paris 1981, p. 442-448). St. James, the "wonderworker" acts very often together with St. Mary. and in some versions Mary replaces St. James : cf. the Cant igas d' Alfonso X, cantiga 26, ed . W . METIMANN Acta Univ. Conimbrigensis 2 (Coünbra 1959) p. 76-79 and idem, Cantigas de 1 a 100 (Madrid 1986) p. 123- 126, or other collections of the miracles of the Virgin: P. GALi.Ais, Remarques sur la structures des "Miracles de Notre Dame", in : Cahiers d'Etudes Medievales 1, Epopees, legendes , miracles (Montreal-Paris 1974) p. 117-134, p . 118 and: P.-M . SPANGENBERG, Maria ist immer und überall. Die Alltagswelten des spätmittelalterlichen Mirakels (Frankfurt 1987) p. 238-240 . We cannot here deal with the further reception of this miracle in later collections of exempla and the function of suicide and the devil in this story . 90 Cf. L. GAJ (ed.) , Pistoia e il cammino di Santiago. Una dimensione europea nella Toscana medioevale. Pistoia 28-29-30 settembre 1984 (Atti del Convegno intemaz ionale di Studi [1987]) and especially the contribution of L. GAJ,Testimon ianze jacobee e riferimenti compostellani nella storia de Pistoia dei secoli XII-Xll , p . 119-230, especially p . 203-206 forthe documents existing in Pistoia. The miracle is registered in a manuscript of Pistoia (p. 206) . 91 Miracles 7-10. 27 Codex Calixtinus.indd 42 Codex Calixtinus.indd 42 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Spain. 92 Thi s arrangement is noteworthy because even the very special "Spanish miracles" 1 and 19 are not includ ed in the versions of Jean de Mailly and Jacobus de Voragine . I will not speculate further about collections of miracles of St. James which must have existed independently of the Codex Calixtinus . Tue style and arrangement of Vincent, however, make it clear that this question is still open for further discu ssion . Certain miracles can be found in almost every compilation. However, alon g with miracle 5, the base ofthe later "chicken miracle," miracle 4 ofthe thirty Lorrainers was especially popular. lt appears in all collec tions cited above andin many others, such as the "Alphabetum narrationum" of Arnold of Liege (arranged by catch words of the alphabet) and the "Recull d'exemplis," or in the "Seelentrost" (arranged by the Ten Commandments). 93 Its popularity may be owed to the similarities its plot shows with those of the "amicus-tales." 94 All the later versions have a more sober style and are shorter than those in the Codex Calixtinus. A few of the differences between Vincent ' s vers ion and that of the Codex Calixtinus have been mentioned. James , a knight in the Codex Calixtinus, 95 becomes a pereginus in Stephen of Bourbon's account, 96 a sign, perhaps, of a change in the "target-group" Stephen was addressing. Although all versions refer to the knight' s fear of the gens barbara near the Pyrenees on the night of his death , only the Codex Calixtinus 92 Thus, Jean de Mailly (note 76) (norma lly strictly following the disposition in the Llber), Jacobus of Varazze (note 88), similar, although slightly different from Vincent (note 81). 93 An English XVth Century Translation of the •Alphabetum narrationum' of Etienne de Besan~on, ed. M.M . BANXS (1904) vol. 1, p. 373 (cf. for the attribution to Arnold of Liege: G. GmRAms,in : Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche 9 [1964] col. 1038-39 and H .D. ÜPPa, Arnold von Lüttich, in: Verfasserlexikon 2 [ 1978] col. 748-749) ; Recull de exemplis e miracles, gestes et faules e altres ligendes ordenades per A .B.C. tretes de un manuscrit en pergam ini de comen~ament del segle XV, ed . A. VERDAGUER, vol. 1 [Barcelona 1881] p . 296-297 n. 325; Der grosse Seelentrost . Ein niederdeutsches Erbauungsbuch des 14. Jahrhunderts, ed. M. SCHMTIT, Niederdeutsche Studien 5 (Cologne 1959) p. 237; cf . the further (but not completely registered) vers ions in TusAOi,Index (note 68) n. 3783 . Interesting are the contexts, e.g ., in the "Seelentrost" the miracle figures as examples for the 8th command. - Cf. the representation of this miracle on the "retable de Saint Jaume de Frontanaya" (beginning of the XlVth century), Museu Diocesa e Comarcal de Solsona, Inv. n . 13, cf. J. CAWERER SERRA, in: Santiago de Compostela. 1000 ans de pelerinage europeen (Catalogue) (Gent 1985) p. 370 n. 369 with further literature . His interpretation lacks the identification of the miracles. Besides our miracle 5 we find no. 4 and the miracle of Brun de Vezelay (appendix of the Codex Calixtinus; WinTEHILL [note 3] p. 400-401). Cf . for further representations A. S1CART G! MeJ.m, La figura de Santiago en los textos medievales, in: Il Pellegri naggio (note 65) p. 271 -286, p. 279-280 note 27; cf. illustrations 1-2. 94 Cf. generally V. MEllTENS, Freundschaftssagen, in: Lexikon des Mittelalters IV (1988), col. 912- 913 and especially the story of Kunz Kistener, Die Jakobsbrüder , ed. K. EUUNo, Die Jakobsbrüder von Kunz Kistener , Germanistische Abhandlungen 16 (1899) (dated to the mid-14th century) . Perhaps the cited source (verse 1194) is our miracle 4, but the whole story also contains elements of miracles 4 and 5. Cf . EUUNop. 44-46 . Cf . generally I. ~. Zur Prosaauflösung von Kunz Kisteners Jakobsbrüdem, in: Festschrift B. Horacek, Philologica Germanica 1 (1974) p. 279-296 and idem, Kunz Kistener, in: Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters , Verfasserlexikon, IV (Berlin-New York 1983) col. 1158-1160. Cf. for the reception of the story (with slightly changing plots) R. Kol! U! ll,Die Legende von den beiden treuen Jakobsbrüdern, Germanistik 10 (1865) p. 447-455. 95 Quasi miles insidens equo: Dei miles. 96 Although the pilgrim is sitting still on horseback. beatus Jacobus in formtJ peregrini, eques veniens ... , ed. 1...Bcov DE LA M..itom, Anecdotes (note 78) p. 171. 28 Codex Calixtinus.indd 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 43 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 specifies gens Basclorumimpiorum. Tbe anti-Navarre and anti-Basque character of the Liber Sancti J acobi bas several times been pointed out by researcbers . 97 Tue failure of the other works examined to include this element may be a further indication that different primary sources were available to them . On the otber band, their compilers may bave on their own decided to omit this passage because the danger posed by the Basques bad diminisbed in the 13th century. Tbere is another evolutionary direction worthy of study: some collections incorporating miracles ·of St. James tried to downgrade the apostle in favor of the saints of important centers on the way to Santiago. 98 lt is clear that the "living structure" of compilations of miracles makes it difficult to demonstrate dependencies and affiliations. They represent a response to different needs in different periods. Tbe collection of miracles in the CodexCalixtinus sbould be seen as a cross-section in an on-going process. Various other versions of these miracles existed before the second book of the CodexCalixtinus, at the same time, and afterwards . Because of its style and form, we may conclude that Book II was designed to be read in cburcb and refectory . Tbe cboice of miracles stemmed from the desire to reveal the special thaumaturgic strength of St. James, wbicb, in the interest of spreading the cult, migbt be directed against competitors. As we saw in the miracle of the knigbts of Lorraine, the power of James was sbown to command even space and time. Tbe miracles originated in a cbivalric context, and the poor pilgrim could find himself in only a few passages. However, tbe target group was not based exclusively in knigbtly society, a fact revealed by the bistory of reception . To the question of wby the bistory of reception sbould be invoked wben we are dealing with the CodexCalixtinus, 1would give the following answer: knowledge of the destiny of St. James' miracles sbarpens our understanding of the particular cbaracter of the collection of miracles inserted in the Codex Calixtinus. Bebind this collection of miracles there was even more spirit and motivation than informs various other compilations of this sort. lt is, therefore, a collection that inspires many questions and asks for our continued attention. 97 Cf. e.g. L VJ.zQuP; T. DB P.uoA, Airneric Picaud y Navarra, Correo erudito 4 (1947) p . 113-114 . 98 Th is is the case, for example, in the miracles of S . Zoilo, Espafia Sagrada 33 (Madrid 1753, p. 496- 497), where a pilgrim does not need to joumey the remainder of the route to Santiago because he is cured oo the way. I thank Seraffn Moralejo for this suggestion . A sirnilar effect can be found in the Cantigas of Alfooso X (note 89). 29 Codex Calixtinus.indd 44 Codex Calixtinus.indd 44 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Appendix 1 Miracle IV In hoc beati Iacobi Zebedei apostoli Gallecie, presenti miraculo approbatur, uerum esse, quod scriptura testatur: Melius est non uouerequam post uotum retrorsumabire (Eccles. 5,4). 5 Feruntur namque, triginta heroes in Lotharingie horis pietatis deuocione se uisitaturos beati Iacobi limina in Gallecie partibus, anno incarnacionis dominice millesimo octogesimo proposuisse (fol. 143v). Sed quia mens humana 10 quandoque uariatur per multa, promittentes fidem inter se mutue seruitutis et conseruande fidelitatis commune officium pactum subierunt. Veruntamen unus ex illo numero huiusmodi sacramento se noluit implicare. Denique 15 hii omnes propositum iter aggressi usque ad Gasconica(m) urbem dictam Portam Clusa(m) incolumes uenerunt. Ibi uero unus ex illis, infirmitate grauatus, nullo modo ire potuit. Quem sui socii ex pacto fidei promisse equis et subuectione manuum cum graui labore usque 20 ad portus Cisere per quindecim dies detulerunt, cum spacium uie huius ab expeditis quinque diebus soleat expleri. Tune tandem grauati ac nimio tedio affecti, 25 pactam fidem postponentes, infirmum deseruerunt. Ille tarnen, qui solus fidem ei non dederat, hopus fidei et pietatis, eum non deserens, debilitato exibuit, et in proxima sequenti nocte circa eum uigilias in uico sancti Michae- 30 lis ad pedem prefati montis exercuit. Mane autem facto, infirmus dixit socio suo, quod temptaret montem ascendere, si sibi auxilium secundum uires suas uellet ipse sanus impendere. Cui ille respondit, quod non esset eum us- 35 que ad mortem deserturus. Itaque cum ad montis fastigium simul ascendissent, dies clauditur, infirmi beatissima anima a seculo nequam egreditur, et in paradisiaca requie digne pro meritis beato Iacobo ducente collocatur. 30 Anno Domini 1080, triginta viri de Lotharingia sanctum Iacobum adeuntes mutuae seruandam virtutis ·fidem sibi inuicem promiserunt. Vnus turn inter eos fuit, qui hoc eis non promisit. Cum itaque ad vrbem quae Porta Clausa dicitur, incolumes peruenissent, vnum e sociis ibi aegrotantem propter pactum quo fecerunt per 15 dies vsque ad portam Riseros (! ) cum grandi labore tulerunt. Cum ille 15 dietae ab expeditis quinque diebus agi posset, tune tandem grauati infirmum reliquerunt. Ille tarn solus, qui fidem non promisit, cum eo remansit ad pedem montis sancti Michaelis. Tune dixit infirmus, vt eum si posset super illum montem ferret. Quem ille libenter detulit, et die declinante ad vesperam infirmus migrauit. Quod videns viuus valde timuit propter imminentem noctis caliginem et defuncti praesentiam et gentis barbarae saeuitatem. Codex Calixtinus.indd 45 Codex Calixtinus.indd 45 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Quod uiuus uidens maxime perterritus, turn loci solitudine, turn noctis caligine, turn presencia mortui atque orrore barbare gentis Basclorum impiorum circa portus commorancium supra modum tirnuit. Et quoniam a se uel a quolibet homine nullum inuenit auxilium, iactans super dominum cogitatum suum a beato lacobo suplici corde expeciit presidium. Dominus uero fons pietatis non deserens sperantes in se, per apostolum suum dignatus est desolatum uisitare. Enimvero beatus lacobus, quasi miles insidens equo, in angustia posito superuenit. Dixitque ei: quid hie agis, frater? Domine, inquit ille, sepelire hunc meum socium n: iaximo desidero, sed qua ope (fol. 144') sepeliatur in hac uastitate non habeo. Tune ille: Porrige, inquit, michi huc mortuum, tu quoque post me super equum quousque ad locum sepeliendi perueniamus reside. Sicque agitur . Defunctum coram se apostolus in brachiis diligenter accepit, et uiuum post se super equum residere fecit. Mira Dei virtus, mira Christi clemencia, mira beati lacobi subsidia! Nocte illa transcurso interuallo itineris duodecim dierum, ante solis ortum uno miliario citra monasterium predicti apostoli in monte Gaudii apostolus quos acceperat ab equo deposuit, intimans uiuo ut prefati (! , -fati on rasure) basilice canonicos ad sepeliendum hunc beati lacobi peregrinum inuitaret. Deinde adiunxit, dicens: Cum exequias defuncti tui honorifice expletas uideris, et pernoctans in oracione solito more completa redieris, apud urbem nomine Legione(m) socios obuiam habueris. Quibus et dices: Quoniam circa socium uestrum, deserentes eum, infideliter egistis, beatus apostolus per me uobis denunciat, uestras preces uestrasque peregrinaciones usque ad condignam penitenciam penitus sibi displicere. Tune demum his audi- 5 Sie ergo omnino destitutus ad orationem se contulit et statim sanctus lacobus ei in specie equitis apparens causam fletus inquisiuit. Domine, inquit, quia 10 nox est, et mortuus iste sepeliri non potest. 15 Tune ille: Trade mihi hunc mortuum, et tu ascende post me super equum. Quo facto, nocte 20 illa ante solis ortum duodecim dietas peragentes ad montem Gaudii qui est dimidia leuca citra sanctum lacobum peruenerunt. Ibique sanctus viuum et 25 mortuum de equo deposuit, iubens viuo, vt canonicos sancti lacobi ad sepeliendum peregrinum mortuum inuitaret. Et peracta peregrinatione cum inueniret socios in vrbe, quae dicitur Legio, eos de fracto pac- 30 to corriperet, et diceret eis ex 35 parte sancti lacobi, quod propter hoc eorum peregrinatio non valeret. Et his dictis disparuit. 40 31 Codex Calixtinus.indd 46 Codex Calixtinus.indd 46 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 tis, intelligens ipsum esse Christi apostolum, ad pedes eius procidere uoluit, sed Dei miles non ei amplius comparuit. His itaque gestis, reuertens, socios in urbe pre- 5 fata (f on rasure) inuenit, quibus quecumque a discessu illorum sibi contigerant, quot quantas minas, de fide in socium non ex integro exibita, apostolus intulerat, per ordinem emarrauit. Quibus auditis, ultra quam dici fas est, mirati 10 sunt, et accepta ilico ab antistite urbis Legionis penitencia, peregrinacionis sue iter (iter interlin.) consummarunt. A Domino factum est istut et est mirabile in occulis nostris. Hec enim sunt que fecit Domi- 15 nus; exultemus et letemur in eis. Si quidem in hoc miraculo comprobatur, quia quicquit Deo uouetur cum ylaritate reddi debetur : quatinus uota digna reddens, ueniam a Domino consequatur. Quod ipse prestare dignetur Ih(esu)s 20 Christus Dominus noster, qui cum Patre et Spiritu Sancto uiuit et regnat Deus per infinita secula seculorum. Amen. (Whitehill p. 265-266, I revised the text from the ms. of the Codex Calixtinus) 32 llle autem rediens, cum hoc inuentis sociis nunciasset, valde mirati sunt, et ab episcopo Legionis ciuitatis vt ille consecutus fuerat, super hoc poenitentiam susceperunt. (Speculum historiale, Douai 1624, Repr. Graz 1965, p. 1065- 1066) Codex Calixtinus.indd 47 Codex Calixtinus.indd 47 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Miracle XI Anno dominice incarnacionis M 0 C' V 0 extitit quidam, nomine B(er)nardus, apud castrum nomine Corzanu(m) in Ytalia episcopatu Mutine captus, catenis allegatus et in profundo cuiusdam turris ab inimicis eiectus. Cui die noctuque beati Iacobi subsidia uoce continua imploranti, apparuit gloriosissimus Christi apostolus dicens : Ueni sequere me usque ad Gallecia(m). Et disruptis catenis ipsius disparuit. Ilico peregrinus ille, suspensis ad collum boiis usque ad turris summitatem sine aliquo humano iuuamine, bea (fol. 148') ti Iacobi subsidiis suffultus ascendit. Quid plura? De sublimitate turris usque ad solum terre forinsecus sine aliqua lesione unum saltum fecit. Turris uero sublimitas erat sexaginta cubitorum; unde magis mirum fuit, qualiter necem euasit, qui de tanta celsitudine incolumis cecidit. A Domino factum est istut et est mirabile in occulis nostris. Regi regum sit decus et gloria in secula seculorum. Amen. (Whitehill p. 273, I revised the text from the Codex Calixtinus) Anno Domini 1105, Bemardus quidam in Italia captus cathenis obligatus est, et in profundo cuiusdam turris ab inimicis eiectus. Cui die noctuque continuo im- 5 ploranti apparuit beatus Iacobus dicens: Veni sequere me, vsque ad Galiciam. Et disruptis cathenis eius disparuit. Illico peregrinus suspensus ad collum Boys, vsque ad turris summitatem sine 10 humano iuuamine beati Iacobi auxilio suffultus ascendit, et de sublimitate turris, quae 40 cubitorum erat, vsque ad solum terrae forinsecus saltum vnum, faciens 15 incolumis penitus euasit. (Speculum historiale, Douai 1624, Repr. Graz 1965, p. 1065- 1066) 33 20 Codex Calixtinus.indd 48 Codex Calixtinus.indd 48 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Appendix 2 List and concordance of miracles in Book II of the Codex Calixtinus Miracle fol. Whitehill Dfaz y Diaz, (pretended) author date nr. p. Calixtino, or compilator 103-118, pieza nr. 1 141'-v 261-62 82 Pope Calixtus (II.) (1065-1109) 2 14lv- 142v 262-63 83 Beda 01 enerabilis) (819th cent.) 3 142v- 143' 263-64 84 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1108 4 143'- 144' 265-66 85 Magister Hubert of Besam; ; on 1080 5 144'- 145' 267-68 86 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1()()0 6 145'- 146' 268-69 87 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1100 7 146•-v 269-70 88 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1101 8 146v- 147' 270-71 89 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1102 9 147r-v 271-72 90 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1103 10 147v 272-73 91 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1104 11 147v- 148' 273 92 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1105 12 148' 273-74 93 Pope Calixtus (II'.) 1106 13 148•-v 274 94 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1135 14 148v 274-75 95 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1107 15 148v- 149' 275-76 96 Pope Calixtus (II.) 1110 16 149'- 150v 276-78 97 Anselm of Canter- ~1090 bury 17 15ov_152v 278-82 98 Anselm of Canter- (11th bury cent.) 18 152v_153v 282-83 99 Pope Calixtus (II.) (1037-1060) 19 153v_154' 283-85 100 Pope Calixtus (II.) (before 1064) 20 154•-v 285-86 101 Pope Calixtus (II.) (1100-1110) 21 154v 286 102 Pope Calixtus (II.) (nostro ita que tempore) 22 154v_155v 286-287 103 Pope Calixtus (II .) (1100) 34 Codex Calixtinus.indd 49 Codex Calixtinus.indd 49 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Miracle 4 in S. Jaume de Frontanya (Vazquez de Parga, Peregrinaciones III, table 42, cf. note 93) Miracle 4 in Recull de exemplis (cf. note 93 p. 296) 35 Codex Calixtinus.indd 50 Codex Calixtinus.indd 50 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Codex Calixtinus.indd 51 Codex Calixtinus.indd 51 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Peregrinatio ad Limina Sancti Jacobi ROBERT PLöTZ The Christian West gained distinctive features of its own in the eleventh century, 1 a period which coincided with a mass movement of the pious to the presumptive shrine of Saint James. 2 From the beginning, the cult of St. James had two aspects, one Franco-European, the other Spanish, with the latter increasingly strengthened by the progress of the Reconquista.3 The dual nature of this Galician religious movement most clearly revealed itself at the time of the First Crusade (1096-99). Not long after, around 1150, the Codex Calixtinus4 provided in Liber 1, XVII,5 a census of the national and ethnic composition of the pilgrims visiting the apostle' s tomb in the far west. This encyclopedic ennumeration, perhaps more ideal than actual, was introduced by the claim that "To this place come foreign peoples and such as live all over the world." 6 The status and condition of these pilgrims was presented in the description of the vigilia of the feast of St. James: "Thither to the apostle's tomb betalce themselves the rich, robbers, horsemen, pedestrians, princes, the blind, the lame, the prosperous, noblemen, squires, people of rank, bishops, abbots, some barefooted, some without means, others burdened with iron for reasons of repentence." 7 These initial quotations shall serve as a starting-point for the discussion of the following topics in their temporal and spatial context: 1) The phenomenological development of pilgrimage into the 12th century within the general development of the Latin Christian Occident in Europe. See H. FUHRMANN, Einladung ins Mittelalter (2nd ed . Munich 1987); F. BoRKENAu, Ende und Anfang, Von den Generationen der Hochkultur und von der Entstehung des Abendlandes (Stuttgart 1984), p. 166-489; K. HAMPE, Geschichte des Abendlandes von 900 bis 1250 (6th ed. Cologne-Vienna 1977); F. lliER, Abendland (Meyers Enzyklopädisches Lexikon, I (Mannheim et al. 1971), p. 57-64; A. VAN SatELTAMA, Antike - Abendland (Salzburg 1964); 0 . BRUNNER, Inneres Gefüge des Abendlandes, Historia Mundi 6 (1958); J. FisCHBR, Oriens -Occidens - Europa, Begriff und Gedanke 'Europa' in der späten Antike und im frühen Mittelalter (Wiesbaden 1957); H. PlRENNE; Geburt des Abendlandes, (Gennan Translation, 2nd ed. Amsterdam 1941). 2 See R. Ptö-n, Deutsche Pilger nach Santiago de Compostela bis zur Neuzeit, Jakobus-Studien 1, (Tübingen 1988), p. 1-27, 0. ENGELS, Die Anfänge des spanischen Jakobusgrabes in kirchenpolitischer Sicht, Römische Quartalschrift 75 (1980), p. 146-170; J.-M. LACARRA, Espiritualidad del culto y de la peregrinaci6n a Santiago antes de la primera cruzada, Pellegrinaggi e culto dei Santi in Europa fino alla la Crociata (Todi 1963) p. 115-144; LV AZQUEZ DE PARaA/ J.-M. LACARRA/ J. URIA Rtu, Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela, (Madrid 1948) I, p. 27-86. 3 See LACARRA (note 2), p. 115. 4 See M .C. DrAZ Y DrAZ,EI C6dice Calixtino de la Catedral de Santiago Monografias de Compostellanttm 2, (Santiago de Compostela 1988); and K. HERBERS, Der Jakobuskult des 12. Jahrhunderts und der Liber Sancti Jacobi, Historische Forschungen 7 (Wiesbaden 1984). 5 W.M . WHITEHllL (ed.), Liber Sancti Jacobi, Codex Calixtinus, I. Text (Santiago de Compostela 1944), p. 148 f. 6 lbid. p. 148. 7 lbid. p. 149. 37 Codex Calixtinus.indd 52 Codex Calixtinus.indd 52 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 2) The peregrinatioad liminaBeatiJacobi up to the time of the CodexCalixtinus; including structural factors and historical aspects of piety and devotion. The Development of the PeregrinatioReligiosa From the earliest times the Christian world has included travellers who visited holy places or the dwellings of holy men in order to seek the intervention of divine powers for their wordly and material needs. The practice of pilgrimage differs essentially from the general veneration of saints and its effects in the fields of relics, local cults etc., nor is it to be confused with these fields when it comes to history of piety, although the boundaries between these experiences of salvation are fluid and their developments may be connected with each other. 8 Different, separable, phenoma of the external form and intemal motivation can be presented: 1) Pilgrimage, or the state of a pilgrim (statusviae or viatoris), whose relevance for Christian anthropology is summed up in the saying "Life is a pilgrimage" (vita estperegrinatio).' Life on earth is for the homoviator just a transitional stage to his real heavenly goal, to God. 10 The Iro-Scottish itinerant monks of the period of middle-European mission lived by this ideal; they had learned homelessness from the early monks in the East Pilgrimage signified a concretized religious attitude and did not relate to a specific way or geographically localizable destination. 2) Pilgrimage to a holy place (peregrinatio ad loca sancta). At the beginning this phenomenon merely meant a visit for devout purposes to the holy places of Christ' s life and sufferings in Palestine, notably Jerusalem. From this would develop the concept of the crusades as warlike pilgrimages. 11 3) Penitential pilgrimages in the Middle Ages to remote places with the tombs of apostles and saints. 12 These descended from the peregrinatioad loca sancta and competed with it. The concept of pilgrimage as we recognize it today did not reach 8 R . Punz, Pelerins et pelerinages hier et aujourd'hui, autour de l'exemple de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle. Les chemins de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle, Rapport du Congres de Bamberg, Patrimoine architectural, Rapports et etudes 16 (Strasbourg 1989), chapter "peregrinatio religiosa"; W. Ba0CIOOlll, Pilger, Pilgerschaft, in: Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie, III (Rome et aL 1971), p. 439-442; R. Punz, Peregrini - Palmieri- Romei, Untersuchungen zum Pilgerbegriff der Zeit Dantes, Jahrbuch für Volkskunde NF 2 (1979), p. 103-134. 9 See E.-R. LAIIANDB, "Pauper et Peregrinus", Les problemes du pelerin chretien d'apres quelques travaux recents, Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenzen, Aufsatzband, (München-Zürich 1984), p. 23-32; R. Punz, Strukturwandel der peregrinat io im HochmitteWter, Rheinisch-westfälische Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 26(1.7(1981/ 82), p . 130-151; R. Punz, Peregrini (note 8), (Munich-Zürich 1984) p . 103-104; and H. voN ~usBN, Die asketische Heimatlosigkeit im altkirchlichen und frühmitteWterlichen Mönchtum, Sammlung gemeinverständlicher Vorträge und Schriften aus dem Gebiet der Theologie und Religionsgeschichte 149, (Tübingen 1930). 10 L. and R. KRJss-R.im'BNBBcr/ 1. lwO! , Homoviator - Ideen und Wirltlichkeiten, Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenzen (note 9), p. 10-22. 11 See H.E. MAYBR, Geschichte der Kreuzzüge (Stuttgart et al., 6th revised ed. 1985), p. 13-40; K.M. SETroN, Tue History of the Crusades, I-V, (Philadelphia 1958-85); and C. ERDMANN, Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens (Stuttgart 1935, Reprint Darmstadt 1974). 12 See B. KOTnNG, Peregrinatio religiosa, Forschungen zur Volkskunde 33-35, (Reprint Münster 1980). , 38 Codex Calixtinus.indd 53 Codex Calixtinus.indd 53 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 its füll scope as a European mass phenomenon until the ll/ 12th century. 13 lt was only then that the classification of Jerusalem, Rome and Santiago de Compostela as major places of pilgrimage (peregrinationesmaiores) was made. 4) The Concursuspopuli. This means pilgrimage in its broadest sense, such as the cults of tombs, images of saints, miracle cults, salvation and indulgence concursus, rogation feast and obligatory processions. All these phenomena were considered normal things and no one regarded them as pilgrimage. 14 In a certain sense they came together in the processioperegrinationis which was a common practice since the counter-reformation. What motivated the pilgrims to set out on their hard way? Whereas for the strict doctrine of the church, for leamed theologians, the emphasis lay on repentence and salvation, the main concem of the layman was the very immediate, literally physical contact with the sanctuaries at the place of grace. There people of devout faith sought quasi-material, tangible assurances of salvation, together with devotional objects tobe taken harne and made apart of everyday life. Everyone wanted some visible testimony of their completed pilgrimage; hence the medieval pilgrims' signs. We can trace them for the first time in the second half of the 12th century. Tue scallop of James ranked highly among the pilgrim's signs and appeared on buildings andin sculptural art at the beginning of the 12th century. 15 As early as the 12th century busy trading with the intersignaBeati Jacobi had established itself "in the paradise behind the fountain" 16 in front of the northem portal of the cathedral. Many of the motives which made the pilgrims take to the road can no langer be reconstructed because of the lack of sources, particularly for the period under discussion . A considerable contingent of the pilgrims was probably made up of those driven by their own pious impulses, urged on their way by disease and ailments, bodily as well as mental and psychical. This becomes especially apparent in the enormous rise in the number of pilgrims during and after famines, epidemics, natural and other disasters, one part travelling to ask for recovery or relief for themselves or their relations, the other part, to offer their thanks and to make sacrifices for a recovery or rescue granted, often in fulfilment of a vow.17Later these pilgrims would be joined by others delegated by secular and spiritual authorities. 18 13 See R. Pt.o-rz, Strukturwandel der peregrinatio im Hochmittelalter (note 9), p. 130-151. 14 H. ThlNMNoBll, Processio peregrinationis, Würzburger Diözesangeschichtsblätter 23, (1961), p. 55- 75. 15 See R. Pt.o-rz, Imago Beati Iacobi in: Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenzen (note 9), p. 248-264; and K. KOSTBll, Pilgerzeichen und Pilgermuscheln von mittelalterlichen Santiagostrassen, Ausgrabungen in Schleswig, Berichte und Studien 2, (Neumünster 1983). 16 Llber Sancti Jacobi (note 5), p. 379 f. 17 See P.A. SmAL,Les differents types de pelerinage au Moyen Age, in: Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenzen (note 9), p. 76-85. 18 See R. Pt.o-rz, Deutsche Pilger (note 2), p. 21-25. 39 Codex Calixtinus.indd 54 Codex Calixtinus.indd 54 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Peregrinatio ad Limina Beati Jacobi From the extremely scanty data provided by the Gospels and the accounts of the apostle James to the discovery/ inve ntion of the Saint' s grave in the first third of the 9th century entails a lengthy journey . 19 Preceding the formation of the Traditiones hispanicaew were the church's efforts to progressively expand the missionary areas of the apostles, which according to the divisioapostolorum (Ps 18: 5) reached the boundaries of the ancient world. 21 In the 4/ Sth century the sortes apostolicae mention an apostle as a proclaimer of the Gospels in Spain, but without identifying him (Dydimus, Jerome, Theodoret ofCyrus). 22 Still earlier, according to Clement of Alexandria and Eusebius , there existed a passio modica which dealt with the apostle's work before his death , 23 but its scope was restricted to his activities in Jerusalem and Judeae . The passio modica was accepted into the passio magna of Ps.-Abdias, a Passion anthology of Latin - Frankish origin which better satisfied the prevailing taste and which circulated in the churches and monasteries of Latin Christianity from the 7th century onwards.2A Strongly influenced by anti-Jewish tendencies, the passio magna, which probably originated in the area around Narbonne-Lyon-Marseille, had James preaching in Judeae and Samaria . 25 For James ' activities, the Spanish Church exhibited two ancient records : 1) the apostle' s journey to the lberian peninsula, his unsuccessful missio n there, and his return to Jerusalem where he suffered a martyr's death . 2) the Translatio of his mortal remains and burial in Compost ela. The oldest mention of James as a missionary in the penisula appears in the BreviariumApostolorum, a translation from Byzantine-Greek sources into Latin of biographical notes of all the apostles . 26 In the Breviarium the Occident was speci- 19 See F. L6Pl! Z ALSINA, La ciudad de Santiago de Compostela en la Alta Edad Media. Monograffas de Cornpostellänum 1 (Santiago de Compostela, 1988), p. 107-118; and R. PLon, Der Apostel Jacobus in Spanien bis : rum 9. Jahrhundert, Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft 1. Serie, XXX, p. 102-106 . 20 See R . PLon, Traditiones Hispanicae Bea ti Jacobi in: Santiago de Cornpostela , 1000 Ans de Pelerinage Europeen (Gent 1985), p. 27-39 . 21 See M .C . DIAz, La litterature jacobite jusqu ' au xnc siecle, ibid . p. 165; and W. Huo, Geschichte des Festes "Divisio Apostolorum ", Theo logische Quartalschrift 113 (1932), p. 53-73 . 22 See PG XXXIX, 486-488; PL XXIV, 373, PL XXIV, 424-425; and PG LXXXIII, 1010 (PLon, Der Apostel J acobus in Spanien [note 19], p. 61-63). 23 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica 1, 9, 2, 3. See DfAZ y DfAZ, La litterature jacob ite (note 21), p. 165; Pum, Der Apostel Jacobus in Spanien (note 19), p. 55-56 . The pass io modica was translated in 403 by Rufm us of Aquileia. 24 Codex Apocryphus Novi Testamenti, a Johanne Alberto Fabricio (Hamburgi 1703), tom. II Apocrypha , sive Historia certamen Apostolici . See Pum (note 19), p . 58-61; M.C. DfAZ y DfAZ, La literatura jacobea anterior al C6dice Calixtino, Cornpostellanum 10 (1965), p. 641; R.A . Lll'Srus, Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden, Vol. II/ 2 (Braunschweig, 1884), p. 202-208. 25 Fabricius , Codex Apocryphus II (note 24) p. 516. 26 See JACQUES Coamn.u, Saint Jacques a Compostelle (La Guerche-de-Bretagne 1985), p . 86-88; Pum, Der Apostel Jacobus in Spanien (note 19), p. 63-73; B . DB GAll'l'Il! ll, Le Breviarium Apostolorum (BHL 652) , Analecta Bollandia 81, fase. 1-II (1963), 89-116; M .C. DfAZ y DfAZ, Die spanische Jakobus-Legende be i Isidor von Sevilla, Historisches Jahrbuch 77 (1958), p. 469 ; TH. SClll! aMANN, 40 Codex Calixtinus.indd 55 Codex Calixtinus.indd 55 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 fically assigned to James (Iberian Peninsula), Matthew (Macedonia) and Philip (Gaul). In contrast to the passio magna, the apostle James is said to have spread the Christian belief in "Spaniae et occidentalia loca." 27 However, there was no mention of a tomb. Since the Breviarium was not known to Venantius Fortunatus (t 6()()) and Gregory of Tours (t 595), but definitely to Julian of Toledo (t 690) andin an adaptation by Aldhelm (t 709), 28 it would have circulated from around 700 onwards. The liturgy conveys a similar impression. Neither in the Liber Comicus of Silos, which probably reflects the liturgical standards of the 7th century, nor in the Orationale of Verona is there a feast reserved for James the Eider or the Younger. 29 Another early indication of the evangelization of Spain by James was the De ortu et obitu Patrum,'30 closely connected with the Breviarium. According to recent research the part of this document relevant for us is an interpolated version of a text by Isidore of Seville that was adapted from the Breviarium and circulated in Spain from about the middle of the 7th century . 31 The passages in the text refer to James' family background, his authorship of the canonical letter, his preaching the Gospel in Spain and otherregions ofthe West, a martyr's death and the place of his grave. Further testimony of the apostle's mission on Spanish soil is, for the most part, associated with the texts already dealt with, and is of minor importance for our subject. 32 Until the 8th century the apostolic tradition was of no importance to the Spanish church. Neither in the ancient Hispanic church nor at the time of the convocation of a national Gothic church at the Third Council of Toledo (589) during the reign of the Visigothic king Reccared I (585-601) was there any reference to a bishop's seat going back to apostolic tradition. 33 On the contrary, in Spain itselfthe vitae ofthe seven disciples of Christ were written down probably only at the end of the 8th century, supposedly by a Mozarabic hagiographer, without any reference to an apostolic tradition. 34 This account was later associated with James and integrated into various texts of the translation . We come across the first literary trace of the news spread by the Propheten- und Apostellegenden nebst Jüngerkatalogen des Dorotheus und verwandter Texte, Texte und Untersuchungen mr Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur 31/ 3 (Leipzig 1907), p. 254. 27 lbid. p. 254. 28 See DrAZ Y D! AZ, La litterature jacobite (note 21), p. 166; Purrz, Traditiones Hispanicae (note 20), p. 29; idem, Der Apostel Jacobus in Spanien (note 19), p. 88f.; C. TolUlESRoolllGUEZ, Aldhelmo, Adhelmo, o Adelmos, abad de Malmesbuiy y obispo de Sherbom; su relaci6n con la tradici6n jacobea (650-709), Compostel.lanum 18 (1983), p. 417-428. 29 Pum, Der Apostel Jacobus in Spanien (note 19), p. 77-88; J. PmlEz DB URBBL, EI Antifonario de Le6n y el culto de Santiago el Mayor en 1a liturgia mozarabe, Revista de la Universidad de Madrid 3 (1954); M. Au.Mo, Les calendriers mozarabes d'apres Dom Ferotin, additions et corrections, Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 29 (1943). 30 See C. CHAPAIUlO GOMEz, Isidorus Hispalensis De Ortu et Obitu Patrum (Paris 1985); DrAZ v D! AZ, Die spanische Jakobus-Legende (note 26), p. 467-472. 31 See DrAZ v DrAZ, La litterature jacobite (note 21), p . 166. 32 See Purrz, Der ApostelJacobus in Spanien (note 19), p. 65-73. 33 See Purrz, Traditiones Hispanicac Bcati Jacobi (note 20), p. 30. 34 See Pum, Der Apostel Jacobus in Spanien (note 19), p. 125-128; M.C. DrAZ v DrAZ, Index Scriptorum l..atinonnn Mcdii Acvi Hispanorum, I (Madrid 1959), p. 106f. nr. 395; J. V1VBS, Las Actas de los Varoncs apost6licos, Miscellanea liturgica in honorem L. Cuniberti Mohlberg I (1948), p. 45. 41 Codex Calixtinus.indd 56 Codex Calixtinus.indd 56 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 apostolic Catalogues about a mission of James in Spain in the poema de Aris written by Aldhelm of Malmesbury (650? -709). This text, more lyrical than hagiographic, described James as "Primitus Hispanas." 35 Had Jeromes's principle been adhered to, whereby each apostle was buried in the place of his mission, it would have been the moment to identify the apostle's tomb and to bring it into accord with the the burial site "Achaia Marmarica" mentioned in the Breviarium. 36 However, events prevented that for the time being. The Muslim invasion led to the decline of the Visigothic realrn, paralyzing for some time the religio-political life of the Spanish Christians. The next mention of the preaching of the Gospel by James was delayed until the beginning of the Reconquista. The monk Beatus ofLiebana took his cue, probably, from the abovementioned widely distributed list of the apostles and made use of it in his Commentary on the Apocalypse. 37 One of the most important and at the same time most polemical texts is the hymn 0 Dei verbum patris, dedicated to the Asturian King, Mauregatus (783-788). In the fifth stanza James was portrayed as "potitus Ispania." The tenth stanza linked him even more closely with the lberian peninsula: "Tutorque nobis et patronus vemulus. "38 Thus a "personal" relationship of James with Spain was established. lt is the 8th century which witnessed, outside of the customary attributions just reviewed, the establishment of a connection between James and Spain. Of the historical trends which led to this development, the following were most central: 1) The constant threat by the Moors, who, apart from endangering one's life fought against the Christian faith James had brought to Spain. 2) The growing estrangement of the Christian North, which resulted in a detachment from Visgothic ecclesiastical control. 3) The intemal quarrels in Spain over Adoptionism involved important political and ecclesiastical problems, such as the significance of the primacy of Toledo, the relationship of the Asturian church to the Frankish and Roman church, Toledo's apostolic authenticity, and consequently, its claim to doctrinal authority . 4) The emergence of a growing self-confidence in the Asturian kingdom. As it came to regard itself as the successor of the Visigothic, the enterprise of the Reconquista was promoted. 39 35 Poema de Aris, PL LXXXXIX, 293. See PUlTZ, Apostel Jacobus (note 19), p. 88f. 36 See DfAZ v D! Az, EI C6dice Calixtino {note 4), p. 18-20; PLOTz, Der Apostel Jacobus (note 19), p. 99-113. 37 H.A. SANDERS, Sancti Beati in Apocalipsin libri duodecim (Rome 1930). See J. Gn., Actas del Simposio para el estudio de los c6dices del Comentario al Apocalipsis de Beato de Liebana I, (Madrid 1978), p. 230-232; M.C. DfAZ v DtAZ, Literaturajacobea·hasta el siglo XII, Il Pellegrinaggio a Santiago de Compostela e 1a letteratura jacopea, Aui del Convegno intemazionale di Studi, (Perugia 1985), p. 239. 38 C. BLUMB, Hymnodia Gotica, die Mozarabischen Hymnen des altspanischen Ritus, Analecta Hymnica Medü Aevi 27, {Leipzig 1897), p. 186-188; M.C. DfAZ v D! Az, Estudios sobre la antigua literatura relacionada con Santiago el Mayor, I: los himnos en honor de Santiago de la literatura hispanica, Compostellanum 11 (1966), p. 487-503; see PUlTZ, Der Apostel Jacobus (note 19), p. 90-94; J. VAN Hl! ilwAAIIDEN, Saint James in Spain up to the 12th Century in: Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenzen (note 9), p. 238f. 39 See R. PUlTZ, La peregrinatio como fen6meno alto-medieval, Compostellanum 29 (1984), p. 241- 42 Codex Calixtinus.indd 57 Codex Calixtinus.indd 57 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 lt is no coincidence that King Alfonso II began to shape bis residence at Oviedo on the model of Toledo in 795, that is, just a year after the condemnation of Adoptianism at the Council of Frankfurt. Heretofore the Asturian realm bad been politically oriented to mere self-assertion. Now, however, the Asturian rulers claimed to be in succession to their Visigothic predecessors, and thus to be guardians of the unadulterated Visigothic church. First contacts with Charlemagne, whose role I will deal with later, are evidence of an approximation to the Frankish church. All these components fed an intricate process of creating a spiritual and psychological climate wbich would ultimately entail the rediscovery of the apostle' s tomb. 40 Backed by apostolic authority and advanced by the Christian reconquest of the lost Iberian regions, the dynamics of a cult were released, the consequences of which are still with us. 41 Evidence of the practice of a cult already existed in the eighth century. Some churches of the diocese of Lugo may have possessed the patronage of James by then, but the documentation is probably falsified. 42 The final realization ofthe cult took place in the first half of the ninth century with the "invention" of the grave of James in the era ofBishop Theodomir (t 847) of Iria Flavia and the Asturian king Alfonso II (789-842). At that time Lewis the Pious was probably ruling in the western part of the Frankish empire. The first mention of the finding of the grave, but without specification of a site, is in the martyrology of Usuard of Saint- Germain-des-Pres (t 877), who was in Spain about 856: "ad Hispanias translata, [ossa] et in ultimis earum finibus condita ... " 43 Here for the first time a literary text which circulated outside the peninsula mentioned the existence of the apostle's tomb. Usuard, however, implies a translation of the apostle's body. At this point there are only two important links missing in the chain of evidence for the Traditioneshispanicae: the identification of the place of the grave and the translatio to the tomb of the apostle' s body after bis death in Jerusalem. In addition, the tomb cult must be established, with its service and its propagation. The information provided in the more-or-less reliable documents represents a preliminary stage in establishing the place names. These documents are in the first part of Tumbo A of the cathedral in Compostela, where the evangelization of Spain by James, bis role as patron and the tomb are taken for granted. 44 A royal document of 243; see generally E. PoRTEU. Sn.vA, La Reconquista espafiolay 1arepoblaci6n del pa{s(Zaragoza 1951); J.A. GARdA DE Coa.TJ.zAR RUJZ DE AolJIJUll! , Historia de Espafiaalfaguara, II, 1aepocamedieval (Madrid, 1973). 40 See C. SJ.NCHEZ-AuloaNoz, Espaiia,un enigma hist6rico, I (Buenos Aires 1956),p. 272f.; Pwrz, Der Apostel Jacobus (note 19), p. 47f. 41 See Pwrz, Pelerins et pelerinages hier et aujourd'hui (note 8); 1. Mmac,Kontinuität im Wandel, politische und soziale Aspekte der Santiago-Wallfahrtvom 18. Jahrhundert bis mr Gegenwart, Geschichte und Gesellschaft 3 (1977), p. 299-328. 42 SeeLomz Al.sJNA, La ciudad de Santiago (note 19), p. 102f.; C. SJ.NCHEZ-AUloRNoz, Despoblaci6ny repoblaci6n del valle del Duero (Buenos Aires 1966),p. 28f.; LV .47.QUEZDE PAROA, Los docurnentos sobre las presuras del obispo Oduario de Lugo, Hispania 10 (1950), p. 635-tiSO,esp. 662. 43 PL CXXIV, 85. See HERwAAIIDl! N, Saint James in Spain (note 38), p. 240; H. AOU! US, Die Martyrologien, ihre Geschichte und ihr Wert, Abhandlungen der königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaft zu Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse NF IIIß (Berlin, 1900), p. 114. 44 M.C. DfAzv DfAz/ F. LoP! ! ZAur! NA/ S. MORAL1! 10 Ar.v.wiz,Los Tumbos de Compostela (Madrid, 1985). 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 58 Codex Calixtinus.indd 58 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 885 by Alfonso III located the grave "in locum arcis marmoricis, territorio Gallicie ... " 45 As proof of a local tradition, the appelative nature of the note is too vague , particularly as Galicia was a name generally associated with the kingdom of the Asturias both in the Muslim and the Carolingian world, as well as in Rome. Nothing short of a relic translation could contribute to the solution of that problem and legitimize the tomb and authenticate it as an apostolic site. The Translatio was not slow in coming. Two , probably genuine, texts testify to this: an epistle attributed to Pope Leo and a letter of 906 by Alsonso III to the clergy of Tours. The other texts may be ignored here. The Epistola Leonis addressed to "regibus Francorum et Vandalorum, Gotorum et Romanorum" 46 probably dates from the late tenth century and relates the translation with the seven apostolic disciples mentioned above. There is no reference to the preaching of the Gospel by James in Spain. The text of the "epistola" originated in Galicia about the turn of the millenium, and might be regarded as a propaganda tract for the pilgrims already visiting the sanctuary . 47 This text must be seen in connection with Alfonso III's letter to the clergy of Tours, which turned up at the beginning of the 12th century and may go back to earlier records. 48 Here an attempt was made to link the cult of St Martin with the cult of St.James. Again, the preaching of James is suppressed. The letter referred to Venantius Fortunatus and called Martin of Braga the only and true apostle of Galicia, who introduced the cult of Martin Turrensis and converted the Suevians to Catholicism in the sixth century. 49 One gets the impression that for the church in Compostela the appropriate Traditioneshispanicae began with the translatio. Associations with the preaching of the Gospel during the apostle's lifetime were conspicuously avoided, perhaps because the original bishop's seat in Iria Flavia might then have claimed senior rights over the tomb of the apostle. Furthermore, claim to a metropolitan status was held by Merida, the ancient capital of Lusitania. Here were two cities with an essentially older tradition! By the turn of the millenium the Traditioneshispanicae 45 A. LoPBZ FBRlll! lllo, Historia de la Santa A.M. Iglesia de Santiago de Compos tela, II (Santiago de Compostela , 1899), Annex XVII, 32. See M.R. GA11.dA ALvAllBZ , La prirnera parte del Tumbo A de Santiago , Compostellanum 7 (1962), p . 539. 46 Z . GAlldAVIU.ADA, Historia eclesiastica de Espaiia, J/ 1 (Madrid, 1929), p . 368. See DfAZ y D! AZ, Literatura jacobea (note 37), p. 244-248; P. DAVID, La leure pseudo-Le6n sur 1a translation de saint Jacques, Bulletin des etudes portugaises 15 (1951), p. 184-186. 47 See DfAZ y D! AZ, Literatura jacobea (note 37), p. 245; LoPBZ ALslNA , La ciudad de Santiago de Compostela (note 19), p. l 88f. 48 A.C. F1.0RIAN0 CUMBIU! Ro, Diplomatica espaiiola del periodo astur, Estudio de las fuentes documen tales del reino de Asturias (718-910), II (Oviedo 1949), p. 339-342 . See Plhrz, Der Apostel Jacobus (note 19), p . 111-113. 49 For the problem of the authenticity of the letter in discussion see R.A. FU! TOIBll, Saint James ' Catapult, the Life and Times of Diego Gelmm: z of Santiago de Compostela (Oxford, 1984), p. 317-324; M.R. GAlldAALvAllBZ, Catalogo de documentos reales de la alta edad media referentes a Gal icia (714-1109) , Compostellanum 9 ( 1964), p. 599f ., nr . 99 ; C . ERDMANN , Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt des Frühmittelalte rs (Berlin, 1951). 44 Codex Calixtinus.indd 59 Codex Calixtinus.indd 59 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 were sufficiently structured to provide the foundations for the great Jamesian "monuments," the HistoriaCompostellana 50 and the CodexCalixtinus. 51 Parallel to the institutionalization of the cult of James ran the conversion of the Locus SanctusBeati Jacobi into a cathedral city 52 and the various expressions of cult activities ranging in their spiritual-religious gradations from paraliturgical forms of devotion to contemplation and spirituality. 53 To direct the growth of popular devotions around the apostle's cult an organization capable of handling both its material and spiritual manifestations was needed. From the beginning, monastic institutions on the holy site were to attend to this function, and they would not be replaced by capitulars until Gelmirez's time. 54 For this kind of service the monks of Antealtares and San Martin Pinario could resort to the reliable infrastructure of the "confratres" of Tours, who from the start had been entrusted with organizing the cult of St. Martin. 55 The areas where the cult activities of the two saints, James and Martin, coincided may be briefly categorized here: 1) As a proclaimer of the Gospel, Martin of Tours is "par Apostolis" (Odo of Cluny, 878/ 9-942) 56• James evangelized Spain. 2) For the Merovingians and Carolingians Martin had the same importance as James had for the Asturians. 57 3) The Gallicana peregrinatio displays at the beginning the same structural features as the peregrinatioad SanctumJacobum. 4) The congregation in Cluny and the Burgundian dynasty were interested in the cults of James and Martin in the same way. 5) Both saints were simultaneously feudal patrons, but also enjoyed great popularity among the common people. 6) Both saints had two feast days. 58 7) For the sacral propoganda of both saints Libelli Miraculorum were composed early.s9 8) Both saints had a tomb cult. 50 See L VoNE1,Die 'Historia Compostellana' und die Kirchenpolitik des Nordwestspanischen Raumes 1070-1130 (Cologne-Vienna 1980). 51 See notes 4 and 5. 52 See LoPEZALslNA, Ciudad de Santiago de Compostela (note 19), p. 145-228. _ 53 See R. Pum, Santiago-peregrinatio und Jacobus-Kult mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Frankenlandes, Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft 1. Serie, XXXI (Münster 1984), p. 27-36. 54 See LoPirZ ALslNA, La ciudad de Santiago (note 19), p. 186. 55 See C. GAlldARomummz,El ailto de los santos en 1a Espafia romana y visigoda (Madrid, 1966), p. 336f.; J. FoNTAINB, Mozarabie hispanique et monde carolingien; les echanges culturels entre 1a France et l'Espagne du VIIIe au Xe siecle, Anuario de estudios medievales 13 (1982), p. 17-46. 56 See B. KÖTl1No, Vielverehrte Heilige, Traditionen, Legenden, Bilder (Münster 1986), p. 85-93 . 57 C.A. BF.RNotJILLI, Die Heiligen der Merowinger (Hildesheim-New Yorlc 1981), p. 9f.; ~o, Peregrinatio religiosa (note 12), p. 274f. 58 For Martin July 4 for episcopal consecration: Gregory of Tours, De virtutibus S. Martini libri quattuor (MGH SS rer. Mer. IV, 4,640); November 11 forthe anniversary ofhis death : idem, IV, 5,650. 59 Sulpicius Severus, Vita S. Martini, Epistulae, Dialogi (CSEL 1, 107/ 216 Halm) . Even before 576 Venantius Fortunatus altered the vila (MGH Auct. antiquissimi IV, 293-370). The most important source is the cited vila from Gregory of Tours (note 58, 584-661). See also H. D! ! U! HAYE, Quatre miracles de Saint Martin de Tours, Analecta Bollandiana 55 (1937), p. 29-48. 45 Codex Calixtinus.indd 60 Codex Calixtinus.indd 60 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Since the tenth century relationships between Tours and Compostela bad led to numerous artistic and informational exchanges. 60 As early as the time of Charlemagne, Alcuin, abbot of the monastery of St. Martin before he joined the court of Charlemagne, observed and influenced the kingdom of Asturias. 61 He bad, for example, decisively supported Beatus ofLiebana in the debates on Adoptionism. 62 Thus the foundations for both the canonical consolidation of Compostela as one of the three sedesapostolicae 63 and for the pilgrimage ad liminaBeati J acobi were laid in the 11th century. In the 11th/ 12th century the lines of development and components discussed above coalesced. The Christian Occident will gain its own typical features, come of age and fashion a homogeneous and spiritual culture of its own. Supraregional cults of saints flourished, a magnificent program of church building materialized, it was a boom time. In that same period the structure which will make the pilgrim the outstanding feature of the arterial network of roads was being installed. 64 Those elements which helped turn peregrinatio into a mass movement may be epitomized briefly: 1) The econo-technical upswing of the second feudal period, which encouraged and aided the Reconquista. This was marked by repopulation policies which led to the foundation of monasteries and towns and long distant trade, encouraged by an improved network of roads and bridges. 2) Changes in society and law which promoted migration ad locasancta, marked by the development of such institutions as hostal and hospital, the Peace of God movement (TreugaDei), and the transformation of peregrinatio from the privileged joumey of the nobleman and clergyman into a mass movement through the granting of privileges and shaping of international legal protection. 3) The cult of relics and the system of indulgences, the association of the crusades with pilgrimage, Cluny's imperialism, the formation of religious customs for pilgrims and the beginnings of confratemities all served as major integrating forces on the part of the church. The increased mobility fed by these factors was further intensified by the propagation and elevation of the pilgrimage in literature and the development of 60 J. WILUAMs,Tours and the Medieval Art of Spain, Florilegium in honorem Cad Nordenfalk octogenarii contextum (Stockholm 1987), p. 197-208. 61 See M. Dl! foURNEAux, Chademagne et la monarchie asturienne, Melanges Louis Halphen (Paris, 1951), p . 177-184; idem, Carlomagno y el reino asturiano, Estudios sobre 1a monarquia asturiana (Oviedo 1949, 2. ed. 1971), p. 89-114. 62 Letter (original is lost) written in the spring or summer of 798: D. BULWuoH, Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven: Llturgy, Theology and the Carolingian Age, Carolingian Essays, ed. U.-R. B= (Washington 1983), p. 7-69 . See also J. FRANascoRiVBRA, A prop6sito de una carta de Alcuino recientemente encontrada, Revista espaiiola de teologfa I (1940-41), p. 418-433. 63 The second chapter (Llber 1) of the Codex Calixtinus mentions the missionary and burial places of Saints James, John and Peter: "Princeps Romana currit ab arce Petrus ... Precipuum meritis Ephesus uneranda lohannem, ... Quem repetunt populi Iacobum natum 2.ebedei Gallecie tellus mittit ad astra poli" (WHITBmL,Liber Sancti Jacobi [note 5) p. 34). Elsewhere the Codex Calixtinus refers only to the three "sedes principales" (ibid. p. 132, 135). See J. vAN HmtwAAIIDEN, Integrita di testo del Codex Calixtinus, Pellegrinaggio a Santiago (note 37), p . 263-266. 64 Pum, Strukturwandel der peregrinatio (note 13), p. 151; Das Hochmittelalter, ed. J . u GoFP, Fischer Weltgeschichte 11) (Frankfurt/ Main 1965), p. 55-58. 46 Codex Calixtinus.indd 61 Codex Calixtinus.indd 61 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 pilgrimage churches. 65 The apostle's tomb in Compostela benefited from these developments to an extraordinary degree. Moreover, the attractiveness of James' cult was aided by the fact that he was the first apostolic martyr. At the same time Compostela changed from a bishop' s seat defacto as the site of the apostle's tomb to one de iure. 66 It was the moment James' cult and the peregrinatio were to achieve European dimensions, and to be connected, through Charlemagne, with the Frankish empire, a move which would strengthen the precedence of the tomb and through it the Compostelan church. 67 Charlemagne's actual historical connection to the Asturian kingdom would not have accomplished that, for bis march to Spain proved a failure and depended on an alliance with Arabic enemies of Abdarraf: imänI (756-788) rather than a call for help from Spanish Christians. 68 Although there were contacts between Alfonso II and Charlemagne, these chiefly concemed questions of the true Christian faith. 69 In all probability the discovery of the tomb in Galicia occurred after Charlemagne's death, during the reign of Louis the Pious. 70 How, then, was Charlemagne linked with the tomb cult in Galicia? As late as the Concordia of 1077 it would have been unimaginable in clerical circles in Compostela to produce such a slanted account of history . 71 Alfonso VI of Le6n-Castile (1072-1109) encouraged the increasing infiltration of French influences, bis mar- 65 See Pum, Strukturwandel der peregrinatio (note 13), passim. 66 Historia Compostellana, sive de rebus gestis D. Didaci Gehnirez, prirni Compostellani Archepiscopi, in H. FUlREZ, Espaiia Sagrada 20 (1765 reprintMadrid 1965), I, 2, 8-9; Historia Cornpostellana, ed. E. FALQUE REv (fumhout 1988). See VoNBS, Die 'Historia Cornpostellana' (note 50), p. 275f . The docum.ent of exemption was signed 5 Dec. 1095 (Historia Cornpostellana, op .cit., I, 5, 22). 67 For the cornplex topic of Charlemagne and Spain see DBPoURNEAux, Charlemagne (note 61 ), p. 177- 184; C. H10otJNBT, Les relations franco-iberique au moyen age, Bulletin philologique et historique 1969 (Paris 1972). I, p. 3-16); J.M. LACAIUlA, La proyecci6n cultural del mund0; carolingio sobre la cristianidad, Melanges de la Bibliotheque espagnole (Paris 1977-78, Madrid 1982), p. 13-24. 68 Carlemagne did not undertake bis Spanish expedition of bis own accord. At Paderborn in 777 he received at a request for help from Sulairnän, govemor of Barcelona, who bad risen against Abderral}Inän 1. Charlemagne went to Spain in 778, but bad to retreat without remarlcable success (Annales Regni francorum, ed . F. KURZB, MGH SS. rer. G (6) [1895), 51; Annales qui dicuntur Einhardi, ibid ., 51 ). Sources of the middle of the ninth century first attribute bis expedition to the appeal for help from Christians in Spain . See, e.g., Annales Mettenses, ed . F . K= (MGH SS. rer. G. (10), 1905), 66, and Anonymi vita Hludowici irnperatoris, ed. G.H. PBan (MGH Scriptores II, 1839, ~-648). See also K. Hl! JUIEU, Karl der Grosse und Spanien - Realität und Fiktion, Karl der Grosse und sein Schrein in Aachen, Festschrift ed. H. Müllejans (Aachen-Mönchengladbach 1988), p . 47-55 . 69 Einhard mentions in bis vita a close relationship between Alfonso II and Charlemagne (Vita Karoli, note 68, c. 16, 19). See W. HE.n., Der Adoptionismus, Alkuin und Spanien, Karl der Grosse, Lebenswerlc und Nachleben, ed . W. BRAUNPBL3 (Düsseldorf 1965), p. 95-155 . 70 LoPEZ AL'IINA, La ciudad de Santiago de Compostela (note 19), p. 110. He places the discovery between 820 and 830. 71 Three of the four texts which report the circumstances of the invenlio connect the event with Charlemagne : Chronicon Iriense, ed. M.R. G.udA ALvAIEZ- (Madrid 1963), p. 110-111; Munio Alfonso (Historia Compostellana, note 66, I, 2, 9); Diego Gehnfrez, "Privilegiurn" for the rnonastery of Martm Pinario from 1115 (LoPllZ Fl! IUtl! lll.o, Historia, m, Append. 33, note 45, 97) . Only the earliest text, the farnous Concordia de Antealtares (1077) avoids this chronological reference (F. LoPEZALslNA, La concordat de Antealtares, Santiago de Compostela [note 20) , p. 203f.). 47 Codex Calixtinus.indd 62 Codex Calixtinus.indd 62 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 riage policy and the installation of bishops of French origin adding to it 72 This close relationship, especially with Burgundy, brought to Compostela influences from France,73and caused a number of its clergy to reorganize their church and involve Charlemagne in its history. 74 However, it was not until the first half of the 12th century that Charlemagne came to be incorporated into the Spanish tradition.75 By 1115 the chronicler of the His toria Silense could write , "None of the foteign peoples freed Spain , nor did Charlemagne, whom the Franks falsely claim wreilched some towns on this side of the Pyrenees from the pagans. " 76 These words mirrored the self-confidence of a Christian Spain which bad gained strength in the 11th/ 12th century and credited itself with liberation from the Muslims. 77 Contrarily, in the epic literature of the 11th/ 12th century liberation was achieved by Charlemagne . Because of its many fictitious details, this epic view did not find acceptance in Spanish historiography, but it assumed major importance in central Europe . 78 Here Charlemagne was portrayed as a warrior in Spain , one of its first crusaders, a representation inspired by the Gesta Karoli Magni of the monk Notker Balbulus of St. Gall. 79 ThePseudo-Turpin , in all probability composed early in the 12th century, combined all epic-legendary elements and, by means of the Vita Caroli, 80 imparted to the tomb cult a European dimension right from the beginning. The Abbey of Saint-Denis is said to have played apart in composing the individual 72 See LoPBZALsJNA, La ciudad de Santiago (note 19), p. llOf .; B.F. Rmu: v, Santiago and Saint Denis : French Presence in Eleventh-Century Spain, Catholic Historical Review 54 ( 1968), p. 467-483 ; M. DmooURNHAux, Les Fran~s en Espagne aux Xle et Xlle siecles (Paris 1949). 73 J . WD.UAMS, Ouny and Spain, Gesta 27, 1-2 (1988), p. 93-101; P. SEGL, Königtwn und Klosterreform in Spanien, Untersuchungen über die Cluniacenser in Kastilien-Le6n vom Beginn des 11. zur Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts (Kallmünz 1974); Pum, Santiago-peregrinatio (note 53), p. 48f. 7 4 See HERBEIIS, Karl der Grosse und Spanien, n<lle68, 50 . 75 Within the European epic tradition Charlemagne ranks as a hero of Spain . Literarily this depended on the ninth chapter of Einhard's vita, which was extended considerably by Notker of St. Gall in the Gesta Karoli Mag11ilmperatoris (ed. H.F. lIABFm.B, MHG SS rer . G . n.s . 12, 1959). In the Chanson de Geste of the eleventh-twelfth century Charlemagne was transfonned into the first crusader in Spain. Tue extreme example of this occurs in the Pseudo-Tmpin , which became part of the Codex Calixtinus (Historia Turpini , Liber Quartus, Liber Sancti Jacobi , ed . WHITBHllL [note 5), p. 301-347). 76 Historia Silense, ed. J. PilaEz DB URBBL and A.G. RUIZ-ZolULU, Escuela de Estudios Medievales 30 (Madrid 1959), p. 129. 77 Primera Cr6nica General, ed. R. MF.N! NnEz PmAL, et. al., I (Madrid 1955), p. 355. See R. Mioo! NDEZ PmAL, Poesfa juglaresca y juglares (Madrid, 1924), p. 368f.; DmooURNHAux, Carlomagno y el reino asturiano (note 61) , p. 97, 100-105. Tue urge to find a Spanish counter-hero for Charlemagne produced the legendary figure of Bemardo del Carpio. See M. DFPoURNHAux, L 'Espagne et les epiques fran~aises, la legende de Bemardo del Carpio, Bulletin hispanique 45 (1943), p. 117-138. 7 8 For the importance of Charlemagne for Spain and the Pseudo-Turpin see J. BllDIBll, Les legendes epiques, IIl (3rd ed. Paris 1929); DBroURNHAux, Carlomagno y el reino asturiano (nOle61), p . 92-97. 79 Seenote 75. 80 H.-W. KuuN, Die Chronik von Karl dem Grossen und Roland, Beiträge zur romanischen Philologie des Mittelaltes XI1I (Munich 1986), esp . p. 12-14, also: DfAz y DIAZ, EI C6dice Calixtino (note 4), p . 46 f. E.A.R. Brown argues against the participat ion of Saint-Denis (Denis and the Turpin Legend this in publication. 48 Codex Calixtinus.indd 63 Codex Calixtinus.indd 63 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 parts. 81 The claims for Compostela's precedence corresponded to efforts made at Saint-Denis, above all under the direction of Abbot Suger, to have Dyonisius replace Martin as the patron of France. 82 One of the most important consequences of integrating Charlemagne into the James tradition was the reconsideration of Carolingian-European traditions and the conception of the Reconquista as a crusade. 83 Sholod was right to identify Charlemagne as the "symbolic link between the eighth and the eleventh century." 84 In Germany at the time of the Hohenstaufen emperors the Pseudo-Turpin, probably copied in Compostela, 85 was of great importance for Frederick Barbarossa' s efforts to canonize Charlemagne. The peregrinatioad liminaBeati J acobi was never handicapped by the strategies employed by the clergy in Compostela. On the contrary, it owed its European dimension, revitalized today, to the incorporation of European and occidental elements in the tradition's final formation in the Codex Calixtinus. 81 HERBl! Rll, Karl der Grosse und Spanien, note 68, 52f.; Rm.i.v,Santiago and Saint Denis (note 72); DtAZYDtAZ, C6dice Calixtino (note 4), p. 46{. 82 See R.N. Walpole, Surla Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin', Travaux de linguistique et de litterature ill, 2 (Strasbourg 1965), p. 327-440; A. DBM»IDArn, Naissance et developpement de la Chanson de geste en Europe . l. La geste de Charlemagne et de Roland (Geneva 1961), p. 91-100. 83 See note 11. 84 B. SuoLOo,Charlemagne - Symbolic Link between the Eighth and Eleventh Century Crusades, Studies in Honor of M.J. Bemadete (New Yorlc 1965), p. 33-46. 85 I refer here to the manuscript HA (De Sanctitate ... beati Karoli), whose original version probably bad been copied around 1165 for Aachen in Compostela. See Kum<, Die Chronik von Karl dem Grossen (note 80), p. 15-26. 49 Codex Calixtinus.indd 64 Codex Calixtinus.indd 64 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Codex Calixtinus.indd 65 Codex Calixtinus.indd 65 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Saint-Denis and the Turpin Legend ELIZABETII A.R. BROWN Archbishop Turpin's magical chronicle of Charlemagne's fabulous campaigns in Spain begins with Saint James's summons to the Emperor and ends, after Charlemagne' s death, with what is presumably an addition describing Turpin' s own death and translation. 1 Tue merry and gripping tale of strange times of yore has long been connected with the abbey of Saint-Denis. 2 This is chiefly because of the fabulous list of privileges which, as counterpoise to donations to the church of Compostela, the Turpin says Charlemagne bestowed on Saint-Denis. 3 Tue privileges stretch the bounds of credibility but are very much apart of the Turpin's world, in which enemy fortifications wondrously crumble, a giant is bested, and a pagan king disputes complex and esoteric points of theology. I should like to dedicate this paper, with great affection, to the memory of that arch-pursuer of deceit, JohnF. Benton. For their generous suggestions and encouragement I am grateful to Fran~ois Avril, the late John F. Benton, Uta-Renate Blumenthal, William W. Clark, Michael W . Cothren, Georges Duby, Marc Du Pouget, Fran~oise Gasparri, Paula L. Gerson, Walter Goffart, William H. Hinkle, David Jacoby, Donald R. Kelley, Andrew W. Lewis, Charles J. Liebrnan, Jr., Andre de Mandach, Harvey Rosenberg, Richard H. Rouse, Robert Somerville, Gabrielle M. Spiegel, Alan M. Stahl, Harvey Stahl, Patricia Danz Stirnemann, Alison Stones, Co Van de Kieft, Elisabeth van Houts, Nancy Ann Vighetti, Hans Voorl>ij, Thomas G. Waldrnan, and the late Ronald N. Walpole. I owe special thanks to Christopher Hohler, whose writings and letters have influenced my thinking at every stage and on virtually every point; long letters that he sent me on 16 June 1985 and 24 0ctober 1988 have affected both the content and the phraseology of this article. Paula Gerson and Gabrielle Spiegel were kind enough to read final drafts and to offer a wealth of useful suggestions. Indispensable assistance was given by the staffs of the Archives nationales, the Bibliotheque Mazarine, the Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve, and the Bibliotheque nationale in Paris, the Bibliotheque de l'Ecole de Medecine in Montpellier, the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana in Vatican City, the British Library in London, Avery Architectural and Fine Arts Library and Butler Library of Columbia University, and the New York Public Library. I acknowledge with deep gratitude the help of the American Council of Leamed Societies, the National Endowrnent for the Humanities, the PSC-CUNY Research Award Program of the City University of New York. Tue following abbreviations are used: AN: Paris, Archives nationales; BAV: Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; BN: Paris, Bibliotheque nationale; Maz.: Paris, Bibliotheque Mazarine . 2 See, most recently, R. N. W ALPOLB, ed., Le Turpin fran~ais, dit le Turpin I, Toronto Medieval Texts and Translations, 3 (Toronto 1985) esp. p. xi, xv-vi, 193; and E. BoURNAZEL, Suger and the Royal Familia in the Reigns of Louis VI and Louis VII, in : Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis: A Symposium, ed. P. UEBER GERSoN(New York 1986) p. 55-72, which invokes arguments he and J.-P. PoLv advanced in La mutation fäodale, Xe-XII" siecles, Nouvelle Oio, 16 (Paris 1980) p. 89-94. See also I. SttoRT,Tue Anglo-Norman Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle of William of Briane, Anglo-Norman Texts , 25 (Oxford 1973) p. 1. Particularly influential has been A. DEMANI>Arn, Naissance et developpement de la chanson de geste en Europe, I, La Geste de Charlemagne et de Roland (Publications romanes etfran~ises, 69 (Geneva-Paris 1961) p. 85-87, 92-99, 367-68. Informative as it is, this book must be employed with extreme caution. 3 Historia Karoli Magni .et Rotholandi ou Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin: textes revus et publies d'apres 49 manuscrits, ed. C. MEREorrn-JoNES (These, Faculte des lettres de l'Universite de Paris, Paris 1936) p. 325-26, 331-32. See also Die Chronik von Karl dem Grossen und Roland: Der lateinische Pseudo-Turpin in den Handschriften aus Aachen und Ander: iach, ed. and trans. H.-W. KLBm(Munich 1986) p. 86-91, 118-20. 51 Codex Calixtinus.indd 66 Codex Calixtinus.indd 66 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 To Compostela all Spain and Galicia were to be subordinated as an endowment (in dote); all householders were to be free of servitude in retum for an annual payment of four coins (nummi); the site was named an Apostolic See; episcopal councils were to be held there; the bishop was to bestow episcopal rods and royal crowns; he was to reconcile the erring to the faith. As to Saint-Denis , all France was given to its patron in freehold (in pr aedio), as the Apostle Paul and Pope Clement had bestowed it on Saint Denis as an apostolate (in apostolatu); kings and bishops were to be obedient to the abbot, and kings were not to be crowned nor bishops ordained , received at Rome, or condemned there without the abbot's counsel. All householders of Gaul were to make annual payments of four coins for the construction of the church, and all serfs willingly donating the coins were freed. Saint Denis granted Charlemagne's prayer, gaining from God forgiveness of sins for all dying in the wars against the Saracens in Spain, and solace "for their graver wounds" for those contributing four coins to the construction of the church . All who willingly offered the coins were called the free (or Franci) of Saint Denis, and the kingdom, before called Gaul, was thencefortl1 known as France, free from all servitude to other peoples; the Franks were owed glory and domination over them all. 4 The two sets of privileges were similar, although as befitted an episcopal see, Compostela was finally the more favored. Few scholars seriously suggest that the Turpin was composed at Saint-Denis. 5 The Turpin's author was chiefly interested in Compostela, and in the twelfth century Saint-Denis was renowned enough to explain its selection as Compostela's French counterpart. Nonetheless, the privileges, as well as a number of explicit references to Saint-Denis in different redactions and translations of the Turpin, have fostered the belief that the abbey's monks were taken with, endorsed, and exploited the outlandish story from the beginning. This seems to me unlikely . Here I should like to re-examine and reassess the evidence that exists and then attempt to show how slowly and cautiously the monks grafted the Turpin' s fabulous tales into the body of Dionysian traditions. The monks' attitude changed once the Turpin had been accepted as true history. Won over, they came to cherish the narrative and elaborated the sections featuring Saint-Denis. These portions became in the end so important to them that they waged a last-ditch struggle to avoid jettisoning the Turpin after it was finally unmasked as a romantic invention rather than the credible antique narrative the monks had long considered it. As has long been realized, the evidence is slippery, and the documentary and pseudo-documentary sources merely complicate the problem . Particularly bothersome is a diploma, closely connected with the Turpin and various Dyonisian sources, which Charlemagne allegedly issued for the abbey in 813 but which has apparently been 4 MllREomt-JoNES (note 3)p. 169-71, 217-21; and A. HAMm., ed., Der Pseudo-Turpin von Compostella . . ., ed. A. DB MANDArn, in: Sit: rungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.bist. Kl. (Munich, 1965) Heft 1, p . 69-71 , 88-89. See also Appendix I, below. 5 See, however, SHORT (note 2), andnotethat WALP012 (note 2, p. 193) believes that version E ofTurpin I was "con~ue et compilee a Saint-Denis[,] ... cette officine de propagande interessee ou les moines, a travers le faux Turpin-archeveque, se reclamaient de l'autorite de Charlemagne pour fonder leurs pretentions a l'hegemonie ecclesiast ique et politique en France ." 52 Codex Calixtinus.indd 67 Codex Calixtinus.indd 67 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 preserved only in the history of Saint-Denis by Dom Jacques Doublet published in 1625. I have found no trace of the text in any of the abbey's cartularies or in any of the numerous inventories of its muniments, of which the earliest that still exist date from t1'e fourteenth century. 6 Not until 1625 did the diploma surface, 7 in Doublet's ebulliently partisan and often untrustworthy history of the abbey. 8 A number of modern historians nonetheless maintain that the diploma was confected in the twelfth century, that it manifests the abbey' s early admiration for the Turpin , and that the monks genuinely believed the diploma would gain them the privileges it lists . 9 6 On these sources, see A. Gmv, Notice s bibliographiques sur les archives des eglises et des monasteres de l'epoque carolingienne, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes, Sciences hi storiques et philolog iques, 132 (Paris 1901) p . 51-60; and R. BARRoux, L ' anniversaire de Ja mort de Dagobert II Saint-Denis au XII" siecle : charte inedite de l'abbe Adam, Bulletin philologique et historique du Comite des travaux historiques et scientifiques (1942-43 ) p . 131-32. Particularly useful is the monumental inventory that Dom Fran~ois Thomas compiled in the seventeenth century and that was continued to 1728 after Thomas' death: AN LL 1189-1202, with tables in LL 1203-08. 7 This fact has often been disregarded, in good part because of the " critical " edition in MGH, Dipl. Karolinorum (1906) I p . 428 -30, and because the diploma is there said to have been created in the twelfth century . Two additional sources are given, with no indication that both took the texts of the diploma from Doublet. No reference to the document appeared in J.F . BöHMEll, ed., Regesta chronologico-diplomatica Karlorum ... (Frankfurt am Main 1883), but six years later it was cited in Regesta Irnpe rii, I, Die Regesten des Kaiserreichs unter den Karolingern 751 -918, ed . J .F. BöHMEll and E. MOHu! ACHER (Innsbruck 1889) no . 482 (469) . 8 J . DoueLEr, Histoire de l'abbaye de S. Denys en France . Contenant les antiqvitez d'icelle , les Fondations , Prerogatiues & Priuileges, Ensemble les tombeavx et epitaphes des Roys, Reynes, Enfans de France . .. Le tovt recveilly de plvsievrs histoires, Bulles des Papes, & Chartes des Roys , Princes, & autres documens Autentiques (Paris 1625) p . 725-27 . For the text , see the Appendix, Vll . According to the later and far soberer historian of the abbey, M. Fl! ! .mIBN (who does not refer to the forged diploma) , Doublet lived at Saint-Denis under six abbots and was almost ninety when he died in 1648; thus he was no more than sixteen when he entered Saint-Denis during the abbatiate of Charles of Lorraine (1557 -74) : Histoire de l'abbaye royale de saint-Denys en France .. . (Paris 1706) p. 445, and 477-78; see also the excellent introduction by H. P! NO'll! Au to the rpt. edition published in Paris in 1973. For Doublet's position as "grant prieur et gardien des chartes" of the abbey, see his copy of a charter of Dagoben : AN K 1, no. 8. 9 Fora review of the literature to 1958, see R . BARRoux, L' abbe Suger et la vassalite du Vexin en 1124 : la levee de l'oriflamme, la Chronique du pseudo-Turpin et la fausse donation de Charlemagne 11 Saint-Denis en 813 , Le Moyen Age 64 (4th ser ., 13) (1958) p . 15-16n. 43, and 23 n . 58; and C . V AN DB KmFr, Deux diplömes de Charlemagne pour Saint-Denis, du xnc siecle , ibid., p . 417 -24, 433-35 . See also G.M . SPll! oBL, Tue Cult of Saint Denis and Capetian Kingship. Journal of Medieval History I (1975) p . 43-69 , at 59-61, rpt. in Saints and their Cults : Studies in Religious Sociology, Folklore and History, ed . S . WILSoN(Cambridge, 1983) p . 141-68, at 154-56; J. PE-rnitsoHN, Saint-Denis - Westminster - Aachen: Die Karls-Translatio von 1165 und ihre Vorbilder, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 31 (1975) p . 420-54, esp . 436-44 . Like BoURNAZEL (note 2), M . iliarEN attributes the forgery to Suger and dates it ca 1127-29; he believes that Suger created the document in an auempt to secure for Saint-Den is the right to crown the kings of France : Die Urkunde Karls des Grassen für St.-Denis von 813 (D 286), eine Fälschung Abt Sugers? Historisches Jahrbuch 108 (1988) p. 1-36, esp . 9. M . Du PouoE'fhas revived and defended the hypothesis that the diploma predates the Turpin, in La legende carolingienne II Saint-Denis : la donation de Charlemagne au retour de Roncevaux, in: Actes du Colloque de Saint-Jean-Pied -de-Port (12 Aout 1978), La Bataille de Roncevaux, special number of the Bulletin de la Societe des sciences, ! eures et ans de Bayonne, n. s., 135 (1979) p. 53-55 . According to him, the author of the Turpin simply divided the privileges that the false diplorna gave to Saint-Denis between the abbey and Compostela . His hypothesis seems to me questionable, since it does not explain why the Turpin •s author would have adulterated and omiued some of the diplorna's alleged benefactions to the abbey . Du PouGBTbelieves that the 53 Codex Calixtinus.indd 68 Codex Calixtinus.indd 68 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Having lang considered the Doublet diploma a red herring, I will discuss it only after having considered the other evidence conceming Saint-Denis and the Turpin. Still, given its notoriety and, more important, its close relationship to other Dyonisian sources tobe treated here (see the Table), it seems best to describe its contents at the outset. The privileges the diploma bestows on Saint-Denis are far grander than those found in the Turpin. The diploma affirms the abbey's status as head of all churches of the realm, as well as its abbot's primacy. lt prohibits any king's being crowned except at Saint-Denis (rather than, as in the Turpin, requiring the abbot's counsel for coronations). In it Charlemagne lays the crown of the kingdom on the saint's altar and surrenders the regalia to the saint In an unusual discourse in which Charlemagne, speaking in the first person singular, addresses Saint Denis, the emperor says that he is offering four gold bezants to witness that he holds France from God alone and Saint Denis, and that he defends it, relying on the help of the saint and his holy companions, with double-headed sword. He commands his successors to proffer the coins each year, touching their heads, in testimony of divine rather than human servitude, the highest liberty, since to serve God is to reign. Further, all leading men of the kingdom are to tender four gold coins a year for each household they own in order to augment the abbey "from the building of Dagobert, the most excellent king, up to the crucifix"; all those bound to servitude (seruituti addicti) who willingly (libenter) give four gold coins each year will be emancipated and called the free (Francl) of the blessed Denis. Finally, the emperor declares, he leaves France to the protection, after God, of Saint Denis and his companions. This document, closely linked to the Turpin, is clearly an audacious and unmitigated hoax, inspired by even greater flights of fancy than the pseudo-history and focused far more centrally than that narrative on France's patron saint. When and why it was created are perplexing questions that adrnit no simple answers. To consider them, the connections between Saint-Denis and the Turpin must first be examined in light of more reliable and more easily datable evidence that witnesses the presence of the Turpin at the abbey and, even in the absence of the diploma, reveals how and why the fable influenced the abbey's traditions and ceremonies. The earliest text of the Turpin that can with any confidence be associated with Saint-Denis is a radically truncated and corrected version that consists of eleven of the lengthy work's initial chapters. These uncontroversial portions describe Charlemagne's campaigns in Spain (omitting the episode of the Saracen Aigoland's conversion and recantation); they break off lang before the chapters awarding Turpin's allusion to Saint-Romain of Blaye as Roland's burial place demonstrates the Dyonisian influence on the pseudo-history, since relics of Saint Rornain were preserved at the abbey; note, however, that the beliefregarding Roland's sepulture was well enough established by 1110 (perhaps in an early version of thc Turpin? ) for H. DB FU! UilYto mention it in his Historia Ecclesiastica: MGH, SS IX, p. 361. For convincing arguments that the diploma postdates the Turpin, see MBRBorm-JoNE! I (note 3) p. 323-33; BoURNAZEL (note 2) p. 63-65; WAUOU! (note 2) p. 188-90; and K. HERBBltll, Der Jakobuskult des 12. Jahrhunderts und der "Liber Sancti Jacobi": Studien über das Verhältnis zwischen Religion und Gesellschaft im hohen Miuelalter, Historische Forschungen, 7 (Wiesbaden 1984) p. 41. 54 Codex Calixtinus.indd 69 Codex Calixtinus.indd 69 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 privileges to Compostela and Saint-Denis. 10 The manuscript containing this short Turpin is an unimpressive and rather scruffy miscellany, difficult to date precisely.11Of northem provenance, it is linked to Saint-Denis through some of the texts it includes, which appear to have been copied by religious from the Premonstratensian hause of Saint-Feuillien du Roeulx in Hainaut who were doing research in the Paris region sometime before 1180. 12 As to the chapters of the Turpin, the north emers doubtless copied all they were shown ; they would hardly have omitted the gripping scenes that followed had they seen them. If they indeed transcribed their Turpin at Saint-Denis , it is difficult to say how the abbey came to possess such an abridged version of the history, although one of the abbey's monks might have produced it to ensure that the house ' s library possessed some record of the history in a version devoid of the blatant exaggerat ions and embarrassing fantasies of the 10 BN lat. 12710 , ff. 69v-70v; the rnany corrections reflect changes introduced in the De sanctitate Karoli, cornposed following Charlernagne's canonization in 1165. Tue sections correspond to chs . 1-IV, VI- Vill , XII-XIV, and XVII of Tue Pseudo-Turpin, Edited frorn Bibliotheque Nationale, Fonds Latin, MS . 17656 with an Annotated Synopsis, ed. H.M. SMYSER (Cambridge, Mass. 1937) p . 55-73 . Thus the selections include the letterofTurpin to Leoprand : cf. C . HoHLER, A Note on Jacobus, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld In stitutes 35 (1972) p. 65-66 . 11 On the rnanuscript, see the controversial and often rnisleading article of J . LAIR, Memoire sur deux chroniques latines composees au xrr• siecle a l'abbaye de Saint -Denis, Bibliotheque de l ' Ecole des Chanes 35 (1874) p . 543-80, esp. 570-71; and, far rnore reliable , E.M .C. VANHours, Gesta Norrnannorurn Ducurn (Thesis, Rijksuniversiteit te Groningen , 1982) p . 69-71, 219-21. For the contents of the rnanuscript , see LAIR, p. 545-49; and vANHours, p. 219-21 . I thank Fran~ois Avril , Fran~ise Gasparri, Elisabeth van Houts , Richard H. Rouse, and Patricia Danz Stirnemann for their advice on the hands and date of the rnanuscript. 12 For the provenance of the manuscript, see LAIR (note 11) p. 545-49; HoHLER(note 10) p . 65; G. WYMANS, Manuscrits des xrr• et xm• siecles ayant appartenu a l'abbaye du Roeulx en Hainaut, Archives et bibliotheques de Belgique 32 (1966) p . 75-81, esp . 80. Selections that were ahnost surely transcribed at Saint-Den is are found in the first through the third and the tenth through the twelfth quires (ff. 1-25, and 67-83, 88). Tue first group is copied in a mid-twelfth-century hand (except for a later hand on the insened f. 7, like that 011 f. 35, col. B, 11. 1-24); the different hand of the second group is slightly later, and perhaps as late as 1180, the date of a notice on fol. 35v . Tue likely source of the material on ff . 1, 5-12, 59-65 , and 70v-83v, is the twelfth -century Dyonisian historical rniscellany, Maz . MS 2013 (ff . 229v-30v, 222v -23 , 225v-28v, 158v-75v, 133v-35, 223- 24, 47-52v) ; on the Maz . rnanuscript, see E.A .R. BROWN and M.W . CO'rnREN, Tue Twelfth-Century Crusading Window of the Abbey of Saint-Denis : Praeteritorurn enirn recordatio futurorurn est exh ibitio , Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986) p. 14-15 n. 65 ; forGuillaurne of Jumieges (ff . 70v-83v), see VANHours (note 11), and eadem , Quelques remarques sur ! es interpolations attribuees a Orderic Vital dans les Gesta Normannorum Ducum de Guillaume de Jurnieges , Revue d'histoire des textes 8 (1978) p. 215-22, esp. 216 . Note also that on ff . 51-52 (copied in a different rnid-twelfth-century hand, also found on ff . 36-43) are the only surviving segments of Suger' s life of Louis VII, on which see J. LAIR, Fragment inedit de la Vie de Louis VII preparee par Suger, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chanes 34 ( 1873) p. 583-96. Tue incornplete copy of Suger's life of Louis VI in lat. 12710 (ff . 12v-25) derives not frorn that at the end of Maz. 2013 bot rather frorn another copy , ahnost certainly used by the compiler of the late-twelfthcentury rnanuscript of Bois-de-Vincennes that also contains a version of the Torpin and the De sanctiJate Karoli, BN lat. 17656 : see H. WAQwr, ed. , SuoER,Vie de Louis VI le Gros Les classiques de l'histoire de France au Moyen Age, 11 (P_aris 1964) p. xviii-xxi ; on the Bois-de- Vincennes manuscript , see below at note 22. Tue Gesta Dagoberti in BN lat. 12710, ff . 65-68v, was copied in the later Dyonisian rnanuscripts, BAV Reg. lat . 550, ff. 76 -90, and BN lat. 5925 , ff . 73-86v; the story of the dedication of Saint-Denis in BN lat . 12710 , ff . 68v-69v , is found in twin Dyonisian rnanuscripts of ca 1233, BN lat. 2447, ff. 123-31 , and n . a. lat . 15()(),p. 249-261nl ; on thern, see n. 31 below . Tue presence of these two texts in undisputedly Dyonisian manuscripts supports the likelihood that the copies in BN lat. 12710 were made at the abbey . 55 Codex Calixtinus.indd 70 Codex Calixtinus.indd 70 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 füll original. The introductory letter of Turpin to Leoprand, dean of Aachen, found at the beginning of the selections in the northem manuscript, suggests why Saint- Denis might have wished to have the narrative . The letter says that the archbishop was writing the account because the "royal chronicle" of Saint -Denis lacked any full account of Charlemagne's deeds in Spain. 13 The shortened and emended version would have filled that gap without overly shaming the abbey. The abridged copy of the Turpin in the northem manuscript 14 may well have been used by the author of the De sanctitate Karoli, written between Charlemagne 's canonization in 1165 and 1179. This work contains the same excerpts found in the northem manuscript, with corrections that are recorded in that text. Christopher Hohler may be correct in hypothesizing that the De sanctitate Karoli was put together on the initiative of Baudouin V of Hainaut, whose daughter's marriage to Philip Augustus is mentioned in glowing terms in the northem manuscript. The De sanctitate pays homage to the abbey, stating that "the chronicles of the Franks at Saint-Denis" revealed that Turpin had sent the letter to Leoprand and altering the introductory epistle to indicate that before Turpin wrote no chronicles at all had satisfactorily recounted the emperor's Spanish exploits . 15 The statement provides an additional link between the Turpin and Saint-Denis, although since poets and chroniclers regularly invoked the abbey to lend credibility to their accounts, the assertion must be treated with some skepticism. 16 13 "Magnalia enim diuulgata que rex gessit in hispania in dyonisii kronica regali ut scripsistis reperire plenarie uestra nequiuit fraternitas": BN lat. 12710, f. 69v. A corrector expuncted the ne of nequiuit in a clurnsy effort to suggest that the Dyonisian chronicle did contain the accounL A marginal addition ("in nullis plene cronicis sufficienter inuen iuntur digesta sed nec Ma") shows how the sentence was revised to rernove the abbey's narne entirely. See Meumrrn-JoNES(note 3) p. 86-87; Twpini Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi: texte revu et cornplete d'apres sept rnanuscrits, ed. F. CASTErS (Paris 1880) p. 1-2; and note 15 below. 14 The sarne excerpts are found in BN laL 5943B, ff. 26--30v,the rest of whose contents (Einhard, the Astronorne's Life of Louis the Pious, and the history Ex genere Priaml) link it closely to BN lat . 12710, and possibly to Saint-Denis. The rnanuscript is roughly conternporary with lat. 1271O; it is also of northem provenance and rnay possibly have been written and decorated in Flanders. I am grateful to Harvey Stahl and Fran~ois Avril for their counsel. BAV lat. 10688, ff. 135v-40, contains the sarne chapters; I have been unable to exarnine the manuscript rnyself, but it appears to be later in date. 15 The full title of the worlc is De sanctitate meritorum et gloria miraculorum beati Karo/ i magni ad honorem et laudem nominis dei. For the text, see Die Legende Karls des Grossen im 11. und 12. Jahmundert , ed. G. RAUSCHEN, Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde , Publikationen, 7 (Leipzig 1890) p. 17-93, esp. 66-74; see also KIBiN(note 3) p. 28-35; and HollLl! ll (note 10) p. 65. See RAusatENp. 67-68, for the crucial phrases, "epistola ... quarn Tulpinurn . . . Leobrando ... transrnisisse in cronicis Francorum apud sancturn Dyonisiurn in Francia repperirnus," and "Magnalia enim, que rex gessit in Hyspania , in nullis pene cronicis sufficienter inveniuntur divulgata et, ut rnichi scripsistis, ea plenarie repperire vestra nequivit fratemitas" ; see note 13 above. For the reference to Baudouin's daughter, see BN lat. 12710, f. 35v; LA11t (note 1l)p. 548 . The chapters of the Turpin in the De sanctitate Karol i are precisely those copied in lat . 12710, ornitting the sections published by SMYSllll (note 10) as chs. Xill-XIV and XVII (p. 67--09, 73). The De sanctitate also contains most of the Descriptio of Charlernagne' s alleged joumey to Constantinople and Jerusalem (RAusrnEN, p. 45-66, 100-25) , which was also copied in laL 12710, ff . 1v-5. 16 See A. T1UAun, Apropos du bonirnent du jongleur en tete du rnanuscrit d'Oxford de Girart de Roussillon, Melanges Rene Louis publies par ses collegues, ses amis et ses eleves a l'occasion de son 75° anniversaire, 2 vols. (Saint-Pere -sous-Vezelay 1982) II p. 737-66 , at 754-59; and note 17 below. 56 Codex Calixtinus.indd 71 Codex Calixtinus.indd 71 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Baudouin of Hainaut managed with difficulty to obtain a füll copy of the Turpin, as weil as the miracles of Saint James and accounts of bis translation, all of wbicb are included in the Codex Compostellanus. He sent a copy of these texts to Frederick Barbarossa sometime after 1171, telling him that tbe work be was offering bad been compositum (composed? brought together? ) partly at Cluny, partly at Tours, and partly in the library of the Blessed Denis.17Like contemporary poets and chroniclers, Baudouin may have fabricated tbe provenance of bis texts. Even if he was telling the truth, this does not mean that bis füll Turpin necessarily came from Saint-Denis, since be was forwarding three texts. If the Turpin is to be associated with one of the three sites, there is reason to opt for tbe Burgundian bouse of Cluny. Wben, around 1200, Nicolas de Senlis (or Saint-Lis) translated Baudouin' s füll Turpin for the count' s sister, he declared that the text bad been discovered at "Sanz en Borgognie," probably the city of Sens, whicb is located on the northeastem border of Burgundy. 18 Tours, bowever, is also a possibility; between 1177 and 1187 Guibert of Gembloux secured a copy of the Turpin (as weil as the miracles of Saint James) from Abbot Herve of Marmoutier 17 Baudouin's lener to Frederick appears in the fourteenth-century rnanuscript of the rniracles, the translation, and the Turpin (the second, third, and fourth books of the Codex Compostellanus, excluding the saint• s liturgy and the Pilgrim' s Guide, books one and five) in Madrid, Biblioteca Nacioo.al, MS 1617; it is published in SMYSEll (note 10) p. 110, who gives variants frorn the Madrid rnanuscript in his edition of the Turpin; see also 6-8. See the Madrid rnanuscript, ff. 38v-39, for Turpin's lener, and f. 66, for the privileges of Saint-Denis. SMYSEll argues (p. 8) that Baudouin dispatched the rnanuscript in 1184, but as lIÄMBL points out, it could have been sent any time after Baudouin became count in 1171: A. Rumr., Die Entstehungszeit der Aachener Vita Karoli Magni und der Pseudo-Turpin, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 32 (1942) p. 243-53, at 247, 252. No significance can be attributed to the allusion to Saint-Denis in the preface to the Johannes translation of the Turpin that includes Pierre de Beauvais' translatioo. of the Descriptio, since the reference to the abbey was taken frorn Pierre's prologue to the Descriptio. Pierre often invoked Saint-Denis in his works, and in this case he rnay have been telling the truth, for by the rnid-twelfth century Saint-Denis had a copy of the Descriptio. See R.N. W=LB, The Old French Johannes Translatioo. of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle: A Critical Edition, and Supplement (Berkeley 1976), Translation, p. 3, 11-12, 52-53, 58, 60-61, 85, 93-96; idern, Charlernagne's Journey to the East: Tue French Translation of the Legend by Pierre de Beauvais, in: Semitic and Oriental Studies Presented to William Popper, University of California Publications in Sernitic Philology 11 (1951) p. 445; M.L Bl! IUCl! Y, JR., Pierre de Beauvais: An Introduction to his Works Romance Philology 18 (1964-65) p. 387-98, esp. 390-91; BROWNand Ü1rHJulN (note 12) p. 25-26, 32-33. 18 A. DI! MANI>Acu, ed., Chronique dite Saintoo.geaise. Texte franco-occitan inedit "Lee": a la decouverte d 'une chronique gasconne du xm• siede et de sa poitevinisatioo., Beihefte : rur Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie, 120 (fübingen 1970) p . 5, 18, 142, 256-57, 332; see 142- 48, for the relationship of the translation to the text that Baudouin sent to the Ernperor; cf. HoHl.l! R (note 10) p. @. See MANI>Acu (note 2) II, Chronique de Turpin: texte anglo-normand inedit de Willern de Briane (Arundel 220), Publications romanes et fran~aises, 77 (Geneva 1963) p. 13-14, for the argurnent that the reference to "Senz" is a rnistake for Cluny. J.M. W AILACl! -HADIIILL arrived at a conclusion similar to mine in his review of R.N. W=LB, Philip Mouskes and the Pseudo- Turpin Chronicle University of California Publicatioo.s in Modem Philology 26/ 4 (1947) p. 327- 440 (and apart), Medium Aevurn 17 (1948) p. 37-45, at 40-41. Sens-sur-Seille (Saone-et-Loire, arr . Louhans, c. Saint-Germain-du-Bois) lies only about 75 kilometers from Cluny, but I have seen no evidence revealing the presence of any library there. 57 Codex Calixtinus.indd 72 Codex Calixtinus.indd 72 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 near Tours; 19 before 1225 the Turpin was incorporated into the Great Chronicle of Tours. 20 The truncated version of the Turpin in the northem manuscript is the only one that can with any confidence be connected with Saint-Denis. 21 On the other band, the abbey's monks in all probability had access to a more complete Turpin. A far less radically abridged version of the Turpin, which included the chapter describing Compostela's privileges but excluded the one devoted to Saint-Denis', was known in theParis region shortly before 1179. Itis found in amanuscript (also containing the De sanctitateKaroli) that belonged to the Grandmontine hause of Bois-de-Vincennes. The monks of Saint-Denis could have seen the text there; it 1s also possible that their hause possessed the exemplar from which this copy immediately or proximately derived. lt so, this would again suggest that the monks were reluctant to associate the abbey with the pseudo-history. 22 In any case, the 19 Catalogus Codicurn Hagiographicorurn Bibliothecae Regiae Bruxellensis, pt. 1, I, Codices Latini Mernbranei, ed. lliGIOOIW'HI BoLI.ANDIANI, Analecta Bollandiana, 3-5 (Brussels 1886) p. 537-38; see Holll.ER(note 10) p. 66. 20 The chronicle (to 1225/ 27) depends on the wmk of Robert of Auxerre; it is anributed to Pean Gatineau, a canon of Saint-Martin of Tours: A. SALMoN, ed., Recueil de chroniques de Touraine and Supplement, Societe archeologique de Touraine, Collection de documents sur l 'histoire de Touraine, 1-2 (Tours-Paris 1856) I p. xvi-x: xix. Tue rnost complete copy of the rnanuscript (to 1227) (Berlin, Deutsche Staatsbibliothek , MS 145 [Phillipps 1852]) was rnade for Saint-Julien of Tours in the second quarter of the thirteenth century: ibid. I p. xx: xii-v. Another copy (BN lat. 4991), made at the end of the thirteenth century, belonged to the chapter of Saint-Martin of Angers: ibid. I p. xx: xv-vi. A rnid-thirteenth-century copy (to 1225) is in Bern, Burgerbibliothek, MS 90. In theBerlinMS the Turpin is onff. 148r-60v, in the Bern MS on ff . 81r-88r, in the BNMS on ff. 103v-105 . The pseudo-history is used only through the chapter, preceding Charlernagne's final return to France, that enurnerates his benefactions to the poor in mernory of the dead of Roncevaux; later (Berlin MS, ff. 165r-66r; Bern MS, ff. 90v-91r; BN MS, ff. 114v-145v) the chronicler included the sections of the Turpin dealing with Turpin ' s vision of Charlernagne' s death and with Turpin's own death and translation. 21 I am skeptical of HoHU! ll'shypothesis (note 10, p. 35, 67-68) that the Codex Compostellanus was actually at the abbey for a time and that, ernbarrassed by the rnore flamboyant portions of the Turpin (including the chapters describing the councils at Cornposteia and Saint-Denis), the rnonks rernoved certain quires before having the rnanuscript shipped to Compostela to be "discovered" there in 1173. lt is certainly true that at sorne point in the twelfth century the rnanuscript's Turpin lacked a nurnber of quires, but they are likely to have been detched because of illustrations they contained. They were soon replaced by folios containing the rnissing text, although a gap rernained at the end of the chapter enurnerating Saint-Denis' privileges, which was not filled until sornetime in the thirteenth century. See H= (note 4) p. 21-22, 29, 89-91; and idern, Überlieferung und Bedeutung des Liber Sancti Jacobi und des Pseudo-Turpin, Sitzungsberichte der Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Ph il.-hist. Kl. (Munich 1950) Heft 2, p. 1-75, esp. 19, forthe different quires and hands in the manuscript. For the rnanuscript's presence in Santiago in 1173, see H= (note 4) p. 20-21; and M.t.NnACH (note 2) p. 393-94. I am grateful to Alison Stones for cornrnents regarding the provenance of the Santiago text; see eadern, Four illustrated Jacobus Manuscripts, in: Tue Vanishing Past: Studies in Medieval Art, Liturgy and Metrology Presented to Christopher Hohler, ed. A. B01to and A. M...irroo>AU! , British Archaeological Reports, International Series, 111 (Oxford 1981) p. 197-222. See also J. HOIIIll! NT, Notes de critique textuelle sur le Pseudo-Turpin du Codex Calixtinus et du MS. B. N. nouv. fonds lat. 13774, Le Moyen Äge 81 (4th ser., 30) (1975) p. 37-62. 22 BN lat. 17656 , whose Turpin has been edited by SMYSBit (note 10). For the contents, see ibid., p. 52- 53; and VAN HotlI'! I(note 11) p . 215-17. For the rnanuscript's provenance, see F. DotBl! AU, Anciens possesseurs des rnanuscrits hagiographiques latins conserves a la Bibliotheque nationale de Paris, Revue d'histoire des textes 9 (1979)p . 230-31. An exact copy was rnade notlong after 1179 forthe 58 Codex Calixtinus.indd 73 Codex Calixtinus.indd 73 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 absence of the Dyonisian privileges in a codex owned by the royally favored hause of Bois-de-Vincennes indicates that the manuscript's copyist or patron was sensitive to the exaggerations in the chapter dealing with Saint-Denis. No works produced at Saint-Denis before the end of the twelfth century mentioned Turpin's pseudo-history, but this is not surprising. Suger wrote royal biographies and accounts of bis stewardship, and Rigord produced only a short account of the history of the kings of France. In this period Fleury and Saint-Germain-des-Pres outshone Saint-Denis as centers where new histories ofFrance were prepared. At the turn of the thirteenth century Saint-Denis was renowned as a repository of historical works, not as the premier site for synthetic writing on the sweep of French history that it later became. 23 The Turpin began to gain respectability after 1173, when the codex that contained it and four other books conceming Saint James came to light in Compostela. At the turn of the thirteenth century numerous translations of the pseudo-history were made for important noble families of northem France, and the prose renditions insisted on the truth of the narrative they presented. 24 Although the skeptical house of Saint-Yved of Braine (London, British Library, Add. MS 39646), on which see M. DE LA CURNE, Notice d'un manuscrit intitule Vita Caroli Magni, in: Histoire de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, avec les Memoires de litterature tirez des Registres de cette Academie, depuis l'annee M. DCCXXVI, jusques et compris l'annee M. DCCXXX VII (1735) p. 280-86; and HoHI.l! R(note l 0) p. 64 n. 121, 69. For a copy of the first portions of these manuscripts made in the thirteenth century, probably in Normandy, see BN lat. 6187. See also H. TREUII.LI! , Les eglises fondees par Charlemagne en l'honneur de saint Jacques d' apres le Pseudo-Tmpin, in: Melanges Rene Louis (note 16) II p. 1151-ol, esp. 1157-58, whose ideas about the Dyonisian attitude to the Turpin are similar to mine. 23 For a review of the literature regarding historical writing at Saint-Denis, see G.M. SPIP.Ol! L, Tue Chronicle Tradition of Saint-Denis: A Survey, Medieval Classics, Textsand Studies, 10, (Brookline-Leyden 1978) p. 44-92. For RioollD, see ibid. p. 56-63. In the chronicle of French kings that he wrote in the 1190s, RioollDdevoted considerable attention to Charlemagne (and particularly his testarnent, death, and burial) but he did not mention any pilgrimage to Jerusalem and Constantinople. Of the emperor' s exploits in Spain he said, "In hispaniis contra sarracenos frequenter pugnauit. & dei gratia in omnibus victor extitit. & ad christianam fidem conuertit": Soissons, Bibliotheque municipale, MS 129, f. 136v. For Fleury and Saint-Germain-des-Pres, see R.-H. BAUl'IER, Laplace de l'abbaye de Fleury-sur-Loire dans l'historiographie fran? ise du ! Xe au xrrc siecle, in: Etudes ligergiennes d'histoire et d'archeologie medievales: memoires et exposes presentes a la Semaine d'etudes medievalesde Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire du 3 au 10 juillet 1969, (Auxerre 1975) p . 23-33; F. Bl! nruNE, Les ecoles historiques de Saint-Denis et Saint-Germain-des- Pres dans leurs rapports avec la composition des Grandes Chroniques de France, Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique 4 (1903) p. 24-38, 2<Y7-30; J.-F. LJ! MAJUoNIBR, Autour de la royaute fran? ise du ! Xe au XIII" siecle, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 113 (1955) p. 25-36 ("La Continuation d' Aimoin et le manuscrit latin 12711 de la Bibliotheque nationale"); J. Di! RENs, Gislemar, historien de Saint-Germain-des-Pres, Journal des Savants (1962) p. 228-32; C. IB STIJM-CoN3TANT, L"Historia Francorum' d' Aimoin de Fleury: etude et edition critique, Positions des theses de l'Ecole des Chartes (1976) p. 89-93; M. Du PouOBT, Recherches sur les chroniques latines de Saint-Denis: edition critique et commentaire de la Descriptio Clavi et Corone Domini et de deux series de textes relatifs a la legende carolingienne, ibid. (1978) p. 41-46; M. MOS11! RT, The Library of Fleury, a Provisional List of Manuscripts, Middeleeuewse Studies en Bronnen, 3 (Hilversum, 1989). I am deeply grateful to M. Du Pouget for permitting me to consult his thesis and for discussing his ideas with me. 24 See MANDACH (note 2) p. 367-98; W,uoIB (note 18) p. 347-48, 364-66, 389-90; idem, ed., An Anonymous Old French Translation of the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle: A Critical Edition of the Text Contained in Bibliotheque Nationale MSS fr. 2137 and 17203 and Incorporated by Philippe 59 Codex Calixtinus.indd 74 Codex Calixtinus.indd 74 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Robert of Auxerre had no use for the tale and treated Charlemagne as if he had never heard ofTurpin's account, the usually critical Helinand de Froidmont relied on it (and the Descriptio of Charlemagne's pilgrimage to Constantinople and Jerusalem) in his chronicle to 1204. The Turpin's narrative was also featured in the History of the Kings of France that originally terminated in the same year and that gained enormous popularity through the vemacular works, first, of the so-called Anonymous of Bethune and, later, of the Menestrel of Alfonse of Poitiers. 25 Scenes from the Turpin and theDescriptio were included on the chasse for Charlemagne's remains created at Aachen between 1200 and 1215 26 and in the stained glass window in Charlemagne's honor installed at Chartres around 1225. 27 What had hitherto been treated as dubious if not incredible was fast gaining credence. Under these circumstances, the Turpin's fortunes rose at Saint-Denis. An approved commodity was sca.rcely to be rejected when it enhanced the antiquity of the abbey's reputation. 28 The monks determined to have the best possible text, and Mouskes in bis Chronique rimee, Medieval Academy Books, 89 (Cambridge, Mass . 1979) p. 28- 30; idem, Prolegomenes a une edition du Turpin fran~ais dit le Turpin l, Revue d'histoire des textes 10 (1980) p. 199-230, and XI (1981) p. 325-70; Short (note 2) p . 2; G.M. SmmBI"Forging the Past: The Language of Historical Truth in [the] Middle Ages, The History Teacher 17 (1984) p. 267-83; and eadem, Pseudo-Turpin, the Crisis of the Aristocracy and the Beginnings of Vemacular Historiography in France, Journal of Medieval History 12 (1986) p. 207-23. I am grateful to G.M. SP1EoBL for permitting me to see in advance of publication the chapter on the transmission of the Turpin from her forthcoming book on vemacular historiography in thirteenthcentury France. 25 For llsuNAND, see MPL CCXII, cols. 837-39, 845-51, and esp. 846, forhis expression of surprise that no reference to Charlemagne's joumey to Jerusalem appeared in other histories; on him, see M . PAUIMll! R-FouCART, Ecrire l'histoire au XIr' siede: Vincent de Beauvais et Helinand de Froidmont, Annales de l'Est, 5th ser., 33 (1981) p. 49-70, at 52, 54-55 . On the Historia Regum Francorum and the histories deriving from it, see BlmlUNI! (note 23), p. 27-28; and W ALPOU! ., (note 18) p. 346-72. Also important is the history in Chantilly, Musee Conde, MS 869 (522) XVlII D 3, which Gabrielle M. Spiegel and Gillette Labory consider the first French vemacular history; I was fortunate enough to hear preliminary announcements of their condusions in talks given in 1983. For the Chantilly chronide's treatment of Charlemagne, see f. 176v, where the author invokes the histories of Saint-Denis and refers to Turpin •s account as an eye-witness record of the emperor' s exploits in Spain but pays far more attention to the alleged pilgrimage to Jerusalem. 26 For the shrine, see H. SciooTzr.BR, Rheinische Schatzkammer: Die Romanik, 2 vols . (Düsseldorf 1959) II p. 19-21 and pls. 26-45; P.E. Sanwoi and F. MtmmRirn, Denkmale der deutschen Könige und Kaiser, I, Ein Beitrag zur Herrschergeschichte von Karl des Grossen bis Friedrich II, 768- 1250, 2nd ed. (Munich 1981) p. 188-89 no. 195; E. ARENs, Die Inschriften am Karlsschrein, Zeitschrift der Aachener Geschichtsverein 43 (1921) p. 159-94. 27 C. MAINF.s, The Charlemagne Window at Chartres: New Considerations on Text and Image, Speculum 52 (1977) p. 801-23; BaoWNand CormrnN(note 12) p. 37-38 note 152. 28 Holll.ER(note 10) p. 63, suggests that the same late-twelfth-century scribe who transcribed for Clairvaux the history of Louis VII' s crusade by Odo of Deuil may have copied the version of the Jacobus which, now bound with it, is in Montpellier, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole de Medecine, MS H 39; see ff. 15v-41, for Odo, following a description of the Holy Land on ff. l-15v; ff . 42-11 lv, for the Jacobus (and esp. ff. 70-97v, for the Turpin, and 92v-93, for the chapter conceming Saint- Denis). On the manuscript, see V.G. Bmutv, ed., Ooo OF DBtm.De profectione Ludovici VII in Orientem .. . (New York 1948) p. xxxii-xl; and, forthe text of its Turpin, Dmrrs (note 13) esp. p. vi and 56-57. Since Ooo was abbot of Saint-Denis, bis account may weil have been copied at the abbey, but the folios containing the Torpin are the worlc of another scribe; there is no evidence that the texts were bound together while they were at Clairvaux: see A. VBRNBT and J.-F. Gm.esr, La bibliotheque de 1'abbaye de Clairvaux du XIr' au XVTir siede, I, Catalogues et repertoires (Paris 1979) p. 241, 297-98, 448,490,677, 700-701, 703-4, 760. On the otherhand, although the scripts 60 Codex Calixtinus.indd 75 Codex Calixtinus.indd 75 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 in the early thirteenth century the house obtained a copy of the Turpin as it then existed at Compostela . 29 Because the Codex Compostellanus at that point lacked a crucial bifolium, probably detached because of its illustrations, the copy contained only the first portion of the privileges Charlemagne bestowed on the abbey. lt omitted the section in which Saint Denis promised the emperor forgiveness of sins for those dying on the Spanish campaigns and an indulgence to those donating four eoins a year, and in which the appellation "free of Saint-Denis" and the transformation of Gallia to Francia were explained. 30 In the first decade of the thirteenth century this form of the text was incorporated into a Dyonisian compilation of sources narrating the history of France, which begins with Aimoin' s account of the Trojans and terminates with Suger's life ofLouis VI. By 1233 the monks possessed an even more elaborate rendition of the Turpin than the original füll version. The expanded Turpin survives only in French, in a late-fourteenth-century copy, but its presence at the abbey is attested by the Latin Vita et actus sancti Dyonisii , completed at the abbey ca 1233. This work includes a selection from the elaborated Turpin, here solemnly presented in Latin, that credits Saint Denis with a central role in Charlemagne' s escape from the pains of Hell . 31 The critical chapter describing Charlemagne's visit to Saint-Denis and the and quality of parchment of the two ponions of the manuscript are different, the formats are similar, andin both texts the name of Saint Denis is spelled dyonisius, the usage characteristic of the abbey. 29 "Et ne quis arnmonitu suspectionis super hoc dubios habeatur testimonio auctentice uetustatis suffulti. quemlibet fidelium credere monemus . Hec omn ia deseruire ueritati . Quecumque enim pagine quam pre manibus habemu.s continentur gremio ab antiquissimis hystoricis libris ecclesie beati iacobi de gallecia habita sunt & extracta. proinde huic opusculo non est fides deneganda quam & eorum calamus huius hystorie interpres extitit. in quorum panibus istarum rerum contigit euentus, Quibus auctoribus cerciores effecti hystoriam diligentius exequamur" : BAV Reg. lat. 550 f. 138, where Turpin ' s history is found on ff . 138-55v . On this historical compendium , made at or for Saint-Denis at the beginning of the thirteenth century, see B. SaoosmMOLLEa, Ein Geschichtskompendium des frohen 13; Jahrhunderts aus Saint-Denis (Vat. Reg. Lat. 550) als Vorläufer der Grandes Chroniques , Quellen und Forschungen 67 (1987) p . 447-59 ; see also the thesis of M. Du PouoET(note 23) p. 15-20; and LI! STUM-CoNSTANT (note 23) p. 89-93 . A copy of this manuscript was made ca 1250 at or for Saint-Denis (BN lat. 5925, esp. ff . 132-47). I have found no trace of the codex frorn which the compilation's Turpin was copied. 30 BAV Reg. lat. 550, f. 153, where the text breaks off at "hos nummos libenter dabant liberos fecit," after which a slightly later hand added "et catelonie gerunde anpurda et omnes partes hispaniarum." The rest of the colurnn and the first colurnn on the reverse of the page were left blank. See BN lat. 5925, f. 147, where the text is similarly treated; here, following the text and before the break, a fourteenth-century scribe added, "Hiis igitur deuotissime sie peractis rursum cunctis audientibus sie ait / Vt habetur in paruis cronicis ." For the omitted text , see lIÄMllL (note 4) p. 22, 29-31, 89-93 ; see also the Appendix , I, below. 31 BN lat. 2447, ff. 134-35, and n. a. lat. 1509, p. 267/ 77-269/ 79; cf. WAU'OLI! (note 2) p. 194 n. 7, who treats the two manuscripts as different compilations. On the manuscripts , see C. J. UBBMAN, J1t., Etude sur 1a vie en prose de saint Denis (Geneva, N. Y. 1942), p. xiii n. 6, xxi-vi; and R. BIIANNl! ll, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the Reign of Saint Louis : A Study of Styles (Berkeley 1977)p . 224. See the Appendix, IIB,forBAV Reg. 610, ff. 32v-33r (Walpole's Turpin I"); andIIC,for BN lat. 2447,ff . 134-35; cf. the account in BAV Reg . lat. 550, ff. 153v-54, copied in BN lat. 5925, ff. 147v-48, both of which follow closely the version in the Coda Compostellanus, ed. HAMl! L(note 4) p. 92-93. lt seems likel y that the Latin account in the twin Dyonisian manuscripts was translated from the French . As Christopher Hohler has kindly pointed out, two phrases (obsecrationes & preces and bene secures) do not appear in the French text and scern to 61 Codex Calixtinus.indd 76 Codex Calixtinus.indd 76 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 privileges he granted to the abbey was even more significantly and dramatically expanded to glorify Saint Denis. In it Charlemagne speaks directly to the saint; he mentions Roland when interceding for the war dead; he surrenders the crown of France to Saint Denis and pledges that he and his successor s will hold the crown of the saint and that his successors will tender four gold coins as a head-tax; he abandons to the saint "all the earthly honor" and the lordship of France ; he blesses France before leaving the abbey . 32 This dramatized version of the Turpin is particularly important because of striking parallels that exist between it and the forged diploma, and especially because of the ceremony of the four coins that it describes, which is also featured in the diploma . Tue royal ritual of proffering four bezants a year to Saint Denis was surely observed at the abbey by the mid-thirteenth century, and the elaborated Turpin could well have inspired it. Philip Augustus _may possibly have performed the ritual at the abbey early in the thirteenth century; a brief and enigmatic entry in a royal register compiled between 1204 and February 1212 records that the king took four bezants with him "when he went to Saint-Denis." 33 The money may, of course, have been intended simply for the collection plate, but I am inclined to think that the bezants were proffered in a ceremony instituted, perhaps on royal initia tive, in imitation of the Turpin' s rite. Such a ceremony would have demonstrated that as Charlemagne's successor, Philip Augustus was more rightfully his heir than any of the nobles, including Baudouin of Hainaut, who cultivated the Turpin because of the blood ties to the Carolingians they boasted of possessing. 34 No reference to any such ceremony , however, appears in the Vita et actus sancti Dyonisii of ca 1233, where the monks might be expected to have featured it as evidence of royal regard for their patron saint. Perhaps the monks were still hesitating to draw attention to the inflated privileges that the Turpin assigned to the abbey. When at mid-century the collection of historical texts compiled some fifty years before was recopied at the abbey, no attempt was made to supply the gap in the Turpin's description ofCharlemagne's visit to Saint-Denis. Nonetheless, by this time the royal ritual of the four gold coins, mandated by Charlemagne in the elaborated Turpin, is known to have been have been added as embellishments . See n<Jte 5 above, for WALPOu.'sbelief that this elaborated version of the Twpin was composed at Saint-Denis. 32 W ALPOIB(note 2) p. 198-200; for the manuscripts of this fam ily of translations, none of which is earlier than the mid-thirteenth century, see WALPOU! , Prolegomenes (note 24) (1980) p. 199-230. Especially important for our purposes is the late-fourteenth-century manuscript, BA V Reg. 610 (Walpole's Turpin l"), on which see ibid ., 214-17. This manuscript was copied ca 1370, but as the appearance of the Latin text in the Vita et actus sanct i Dyonisii shows, the version was composed before ca 1233. For the text, see the Appendix, II A. 33 A. M..RTEU.1 and L Dm.w.B, Le premier registre de Philippe Auguste: reproduction heliotypique du manuscrit du Vatican (Paris 1883) p . 8. See SPIEOBL (note 9) p. 60-61 (rpt. 156); Du PouoBT(note 9) p. 54-55; and H.-F . Di! usoRDE,Pourquo i saint Louis faisait acte de servage a saint Denis , Bulletin de 1a Societe nationale des antiquaires de France (1897) p. 254-57. 34 See SPIEGBL as cited in the preceding nc>te; and E.A.R. BROWN, La notion de la legitimite et 1a prophetie il la cour de Philippe Auguste, in: La France de Philippe Auguste : le temps des mutations , ed . R.-H. BAUTll! R, Colloques intemationaux du Centre National de 1a Recherche Scientifique, 602 (Paris 1982) p. 77-11 0. 62 Codex Calixtinus.indd 77 Codex Calixtinus.indd 77 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 performed at Saint-Denis . So seriously did Louis IX take bis obligation to offer the coins eacb year that, following bis retum to France from bis first crusade in 1252, be presented to Saint Denis all the gold coins bezants tbat be bad been unable to offer wbile be was abroad. 35 Tbe Turpin's legends were becoming fully respectable. By mid-century the pseudo-bistory bad taken its place in numerous vernacular bistories, and tbe esteemed Vincent de Beauvais, wbom Louis IX patronized, endorsed the Turpin by incorporating the portions found in Helinand de Froidmont (including the cbapter on Saint-Denis) in bis Specu/ um historiale.'36 Hence it is scarcely surprising tbat the Dyonisian bistorian Primat, wbo began bis vernacular bistory of the kings of France at Louis IX's request, included the legend of Turpin in the work be completed in 1274. 37 For bis account of Cbarlemagne's visit to Saint-Denis be relied both on the truncated cbapter copied from the Codex Compostellanus and on the dramatized version wbose text the abbey possessed. After enumerating tbe basic privileges described in the Compostelan text, Primat bimself declared that the general payment of four coins was a sign of freedom rather tban servitude and invoked an exemplum from the life of Alexander the Great, wbo, Primat said, after conquering the East relieved of all other cbarges those wbo paid four coins to bim. In terms reminiscent of the elaborated Turpin be noted that eacb year the kings of France thus tendered four gold bezants from their beads in recognition that tbey beld France of God and Saint Denis wbicb they would never do, Primat commented, if it were a servile payment. Finally be said that Cbarlemagne placed bis crown on the altar and delivered it to the saints to guard, stripping bimself of all earthly bonor. 38 In view ofLouis IX's practice ofpresenting bezants to the abbey, Primat' s use of that term to describe the eoins is understandable. 35 BN fr. 4976, ff. 23v-24; fr. 5716, pp. 72-73; fr. 5722, f. 22; Vie de saint Louis par Gun.uUMBDE SAJNT-PAnrus, confesseur de la reine Marguerite, ed. H.-F. Dl! l.ABoRDE, Collection de textes pour servir a l'etude et a l'enseignement de l'histoire, 27 (Paris 1899) p. 44; and in Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France, ed. M. BouQUETet al., 24 vols. (Paris 1728-1904) XX p. 76; see also the account by YVBS, MoNKoP SAJNT-Thoos, composed in the early fourteenth century, in BN lat. 13836, ff. 108v-109; and lm.AeoRDE(note 33) p. 254-57. For the proffer of gold coins in coronation ordines composed during Louis' reign, see R.H. JACJCSON, Vive le Roil A History of the French Coronation from Charles V to Charles X (Chapel Hill 1984) p. 49-50, 223. M. BLOCHnotes the similar annual chevage tendered by the kings of England at the shrine of Saint Thomas of Canterbury, which he believes Edward Il may have instituted: Les rois thaumaturges: etude sur le caractere sumaturel attribue a 1a puissance royale particulierement en France et en Angleterre (Paris 1924, rpt. 1962) p. 240-41 n. 2, where BLOCHvoices his conviction that the forged diplorna is "notre plus ancien temoignage" of the French ceremony. 36 V. DEBEAuvAJs, Speculum historiale, ed. THEBENEDICTINES oP SAJNT-V AAJIT (JoHNJoNES[P. Ll! ANDBR oP SAJNT-MAAnNI) (Douai 1624) p. 962-71 (bk. 24, chs. 1, 2, 4-5, 10, 12-25); see PAULM1BR-FouCART (note 25) p. 63-66. On the abbey's acquaintance with the Speculum historiale after Vincent completed the work in the 1250s, see E.A.R. B110WN, Vincent de Beauvais and the Reditus Regni Fra11corum ad Stirpem Caroli lmperatoris, in: Vincent de Beauvais: intentions et receptions d'une reuvre encyclopedique au Moyen Age, ed. S. LUS10NAN, M. PAULMIBR-FoUCART, A. NADEAU (Montreal 1990), p. 167-96. Vincent did not follow Helinand in recounting the miracles of Saint James, which he treated in bk. 26, chs. 30-41 (p. 1065-68); cf. MPL CCXIl cols. 1023-28 . For vemacular histories, see W ALPOU! . (note 18) and SP1EOm..'s fonhcorning book on French vemacular historiography (note 24). 37 For Primat, see SPll! Ol! L (note 23) p. 81-92 . 38 Paris, Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve , MS 782, f. 157; see the Appendix, Ill, and also Les 63 Codex Calixtinus.indd 78 Codex Calixtinus.indd 78 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Guillaume de Nangis presented a condensed version oftbe episode, dependent on Primat, in the abbreviated Frencb chronicle that be wrote at Saint-Denis in the early 1290s. Tbe general obligation to offer the coins and the kings' similar donation were the only privileges that Guillaume mentioned. Tbe legend was too valuable to reject, but Guillaume evidently bad qualms about deluding bis readers. Tbus be volunteered the comment that despite the universal obligation imposed by Cbarlemagne, "many people" bad ceased offering four deniers from their beads so they would not be considered serfs. 39 Guillaume's Latin universal chronicle contained an expanded account, clearly derived from a füll copy of the Turpin. Here be recounted all the privileges enumerated in tbe Turpin; bis account includes tbe Statement missing from the Dyonisian copies of the Compostelan Turpin that those wbo paid the money, since free of all servitude, would be called the free of Saint Denis. Guillaume introduced the notion that Cbarlemagne bimself offered four bezants to the saint before commanding bis successors to do likewise. 40 A version of Guillaume's Latin cbronicle composed sbortly after Guillaume's death in 1300 adds the phrase cooperanteg/ adio in describing Cbarlemagne's tenure of France from God and Saint Denis. Like Primat, tbe author of this recension says that Cbarlemagne deposed tbe royal diadem on the altar. He also portrays Cbarlemagne imploring Saint Denis' intercession for Roland and otbers wbo died in the war against the pagans. This element as weil as the reference to the deposition of the crown suggests that be was employing the elaborated Turpin that the monks of Saint-Denis bad known since at least tbe 1230s. 41 Tbe influence of this Turpin is even more apparent in the work on Saint Denis tbat the monk Yves completed ca 1316. 42 Closely following the account in the Grandes Chroniques de France, ed. J. VIARD, 10 vols., Publications de la Societe de l'Histoire de France, 395, 401, 404, 415, 418, 423, 429, 435, 438, 457 (Paris 1920-53) m p. 288-90. Hans Voorbij, a member of tbe group at the University of Groningen that is studying the medieval Alexander legend, bas kindly suggested that the unusual allusion to Alexander may be based on the episode in J='s Epitome in wbich, having conquered the Orient, the emperor promised to pay bis soldiers' debts: M.I. Ivsrorus, Epitoma historiarvm Philippicarvm PoMPl! l TR001, ed. F. RUEHL and 0 . SBl! L(Stuttgart 1972) p. 116 (XI. 1-2). 39 BN fr. 10468, f. 96v, written ca 1292-93; see the Appendix, IV A. On this manuscript, one of a number presenting the original vi: rsion of the translated chronicle, see L. Dm.: rSLE, Memoires sur les ouvrages de Guillaume de Nangis, Memoires de l' Academie des lnscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 27/ 2 (1873, sie for 1878) p. 351-64, esp. 351-53. The passage conceming Saint-Denis did not appear in the original Latin abbreviated chronicle: see BAV Reg. lat. 574, f. 10; BN, lat. 6184, f. 9; and on this chronicle, H. MoRANVIW! , Le texte latin de la cbronique abregee de Guillaume de Nangis, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 51 (1890) p·. 652-59. On Guillaume and bis worlcs, see SPIEGBL (note 23) p. 98-108. 40 BAV Reg. lat . 544, f. 266; see the Appendix, IV B. See W ALPOLB (note 2) p. 207, variants to line 78, for the manuscript of ca 1278 (BN fr. 17177) that bas Charlemagne offering the bezants himself. 41 BN lat. 4918, f. 289v; this manuscript ends at 1297 since the last quire is lost; see the Appendix, IV C. The addition is not found in BAV lat. 4598, f. 143, afourteenth-century copy ofthe second recension, ending in 1307. 42 BN lat. 5286, f. 178v; lat. 13836, f. 38, which lacks the last part of the passage because of a miss'ing folio; see the Appendix, V. The duplication of one pbrase in the former manuscript suggests that it was copied from the lattertext. So too does the baplographical omission on f. 2ITTr, in the ac~unt of Louis IX's offering at the abbey; cf. lat. 13836, f . 108v-9r. However, other differences (see the notes to the Appendix, II B) suggest the reverse and indicate that the copyists 64 Codex Calixtinus.indd 79 Codex Calixtinus.indd 79 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 revised version of the universal chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis, Yves added to it two elements that depend directly on the elaborated Turpin: first, the address in which Charlemagne despoiled himself of the honor of France; second, Charlemagne' s lengthy and impassioned blessing of France. 43 Yves also included a passage inspired by the original long Turpin describing Saint Denis' assurance to the emperor that those who had died in the war against the Saracens would be forgiven their sins; he prudently limited this indulgence to the past and omitted any reference to those offering coins. 44 At the turn of the fifteenth century the so-called Religieux de Saint-Denis, generally following Yves's account, made two unprecedented additions to the story and one sage modification. Thus, although all serfs who willingly gave coins would be free and would be called the free of Saint Denis, there was no indication that they would be released from all "servitude." As to the elaborations, the Religieux said that in offering the bezants from their heads, the kings were bound not to human servitude but to divine, which is "perfect freedom," since to serve God is to reign. This dictum, found in the mass for peace andin other sources connected with the abbey , appears in no versions of the Turpin although it is found in the forged diploma . So too is a second addition, which specified that the annual offerings of four coins were tobe made to expand the saint's church "from the construction of Dagobert to the Crucifix." 45 The phrase was evidently considered important, for it was squeezed into the text and margin over an erasure obliterating what was surely Yves's simpler phrase, "to build the church of the same saint" (ad edificandam eiusdem sancti ecclesiam). The elaborate new phrase may have been added some years after the original text was transcribed although the hand seems tobe the same and is surely contemporary. The phrase does not were working from a comrnon exemplar. See Spiegel (note 23) p. 114-15. For recent views conceming the relationship between the two manuscripts, see C. LAcAZB, The ' Vie de St. Denis' Manuscript (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, Manuscrit fran\: Bis2090-2092) , Outstanding Dissertations in the Fine Ans , (New York 1979) p. 355-68; and 1. BAHll, Saint Denis und seine Vita im Spiegel der Bildüberlieferung der französischen Kunst des Mittelalters, Manuskripte zur Kunstwissenschaft in der Wemerschen Verlagsgesellschaft, 1 (Worms 1983) p. 143-45, 182-96. A.D.HEDEMAN believes that lat. 13836 was used to correct lat. 5286, whose illustrations she finds stylistically similar to those of a manuscript of the Grandes Chroniques illuminated in 1335-40: The Royal Image : lliustrations of the Grandes Chroniques de France, 1274-1422 (Berkeley 1992). 43 After this passage YVBSrecounted an anecdote, taken from the history Antenor et alii, which emphasized that the Franks, bound to fight for the king, were exempt from the tributes owed by others . See BN lat 13836, ff. 39r-41r; lat. 5286, f. 179r. The anecdote appears in the twelfthcentury Dyonisian historical miscellany (note 12) Maz. MS 2013, f. 223v; see MPL CLXlll cols. 925-26. In one version of Walpole's revised Turpin I, the freedom gained by those making payments to the abbey is said not to include immunity from defending the realm: W AU'OIB (note 2) p. 207, variants for line 101, from Cambridge, University Library, li. vi. 24, copied ca 1256. 44 This passage does not appear in the elaborated Turpin. See the Appendix, I, and II A; and also W ALPOIB (note 2) p. 200. 45 Maz. MS 2016, pp. 130-32; see the Appendix, VIA . On the history, see SPIBOBL (note 23) p. 123- 24. As BAIUloux (note 9, p . 20) points out, the maxim appears in the service for the ordination of sub-deacons and also in a chaner of Louis VI regarding the serfs of Saint-Denis. lt is found as well in the forged first charter of William the Conqueror for Westminster Abbey: Calendar of Chatter Rolls 9 Edward m, p. 330. See below at note 62 for the significance of the phrase conceming construction. Both statements appear in the forged diploma, which, like the history , of the Rm.iomux , terms Charlemagne's council "general." 65 Codex Calixtinus.indd 80 Codex Calixtinus.indd 80 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 appear in the second recension of the history, written shortly after the first. If the text of the first edition had already been altered, the addition may have seemed too cumbersome to the new editor, who did adopt the first recension's reference to the increase rather than the construction of the church and its explication of the divine nature of the royal offering. Additional modifications were introduced. Most important, Charlemagne was said to have deposed on the saint' s altar his arms and the victorious vexillum, in addition to bis crown; the diploma bas bim laying down "regia insignia & omamenta." Further, bere (as in the diploma) the serui who were to give coins are termed "additos seruituti." Joined to them (betraying the influence of the Descriptio) were "those wbo bad disdained to participate in the emperor's expeditions"; by offering the coins "most devoutly" they are not said to be made free but simply to merit the name of the free of Saint Denis. 46 Over tbe centuries the abbey's historians had integrated Cbarlemagne's privileges into the store of legends elevating Saint-Denis and increasing the venerableness of its fame and reputation. What purpose did the privileges serve? In point of fact, none at all. Tbe inflated privileges were obsolete and they were too exaggerated tobe credible, as Primat recognized in the thirteenth century. The situation, however, was one in which ordinary standards of veracity and even utility hardly applied. Considered individually, the claims were profitless; for this reason they were perfectly harmless. Tbeir grandiosity made even more compelling and inspirational tbe story of Cbarlemagne's visit and munificence. lt was, as Doublet said, "a lovely little lesson for kings," sbowing "the great humility and devotion of Saint Charlemagne to Saint Denis. " 47 lt buttressed Saint Denis' standing as peculiar protector of the realm and encouraged generosity to his cburcb. But the story had one serious flaw, depending as it did on a fabulous source, wbose authenticity was sure, sooner or later, to be questioned. Rumblings began in the late fifteenth century; they became increasingly insistent in the 1500s. 48 4 6 BN n. a. lat. 1789, ff. 210v-ll; see the Appendix, VI B. Tue Descriptio stated that Charlemagne imposed on those refusing to join his expedition (as weil as on their sons) the payment of four coins a year from the head, like serfs: "Alioquin quicumque huius edicti mandata non perageret, ipse in vita sua et filii eius similiter ex regis decreto quattuor nummos de capite quasi servi solverent." See RAusamN(note 15) p. 108. Note too that according to the Turpin, Charlemagne promised freedom to serfs participating in his campaigns against the Saracens in Spain: "Et praecepit mandans per totam Galliam, ut omnes servi, qui sub malis consuetudinibus pravorum dominorum religati tenebantur, solita servitute proprii capitis, et venditione deposita, cum omni progenie sua praesenti et ventura usque in sempitemum liberi permanerent." See HÄMEL (note 4) p. 52; and Mmmo1TI1-JoNF.S (note 4) p. 120-21, 326. On the vexillum, see SPreoEL(note 9) p. 58-59, 64 (rpt. 153-54, 159). 47 See DoUBLl! T (note 8) p. 725-26, marginal notations to his edition of the forged charter of 813, for which see the Appendix, VII. Cf. ibid. p . 717 . 48 See J. MoNPJUN, La figure de Charlemagne dans l'historiographie du XV" siecle, Annuaire-Bulletin de la Societe de l'Histoire de France (1964-1965) p. 67-78; I. SttoRT,A Study in Carolingian Legend and its Persistence in Latin Historiography (XII-XVI Centuries), Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 7 (1972) p. 127-52; D. MaNAoER, Charlemagne dans la seconde moitie du seizieme siecle entre l'histoire et la legende, in: Melanges Rene Louis (note 16) II, p. 1277-95, esp. 1278, 1291; and J. CJ! AR.o, L'histoire ecoutee aux portes de la legende: Rabelais , les fables de Turpin et les exemples de saint Nicolas, in: Etudes seiziemistes offertes a Monsieur le Professeur V.-L. Saulnier par plusieurs de ses anciens doctorants (Geneva 1980) p. 91-109, esp. 95-98, 106-109. On f. 218 of BN lat. 14663, a late-fourteenth-century Victorine manuscript of the Gesta Regum 66 Codex Calixtinus.indd 81 Codex Calixtinus.indd 81 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 One of the Turpin's chief critics in France was Francois de Belleforest. 49 In 1575 he denounced as folly the belief that Archbishop Turpin, who had died in 813, could have written of Charlemagne's death in 814; 50 he openly questioned the Turpin's reliability in his Grandes Annales of 1579. 51 Thus it is all the more surprising that he there recounted the story of Charlemagne's privileges for Saint- Denis, and that he emphasized two novel elements the duty of all France to imitate Charlemagne in doing homage to the abbey, and the obligation of both kings and queens to receive the crown at Saint-Denis after their consecration. For his statements he claimed to be relying on "the letters patent with the donations, franchises, immunities and privileges granted to this church." These "letters patent" he claimed to have seen and held in his hand, and he asserted that this documentation was supported by "the old chronicles ofFrance." 52 Francorum to 1204/ 14 (see note 25) (which, like other manuscripts and like the translation by the Menestrel of Alfonse of Poitiers, contains the Turpin) appears the following sixteenth-century marginal notation: "Haec ex falsa Tulpini seu Turpini Historia usque ad # signum Inferius," although the # on f. 226 was inserted before the end of the Turpin, which terminales on f. 226v. 49 In 1568 BBI.U! FollEST denounced the legend of Charlemagne's crusade in the East in a work in which he relied on sources other than the Turpin for the Emperor's Spanish campaigns: F. DE BEU.l! FOllEST, Histoire des Nevf Roys Charles de France ... (Paris 1568) p. 79-81, at 81. Five years later, editing the Annales of N1coLBGn.uis (d. 1503), he deleted the two chapters that Gilles had devoted to the eastem crusade. Although he retained the story of the Spanish campaigns derived from the Turpin, he added a note advising readers that the account was "fort fabuleux": N. Gn.uis, D. SAUVAGB, and F. DB BEU.llFOllEST, Les chroniqves et annales de France, des l'origine des francoys, et levr venve es Gaules ... (Paris 1573) ff. 66-67; cf. f. 1ii of the edition of 1566. On BBI.LBPoRF.sT, see B.L Riam! ll, Fran~ois de Belleforest: un des pamphletaires fulminants du XVI" siecle, Cahiers de l' Association internationale des etudes fran~ises 36 (1984) p. 97-110; idem, Ronsard and Belleforest on the Origins of France, in: Essays in History and Literature Presented by Fellows of the Newberry Library to Stanley Pargellis, ed. H. BLUHM(Chicago 1965) p. 65-80; and G. AT1C1NS0N, Les nouveaux horizons de la Renaissance fran~aise (Paris 1935). 50 F. DBBBI.LBPollEST, ed., S. MUN5TE! l, La Cosmographie vniverselle de tovt de monde . .. , 2 vols. (Paris 1575) I p. 242, 360. BEU.l! FOREST did not reject all legends connected with Charlemagne. He accepted the story that Charles the Bald transferred to Saint-Denis the Lendit fair that Charlemagne instituted at Aachen, a legend founded on the Descriptio; ibid. I p. 282, II p. 1046; cf. I p . 923- 24; on the fairs, see A. LoMBAJID-JoURDAN, Les foires de l'abbaye de Saint-Denis: revue des donnees et revision des opinions admises, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 145 (1987) p. 273-338, esp. 284-94. BBILBPoREST (I p. 418) also endorsed Charlemagne' s institution of the twelve peers and foundation of the University of Paris. 51 F. DB Bl! l.Ll! POREST, Les grandes Annales, et histoire generale de France, des la venve des Francs en Gavle, ivsqves av Regne dv Roy Tres-Chrestien Henry m ... (Paris 1579) ff. 202v-203. 52 "Charles le Grand a S . Denys. Charles de retour en Gaule fut passer son hyuer a Aix, mais auant vint il a Paris, d'oii auant il alla a sainct Denys, oii il assembla les Prelats, & Seigneurs de France pour assister a ce qu'il vouloit faire, le tesmoigner, & confirmer: d'autant que ayant faict ses prieres, & remercie Dieu de tant de helles & grandes victoires qu 'il luy auoit donnees, & recogneu (comme bon Catholique) qu'il auoit este assiste des saincts Martyrs gisans en l'Eglise Royale dudict lieu, voulut, ordonna, & establit que tout le pays de France feit hommage a ce sainct lieu, comme luy mesme le feit, dequoy i'en ay eu en main les patentes auec les donations, franchises, immunitez, & priuileges octroyez a celle Eglise, & notamment quant a ce que les Roys & Roynes y doiuent prendre la couronne apres leur sacre. Voulut outre ce, que les Roys de France ses successeurs donnassent chacun an quatre pieces d' or a ladicte Eglise & les offrissent sur l' autel des saincts Martyrs en recognoissance de ce qu'ils tiennent de Dieu, & de ces saincts leur couronne, comme aussi il mit sa couronne sur l'autel, l'a laissant en garde aux Martyrs, suyuant que depuis l'ont eu les Roys Fran~is de bonne, & loüable coustume, & outre ce que i'en ay veu (comme dist est) les lettres tresanciennes, encore les vieilles Chroniques de France tesmoignent ceste summission du Roy a la susdicte Eglise, voire y adioustent que par l' ordonnance de Charles 67 Codex Calixtinus.indd 82 Codex Calixtinus.indd 82 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Belleforest had viewed this material, he said, in October 1573. While working on his edition of Sebastien Munster's Cosrrwgraphieuniverselle, he went to Saint- Denis at the invitation of the abbey's librarian and chanter, who were eager to elevate their hause' s reputation after the catastrophes inflicted by the Huguenots in 1567. 53 There, in the librarian's lodgings, Belleforest was shown many documents thathe published orcited in the Cosmographie. One ofthese was a lengthy excerpt from a Latin source enumerating the privileges that Charlemagne bestowed on the abbey; Belleforest said that he had found it in "a book and very old history written by hand," "a manuscript book that is at the abbey of Saint-Denis." In fact the source was an excerpt from the first recension of the history of the Religieux de Saint- Denis.54Belleforest considered Charlemagne's "ordonnance" and "constitution" a comerstone of the abbey's reputation and fortune, showing as it did that the emperor had performed homage to Saint Denis for the kingdom of France, instituted the payment of an annual tribute to the abbey, and "singularized" it above all the churches ofGaul. Charlemagne's ordonnance was, he concluded, "the cause ofthe great property and revenues that the abbey formerly possessed, since what it now has is only the hundredth part of the riches it had in former times ."55 le Grand toutes les rnaisons de France deuoyent quatre deniers a ceste Eglise, non par rnaniere de seruitude, ains plustost en signe d'affranchissernent: ce que je croiray aisement, puis que le Roy mesme s 'y obligea, & voulut que ses successeurs, & leur couronne recogneut ce sainct lieu comme le domicile de ceux qui des premiers auoyent seme l'Euangile en Gaule": 8ELI.JlFOIU! ST (note 51) I f . 204v. In 1575 BEU.l! l'ORESI' (note 50, I p . 293) stated that at Saint-Denis "les Roys sont le plus souuent couronnez" and asserted that the kingdom was "homageable a saint Denys." In the Grandes Anna/ es (note 51, I f. 206) he said that after the Emperor' s death his followers wondered whether his body should be carried to Saint-Denis "ou ses pere & mere reposoyent, & ou i1auoit vne si grande deuotion," but in the end concluded that he should be buried "ou ... il auoit fait bastir si magnifiquement" ßl! l..lJ! FollFSJ' may weil have seen the charter of 769, printed by DoUBurr and FEUBIEN, in which Charlernagne expressed his wish tobe buried in the church where his father lay: DoUBLirr (note 8) p. 704; FELIBD! N (note 8) preuves, p. xxxij, no. XL Vll . 8BI.LEFOREST's Statement regarding royal coronations apparently misled A. FAVYN, whose history of Navarre was published in 1612. FAVYNwas as skeptical of the Turpin as was BelleforesL Nonetheless he said that after PhilipAugustus bestowed the right ofunction on Reims in 1179 (a date taken from J. ou T='s Recueil des Roys de France), "tous nos Roys ont este Sacrez a Reims, car quant a leur Couronnement, i1se faisoit a leur retour a Sainct Denys en France": A. FAVYN, Histoire de Navarre ... (Paris 1612) p. 999; E.A.R . BRoWN, "Franks, Burgundians, and Aquitanians" and the Royal Coronation Ceremony in France (forthcoming). The ceremony at Saint-Denis, Favyn said, had not been performed since the consecration of Henri II, although queens were regularly crowned at Saint-Denis. For the post-consecration coronations at Saint-Denis of Louis XII (1498) and Fran~is F (1515), see Le Ceremonial Fran~is, ed. TH.and D. GooBPROY,2 vols. (Paris 1649)1, p. 236 , 265. 53 BEU.l! l'ORESI' (note 50) I p. 279,283, 288-89, 293; for the problems faced by the abbey, L CARows- BARJU! , Pillage et dispersion de la bibliotheque de l'abbaye de Saint-Denis, lcr octobre-10 novembre 1567, Bibliotheque de l'~cole des Chartes 138 (1980) p. 97-101. 54 " ... & laquelle est extraite d 'vn liure, & histoire fort ancienne escrite a 1a main, ... d 'vn liure escrit a 1a main qui est en l' Abbaye de S. Denys": BBI.LEFOREST (note 50) I p. 293. For the text, see the Appendix, n. 90, to VI, A. 55 "Voyez que Charlemaigne fait hornmage du royaume de France a saint Denys, luy paye tribut annuel, astraint les Roys a faire le semblable, & singularise ce lieu sur toutes les Eglises de Gaule, & cognoissez par experience que cecy n'est pas mensonge, puis que les Roys de France, ont de bonne cousturne que lors qu'ils vont faire quelque loingtain voyage, ils vont visiter les corps saint [sie] des Martirs, prenent conge d'eux, & leur payent certaine offrande, leur donnans la garde, & cornrnettans la deffence de leur royaume. Cecy a este cause des grands biens, & reuenuz qu' auoit 68 Codex Calixtinus.indd 83 Codex Calixtinus.indd 83 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Did Belleforest actually see "letters patent" in addition to the chronicle, as he indicated in 1579? Perhaps. Ifhe did, he was the first non-Dyonisian to lay eyes on the notorious diploma of Charlemagne of 813. His reference in 1579 to royal coronation at Saint-Denis, recalling the false diploma ' s precept, sounds suspiciously as if this was the case . His insistence on the duty of homage may reflect the diploma's requirement that kings and prelates honor, revere, and venerate the abbey as head of all churches of the kingdom; his Statement that Charlemagne's council was convened to witness his acts recalls the diploma's use of the word testimonium; his allusion to Charlemagne's "belles & grandes victoires" is close to the diploma's "infinitas victorias "; his reference to the assistance of the abbey's holy patrons is reminiscent of the diploma's allusion to their merits and intercession.56To impress Belleforest the abbey's officials may indeed have produced a diploma . Equally plausibly and perhaps more likely they may simply have recounted to him information they ascribed to a charter, information that he later incorporated into his book. The diploma, note, does not actually mention homage or refer to queens and prior consecration . Whatever Belleforest saw or heard, the librarian prudently provided him simply with a transcription of a passage from the history of the Religieux de Saint-Denis, the evidence that he published in 1575.57 These tactics enabled the librarian and chanter of Saint-Denis to convince at least one avowed anti-Turpinist that Charlemagne had indeed granted the abbey privileges exceeding those enumerated in the pseudo-history. The rage for authenticity that flourished in the late-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was making the Torpin a distinct embarrassment, bot Dyonisians were unwilling to jettison beliefs they had cherished for ages. The abbey's good name required defense, andin 1625 Dom Jacques Doublet published the diploma of 813. He treated the text with deadly seriousness and insisted on all its idiosyncratic elements : the abbey ' s primacy; the kings' obligation to deposit their regalia (not just their crowns) at Saint-Denis; and even, pace Reims, their obligation to be crowned there (at least after consecration at Reims), as well as the ancillary bot more modest right of the abbot to authorize coronation elsewhere. 58 Because of the iadis ceste Abbaye, car ce de quoy eile iouyt maintenant, n' est la centiesme partie de ce que le temps passe eile auoit de richesses, ainsi que i •en ay veu le denombrement en vn vieux liure de parchemin escrit a la main que me monstra l'an 1573, au moys d ' Octobre le susnomme Veelu en son logis en l' Abbaye" : 8EILl! FORBST (note 50) I p. 293. 56 See note 52 above, and cf. with the text of the diploma, in the Appendix, VII. 57 See 8EILl! FORBST (note 50) I p. 279, 283, for copies that the librarian gave him. 58 For the charter, see DoUBUIT (note 8) p. 725-27 (see the Appendix, VII), where it is followed (p. 727-29) by the forged charter involving the Berry. Note esp. DoUBurr's unusual preamble, which presents a detailed summary of the charter. For the regalia and vexillum, see ibid. p . 299-301, 1208, 1213; for Saint-Denis' primacy and the duty of obedience, ibid. p. 393, 409-10, 1212-13. Understandably, DoUBUIT bad difficulty proving Saint-Denis' right to serve as coronation site. For the chapter dedicated to the subject he devised the somewhat guarded title "Comment la Royale Abbaye de sainct Denys est depositaire des Couronne, Sceptre, main de lustice, vestemens, & omemens Royaux , qui seruent aux Sacres & Couronnemens . .. aussi comment les Roys y ont este couronnez pour la pluspart" : ibid. p . 366. Having said that the deposition of all the regalia "s ' est tousiours pratique ainsi & obserue depuis Je tres grand Empereur & Roy de France S. Charlemagne," he referred bis readers to the dipJoma of 813 and said "& mesme vne bonne partie des Roys de Ja seconde lignee , & aussi de Ja troisiesme apres auoir este sacrez ii Rheims, veno ient faire vne 69 Codex Calixtinus.indd 84 Codex Calixtinus.indd 84 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 diploma Doublet attributed all these prerogatives to "Sainct Cbarlemagne," to wbom be assigned the "third building" of the cburcb . 59 On the other band, Doublet clearly bad some doubts about tbe diploma. He took pains to avoid linking it to the Turpin , even thougb in other parts of bis work be cited the derivative account of the Relig ieux de Saint-Denis and quoted the Turpin's strikingly similar description of Cbarlemagne's donations to Compostela. 60 His caution was expended in vain. By going public with what sbould bave been kept a private text , Doublet exposed the abbey to ridicule and attack. Tbe idea that Cbarlemagne could bave given Saint- Denis the prerogative of coronation was too mucb for tbe supporters of Reims, and in 1643 Dom Guillaume Marlot denounced the diploma as "entirely false" and obviously dependent on the Turpin. 61 Other more detailed and devastating assaults followed , and by the end of the century Doublet's diploma was completely discredited. 62 Doublet may possible have inven ted the diploma bimself. lf be did not, wben and wby was it created? Wboever fabricated it was, as others bave sbown, intimately seconde ceremonie en l'Eglise de sainc t Denys qu'ils appeloient le Couronnement": ibid . p . 367. He asserted , with more restrain t, that Charlemagne bad ordered that none of b is successors "ne fust couronne ailleurs qu'en ladicte Eglise sans le consentement dudit Abbe" : ibid. p. 1212 . Seenote 52 above . 59 DoUBI.l! T (note 8) p . 163-65 , 205 , 1212, an d see 394 for the donation of bezants. DoUBI.l! T(ibid . p . 205) also credited Charlemagnc with "le deuxiesme bastiment" of the church , signaling a donation of p roperty in the eighth year of bis reign. 60 Fo r Compostela, see DoUBLBT (note 8) p. 1214-15; the excerpt is virtually identical with the text in the Codex Compostellanus in BAV Re g. lat. 550, f. 147v, an d BN lat . 5925, f. 141v; see HAMl! L (note 4) p . 70 . For DoUBLBT's comments on Archbishop Turpin , see DoUBI.l! T (note 8) p. 207-8 ; see p. 1212, for a description of Charlemagne ' s donations to Saint -Denis that is dependent on the RELmmux; see also 205 and 208. Howe ver carefully DoUBurravoided the Turpin and Charlemagne's alleged Spanish campaigns, he dedicated much space to the Emperor's pilgrimage to Constantinople and Jerusalem and defe n ded the reliability of the Descriptio: ibid. p . 1204-12 ; and SaoRT (note 2) p . 150. To support bis position DoUBurr cited N. Gn.uis (evidently in a version unemended by BELLl! FollES'l' ), as weil as the fact that the worlc was publisbed in Paris in 1573 with the approv al of two doctors of theology and a privilege from Charles IX : ibid . p . 1211, and see above, note 49 . 61 Le theatre d'bonnevr, et de magnifice nc e, prepare av sacre des Roys . Auquel il est tra ite de ! 'Inauguration des Souuerains ; du lieu ou eile se fait, & par qui ; de la Verite de la Sainte Ampoule .. . (Reims 1643) p. 164, wbere M.uwr compared the diploma to the alleged charter of Charle magne for Aachen (DK 295). M.uwr wrote that the cbarter "est vn pressis d 'vne ancienne Histoire apocrife, qu e les simples gens ont attribue a l' Arcbeueque Tilpin ; en laqueile, outre quantite de discours qui ressentent 1afable, & le Roman, il est dit .. ." He retumed to the attack in bis b istory of Reims , wbich appeared in 1666 : Metropolis Remensis Historia . . . (Lille 1666) I p. 315. Understandably, wben in 1646 DoUBurr, then dean of Saint-Denis, publisbed a book defending the reputation of Saint Denis, be was far more reticent than before conceming the diploma : Histoire cbronologiq ve povr 1averite de S . Deny s Areopagite apostre de France . . . (Paris 1646) p. 289-91. Dom G . Mnim of Saint-Denis quoted extens ively from the charter in bis Vindicta Ecclesiac Gallicanae de svo Areopagita Dionysio Gloria (Paris 1638) p . 216-20 , and esp . 218, for bis assertion that Charlemagne gave the abbey not only bis golden crown , but also bis sceptre , main tk justice, and sword. References to the diploma appear in the various editions of Mnim, Le Tresor sacre ov Inventaire des Saincte s Reliques, et avtres precievx loyavx qui se voyent en l 'Eglise, & au Thresor de l ' Abbaye Royale de S. Denys en France .. .; see, e .g., 3rd ed. (Paris 1640) fol. [B-v] . 62 Ca. LB ColNl1! , Annales ecclesiastici Francorum, 8 vols . (Paris 1665-83) VII p. 282-88; G . DUB01s, Historia Ecclesiae Parisiens is, 2 vols . (Paris 1690-1710) I p . 311.13 . 70 Codex Calixtinus.indd 85 Codex Calixtinus.indd 85 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 familiar with the abbey' s muniments and texts. 63 If the forger worked in the twelfth or thirteenth century, he had a keen sense of humor and took pleasure in poking fun at the pretensions of the house and its abbots, going so far as to assert that no kings should be crowned save at the abbey. Tue flagrant ostentatiousness of the claims it contained would explain why it was not directly invoked and extensively quoted in Dyonisian compilations and histories. On the other hand, a forger who produced the masterpiece for Belleforest's visit would have been trying to impress that author; if afterwards, to validate claims made on that occasion that Belleforest had subsequently published. Any of these hypotheses is arguable. The diploma' s reference to the extension of the church from Dagobert' s building to the Crucifix might initially suggest that the forger worked at a time when such construction was planned, between the last years of Suger's abbacy and 1240. 64 The phrase simply shows, however, that the forger realized (as the Turpin 's author did not) that Charlemagne was not responsible for the church; he knew the works of Suger. The insertion of the statement in the first recension of the history of the Religieux de Saint-Denis (the only place in Dyonisian literature where it appears) does not necessarily mean that it was taken from the diploma, for the reverse could equally well be true. Tue two recensions of the history could have served as major sources for a diploma created as the Turpin' s fortunes waned. So ended with a hurst of bravado the alliance between Saint-Denis and the Turpin. For some four centuries the privileges enshrined in the pseudo-history served Saint-Denis by elevating the abbey's reputation in the eyes ofthe wishfully and deliberately uncritical. Tue Turpin was not invented at Saint-Denis, but as others accepted its veracity, it came tobe treasured there. Finally forced to abandon the work as a support for their status and claims, the Dyonisians nonetheless clung to the legend, for fifty years invoking a fifteenth-century history and a diploma whose connections with the Turpin were unrecognized or, more likely, piously disregarded. Finally, however, nostalgia was bested. Tue denizens of Saint-Denis were in the end forced to relinquish their fabulous privileges and insist on those that were legitimately theirsand those whose spuriousness had not yet been revealed. 63 For parallels between the diploma's phraseology and Dyonisian sources, such as the Descriptio and the forged charter of Charlemagne for the Berry (DK 282) (which VAN DB KmPr links with the abbacy of Odo of Deuil and 1156), see BAlllloux(note 9) p . 19-24; VAN DB KmPr (n. 9) p. 424-29. Also relevant are the extraordinary powers exercised by Suger as regent of France, recorded by his biographer Gu! u.AUMB: see SuoBR,CEuvres completes ... , ed. A. LI! COY DB LA M.u.om, Publications de la Societe de l'Histoire de France, 139 (Paris 1867) p . 394-96. See also the privileges that Alexander m bestowed on Guillaume de Gap in 1179: E. BBRoER, Annales Sancti Dionysii generalernent connues sous le titre de Chronicon Sancti Dionysii ad Cyclos Paschales, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 40 (1879) p . 279; cf. 268, where the entry is repeated; for the bull , see Fl! LIBll! N (note 8) preuves, p. cxj-ij, no. CXL VIl; AN L 231, nos. 61-bis. Under the same year the annals report that following the consecration of Philip Augustus the abbot received from the king his crown, shirt, and other royal garments. 64 SuoBR(note 63) p. 215-17, 194-96; Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and Its Art Treasures, ed. E. PANoPSu,2nd ed ., ed. G. PANoPSKY-SoBROBL (Princeton 1979) p . 27, 56-71, 86-89, 180, 224-25; S . M. CaoseY, The Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis from lts Beginnings to the Death of Suger, 475-1151, ed. P.Z. BuJM,Yale Publications in the History of Art, 47 (New Haven 1987) p. 267-77; C.A. BaUZl! l.lUS, The 13th-Century Church at St-Denis (New Haven 1985) p. 34-38, 82-83, 124-28. 71 Codex Calixtinus.indd 86 Codex Calixtinus.indd 86 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Appendix I. The Pseudo-Turpin •s Account of Charlemagne •s Visits to Compostela and Saint- Denis in the Collection of Texts in BA V Reg. Iat 550 , ff . 147v, 153r Tune dimissis maioribus suis karolus in hyspania! beati iacobi limina adiit. & quos in illa patria habitantes repperit christianos edificauitJ illos uero qui ad perfidiam sarracenorum reuertebantur? aut gladio peremit aut in galliam exulauit. Tune constituit per ciuitates antistites & presbiteros. & adunato in urbe compostella episcoporum & principum concilio. instituit amore beati iacobi quod cuncti presules & principes & reges christiani. hyspani scilicet & galleciani. presentes & uenturi. episcopo sancti iacobi obedirent Apud hyriam presulem minime institu it? quia illam pro urbe non reputauit sed uillam subiectam sedi compostellanensi esse precep it. Tune in eodem concilio ego turpinus remensis archiepiscopus beati iacobi basilicam. & altare cum .Ix. episcopis karoli rogatu kalendis. junij. honorifice dedicaui & subiugauit rex eidem ecclesie totam terram hyspanicam & gallecianam. deditque ei in dote precipiens ut unusquisque possessor uniuscuiusque domus. tocius hyspanie & gallecie .iiii"'. nummos annuatim ex debito daret & omni seruitute rege precipiente liberi essent. Et constituitur die illo ut illa ecclesia amplius uocitetur sedes apostolica eo quod ibi apostolus iacobus requiescat? & in ea episcoporum tocius hyspanie crebro concilia 65 teneantur. & uirge episcopales & regales corone per manus episcopi eiusdem urbis ad decus apostoli domini prebeantur. & si fides in aliis urbibus peccatis populorum exigentibus uel dominica precepta defecerint~ ibi consilio 66 eiusdem episcopi reconcilientur. & merito in illa ecclesia uenerabili fides reconciliari & stabiliri perhibetur. quia sicut per beatum iohannem euangelistam beati iacobi fratrem. in orientali parte apud ephesum christi fides & apostolica sedes instituituri sie per beatum iacobum in occidentali parte regni dei apud galleciam fides eadem & apostolica sedes constituitur .. . Post hec uiennam simul perreximusi & ibi uulnerum cicatricibus uerberibusque & percussionibus . multisque alapis quas in hyspania sustuli angustiatus remansi/ & rex aliquantulum debilitatus cum suis exercitibus parisiacam adiit urbem. Tune coadunato episcoporum & principum concilio! in basilica sancti dyonisii. 67 agens deo & illi grates. qui sibi uim dedera t gentem paganam uincendi. omnem franciam ecclesie eius in predio dedit. sicut beatus paulus apostolus & clemens papa beato dyonisio [in] apostolatu antea illam prebuerat. Et precepit ut omnes francie reges & episcopi presentes & futuri pastori eiusdem ecclesie essent obedientes in christo. 65 concilia is repeated and the first appearance canceled by a vertical line . 66 In BN lat. 5925, f . 141v, concüio. 67 Here, in BN lat 5925, f. 147r, appears the thirteenth-century marginal notation, de sancto Dyonisio. Next to the text is a marle designed to call attention to it. 72 Codex Calixtinus.indd 87 Codex Calixtinus.indd 87 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 nec reges sine 68 eius consilio essent coronati! nec episcopi ordinati nec apud romam recepti essent. aut dampnati. Rursum post plurima dona eidem ecclesie in predio dedit: precipiens ut unusquisque possessor uniuscuiusque domus totius gallie. quatuor nummos annuatim ad edificandam ecclesiam daret. & omnes seruos qui hos nummos libenter dabant liberos fecit. 69 [Tune beatum Dionisium, iuxta eius corpus stans, imploravit ut pro salute illorum qui libenter illos nummos dabant, Domino precem funderet, et pro Christianis similiter qui propria sua pro divino amore dimiserant et in Hyspania in bellis Sarracenorum martirii coronam acceperant. lccirco nocte proxima regi dormienti beatus Dionisius apparuit, eumque excitavit, dicens ei: Iltis qui tua ammonitione et exemplo tuae probitatis animati in bellis Sarracenorum in Hyspania mortui et morituri sunt, delictorum omnium suorum veniam, et illis qui nummos ad haedificandam ecclesiam meam dant et daturi sunt, gravioris sui vulneris medicinam a Deo impetravi. His a rege relatis, populi nummos saluberrimae promissionis suae ex more dabant, et qui libentius reddebat Francus sancti Dionisii ubique vocabatur, quoniam liber ab omni servitute, rege praecipiente, erat Hinc mos surrexit ut terra illa quae antea vocabatur Gallia, nunc vocatur Francia, id est, ab omni servitute aliarum gentium libera. Quapropter Francus liber dicitur, quia super omnes gentes alias decus et dominatio illi debetur.] II. A. Charlemagne's Visit to Saint-Denis in BAV Reg. 610, ff. 31r-32r (Walpole's Turpin 1E) Apres ce venismes ensemble a vienne. & je turpins arceuesques remes & greuez 70 de coups & de plaies que iauoie receu. en espaingne. Adonc proiai ie a Karlemainne [ld'm]. mon seignour. & requis parcelle foiz que il me deuoit & ie a lui. Quese il auenoit quese il trespassast aincois de moi. que il le me feist sauoir. par tel qui leust oi & veu & lore & le ior de son trespassement & ie li mis en couenant que se ie trespassoie aincois de lui. Je li feroie asauoir lore & le ior dou mien par autretel forme. Einsinc me promist mes sires & ie lui. & nos entrebaisames & en plorant me proia. que il me souenist de larme de Rollant son neueu & de touz ceuls qui en reinceuaus auoient receu martire. & en espaingne dont il sen repairoit Seuz de 71 sa compaingne en france sen repaira mes sires a paris. & la tint en sa venue .i. grant concile de ses arceuesques & de ses euesques. & de ses abbez. & dou remanant de ses barons & ala li rois & si baron o lui a mon seignor saint denis. Nus piez & en 68 In the margin, in a thirteenth-century hand, Nota bene. 69 In both this manuscript and BN lat. 5295, f. 147, the passage breaks off here; the remainderof the passage is taken from the edition of Miwmrm-JoNES (note 3) p. 219, whose orthography, capitalization, and punctuation are here reproduced. 70 For agreuez. 71 For &; WALPOu; (note 2, p. 198, 1. 29) reads "et descompaigniis." 73 Codex Calixtinus.indd 88 Codex Calixtinus.indd 88 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 langes. Senvint ou mostier deuant le mestre autel. & deuant le eors mon seignor saint denis & dist oiant touz tiex paroles eomme vos porrez oir. - Sire sainz denis qui en eeste nostre terre aportastes 1a loy nostre seignor ihesu erist. nostre foi. nostre ereanee. qui en estes nostre auoez. vers dieu qui nos eria. Sire ie sui venuz a vous rendre loenges & graees et mercis. des vietoires que ie ai aues. par la volente nostre seignor ihesu erist. & par laide de mon seignor saint iaque. & de vous biax sire sainz denis. en espaingne eontre la gent mesereant. Si en sui venuz rendre graees a deu par deuant le eors de vous Sire sainz denis. qui a la gent franeoise deuez estre pleges vers nostre seignor de lor sauuement. qui sa foi tiennent & sa ereanee. Sire souiengne vous de lame Rollant. mon neueu. que iai lessie por la foi nostre seingnor ihesu erist essaueier & aeroistre morir en estranges pais. & de touz iees vous souiengnequi auec lui reeurent martireen reineeuaus et de touz les autres qui pour dieu & por sa foi essaueier sont ocis en autres batailles. Sire por les armes de eeuls vous rent 1a eoronne de franee. & de vous la tenra des ore en auant. Li sire qui la gardera sera rendanz a vous. iiij. deniers dor. 72 de son eheuaige. Adone mist li rois. lcarles[kl's]. la eorone dou regne seur lauteF 3 & dist. Sire sainz denis ei vous deguerpiz toute terrienne anor. ei me despeul de toute la terriane honor de franee. des ore en auant en aiez la seignorie. Ci eommant ge & establis que nuns areeuesques de franee. ne nuns euesques ne puisse estre saerez sanz lassens de vostre pastor. & que nuns ne apostresne autres ne le puisse ordener sanz son assen. Ci establis ie & eommantque tuit eil qui des ore en auant. vos rendront .iiij. deniers de eheuaige. Soient quite. & frane. de touz autres seruises. por eest afaire fu touz iorz la terre apellee franehe. qui deuant estoit apelee galle. & la genz fu puis apelee franeoise. Apres dist li rois tout en audienee. Sire sainz denis a vous preing ie eongie. de vous me depart. En [sie] franee vous lais. & vous en soiez garde apres damedieu. II leua son visaige en haut. & esgarda uers lou eiel. & sagenoilla deuant lautel. & touz li pueples. [sie] Quant loroisonot finee. il se leua & se seigna & dist. Franee tu soies beneoite. & eil qui en toi habitent. Tu aies seignorie sor toutes autres terres. Tu soies noble. Tu soies beneurouse. Adone sen issi li rois fors de leglise. & ploroit durement & monta sor son eheual. & sen issi fors de la vile. & touz li bamaiges le eonuoioit. II sen ala a ais sa ehapele ou il demora puis ... B. The death ofCharlemagne in BAV Vat. Reg. 610, ff. 32v-33r (Walpole's Turpin 1E) Et en icele ore que mes sires li empererestrespassa.Je turpins arceuesque de Reins estoie a vienne. & auoie chantee la messe. en mon oratoire. & estoie remes touz souz por mes psiaulmes dire en ma chapele. & auoie commencie vne psiaulme qui 72 WALPOLE (note 2, p. 199, 11.79-81) proposes the emendation "li sire qui la gardera par quatre deniers d•or rendans." 73 W ALPOLE (note 2, p. 199, l. 83) incorrectly indicates that the phrase "la coronne ... seur l' " is missing from the text. 74 Codex Calixtinus.indd 89 Codex Calixtinus.indd 89 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 auoit nom. Deus in adiutorium meum intende. Lors oi passer par deuant moi vne raute de malignes esperiz & fesoient molt grant noise. Je [mis] mon chief a vne fenestre petite. ai esgarde que ce estoit. Lors vi que ce estoient deable. & tant en iauoit que nuns nen sauoit le nombre. II passoient molt en haste. Mes ie en choisi .i. tout deriere mont grant & mont hisdous. Celui coniurai par le creator & par la foi crestienne que il me deist ou il aloient. Nous alons dist il por larme de Karlemainne qui orendroit est trespassez. or ten va dis li ge. et par le coniurement que ie tai fait te coniur. que tu reuiengnes par moi. & conteras conment vos aurez ouure. Cil sen ala suigant les autres. & ie pardi la psialme que ie auoie commencie. Aincois que fine leusse oi les deables repairier. Je remis mon chief ala fenestre. & esgardai mont que il faisoient. II sembloient estre dolent & tristre. Je choisi celui qui deuant auoit parle amoi. & li demande comment il auoient esploitie. Mauuaisement dist il. quar quant assemble fumes dautre part vint Mychiels li archanges. o toute sa legion. & quant nos chalengions larme de karlemainne. La vindrent dui home sanz testes. Jaques de Galice. & denis de france qui ieterent en balances .Karle. aueques les biens que il auoit fait. tantes eglises & tantes anmones. & tant daomemenz deglises. que li mal ni porent monteploier. & nos ont apres ·tant batu de la ioie quil en orent que nos nos en repairons tristre & dolenz que de nostre domaige. que de nostre mal. Je turpins fui se faitement seurs de la mort 74 mon seignor quele fu portee en paradis par les mains des anges dieu. por la merite de ses biens. par laie des sainz que il auoit seruis. Tantost apelai mes clers & fiz par toute la vile sonner & chanter messes des feelz dieu. & faire aumosnes & oroisons par same. & contai que bien estoie seurs de sa mort. & .x. iorz apres sa mort me vint vns messaiges que il menvoia qui tout me conta. En foiz fu li rois a ais la 75 chapele que il auoit fondee. C. The death of Charlemagne in BN lat. 2447, ff. 134r-135r. 76 Visio Turpini Remensis archiepiscopi qualiter animam karoli magni demonibus abstulerunt duo acephali beatus scilicet iacobus apostolus. & macharius ariopagita dyonisius. Ego turpinus Remensis archiepiscopus eram apud viennam. & in meo oratorio missa cantata & celebratis diuinis mysteriis solus remanseram pro psalmis dicendis & inceperam unum psalmum qui incipit deus in adiutorium meum intende. Tune audiui coram me pertransire magnam cohortem spirituum malignorum cum magno clamore & strepitu. Quo audito caput posui ad quandam paruam 77 fenestram ut 74 WAI.POu. (note 2, p. 205, 1.280) suggests the emendation "l'anne." 75 Here Walpole (note 2,205, l. 296) suggests the addition "en leglise." 76 The passage is copied with only minor differences in BN n. a. lat. 1509, pp. 267n7-269n9, and also in the account of the episode given by YVBS, MONX oPSAJNl'-Th! Nls, for which sec BN lat. 13836, ff. 4lv-42v, and lat. 5286, f. 180; on the relationship between these manuscripts, sec note 42 above. 77 This word is ornitted in BN lat. 13836, f. 41v, and lat 5286, f. 180r. 75 Codex Calixtinus.indd 90 Codex Calixtinus.indd 90 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 quid esset inspicerem. & uidi quod erat demonumerrantium multitudo. & tot erant quod nullus eos numerare ualeret. Ipsi cum magna celeritate transibant sed unum nimis grandem & ualde horribilem intuitus sum & percepi retro alios uenientem? illum adiurare incepi per creatorem & per fidem christianam.ut quo abirent michi dicere non tardaret Nos inquit abimus pro anima karoli magni tollenda: qui modo ex hac luce migrauit. vade inquio. & per adiurationem quem tibi feci iterum te coniuro. quatinus redeas per me. ut quid egeritis michi enarres.Ille abiit & recessit sequens alios abeuntes. Quo recedentel psalmum quem inceperam decantabam. antequam illum finissem: audiui demonesredeuntes.Quorum strepitumaudiens & fragorem: ad fenestramdictam caput reposui. & perpendens aspexi quod habebant faciem tristium atque dolentium. Percepi illum qui antea mecum fuit locutus. & quesiui ab eo qualiter ipsi egissenc & suum negotium quomodoprocurassent. Ille respondit quod male. quia quando inquit fuimus congregati. contra nos ex altera parte uenit michael archangelus. & tota legio eius. Et cum animam regis rapere & nobis uendicare uellemus: uenerunt duo homines acephali7 8 scilicet iacobus galiciensis & dyonisius de francia. & in stateram miserunt cum bonis operibus que in uita sua rex fecerat. tot ligna. lapides 79 & structuras. omamenta8() ecclesiarum & cultus. quod mala superare & multiplicari minime potuerunt. & nos adeo ceciderunt flagellis pregaudio quod de confusione nostra & de ereptione anime regis habebant. quod 81 nos tristes & dolentes redimus. tarn de nostra iactura. quam de malis nobis inflictis. Ita ego turpinus securus fui de anima domni mei regis quod fuit deportatain celumper manus angelorumsanctorummeritisbonorum que fecit. & sanctorum auxilio quibus uiuens seruierat Statim accersiui clericos meos. & per totam ciuitatem feci pulsare campanas. & missas pro fidelibus celebrare. elemosinas impertiri pauperibus. & fieri orationes pro anima ipsius obsecrationes & preces. & omnibus enarraui quod de morte eius certus eram & bene securus. Post decem dies uenit nuntius quem ad me miserat.qui totum michi retulit per ordinem. Tumulatus fuit rex apud aquisgranum in ecclesia quam ipse fundauerat. III. Charlemagne's Visit to Saint-Denis in Primat's Chronicle, Paris, Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve,MS 782, f. 157 QVant kallemainesfu retomez en franceil uint a .S. denyse.la fist asemblerconcile des prelaz. & parlement des barons. a Dieu & aus glorieus martyrs rendi graces & merciz de ce que ili auoit done force & pooir de uaincre & de confondre la gent sarrazine la fist un tel establissementque il dona toute france a leglise pour lonor 78 Above this word is inserted .id est . sine capilibus, which is not found in ei! her BN lat. 13836 orlat . 5286. 19 tot is inserted before Lapides in BN lat. 13836, f . 42v, al! hough no addition is found in BN lat . 5286, fol. 180v. 80 ornamentaq~ in BN lat. 13836, f . 42v, al! hough not in lat. 5286. 81 et ila is substituted for qllOd in BN lat. 13836, f. 42v, although there is no such change in lat. 5286. 76 Codex Calixtinus.indd 91 Codex Calixtinus.indd 91 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 desmartyrs ausi come .S. pol li apostres & .S. climenz la li auoient iadis livree pour conuertir a 1a foi crestiene. & uot & ordena que tuit li roi de france. & tuit li prelat present & auenir fussent obeissant eo nostre seigneur au pastor de leglise. & que nus rois ne peust estre coronez sanz son assentement & sanz son conseil. ne euesques ordenez alacort de rome ne dampne. ne receu sanz sa uolente. & sanz son assent. a 1a parfin apres pluseurs dons. & privileges que il dona a leglise establi il & commanda que chascune persone chies dostel de tote france rendist chascun an a leglise .iiij. deniers. non pas par seruitute. mais par8 2 franchise. & que eil qui serf estoient deuant ce fussent franchi partant. si ne doit on pas cuider que ce soit seruages ainz est droi.z establissemenz de franchise. Car ensit le fist alixandres li granz. quant il ot conquis tout orient. que tuit eil qui li rendoient .iiij. deniers. fussent quites de toutes autres costumes dont li roi de france paient chascun an .iiij. besanz dor & les offrent de sus lor chies aus martyrs eo recognoissance que il tienent de dieu. &de li le roiaume de france que il ne feissent eo nule maniere se ce fust eo non de seruagei Apres prist li rois sa corone. & 1a mist sus lautel. 1a corone de france liura eo la garde diev & de .S. denise. & se demist de toute honeur terriene. Congie prist aus martyrs & au roisaume de france A es la chapele sen ala la parfist le remanant de sa uie ... IV. A. Charlemagne's Visit to Saint-Denis in the AbbreviatedFrench Chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis, in BN fr. 10468,f. 96v La saincte terre de iherusalem que sarrazins auoient prinse Restabli a 1a chretiante par laide de constentin lempereurde constentin noble. Souuentesfoisse combati eo espaigne contre sarrazins. et conquist toute la terre despaigne iusques a cordes. et fist baptizier les sarrazins / puis li vaillans Roys vint eo leglise monseigneur saint denis eo france. et Rendit graces a dieu et au glorieux martir des victoiresquil auoit eues. et establi que quiconques luy Rendroit chascun iiii deniers de son chief quil fust frans tous les iours quil viuroit. mais moult de gens ont laisse ce a faire pource que len ne les tenist a sers. Et des lors acoustumerent li Roys de france a Rendre quatre besans dor au glorieux martir mon seigneur saint denis tous les ans eo signe et eo memoire quilz tenoient de dieu et de monseigneursaint denis Leur Royaume. 82 par . .. tuit eil written over erasures. 77 Codex Calixtinus.indd 92 Codex Calixtinus.indd 92 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 B. The Account of Charlemagne's Visit to Saint-Denisin the Universal Chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis, in BAV Reg. lat. 544, f. 266r Post hec karolus in franciamreuersus. apud sanctum dyonisium uenic ut ibi deo et beato dyonisio patrono regum francorumgracias ageret de subiugatasarracenorum gente. et omnem franciam eiusdem sancti ecclesie dedit in predio. sicut antea beatus clemens papa apostolatui ipsius prebuerat. Et precepit ut omnes francie reges et episcopi presentes et futuri. pastori eiusdem ecclesie essent obedientes in christo? nec reges sine eius consilio essent coronati.nec episcopi ordinati. nec apud romam recepti aut dampnati.Rursum que post plurima dona eidem sancti dyonisij ecclesie collata. quatuorbisancios aureos beato dyonisio super altare ipsius obtulit. in signum quod regnum francie a deo solo et ipso sancto tenebat! et constituit ut omnes successores sui reges francorum consimiliter facerent annuatim. Precepit etiam ut vnusquisque possessor cuiusque domus tocius gallie quatuor nummos annuatim ad edificandameiusdem sancti ecclesiamdaret! et omnes seruos qui hos nummos libenter dabant liberos fecit. et quod daturi in posterum ab omni seruitute liberarentur constituit! francique sancti dyonisij uocarentur. C. Charlemagne's Visit to Saint-Denis in the Revised Universal Chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis, in BN lat. 4918, f. 289v After "sarracenorumgente," the remainderof the passage, which is virtually identical to the preceding text (IV, B), is canceled by a band different from that of the original scribe; in a later, far more studiedband, in brown rather than the black ink of the text, the second scribe added the followingsection at the bottom of the folio. Portions added are italicizedin the followingedition; the passage"ut omnes francie reges .. . in christo," found in IV, B, seems to have been omitted from the revised text by homoeoteleuton. ante altare sanctissimi dyonisiiflexis genibus deuocius orans eundem que sanctumregnipatronum& aduocatumprecipuumhumiliterrecognoscensac eius precibus tamrollandiquameorumqui in bellocontrapaganospro christinomine decesserantanimasrecommandans[sie]omnem franciameiusdem sancti ecclesie dedit in predio. sicut antea beatus clemens papa apostolatui ipsius prebuerat. Et precepit ut omnes francie reges sine eius consilio [non,inserted]·essent coronati nec episcopi ordinati. nec apud roman recepti aut dampnati. Rursum que post plurima dona eidem sancti dyonisij ecclesie collata.regalidyadematesuperaltare deposito. quatuor bisancios aureos beato dyonisio super idem altare obtulit. in signum quodregnum franciea deo solo & ipso sanctogladiocooperantetenebat! & constituit ut omnes successores sui reges francorumconsimiliterfacerent annnuatim. Precepit etiam ut unus quisque possessorcuiusquedomus tocius gallie quatuor nummos annuatim ad edificandam eiusdem sancti ecclesiam daret.' & omnes 78 Codex Calixtinus.indd 93 Codex Calixtinus.indd 93 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 seruos qui hos nummos libenter dabant liberos fecit. & quod daturi in posterum ab omni seruitute liberarentur constituitl francique sancti dyonisij uocarentur. V. Charlemagne's Visit to Saint-Denis as Recounted by Yves, monk of Saint-Denis, in BN lat. 13836, f. 38, and lat. 5286, f. 178v 83 Quomodo karolus in franciam reuersus quatuor bizantijs aureis sancto dyonisio oblatis regnum in manu sancti dyonisij reddidit ecclesiamque eius quamplurimum sublimauit. 84 Post hec in franciam reuersus karolus apud sanctum dyonisium uenit ut ibi deo et beato dyonisio patrono regum francorum gratias ageret de subiugata sarracenorum gente. Et ante altare sanctissimi dyonisij flexis genibus deuotius orans eundemque sanctum regni patronum et aduocatum humiliter recognoscens eiusdem sancti ecclesie dedit in predio sicut antea beatus clemens papa apostolatui eius eam 85 prebuerat. eiusdem sancti dyonisij. precibus rotholandi 86 eorumque animas qui in bello contra paganos pro christi nomine decesserant recommendans Ipsi uero sequenti nocte dormienti sanctus dyonisius. apparuit dicens se illis qui in bello sarracenorum mortui fuerant omnium delictorum suorum ueniam impetrasse. Precepit etiam imperator karolus ut omnes francie reges [et] episcopi presentes et futuri pastori eiusdem ecclesie essent obedientes in christo. nec reges sine eius consilio essent coronati nec episcopi ordinati nec apud romam recepti aut dampnati. Rursum 87 post plurima dona eidem sancti dyonisij ecclesie collata regali dyademate super altare deposito sancto dyonisio dixit. 88 Domine sancte dyonisi honore 83 On the relationship of the manuscripts to each other, see note 42 above. A French translation of the text appears in the margins of BN lat. 13836, f. 38, the presentation copy: "Comment charles retouma en france. & offri a .Saint. denis .4. besans dor. et li bailla en sa main le roiaume de france. et son eglise essauca moult hautement. Post hec in franciam. et cetera. Apres ce charles cst uenus en france et uint en leglise .Saint. denis pour rendre graccs a dieu et a .SainL denis des sarrazins quil tues [sie] & leur terre prise et sagenoilla deuant lautel .Saint. denis en priant dieu et le corps saint & patron dou roiaume de france et li recommanda le pape climent [sie] tout le roiaume aussi cornme le pape climent deuant li auoit recornmandee & 1i recommanda les ames de .Saint. roulant & des autres cheualiers qui en la bataille estoient mort pour la foy de dieu. & celle nuit .Saint. denis li apparut et 1i dist quil auoit empetre grace enues [sie] dieu pour touz ceux qui estoient mort en 1abataille pour 1afoy de dieu et si commanda lemperiere charles que tous les roys de france et touz euesques presens & auenir fussent obeissant au prelat de leglise .SainL denis. & que les roys ne fussent point coronnes sans son conseil ne les euesques ordenes ne quil ne fussent a ranme receus ne condempnes. Item apres plusieurs dons que i1 donna a leglise .SainL denis sa coronne mise dessus lautel. i1 dist a .SainL denis . chier pere .Saint. denis ie me despoille du Roiaume de france et uous pri que vous en aiez 1aseignourie. & .iiij. besans dor offri dessus lautel en signe quer il tenoit le Royaume de france seulement de dieu. et par les merites de .SainL denis ... " 84 BN laL 5286, adds to the rubric, et alia satis pulcra. 85 In BN laL 5286, ipsius, omitting eam. 86 In BN laL 5286, Rothlandi. 87 In BN laL 5286, RursumqUI! . 88 In BN lat. 5286, sanctoqrui dyonisij dicens. 79 Codex Calixtinus.indd 94 Codex Calixtinus.indd 94 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 regni francie me spolio ut uos domine de cetero eius dominium habeatis quatuorque bisancios aureos beato dyonisio super idem altare obtulit in signum quod regnum francie a deo solo et ipso sancto cooperantegladio tenebat. Et constituit ut omnes successores sui reges francorum consimiliter facerent annuatim. Precepit 89 etiam [sie] unusquisquepossessor cuiusque domus tocius gallie quatuor nummos annuatim ad edificandameiusdem sancti ecclesiarndaret & omnes seruos qui hos nummos libenter dabant liberos fecit & qui daturi inposterum ab omni seruitute liberentur constituit francique sancti dyonisij vocarentur. Hij s igitur deuotissime sie peractis rursum cunctis audientibus karolus sancto dyonisio sie ait. Domine sancte dyonisi a uobis nunc licenciam accipio franciamque uobis relinquo ut post deum sitis eius dominus atque custos. Erectaque superius facie karolus genua iterum flectit coram altari sancti dyonisij. Surgensqueillud deuotissimecunctis qui aderant lacrimantibus osculatur. Deinde erigens se et signo crucis se muniens ita dixit. 0 francia semper sit [sie] a deo cum tuis habitatoribusbenedicta.Esto semper nobilis et felicitate bona semper polleas. Estoque domina super mundi huius ceteras nationes. Tune karolus rex francorum & imperator magnanimus romanorum ecclesiamet uillambeati dyonisij egressus non multo post tempore aquisgrani proficiscitur in illis partibus quod uite et imperij supererat completurus. VI. A. Charlemagne's Benefactions to Saint-Denis in the First Recension of the History of the Religieux de Saint-Denis,in Maz.MS 2016, pp. 130-32 90 Quomodo karolus in fra[n]ciamreuersus celebrauitconsiliumbaronum & prelatorum in ecclesia beati dyonisii graciasque ibidem deo & beato dyonisio reddens 89 BNlat. 13836 breaks off at this point, since one page has been extracted . Tue remainder of the text is supplied from BN lat . 5286, f. 178v. 90 Tue text that F. DB BBl.ll! FoREST saw at Saint-Denis in October 1573 and published in his edition of MUNSTER, Cosmographie (note 50, 1, p. 293) is virtually identical with this passage. In the following transcription of Belleforest' s text, variants in phraseology are indicated in brackets . " Praecep it etiam Imperator, vt omnes Franciae reges, & Episcopi praesentes, & futuri pastori eiusdem ecclesiae essent obedientes in Christo, nec reges sine eius consili essent coronati, nec Episcopi ordinati, nec apud Romam recepti aut damnati [dampnat1] . Rursumque post plurima dona eidem ecclesiae sancti Dionysii collata, regali diademate super altare deposito, eidem martyri cunctis audientibus dixit: Domine sancte Dionysi, honore regni Franciae me spolio, vt vos [Maz., MS 2016 adds domine] de caetero eius dominium habeatis, & tune quatuor Bisantios aureos beato Dionysio super altare obtulit, in signum quod regnum Franciae a deo solo, & ipso sancto, gladio cooperante, tenebat . Et constituit vt omnes successores sui reges Franciae [Francorum] ' consimiliter facerent annuatim in oblatione tangendo caput proprium, non tarnen astricti seruituti humanae, sed diuinae, quae summa ingenuitas debet dici, cum Deo seruire, sit regnare. Praecepit etiam Imperator vt vnus quisque possessor cuiusque domus totius Galliae quatuor nummos annuatim ad ampliandam eiusdem sancti ecclesiam, ab aedificio Dagoberti vsque ad Crucifixum, daret, & omnes seruos qui hos nummos libenter darent, liberos fecit , & qui daturi erant in posterum Francos sancti Dionysii vocari perpetuo iussit. His [Hiis] deuotissime peractis Carolus [Karolus] cunctis audientibus Dionysio sie tune dixit: Domine sancte Dionysi a vobis nunc licentiam accipio, Franciamque vobis relinquo, vt post deum sitis eius dominus atque custos." 80 Codex Calixtinus.indd 95 Codex Calixtinus.indd 95 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 quatuor bizanteos idem offerens regnum ipsi martiri in custodia relinquit coronam auream super altare ipsius offerendo [T)unc karolus imperator coadunato episcoporum & baronum generali consilio apud sanctum dyonisium uenit vt ibi deo & beato martiri patrono regum francorum gratias ageret de gente sarracenorum subjugata Ante quoque altare ipsius gloriosi martiris deuote orans & gloriosum martirem patronum & aduocatum francie humiliter recognoscens ac eius precibus animam 91 rotholandi eorumque qui in bello contra paganos pro christi nomine decesserant recommendens [sie] omnem franciam ecclesie eius in predio dedit sicut antea beatus clemens papa appostolatui ipsius illam prebuerat Regi autem sequenti nocte dormienti sanctus dyonisius apparuit dicens se illis qui in bello sarracenorum mortui fuerant omnium delictorum suorum ueniam impetrasse Precepit eciam imperator ut omnes francie reges & episcopi presentes & futuri pastori eiusdem ecclesie essent obedientes in christo nec reges sine eius consilio essent coronati nec episcopi ordinati nec apud romam recepti aut dampnati Rursum que post plurima dona eidem ecclesie sancti dyonisij collata regali dyademate super altare deposito eidem martiri cunctis audientibus dixit Domine sancte dyonisij [sie] honore regni francie me spolio ut vos domine de cetero eius dominium habeatis / & tune quatuor bisantios aureos beato dyonisio super altare obtulit in signum quod regnum francie a deo solo & ipso sancto gladio cooperante tenebat Et constituit ut omnes successores sui reges francorum consimiliter facerent annuatim in oblacione tangendo capud proprium non 92 tarnen astricti seruituti humane sed diuine que summa ingenuitas <lebet dici cum deo seruire regnare sit Precepit eciam imperator ut vnusquisque possessor cuiusque domus tocius gallie quatuor nummos annuatim ad ampliandam 93 eiusdem sancti ecclesiam 94 ab edificio dagoberti vsque ad crucifixum 95 daret et 96 omnes seruos qui hos nummos libenter darent liberos fecit & qui daturi erant in posterum francos sancti dyonisij uocari iussit perpetuo Hiis deuotissime peractis karolus cunctis audientibus dyonisio [sie] sie tune dixit Domine sancte dyonisij a vobis nunc licenciam accipio franciamque vobis relinquo ut post deum sitis 97 eius dominus atque custos Erecta que superius facie karolus genua iterum flectit coram altari surgens que cum illud cunctis qui aderant lacrimantibus osculasset erigens se et signo crucis se muniens dixit O francia semper sis a deo cum tuis habitatoribus benedicta Esto semper nobilis et felicitate bona semper polleas Esto que domina super mundi huius ceteras naciones Quibus rite & deuotissime peractis non multo post rediit aquis grani quod uite & imperij supererat completurus 91 This word is inserted. 92 non ... regnare siJ underlined, apparently in the band of the corrector. 93 The first five letters of this word are written over an erasure. 94 ecc/ esiam .. . vsqUL ad er added in rnargin. 95 ucifuum added over an erasure. 96 e written over an erasure. 91 t corrected to b in a la! er band. 81 Codex Calixtinus.indd 96 Codex Calixtinus.indd 96 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 B. Charlemagne 's Benefactions to Saint-Denis in the Second Recension of the History of the Religieux de Saint-Denis, in BN n. a. lat. 1798 (Phillipps MS 238), ff. 210v-llr Quomodo Karolus post victorias beato dionisio gracias egit ei que totam galliam subiecit Circa finem huius anni karolus Imperator coadunato episcoporum et baronum generali consilio apud sanctum dionisium venit vt Ibi deo et beato dionisio martiri regum francorum patrono gracias ageret de gente sarracenica subiugata Ante quoque altare Ipsius gloriosi martiris deuotissime orans et gloriosum martirem patronum et aduocatum francie humiliter recognoscens ac eius precibus animam rotolandi eorum que qui in bello contra paganos pro christi nomine decesserant recommendens omnem franciam ecclesie eius subdidit sicut antea beatus clemens papa appostolatui Ipsius Illam prebuerat Regi autem sequenti nocte dormienti sanctus dyonisius apparuit dicens se illis qui In bello sarracenorum mortui fuerant omnium delictorum suorum veniam Impetrasse precepit etiam Imperator vt omnes francie reges et episcopi presentes et futuri pastori eiusdem ecclesie essent obedientes In christo neque reges sine eius consilio essent coronati nec episcopi ordinati nec apud romam recepti aut dampnati rursumque .post plurima dona et priuilegia eidem ecclesie sancti dionisii collata regali dyademate armis et victorioso vexillo super altare depositis eidem martiri cunctis audientibus dixit Domine sancte dionisii honore regni francie me spolio vt vos domine de cetera eius dominium habeatis et tune cunctis videntibus quatuor bisancios aureos beato dyonisio super altare obtulit In signum quod regnum francie a deo solo et ipso sancto gladio cooperante tenebat Et constituit vt omnes successores sui reges francorum consimiliter facerent annuatim In oblacione tangendo caput proprium non tarnen vt astructi [sie] seruituti humane sed diuine que summa ingenuitas debet dici cum deo seruire regnare sit Precepit etiam Imperator vt vnusquisque possessor unius cuiusque domus totius gallie quatuor nummos argenti annuatim ad ampliandam eiusdem sancti ecclesiam daret et omnes additos [sie] seruituti et qui prius contempserant In expedicionibus suis bellicis Interesse qui hos nummos deuotissime offerrent In posterum francos sancti dionisii vocari In perpetuum ordinauit. Hiis deuotissime peractis Ipse karolus cunctis audientibus dionisio sie tune dixit Domine sancte dionisii a vobis nunc licenciam accipio franciam que vobis relinquo vt post deum sitis eius dominus atque custos erecta que superius facie karolus genua iterum flectit coram altari surgens que cum illud cunctis qui aderant lacrimantibus obsculasset erigens se et signo crucis se muniens dixit O francia semper sis a deo cum tuis habitatoribus benedicta Esto semper nobilis et felicitate bona semper polleas Estoque domina super mundi huius ceteras nationes quibus deuotissime peractis non multo post cum Iam vemalis temperies arrideret quod vite et imperii supererat completurus aquis grani speciale regale domicilium peciit 82 Codex Calixtinus.indd 97 Codex Calixtinus.indd 97 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 VII. Doublet's Edition (Histoire, 725-27) of Charlemagne's Diploma of 813 for Saint- Denis98 CArolvs Serenissimus Augustus a Deo coronatus, magnus, ac pacificus Imperator, Romanorum gubemans imperium, quin etiam per misericordiam Dei Rex Francorum & Longobardorum. Omnibus Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Optimatibus, caeterisque regni nostri proceribus, salutem in vero salutari.99 Minime decet regiam sublimitatem beneficia quae a Deo omnipotente est consecuta obliuioni tradere, sed potius rationi conuenit, & est aequum, per aliquam erga sanctorum loca bonorum operum exhibitionem, aliquod 100 reddere testimonium . Quapropter cognoscat magnitudo seu nobilitas vestra, quod euocatis nobis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Principibus, ac regni nostri Proceribus, in generali Concilio, in Monasterio ter beati Dionysij peculiaris Patroni nostri, multis de causis & rationibus celebrato, sed praecipue quia eiusdem sanctissimi Martyris ac praecellentissimi, sociorumque eius Rustici & Eleutherij meritis & intercessionibus, nos ad summa regni imperiique fastigia conscendisse confidimus, & fatemur, sed & quamplurima vitasse pericula, ac inimicorum nostrorum superasse tela, infinitas & victorias de ipsis illorum Sanctorum protectionum alis 98 In DoUBLBT's ed. (note 8, p. 725) the charter is preceded by the following intrciduction: "Autre Charte de sa Majeste , portant tesmoignage qu'en faueur des saincts Martyrs sainct Denys & ses compagnons (pour auoir senty leur aide & secours en beaucoup de perils & dangers, auoir recognu leur assistance en plusieurs occasions & occurrences, mais principalement pour estre paruenu par leurs prieres & intercessions au souuerain degre de ! 'Empire, & dignite de la Royaute) ayant assemble les Archeuesques, Euesques, Abbez, Ducs, Comtes, & grands Seigneurs du Royaume, en leur sacree Eglise, ordonna qu' elle fust tenue pour la premiere des Eglises de France , & que le venerable Abbe d'icelle fust repute pour Je premier des Prelats du Royaume. Defendit que les Roys ses successeurs ne fussent desormais couronnez en autre Eglise qu 'en icelle: que les Archeuesques & Euesques ne fussent confirmez, ny receus par le sainct Siege, ou renuoyez, sans l 'aduis & conseil de l' Abbe de sainct Denys. Ayant oste sa Couronne de dessus sa teste, & mise sur l' Autel des saincts Martyrs, se despoüilla de ses omemens Royaux, & les deposa entre leurs mains, comme les tenans d'eux: en signe dequoy il leur offrit quatre besans d' or en hommage, pour le relief du Royaume de France : coniurant & priant tous les Roys ses successeurs de faire tous les ans Ja mesme chose, & en ! es offrant toucher d'iceux leurs testes. II affranchit de Ja en auant tous ceux qui feroient pareille offrande, lesquels seroient a raison de cela nommez les Francs de sainct Denys: & prenant conge des saincts Martyrs, ! es pria d'estre, apres Dieu, gardiens du Royaume de France, anatematisant tous ceux qui iroient a l'encontre de son ordonnance. Ceste action tant saincte, tant memorable, & tant remarquable, estoit a Ja verite digne d'vn sainct Empereur, & d'vn Roy grandement zele enuers Dieu & ses saincts seruiteurs: action laquelle doit a iamais seruir 1'exemple a Ja posterite, aux Roys, & aux Princes, de 1'honneur & de Ja deuotion qu'ils doiuent rendre a 1a Majeste diuine, & aux glorieux Apostres de JaFrance." 99 Here DoUBLBT (note 8, 725) adds the marginal notation, "Belle Je~ pour ! es Roys." 100 In MGH (note 7) I, p. 429, 1. 16, aliquid. In this edition MtlHLBACHER transformed each of Doublet 's ampersands into et. The versions published by u ColNl1! and OUB01s both read aliquod: l..i! ColNl1! (note 62) VIl, p. 282; OUB01s (note 62) I, p. 313. Except for variations in punctuation and capitalization, the editions found in these two works are precisely sirnilar to DoUBLBT's . 83 Codex Calixtinus.indd 98 Codex Calixtinus.indd 98 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 euecti reportasse credimus. lgitur ob id ad honoremDei, & tantorum Dominorum nostrotum reuerentiam,tale fieri decreuimuspraeceptum,quod volumus imperpetuum esse mansurum,videlicet quod omnesFranciaeReges, omnes Archiepiscopi, & Episcopi, tarn praesentes quam & futuri, ob amorem Domini Dei & nostri Saluatoris lesu Christi, honorem ac reuerentiam deferant101venerandae Matri Ecclesiae Domni Dionysij peculiaris Protectoris nostri, ac venerabili Abbati eiusdem102sancti & sacri loci, eamquevt103caput omniumEcclesiarumregni nostri, ab omnibus eiusdem regni nostri Christicolis venerari, & eumdem Abbatem super omnes Praelatos primatem haberi & teneri volumus ac desideramus.Prohibemus insuper ne successores nostri Franciae Reges alibi quam in Ecclesia saepe fati Domni Dionysij sint coronati, nec Archiepiscopi & Episcopi confirmati,'aut ad sacram beati Petri Sedem recepti & damnati, absque assensu & consilio Abbatis. Post vero multa eidem Ecclesiae bona per nos oblata, ac concessa priuilegia, Ego Karolus Francorum Rex deposito de capite meo regni diademate, & sanctorum Martyrum Altari superposito,talia, cunctis qui aderant audientibus, dixi: 104Sanctissime Domine Dionysi, hiis regni Franciaeregiis insigniis & ornamentis libenter me spolio, vt deinceps eius regale habeas, teneas, atque possideas dominium, & in signum rei quatuor modo aureos tibi offero bizancios, vt omnes tarn praesentes quam & futuri sciant & agnoscant quod a Deo solo & a te regnum Franciae teneo, tuoque ac tuorum sociorum fretus auxilio, & suffragantibusmeritis illud ancipiti gladio defendo: Obsecrans atque obtestans omnes successores nostros Reges, vt annuatim simile faciant, & in oblatione submittendo ac tangendo caput illos quatuor supradictosbysancios offerant,non proinde astricti humanae seruituti, sed potius diuinae,quae summalibertas appellaridebet, quippeDeo seruire sit regnare: sed etiam omnes regni nostri Proceres & Obtimates, pro qualicumque domo sua eidem Ecclesiae memorataequatuor singulisannis aureos persoluantnummos, pro illius105augmento ab aedificio Dagoberti Regis excellentissimivsque ad Crucifixum: similiter omnes homines seruituti addictos emancipans,& eos imperpetuum faciens liberos tarn praesentesquam & futuros, qui libenter eosdem quatuor aureos nummos daturi sunt, quos beati DionysijFrancos proinde vocari volo, & appellari iubeo. Hiis ergo tarn digne per me, in honorem Dei & MatrisEcclesiae praecellentissimorum Martyrum Dominorum meorum expletis, necnon106pro animae meae remedio, & regni stabilitate,ac107filiorumincolumitate,palam omnibus dico, quod a vobis nunc exeundi copiam peto, regnumque Franciae relinquo, vt post Deum sitis illius semper custodes ac Domini. Si quis autem contra hoc meae regiae Majestatis praeceptum aliquid attemptare praesumpserit, anatema sit, reusque 10l Here 0oUBU! T (note 8, p. 726) adds the marginal n<>te,"Titre de l'Eglise de S. Denys." 102 Here 0oUBU! T (note 8, p. 726) adds the marginal note, "Titres de l' Abbaye de S. Denys." 103 Here 0oUBU! T (note 8, p. 726) adds the marginal note, "L'Eglise de saint Denys chef de toutes les Eglises de France. " . 104 Here 0oUBU! T (note 8, p. 726) adds the marginal notation, "Grande humilite & deuotion de S. Charlemagne enuers S. Denys ." 105 Here 0oUBU! T (note 8, p. 726) adds the marginal notation, "Augmentation de l'Eglise de S. Denys par S. Charlemagne." 106 In MGH (note 7) p. 430, l. 4, nec non. 107 In MGH (note 7) p. 430, l. 5, et. Le Cointe and Dubois follow Doublet 84 Codex Calixtinus.indd 99 Codex Calixtinus.indd 99 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 diuinae Majestatis & humanae censeatur, sciatque se in districto ac tremendo superni Iudicis examine rationem redditurum, & sanctos Martyres Dionysium, Rusticum, & Eleutherium aduersarios habiturum. Et vt haec auctoritas firmior habeatur, & abomnibus certior credatur, manu propria eam subter signare decreui, & sigilli mei caractere sigillari iussi. Actum in Monasterio sancti Dionysij, in Dei nomine feliciter, anno Domini nostri Iesu Christi octingentesimo decimo-tertio, praesentibus quorum nomina subtitulata sunt & signa. Signum Caroli SerenissimiAugusti, & Francorum gloriosissimiRegis, signum Turpini Remensis Archipraesulis, signum Gosberti BithuricensisArchiepiscopi, signum Ioannis Lugdunensis Archiepiscopi, signum Imberti Senonensis Archiepiscopi, signum Arnulphi Turonensis Archiepiscopi, signum Nicolai Viennensis Archiepiscopi, signum Nescij Tolosani Archiepiscopi, signum Seuerini Pictauensis Antistitis, signum Stephani Lemouicensis Episcopi, signum Erkauradi Parisiacae vrbis Episcopi, signum Achilleae Alexandriae Antistitis, signum Gerotini Papiae Episcopi, signum VvalchandiLeodiens. Episcopi, signum Candulfi Metens. Episcopi, signum Theodulfi Aurelian. Episc., signum Anselmi MediolanensisEpiscopi, signum Vvolfoldi CremonensisEpiscopi, signum Hilduini Abbatis Monasterij sancti Dionysij, signum Floriani Abbatis Montis Cassini. 85 Codex Calixtinus.indd 100 Codex Calixtinus.indd 100 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 ~ Saint-Denis and the Turpin Legend I II m IV V VI VII Vill IX X Cornpostela Diploma Elaborated Primat Nangis Nangis Nangis Yves of Religieux of Saint-Denis Tutpin Turpin(E) French Universal Universal Saint-Denis I II Chronicle Chronicle Chronicle Revised concilium generali grant concile & generali X concilio concile padement concilio victories over victories in X X X pagans Spain over Saracens (Saracens) Saracens X X X X gent mescreant victories over enernies donatio in predio toute Franci donatio in X X X X predio regale seignorie dorninium terriane honor X honor regni X X Francie Paul X Oement X X X X X X kings and bishops obey X X X X X X honor& reuerentia abbot's consilium X X X X X X X assent X X coronation by counsel X X X X X X coronation episcopal X X X X X X X ordination & consecration Codex Calixtinus.indd 101 Codex Calixtinus.indd 101 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 00 -.J I Compostela Turpin reception damnation householders give serui 4nummi to build church serui liberi liberi ab omni seruitute II Diploma confirmation X X proceres & obtimates for houses serui & homines seruituti addictos 4 goldnummi Charlemagne gives 4 aureos bizan cios successors tangendo caput to augment church Dagobert to Crucifix liberi, emancipans m IV Elaborated Primat Turpin(E) X X tuit eil chies dostel serf 4 deniers X 4 derniers dor X X de cheuaige franchi quitte & franc de seruises V VI VII Vill IX X Nangis Nangis Nangis Yves of Religieux of Saint-Denis French Universal Universal Saint-Denis I II Chronicle Chronicle Chronicle Revised X X X X X X X X X X quiconques householder X X X X serui X X X omnes additos seruituti & contempnentes in bellis interesse X 4 numrni X X X argenti X X X X X 4 besans dor X X X X X X X X X X X de son chiel tangendo caput X X X X X X X frans liberi X X X ab omni seruitute X X X liberarentur Codex Calixtinus.indd 102 Codex Calixtinus.indd 102 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 00 00 I II m IV V Compostela Diploma Elaborated Primat Nangis Turpin Turpin(E) French Chrooicle Franci sancti X Dyooisii recommends souls X of dead X of dying X of paying coins indulgence France free of servitude X France blessed primacy crown X X regia insignia & omamenta ancipiti gladio divine servitude denial that & freedom seruage Note to the Table For the Compostela Turpin (col. I), see the Appendix,I, and, on BAV Reg. lat. 550, note 29. For the Diploma (col. II), see the Appendix, VII, and note 7. For the elaborated Turpin (Walpole's Turpin I 6) (col. III), see the Appendix,II, and, oo BAV Vat. Reg. 610, notes 31-32. For Primat (col. IV), see the Appendix,ill, and notes 37-38. For the abbreviated French chronicle of Guillaume de Nangis (col. V), see the Appendix,IV A, and note 39. VI VII Vill IX X Nangis Nangis Yves of Religieux of Saint-Denis Universal Universal Saint-Denis I II Chronicle Chronicle Revised X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X arma& victoriosum vexillum gladio X X X cooperante divine X servitude &freedom For the Universal Latin Chrooicle of Guillauem de Nangis (col. VI), see the Appendix,IV B, and note 40. For the revised version of the UniversalLatin Chronicleof Guillaumede Nangis (col. VII), see the Appendix,IV C, and note 41. For the worlcof Yves,monk of Saint-Denis(col. VIII), see the Appendix,V, and note 42. For the two recensions of the history of the Religieuxde Saint-Denis(col. 9), see the Appendix, VI A and B, and notes 45-46. Codex Calixtinus.indd 103 Codex Calixtinus.indd 103 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Archeology and the Tomb of St. James THEODOR HAUSCHILD I sball discuss tl1at important monument, the tomb of St. James in Santiago de Compostela, from an arcbeological point of view, from a background of investiga- ' tions in the arcbitecture of tombs of the first century and of the late Roman constructions on the Iberian Peninsula. 1 Because of the fragmentary cbaracter of our picture of Early Christian building in the Iberian Peninsula, it is significant that the Apostolic tomb in Santiago bas not yet been adequately represented in general works. Indeed, we do not find tbe monument in its present form either among those classified as Roman arcbitecture, nor among those of the Early Christian era. 2 Tbe groundplan of the tomb publisbed in the Historia de Espafla, 3 based on investigations carried out in 1878 by LoPEZ FERREIRo,4 is obviously an imaginative reconstitution, andin a new book on Roman Spain by SIMoNKEAv5 the building of Santiago is not even mentioned. Even HELMUT San..UNk in bis survey of tbe Early Christian age in the northwestem peninsula 6 does not refer to the construction of the tomb, althougb MANUEL GoMEZ-MoRENo 7 described the crypt in 1966 in bis significant essay, 'Primicias del arte cristiano espaflol', albeit without the illustration be used for other important buildings. However, the publication in 1982 by Josll.GUERRA CAMPOs ofExploraciones Arqueol6gicas en tomo al sepulcro del Apostol Santiago, based on the new excavations under the cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, cbanged this situation. 8 GUERRACAMPOs was present during a great part of CHAMoso LAMAS' arcbeological fieldwork between 1956-58. 9 Because of their importance, Excluding a few alterations, the text here published is the one delivered during the symposium on the Th6 Codex Calixtinus. lt contains'only the most important notes. I hereby wish to express my gratitude to J. Williams, J. Carro Otero and Serafin Moralejo Alvarez for suggestions and informatioo. My special thanks to J. Carro Otero and to the Cabildo of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostelafor the kind permissionto studythe tombs in the mausoleum. The Germantext was translated by Katharina Karrer. 2 Ars Hispaniae II (1947) p. 183 ff, also 382 f. P. DB PALOL, Arqueologfa Cristiana de la Espafia R001ana(1967) p. 105ff. H. San.tJNX, T. HAusCIIIUl, Hispania Antiqua, Die Denkmäler derftühchristlichen und westgotischen Zeit (1978) 5. M. SOTOMAYoa, La iglesia en 1a Espaiia r001ana y visigoda, in Historia de la iglesia en EspafiaI (Madrid 1979)p. 150 f. 3 R. M. PmAL, ed., Historia de EspafiaII (Madrid 1955)p. 719. 4 A.L FBIUIBlllo, Historia de la Santa M. Iglesia de Santiago de Compostela, I (Santiago de Compostela, 1891)p. 280 ff. As for the bibliographyof l.6pez Ferreiro, see: F. Aru& CA.STR0V1BJ0, A arqueloxia na obra de L6pez Ferreiro, Cuadernos de estudios gallegos 32 (1981) p. 59-80. 5 S.J. l<EAY, Roman Spain (London 1988). 6 H. San.tJNX, Die ftühchristlichen Denkmäler aus dem Nordwesten der Iberischen Halbinsel, in Legio VII Gernina, Instituto Leones de Estudios Romano-visig6ticos(Le6n 1970)p. 477 ff. 7 M. GoMliz-MOIU! NO, Primicias del arte cristiano espafiol,Archivo espafiolde arte 154/ 155(1966) p. 101. 8 J. GUPJU1A WMPOS, Exploracionesarqueol6gicasen torno al sepulcro del Apostol (Santiago 1982), with an extensive bibliography. 9 M. CHAMoso L.uwr, Noticias de las excavaciones arquel6gicas que se realizan el la Catedral de Santiago, Compostellanum l, no. 2, (1956),p. 5 ff.; M. CHAMoso L.uwr, Excavacionesarqueol6gicas en 1a Catedral de Santiago, Compostellanurn2, no. 4 (1957), p. 225 ff. 89 Codex Calixtinus.indd 104 Codex Calixtinus.indd 104 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 my own presentation will make good use of Jose Guerra Campos' publications and of the many descriptions and opinions found in still older investigations. In some matters, however, especially those involving suggestions for reconstruction, it will differ in interpretation and lead to new questions that may some day be answered by analysis of what survives today of the monument. The sequence of the church buildings erected over or beside the tomb shows important enlargements and renewals (fig. 1). After the foundation of the churcb under Alfonso II at the beginning of the ninth century, an enlargement took place witb Alfonso III at the end of the same century. Yet the bistorical documents on whicb we depend do not mention that the tomb and the altar above it were toucbed. 10 Althougb the reports of destruction perpetrated by Almanzor in 997 A.D. indicate that be spared tbe Apostolic tomb, it is not absolutely clear whether or not be left only the torhb untouched, or the surrounding constructions as well." I tbink that there is no doubt the tomb existed in or under a room, and that the documentary evidence should not be questioned too strictly to determine wbether the words camara or tumulu mean a real room (crypt) or if one expression signifies tbe part of a chamber on top of the tomb and the other one the burial pit. 12 The first cburch of Alfonso II and the following one of Alfonso III were both built in the ninth century and their construction may be compared with cburches of the same century in the Asturias. 13 There is no mention in the documents about any transformations or improvements of the building before its destruction by Almanzor in 997 A.D., but a period of 100 years bad passed since the foundation, during which the pilgrimage to the Apostolic tomb bad increased. 14 After the destruction by Almanzor, the churcb and presumably its apse with the Apostolic tomb were rebuilt. Tbis sbould bave taken a relatively sbort time, perhaps within the period of Bisbop San Pedro de Mezonzo and King Bermuda. 15 As for the reconstruction of the church, the question remains as to wbat extent the ruins were still standing and if, for instance, the floor was renewed. If the floor was reconstructed, it should be possib le to date some of the graves under the pavement as early as the end of the tenth century . 16 Tbe decisive step was the erection of the ! arge Romanesque cburch that enclosed the Apostolic tomb with its cboir. lt is remarkable that the tomb was not situated at the crossing point of the main axis and the transept, as at the tomb of Saint Peter in Rome, but was made part of the choir. This left the square bay of the crossing totally free. 10 With detailed mention of sources and discussion in J. GuauiACAMPOS (note 8) p. 96. 11 Espafia Sagrada XX, 14. Also J. GuauiACAMPOS (note 8) p. 97. 12 Espafia Sagrada XIX, 344. Extensive bibliography in J. GuauiACAMPOS (note 8) p. 95 f. 13 A comparison can be drawn only about details of the pilaster bases, as the structure of all the church is not the same. 14 lt could be assumed that during that period also some small alterations had been made in the inside of the church. 15 Detailed in J. GuauiACAMPOS (note 8) p. 96 f. 16 A falling roof would certainly have destroyed part of the floor. lt therefore can be assumed that the floorwas renewed at the beginning of the eleventh century. 90 Codex Calixtinus.indd 105 Codex Calixtinus.indd 105 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 From the thirteenth century on the access to the tomb was closed.17During the seventeenth century the floor level over the tomb was lowered and afterwards, at least from the eighteenth century on, there must have been under the altar an opening towards a cavity . 18 The uncertainty concerning the location of the tomb led to the important investigation carried out by L6pez Ferreiro in 1870. 19 In our presentation only the essential results of the last century's investigations, expecially the remains of the construction interpreted as the apostle James' mausoleum, will be examined. Our questions are quite simple: what was to be seen at the the time of L6pez Ferreiro's excavations, what was handed down in the form of descriptions and graphic documents, and what can we still see and verify today? After a fruitless attempt to reach the presumed crypt through a lateral tunnel, L6pez Ferreiro started to excavate directly under the altar. 20 This means that the altar was moved. After the removal of the floor slabs, there could be seen walls built with granite ashlars forming a room which was filled with rubble (fig. 2c). The ground-plan of these walls shows in the center a rectangle measuring 6.41 m from east to west and 4.69 m from north to south, the wall thickness being more or less 0.75 m. 21 Inside, the construction was divided into two compartments, their dividing walls built of quarry-stones and bricks set in clay binding, and their thickness less than 0.50 m. The larger compartment measures 3.30 m from north to south and 2.60 m from east to west The smaller compartment shows on both sides rectangular tombs built with bricks, with a length of 2 m and a width of 60 cm and a height of 45 cm, filled with soil. The upper border of these tombs is at the same level as the upper border of the standing ashlar walls, that is, immediately under the chancel floor. In the middle, between the brick constructions, a compartment with a width of 1.70 m and length of more than 2 m remains empty, having once been filled with soil and debris. Three sides (north, east and south) of this rectangular building are surrounded by narrow passages enclosed on the outer side by walls of granite ashlars about 0.50 m thick. These passages have a width of only approximately 1.20 m. There were no openings or entrances on any of these walls. 22 The great difficulty confronting all those who studied the excavation through the ninteenth century plans was that detailed drawings do not exist. 23 The longitudinal section drawing shows that all the walls stand on or in rocky ground (fig. 2a, 17 ÜUl! RllA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 97. The last report about the tomb being accessible is related to the removal of a relic sent by Gelmirez to the Bishop of Pistoia in 1138. 18 Already in 1572 it was reported that tmder the altar table there was a stone slab with an opening closed with monar and connected with a compartment where the Apostle's body was kept. Cf. GrnwtACAMPOS, p. 102 f. 19 Cf. note 4 and ÜUl! RllA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 109 ff. 20 Cf . ÜUl! RllA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 111. Lopez Ferreiro already bad the idea of a crypt situated at alower level, and therefore bad opened a ttmnel there. 21 The width of the walls can be indicated only approximately, for the ashlars protrude irregularly. 22 ÜUl! RllA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 128 ff . 23 To facilitate comparison, new drawings, which only coincide with regard to their main lines, were made to the same scale andin a simpler way, emphasizing the representation of the three strata found inside the compartment 91 Codex Calixtinus.indd 106 Codex Calixtinus.indd 106 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 b, d) and that the rock surface has a slight inclination from east to west.2AIn the middle room therock was covered with a layer of dark powdery soil that reached a height of 0.70 m at the center of the eastern room and 0.30 m at the sides. One has to imagine this layer as a dust heap or cone that has been piled up from the middle. 2 The heap was covered by a layer of debris mingled with brick fragments, bits of marble and charcoal and sand. A third layer consisted once more of debris of the buildings. As I have said, this is the largest room of the central part, in the top layer of which was seen a fragment of mosaic pavement when the floor of the chancel next to the altai was removed. 26 Therefore, this mosaic, interpreted by L6pez Ferreiro as the original Roman pavement, of which only a drawing has been published, 27 must have been located on top of the mentioned layers, a very improbable situation, especially since in the underlying debris, apart from glass pearls, a small glass bell and a gold fragment, were found some coins covering the period from the ninth to the sixteenth century: coins of Charlemagne, dirhem of C6rdoba, coins of France, of Alfonso VI (Toledo) and Philip 11. 28 My question is: could these coins have fallen throug h the small opening beside the altar and into the tomb? Such an opening was mentioned in the eighteenth century and it would be most understandable if the dust bad fallen through it and formed a cone. In the western part of the chamber, where the tombs built with bricks are located, some coins of the twelfth century were discovered on top of the westernmost tomb and, in the space between the tombs, a rectangular marble slab 6 cm thick, a fragment of a capital of the same marble 5 cm long, and a small fragment of a granite column were also found. L6pez Ferreiro assumed that these were the remains of the ancient altar that was still standing when Gelmirez built the large altar . 29 In the narrow compartments at the north and south sides, only some 30 cm immediately beneath the chancel floor, was found a granite slab pavement ("enlosado de granito") that showed distinct traces of fire and ashes. Under the slabs L6pez Ferreiro discovered some marble fragments and, lower, dispersed in compact soil, several human bones. 30 During -more recent investigations in the narrow room of the eastern side, there was discovered a deep layer of stones as well as a reddish layer of clay. However, it should be mentioned that the excavation started only at a level under that of the slab pavement of the other two lateral rooms . Also, the discovery of some bones of three skeletons behind 24 The drawingof 1879 is reproduced in GtmuA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 157, fig . 27. The drawing of 1899 is shown in GtmuA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 156, fig. 26. 25 This layer is easily recognizable m both drawings. The text refen to it as "capa de polvo fino y ligero, corno de mina." 26 Unfortunately the designatim of the finding place is not unequivocal. Cornpare GtmuA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 134. ; 27 A drawingcan be folDld in GtmuA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 56, fig. 30 . Other references and an attempt to date it are in F. AcuRACASTJ.OVIB! o, A arqueoloxia (note 4). 28 Cf . GueuA CAMPOS (note 8) p . 146 ff . 29 The fragments were too small to allow us to speak of an altar; moreover, surely it would not have been destroyed during the constructim of the Romanesque church. 30 Cf . GueuA CAMPOS (note 8) p . 141 ff. 92 Codex Calixtinus.indd 107 Codex Calixtinus.indd 107 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 the tomb prompted discussion, bot I will not proceed further on this point. 31 In summation, one could say that all the walls are foundations of a building in which two brick tombs were set 32 One should bear this very short description of the nineteenth century investigation in mind when I, again in summary form, mention the works carried out in the building by Chamoso Lamas and Jose Guerra Campos (about 1950). 33 lt is important to note that the constructions were subjected to very decisive alterations and remodelling as early as 1880; the rooms were extended by letting down the floor level into the rock, transforming them into a crypt sufficiently high to permit one to stand. 34 The walls and the brick tombs were kept from falling by new granite ashlars, and doors were cut into the west and east walls . A ground-plan shows these alterations very clearly (fig. 3). Only during the. more recent investigations in 1950 was a more exact record delineated, including drawings of the ashlar walls whieb distinguished the old from the modern construction, by the architects Luis Menendez Pidal and Pons Sorolla (fig. 4). 35 In these the system of the construction, with the ashlar stones, set alternately as stretchers and headers, is very clearly recognizable, with the upright rectangular stretchers receiving emphasis. But in comparing my own measurements with the published ones for the center part of the southem wall, I noticed some discrepancies; perhaps more ashlars of the lower layers should be considered as belonging to the nineteenth century. The walls do not form perfectly even surfaces (fig. 5), a fact particularly clear at the eastem extemal side and in the interior of the central building. Here, the surface of the irregularly protruding ashlars appears very darkened as if it bad been exposed to air, or even smoke, for a long period of time. lt was in this room that L6pez Ferreiro found the heap of powdery soil. One would like to assume that this part of the room bad an opening in the upper part, through which the chamber of the tomb of St. James could be seen.36 Not very explicit in the drawings, bot important for the understanding of the earlier constructions and the more recent transformations of the nineteenth century, are the reconstructed ashlars under the brick tombs, as they were not marked as reconstructed on the drawings (fig. 3). 37 .lf one looks carefully at a photograph (fig. 6), it is possible to observe that some of the ashlars forming the vertical pilasters 31 Due to its concealed location imrnediately bebind the sepulcbral building, this "osario" gave the impression that it was the place wbere the bones of the Apostle and bis disciples bad been hidden . Cf. GUBIIUCAMPOS (note 8) p . 119 ff . 32 The beigbt of the upper edges of the walls of the brick tombs signifies without doubt that the ashlar walls beside them were built as a foundation or base. This is especially demoostrated by the exterior, closed, wall line without a door. Curiously, J. Guerra Campos maintains that the passages on the western side were not closed . 33 Cf. note 9. 34 The worics were started in 1879, thercfore directly after the excavations that took place in 1878. Only in 1891 was the worlc finally concluded. Cf. GumuiACAMPOS (note 8) p . 229 ff . 35 First presentation of drawings in CHAMoso L.ut.u, Noticias (note 9) p . 46 . 36 Cf. note 18. 37 See L Menendez Pidal's drawing in GumuiACAMPOS (note 8) p. 169, fig. 36 . 93 Codex Calixtinus.indd 108 Codex Calixtinus.indd 108 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 reach back deep into the earth, that is, into the area under the brick tombs. 38Thus are formed two horizontal mortar levels, one at the floor level of the brick tomb and the other at the lower level of the ashlar layer. They are by no means remains of pavements as it was erroneously assumed during Chamoso Lamas' more recent investigations. 39 With these pavements as proof, and other findings, Jose Guerra Campos propounded a theory of two different Roman pavements. 40 We have already remarked on the anomalous fact that the so-called Roman mosaic floor fragments appeared at a level above that of coins of more recent time. There is no doubt that under the brick tombs as weil as in an area in the eastern part of the room, some stratifications still remain untouched, the investigation of which would possibly give some information about the age of the buildings. None of the existing findings used to establish a Roman period, allow, in fact, the determination of a date. Commonly the wall structure of a monument can give an answer to its age. However, in our case we encounter problems, including the question of whether the structure of the foundations corresponds to the one of the standing walls. Be that as it may, all publications dealing with the tomb refer to the structure with granite ashlars as central to its historical identity. There are two main opinions. One, espoused by many authors, is that it is a Roman ashlar construction, more particularly a mausoleum. 41The other holds it to be a later building in ashlar technique, erected next to the ninth century church. 42 If we observe comparable funerary constructions from the first century A.D. built with ashlars, such as, for example, the Torre de los Escipiones near Tarragona,43 or the two-storied mausoleum of Fabara, 44 we see major differences, especially in the employment of a wide base profile that considerably enlarges the thickness of the wall foundations. Worth mentioning is a building of ashlar construction at Almofala in the north of Portugal (fig. 7). lt shows the base profile, and could perhaps be interpreted as a temple. 45 Another construction in Silo 38 GUERRA CAMP011 (note 8) p. 165, fig. 33. 39 CHAMoso L.u! As, Noticias (note 9) p. 28ff. These results were adopted by E. 'KwamAUM, Die Grabungen unter der Kathedralevon Santiago de Compostela,Römische Quartalschrift56 (1961) 243. 40 GUERRA CAMP011 (note 8) p. 139, 145, and 137 ff. His interpretationis obviously based on Chamoso Lamas' mistaken observations. 4 1 A. L6pez Ferreiro, M. Chamoso Lamas, J. Guerra Campos, E. Kirschbaum,M. Gomez Moreno, also M. NU! QJlz, Arquitectura prerromanica (Santiago de Compostela 1978) p. 140 ff, Also S. MoJW.l! Jo, Le lieu saint: le tombeau et les basiliques medievales, in Santiago de Compostela: 1000 ans de pelerinage europeen (Gent 1985) p. 41 considers the different dates possible and supports the supposition of J. Guerra Campos. 42 F. A~A CArnloVIE! o (note 4) indeed dates the mosaic in the fourth century A.D., but he draws no conclusionabout the age of the building.A date in the ninth ortenth centuryfor the ashlar walls with headers and stretchers was especially defended by F. Ifiiguez,as GUERRA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 180 f. mentions in his argument in favor of a Roman date. 43 T. HAU3CHILD, S. MARINl! ll B100R11A, H.G. NIBMBYER, Torre de los Escipiones, ein römischer Grabturm bei Tarragona, Madrider Mitteilwigen7 (1966) p. 162, plates 44, 45. 44 Ars Hispaniae (1947)fig. 34. J. l..osTAL, Arqueologiadel Arag6nromano (Zaragoza 1980)p. 175 ff., fig. 17. 45 M.M. DAFciNSECA ANouol! M.w.,Arqueologfaromana no Ribacoa, o temple romano de Almofala, 94 Codex Calixtinus.indd 109 Codex Calixtinus.indd 109 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Mansos, near Evora, a large Roman mausoleum built with granite ashlars once coated with marble slabs, also shows a profile at the base. 46 This building, perhaps two-storied originally and erected in the first century A.D., has been venerated as Säo Mansos' mausoleum since the Middle Ages and was, from the seventeenth century on, used as the apse of a church. This interesting construction is being excavated, but the results have not yet been published. lt differs from our construction in Santiago in the relatively wide headers of its masonry, as well as in the presence of the profile at the base, which is lacking in Santiago . The wall thickness of 0.70 m at the foundation zone in Santiago would be too small for a two-storied construction. 1-believe that the resemblance of the ashlar walls to the Mozarabic constructions of the end of the ninth or of the tenth century, already noticed in other publications, is fundamental for giving the building a date. We only have to look at the ashlar walls of Celanova (after 936), 47 Lourosa, in the north of Portugal, 48 and especially the church of San Martina de Paz6 49 in the province of Orense (fig . 8), where almost the same technique with narrow headers can be seen, as well as the horseshoe shaped arcti with the alfiz over the entrance, the form of the tenth and eleventh centuries. That the alfiz was also used at the Santiago church is proved by the discovery, at the north of the baptistry, of a small horse-shoe shaped arch. 50 Perhaps we should imagine also horse-shoe shaped openings for the walls above the foundation walls of the tomb. In the meantime, for want of findings all auempts at reconstitution have to remain hypothetical. 51 An important comparison can be made with San Salvador de Valdedi6s, from the end of the ninth century, where for the first time windows with horse-shoe shaped arch and alfiz can be observed in the walls of the church. 52 The period of its construction, that is the end of the ninth century, would correspond to that of the new building at Santiago, during the reign of Alfonso III. We can be sure, moreover, that the central part of the tomb constructions and the surrounding passages belong to the same project. This conclusion is supported by the fact that the wall structure and the absolutely parallel walls are exactly alike. lt is probable Actas do II Congressonacionalde arqueologia,Coirnbra 1970,vol. 2 (Coirnbra 1971)II p. 471, fig. 2. The system of headers and stretchers can be clearly observed and also the fact that the stretchers are not very narrow. 46 This tower-type building was probably erected in the first century A.D. Tue investigations are not yet concluded. 47 Ars Hispaniae m (1951) fig. 445. Here the special type of the header and stretcher system is only partially perceptible. 48 Ars Hispaniae m (l 951) fig. 419. They are very well built ashlar walls; here 100 the header and stretcher system is not executed with consistency. 49 Cuademos de estudios gallegos 20 (1965) p. 180 ff. The narrow headers that appear here can be heuer comparedto examplesof the secondhalfof the tenth century in C6rdoba,as seen,for instance, in the enlargementof the mosque by Almanzor. In Santiagode Compostelaone might also consider a date of construction at the end of the tenth century, pemaps in a rebuilding carnpaign after the destruction by Almanzor. 50 Photograph in M. NUJQEz, Arquitectura prerromanica (note 41) fig. 42. 43. 51 The two horse-shoe shaped window openings leave no doubt about the Mozarabic influence. 52 Ars Hispaniae (Madrid 1947) fig. 391. This church was probably erected by Alfonso m 100. 95 Codex Calixtinus.indd 110 Codex Calixtinus.indd 110 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 that the middle room served as a kind of crypt and that it once possibly bad a vault. The question remains as to whether the small wall which separates the brick tombs should be considered as the remainder of an older construction. Maybe new investigations will give us some answers here. The ground-plan of the reconstruction (fig. 9) of the building shows that the large square central compartment and the lateral ones open into the church nave. 53 If the pavement of stone slabs found in the lateral rooms really coincides with the primitive floor level, it means that it was situated lower than the one of the central room. One should probably imagine the inside as a kind of canopy with columns and vaults. lt is likely that a smaller canopy covered the altar. During the excavations under the cathedral a relatively large number of Roman objects were found and, near the Apostolic tomb, constructions considered as Roman baths. However, Roman heating complexes (hypocaustum) have a very different configuration. 54 As there is the possibility of access to them and they are well-preserved, some excavations behind the wall could surely determine their age as weil as that of the long wall east of the so-called thermal baths. Perhaps they are smaller buildings used for agricultural labour. From the archeological point of view it means, therefore, that on the place where the cathedral stands, a Roman settlement can be proved, but not a monumental tomb construction. The architecture of the tomb is to be placed at the·end of the ninth century, in the period of Alfonso III, when the church and baptistery were built (fig. 10), or, more probably, at the end of the tenth century, when the church was rebuilt. 55 No final decision can be made without further investigation. 53 In reconstructions of the building, it is assumed that all preserved walls of the tomb are foundations for rising walls or for bases for pilasters or columns. However, the walls are too weak to support a double-floor building as J. Guerra Campos suggested. His reconstruction was based on the supposition that it was a Roman building. 54 CHAMoso L.uv.s, Excavaciones (note 9) p. 257, plan l. Also GtmRaA CAMPOS (note 8) p. 512 f. Among the remains interpreted by the excavators as thennal baths, it is a striking fact that there are no water b~ins present . 55 Cf. note 49. 96 Codex Calixtinus.indd 111 Codex Calixtinus.indd 111 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 J J J ~ nntn 0~ =-=--~~ [Q] ~ C ~: I [ Fig. 1: Santiago de Compostela. Simplified ground-plan of the excavations in the inside of the Catheclral (according to M. Chamoso Lamas) 97 Codex Calixtinus.indd 112 Codex Calixtinus.indd 112 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 2: Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral. Tue Apostolic tomb after the excavations of 1878. Simplified ground-plan and sectional drawings to the same scale: a section according to F. Fita and Femandez Guerra (1880); b section according to A. L6pez Ferreiro (1898); c ground-plan according to F. Fita and Femandez Guerra (1880); d section according to a drawing published in the archivo de la Catedral (J. Guerra Campos). Fig. 3: Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral. The Apostolic tomb. Ground-plan and section (AB) of thecrypt (1950) (according to L. Menendez Pidal). 98 b - 0 = dt.. A 1 1 +c 1 1 _J 1 , B r-,..,.__.,._..,., CJ ,___,.,___, Codex Calixtinus.indd 113 Codex Calixtinus.indd 113 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 0 3 Fig. 4: Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral, Apostolic tomb, drawings of the walls (according to L. Menendez Pidal). View C and D. Fig. 5: Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral, Apostolic tomb. Extemal view. 99 Codex Calixtinus.indd 114 Codex Calixtinus.indd 114 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 6: Santiago de Compostela. Cathedral, Apostolic tomb, view of the brick tomb with the supporting constructions of the nineteenth century. 100 Codex Calixtinus.indd 115 Codex Calixtinus.indd 115 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 7: Almofala (north of Portugal), Roman construction (probably first century A.D.). 101 Codex Calixtinus.indd 116 Codex Calixtinus.indd 116 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 8: S. Martifio de Paz6 (Orense), church (probably second half of tenth century or beginning of the eleventh century). LCC LJ [? D 1 1 [! : : i D r, r, LJ LJ ~ r -, r, r, r, u LJ LJ LJ ,-, r, r, ,-, L.J LJ ,_, LJ ~ ' ' 1 ' r', ,_.., ' 1 1 ' 1 1 1 1 ' 1 r, 1__ 1 J Fig. 9: Santiago de Compostela, hypothetic ground-plan of the Church of Alfonso III , with a suggestion for the form of the canopy in the compartment over the Apostolic tomb. 102 Codex Calixtinus.indd 117 Codex Calixtinus.indd 117 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 / / Fig. 10: Santiago de Compostela, hypothetical view of the Church of Alfonso III with the construction over the Apostolic tomb. 103 Codex Calixtinus.indd 118 Codex Calixtinus.indd 118 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Codex Calixtinus.indd 119 Codex Calixtinus.indd 119 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Les Pieces notees du Codex Calixtinus M! CHELHUGLO Le Codex Calix tinus conserve a St.-J acques-de-Compostelle est le seul temoin not e du repertoire integral monodique et polyphonique compose pour celebrer la gloire de l'apötre "frere du Seigneur" , enterre aux confins de 1a Galice. Les autres manuscrits connus de ce meme office ne sont que des copies partielles ou des textes sans notation musicale. 1 Bien que ces pieces de chant aient ete plusieurs fois publies integralement ou partiellement , 2 il reste encore bien des recherches a entreprendre sur le sujet: c 'est justement au cours de ce symposium pluridisciplinaire que les analyses musicologiques, s'appuyant sur la codicologie et l'iconographie, ont le plus de chances de progresser . Les pieces notees du Calixtinus peuvent se repartir en trois categories differentes: 1. Les pieces chant gregorien, c'est-a-dire les antiennes, repons et hymnes qui fonnent, avec les psaumes et les lectures, la trame de 1'office canonique ou de la messe solennelle et qui ont une fonction liturgique bien precise . 2. Les compositions post-gregoriennes, c'est-a-dire les pieces greffees sur les precedentes, comme pour les gloser , ou bien pour les introduire ou encore pourconclure les Heures de 1'office: tels sont les tropes de l' ordinaire de la messe, le trope d'introduction de l'introit, ceux du Benedicamus Domino chant de sortie des Vepres, et enfin les versus et conduits de procession. La fonction de ces pieces en quelque sorte surnumeraires, n' est pas toujours clairement definie : elles ne sont pas en effet essentielles a la celebration d'un office . Certaines eglises les chantent, comme par exemple Nevers; d' autres au contraire, plus conservatrices, telles Cluny et St. Denys, les ignorent totalement ou presque . 3. Les compositions "polyphoniques", c'est-a-dire les pieces liturgiques chantees a deux voix: le cantus ou vox principalis preexistante et 1'organum ou seconde voix improvisee suivant des regles bien definies, puis un jour fixees par ecrit. Quelles que soit la categorie a laquelle appartiennent toutes ces differentes pieces de chant, le systeme de notation dem eure identique d' un bout a 1'autre du Calixtinus . Les melodies des chants sont notees sur portee de quatre lignes rouges tracees une par une et non au raster . Les notes et les chaines de notes ou neumes ne sont pas Par exemple le ms 99 du fonds de Ripoll a Barcelone, partiellement copie en 1173 par Amaud du Mont avec conversion de 1a notation originale en notation aquitaine; ou encore le ms Add . 12213 de la British Library (non note), signale par C. HollU! ll,A Note on Jacobus, Journal of the Counauld and Warburg Institutes 35 (1972) p . 71-2. Pour la concordance du Calixtinus avec les autres manuscrits non notes, voir le tableau comparatif dresse par M.C. DrAZv DIAZ, EI C6dice Calixtino de 1a Catedral de Santiago (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p. 329 ss., sous les nn . 39-78 et 162-182. 2 P. WAONEll, Die Gesänge der Jakobsliturgie zu Santiago de Compostela aus dem sogenannten Codex Calixtinus, Collectanea Friburgensia , Neue Folge , Fase . XX (Freiburg/ S 1931). - DoMGi! RMANo Puoo, La Musica in: W .M. WlllTBHIIL, EI Libro de Santiago, Liber Sancti Jacobi Codex Calixtinus (Santiago 1944)t. ill,p. XLVII-LXV. -J . l..6PBZCALO, La Musicamedieval en Galicia (La Corufia 1982). - P. Heu.ma, The Mass of St. Jame~. Musicological Studies, Volume XLIX (Ottawa 1988). 105 Codex Calixtinus.indd 120 Codex Calixtinus.indd 120 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 formees de petits carres separes ou lies, fort repandus dans le nord de la France et en Italie des le milieu du XI1°siede. Au contraire, il s'agit d'une notation tracee au moyen d 'une plume qui pennet les pleins, les delies, et les ondulations dans le trace des parties horizontales des notes. Ce trace a ete pratique surtout dans la zone de notation dite "messine" ou "lorraine", dans une des quatre branches de l'Ordre cistercien, celle de Morimond, mais encore avec quelques variantes dans la graphie sur la "route des foires", c 'est-a-dire dans les regions qui relient 1a Lorraine a la vallee de la Loire: a Montieren-Der et dans le diocese de Langres dont un manuscrit 3 contient un conduit inedit pour la fete de st. Jacques, a St. Laurent-de-Longre, a Troyes, a St. Florentin; enfin a Auxerre, Vezelay et Nevers. 4 C'est precisement avec la notation de Nevers que 1a notation du Calixtinus presente les plus etroites relations morphologiques, ainsi que Peter Wagner l'avait deja remarque. 5 II faut tout de suite accentuer cette resemblance par un remarque de detaif sur le guidon ou custos qui, a la fin de chaque portee, indique au chantre la hauteur de la premiere note sur 1a portee suivante. En effet, ce signe indicateur, usite partou t en Italie et dans le sud de 1a France est pratiquement inconnu dans le nord de la France. On ne le rencontre que dans les manuscrits notes sur portee de Nevers et, un peu plus au sud, dans ceux de Lyon. Paris a ignore le guidon jusqu 'a la fin du XIII• siecle et l'a finalement adopte, probablement a l'exemple des dominicains. 6 Une seule piece du Calixtinus est notee dans le systeme dit "a points superposes" du Midi de la France: c'est le chant de pelerinage du f. 222, Dum pater familias (planche 3), qui n'appartient pas au repertoire liturgique. 7 Par consequent, le fait de l'adoption d'une notation non-aquitaine pour noter les chants du Calixtinus, prend un relief saisissant lorsqu'on a pris conscience que 1a seule notation qui ait etc adoptee en Espagne apres la suppression du chant mozarabe, est precisement la notation a points superposes dite aquitaine 8• 3 Paris, BN lat . 2096 (Delamare , 17) qu i porte auf. 92v un ex-libris du XVe siede de Notre-Damede Bonneval et, juste apres, 1a piece inedite Columnarum trium, conductus ad lectionem en dix strophes notees (cf. planche 1) de deux vers dodecasylabiques: il convient de la rapprocher du conduit Jacobe sancte tuum du Calixtinus, qui se termine par une invitation analogue "Lector lege et de rege... " (WAGNa, Die Gesänge . . . p. 39, n. 4, l..oPEZ CALO, p. 45 [voir note 21). Columnarum trium a ete execute pour le premiere fois au cours du Symposium de Pittsburgh, le 4 novembre 1988, par 1a Pittsburgh Camerata sous 1a direct ion de Gayle Kirlcwood. 4 Voir planche 2, la carte des notations, tiree de l'ouvrage de S. CoRBIN, Repertoire des manuscrits medievaux contenant des notations musicales , I- Bibliotheque Sainte Genevieve-Paris (Paris 1965) p . 147. 5 WAGNa, Die Gesänge (note 2) p. 11, avec facsimile de Paris, BN nouv . acq. lat. 1235, graduel de Nevers: l'auteur aurait pu y joindre l'antiphonaire de Nevers (Nouv. acq . lat . 1236), note par la meme main que le precedent. 6 M. Hum.o,Reglement du XIII° siecle pour la transcription des livres notes, in : Festschrift für Bruno Stäblein zum 70. Geburtstag (Kassel 1967) p . 129-130. 7 Codex Calixti""8, f. 222, voir planche m. Facsimile dans LoPEZ CALO, Musica (note 2) p. 34. Cf. WAoNBR, Die Gesänge (note 2) p. 126. 8 M. Hum.o, La penetration des manuscrits aquitains en Espagne, Revista de musicologia 8 (1985) p . 249-255. 106 Codex Calixtinus.indd 121 Codex Calixtinus.indd 121 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 1. Les compositions gregoriennes: Dans le categorie des pieces de l 'ancien style se groupent les antiennes et repons de l'office canonique et des messes en l'honneur de saint Jacques. Les pieces de l'office (f. 101v = Wagner, pp. 55-77) sont composees pour 1a plupart en prose rythmique et dans l' ordre des huit tons du chant gregorien, suivant un procede qui remonte a Hucbald et a Etienne de Liege: premiere antienne (et premier repons) du premier ton (f. 107, planche 4); deuxieme antienne (et deuxieme repons) du deuxieme ton etc. Ainsi, jusqu' a 1ahuitieme piece, du huitieme ton, puis on recommence par le premier ton ou, ad libitum, par n'importe quel autre. 9 La particularite de l'office de saint Jacques reside plutöt dans le fait qu'il est compose suivant le schema monastique (13 antiennes et 12 repons). 1 ° Cette singularite liturgique peut s' expliquer de deux manieres: ou bien l 'office a ete compose par des moines a destination de leurs confreres galiciens, hypothese qui presuppose l' existence d'un monastere aupres du tombeau de l' Apötre; ou alors, l' office a ete simplement copie sur un modele monastique, quitte a laisser aqx destinataires le soin de le reduire ensuite suivant les normes canoniales, comme cela s 'est plusieurs fois produit au Moyen-Age pour d'autres offices propres. II faut remarquer ici que des offices seculiers a neuf repons pour st. Jacques existaient deja a l'epoque, par exemple dans l'eglise d' Angers 11 et que les destinataires auraient tres bien pu se procurer un tel office s'ils en avaient eu besoin pour honorer l' Apötre de 1aGalice. C'est donc en toute connaissance de cause que le compilateur du Livre I a fait copier cet office monastique. Les textes des antiennes et des repons de 1'office sont tires de l'Ecriture ou de la Passio major. Ceux qui sont "de composition ecclesiastique", c 'est-a-dire tires de sources inconnues, sont, bien entendu, attribues au pape Calixte. On doit cependant remarquer que sous cette autorite se cachent des emprunts a d'autres offices: ainsi, le repons VIII, Misit Herodes rex (f. 109v, planche 5) emprunte texte et melodie a un repons de 1aDecollation de st. Jean Baptiste, 12 tandis que l' antienne du Magnificat des secondes VepresAd sepulchrumbeatiJacobi 13 (f. 103v, planche 6) est purement et simplement calque sur un piece propre de l'office de st. Germain, eveque d' Auxerre, non loin de Vezelay. La melodie des versets de repons est tantöt 1amelodie standard indefiniment applicable a tous les textes nouveaux (repons I, II et III de 1aVigile; repons IV et VI de l'office de la Fete), tantöt une melodie nouvellement composee dans le style de celle des repons de sainte Madeleine, propres a Vezelay . 14 Rien d' etonnant puisque 1afete de la sainte precedait de deux jours les premieres Vepres de la saint Jacques: 9 Sur ce procede, voir M. Hu01.o,Les tonaires (Paris 1971) p. 122-128. 10 Tableau comparatü du schema monastique et du schema canonial dans M. HuoLO, Les livres de chant liturgique, Typologie des sources historiques du Moyen-Age , Fascicule 52 (Tumhout 1988) p. 83. 11 Par exemple dans le breviaire de la cathedrale d' Angers conserve a Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery W. 299,ff. 490-493 (l'office est tiredelaPassiomajor). Jen'aipu contrölerl'usagedumemeoffice dans les breviaires d •Angers conserves a Paris. 12 RJ. fuseBllT,Corpus antiphonalium officii, 4 (Responsoria) n. 7167. 13 lhseBJlT (note 12) 3 (Antiphonae) n. 1252. 14 La melodie de ces repons propres est connue par le ms . de la Vaticane, Archivio di Santo Pietro E 107 Codex Calixtinus.indd 122 Codex Calixtinus.indd 122 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Suivant l' usage de l 'epoque, le traitement des repons en polyphonie 15 concerne le repons prolixe des Premieres Vepres et le dernier de chaque nocturne (R/ IV, VIII et XII, au rit monastique; R/ 111,VI et IX au rit canonial) . C'es t bien le cas ici, pour le repons des premieres VepresDum esset (f. 104v, planche 7; Wagner, p. 117), tandis que les trois autres repons a deux voix sont tous concentres au Ille Nocturne pour etre chantes apres les l~ons IX, XI et XII, tirees d 'une homelie sur l'evangile du jour attribuee a Bede le Venerable . 16 Remarquons au passage que cette meme homelie se lisait encore a Vezelay au xv• siecle . 17 La messe propre (ff. 118- 122 = Wagner p. 82-87; 91-92). L'Epistol a beati Calixti, au debut du Livre I, fait etat d ' une grande variete d'usages dans le choix du repertoire adopte pour 1a Fetede st. Jacques. Ce jugement, confirme par l 'analyse des graduels et missels, offre naturellement au compositeur du Liber sancti Jacobi l'occasion de presenter une messe propre nouvelle dont les textes ont ete adaptes a des melodies preexistantes du graduel gregorien. 18 En 1173, un moine de Ripoll, Arnaud du Mont, vint a Compostelle pour transcrire la Missa sancti Jacobi; mais il transposa 1a notation de son modele en notation aquitaine, alors partout repandue en Espagne a cette epoque 19 et il rempla~ le titre de l'antienne de son modele, Communio, par le terme catalan de Combreganda (f. 33, planche 8). Enfin, il laissa tomber les noms des "compositeurs": Calixtus en tete des deux premiers alleluia et Marcus devant le troisieme Vocavit. La comparaison des melodies du Calixtinus a celles de la copie de Ripoll, entreprise par Peter Wagner, revele un grand nombre de variantes melodiques: il est cependant tres delicat de porter un jugement sur ces variantes, faute de connaitre 1a version melodique des modeles rtmsicaux de laMissa sancti Jacobi, tels qu'on les chantait a Ripoll... 2. Les compositions post-gregoriennes: Les tropes, sequences , versus et conduits qui figurent dans le Calixtinus meriteraient a eux seuls une monographie. 11suffira seulement d' examiner quelques pieces en vue de tenter une approche des sources dont elles emanent. 25, dootl ' ancetre estunms . deConques (Paris, B.N. nouv . acq. lat. 443) qui groupel'officede sainte Foy et celui de sainte Madeleine, deux saintes qui etaient titulaires d'un autel tout proche du maitreautel de 1a basilique de Compostelle. Pour plus de cenitude, il faudrait pousserplus loin les sondages que j ' ai entrepris pour comparer ces melodies. 15 M . Hu01.0, Regles pour le choix des repoos a organiser a Notre-Dame , Das Ereigniss Notre-Dame, Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August Bibliothek , 15.-19. April 1985 (Sous presse) . 16 Liber primu s, Capitulum VIlI {WHm! HIIL[note 2), p. 4). 17 Lyon, Bibliotheque municipale 555, breviaire de Vez.elay. Je remercie M. Raymood Etaix, specialiste des homeliaires latins, d'avoir bien voulu consulter ce manuscrit a moo intention. 18 Sauf pour le 2e alleluia et le 3e. Les modeles melodiques des chants de la messe ont ete signales par WAONa(note 2) p. 145, par Puoo, La Mu sica (note 2), enfin par HEumit, TheMass of St James (note 2) p . 65 ss. 19 Sur cette convenion de notations , voir les remarques pertinentes de P. DAvm, ~tudes sur le Livre de st. Jacque s attribue au Pape Cali.xteIl , Bulletin des Etudes portuga ises, N.S ., L 10 (1946) p. 29- 30. 108 Codex Calixtinus.indd 123 Codex Calixtinus.indd 123 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 L'introitde la messe est precede du trope d'introductionEcce adestnuncJacobus (f.133,planche9; Wagner,p. 97) quiest,dumoins au debut, undemarquagedu trope de Noel Ecce adest de quo prophetae, fortrepandu en Allemagne et en Aquitaine, ainsi qu'a Nevers. 20 Les tropes du Kyrie, du Gloria in excelsis et du Sanctus sont adaptes sur des melodies tres repandues: le texte du trope de l'Hosanna du Sanctus (f. 138v, planche 10) est repandu en Catalogne et a Moissac, tandis que le trope de l' Agnus Dei, Qui pius ac mitis (f. 139, planche 11), n' est connu que par un seule source, le graduel de St. Cyran-en-Braine (Paris, BN lat. 10511), proche de Vezelay. 21 Pour le choix des sequences et des conduits, le compositeur de cet ensemble liturgique a apere une selection judicieuse parmi l 'immense production que s' offrait a lui tant en Aquitaine qu' en Bourgogne. Mais pourquoi a-t-il retenu trois conduits ad lectionem et non un autre, tel celui du manuscrit de Paris (BN lat. 2096: Columnarumtrium), directemente inspire du Nouveau Testament? On ne saurait le dire. 11faut peut-etre supposer que, devant l'abstention des monasteres clunisiens situes au nord de la Loire a l' egard des pieces du nouveau style, le compositeur a dfi entreprendre sa quete dans le repertoires du Limousin et de l'Aquitaine - Ste Foyde-Conques et surtout Moissac en vue de selectionner les pieces les plus aptes a honorer l'apötre. 3. Les compositions "polyphoniques" (ff. 214-217). Les chants a deux voix du CodexCalixtinus, bien que transcrits apres le Guide des pelerins (Livre V), sont en relations directes avec les pieces liturgiques du Livre I, comme nous l' avons constate plus haut pour les repons. Par ailleurs, Hendrik van der Werf a montre au cours de ce Symposium que la contexture melodique du troisieme alleluia (VocavitJesus, f. 119v, planche 12) supposait une composition simultanee de la voxprincipalis et de la seconde voix. 11faut encore rappeler que le contrepoint du conduit Congaudeantcatholici (f. 214, planche 13) a ete ajoute par urie seconde main sur la meme portee que la vox principalis. 22 Cette piece est attribuee au chantre Albert parce que ce genre de composition a trois voix semble avoir ete introduit pour la premiere fois a Notre- Dame vers 1170. Le nom de MagisterAlbertusParisiensis semble bien de seconde main: cependant, cette addition n 'est pas aussi evident que les autres qui sont logees en interligne ou qui "penetrent" parfois dans l' espace reserve a la notation musicale. Ce chantre, qui dirigea le chreur de la cathedrale St. Etienne-de-Paris durant trentecinq ans 23 avait assiste au couronnement du roi Louis VII croise a Vezelay en 1146 et de la reine Adele, qui eut lieu a Notre-Dame en 1161. 20 R. JoNSSON, Corpus Troporum 1 (Stockhohn 1975) p. 82. Cf . Puoo (ap. WHITEH1U., note 2) p. 92, n. 20. 21 G. IVBUBN, Corpus Troponnn 4 (Stockhohn 1980) p. 77 , n. 59. Je remercie Madame Iversen de m •avoir conummique en detail ses recherches sur le trope de l'Hosanna. En attendant 1a publication de ses travaux sur les tropes de l'Ordinaire, on pourra recourir utilement aux monographies de l'Ecole d'Erlangen (Melnicki, Bosse, Thannabaur etc.) qui n'ont pas ete mis a contribution par HEUmR(note 2) pour son commentaire des chants de la messe . 22 F. 185: facsimile dans LöPEZ CALO, La Musica (note 2) p. 46. 23 Sur le chantre Albert, voir G. ßlltKNEll dans In Memoriam Jacques Handschin (Strasbourg 1962) p. lo<J Codex Calixtinus.indd 124 Codex Calixtinus.indd 124 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 La plupart des autres noms, non compris celui de Calixte II, anterieurement Guy de Bourgogne, sont d' origine bourguignonne 24 et se situent chronologiquement dans la fourchette de 1123 a 1174. Le Codex Calixtinus, dans son etat actuel, ne peut etre anterieur a 1150, ni posterieur a 1180. 25 11est la copie d' un recueil de cinq livres differents se rapportant tous a saint Jacques, a ses miracles, a sa legende, a son culte et a son pelerinage: d' Oll son nom de Liber sancti Jacobi. La plus ancienne copie de ce livre, le Codex Calixtinus, permet aux critiques de depister les sources et de dater les differents constituants, dans le mesure du moins Oll le compilateur anonyme n'a pas trop embrouille les traces de leurs origines. Le Calixtinus a peut-etre modifie en partie son modele, le Liber sanctiJacobi: pourquoi, par exemple, a-t-on ecarte de la fete de 1atranslation les six l~ons de trois strophes rythmiques Lectiones secundum Leonempapam et magistrumParucham? 'lf, Le Livre I, recueil liturgique complet destine au culte de l'apötre, a fort bien pu etre commande par les moines qui desservaient 1abasilique avant le transfert du siege episcopal d'Iria a Compostelle. Aussi, que l'office et la messe aient ete compiles a Vezelay n'a rien qui puisse etonner, lorsqu'on prend conscience de la puissance de cette abbaye situee dans le comte de Nevers, au debut du xnc siecle. Non loin de l'eglise abbatiale s'elevait l'eglise des pelerins qui venaient venerer la Madeleine avant de partir en direction de sud vers l'Espagne. Au pied de la colline de Vezelay, l'eglise St. Jacques d' Asquins, desservie par les moines de Vezelay, permettait le rassemblement des pelerins en partance pour Compostelle.Z7 Le Liber Calixtinus ne porte pas de traces d'usage, suivant les minutieuses observations du professeur DfAz Y DfAz: mais cette conclusion ne saurait insinuer que le Liber sancti Jacobi, modele du Calixtinus, n'a jamais servi au culte. Les nombreuses rubriques precisant les modalites d'execution des chants impliquent plutöt le contraire. 11est tres possible que vers 1173 on ne celebrait plus que la Messe du Calixtinus en presence des pelerins, suivant ainsi les prescriptions de l'Epistola beati Calixti papae (ed. DfAz Y DfAz,p. 339, 11.101-110). Au xvc siecle, la messe de st. Jacques 107-126, 1anote de C. WamHrdans le Joumalof American Musicological Society, 39 (1986) p. 9, note 23, et C. WRIOlff, Music and Ceremony atNotre Dame of Paris, 500-1550 (Cambridge 1989) p. 278-281. 24 Albericus Abbas (1131-1148), Albericus Bituricensis (1136-1141), Albertus Parisiensis (1142- 1174n7), Ato Trecensis (1123-1145), [Calixtus papa (1119-1124 )], Goslenus Suessionensis (1126-1152), Guilelmus, patriarcha Hierosolomitanae ecclesiae (1130-1145), Rotbertus cardinalis romanus (1144-1146). Comme ces noms ont ete ajoutes de seconde main, i1faut en conclure qu •ils ne figuraient pas dans le modele (le Liber sancti Jacobi) et que leur insertion n 'a pu etre fait qu •apres 1175: une teile datation rejoint les conclusions paleographiques de M. DfAz Y DfAz (voir note suivante). 25 M .C. DfAz y DfAz, El C6dice Calixtino de la Catedral de Santiago. Estudio codicol6gico y de contenido (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p. 314 ss. 26 Analecta Hymnica 17 p. 211-213. Dans lemanuscrit de Paris, BN lat 3088, f. 7, cette "epitre" est intitulee Contra Hyberias naenias et aniles fabulas quae de beato Jacobo Apostolo profenmtur. Incipit epistola beati Leonis papae etc . (Catalogus cod. hagiographicorum lat. Paris. 1, p. 288). 27 Monumenta Viuliacensia (ed. HuvGl! NS, Corpus Christianorum, Cont. medievalis XLII [19761), p. 399, 404, 530 et passim. Voir aussi l'introduction, p. 2, note 2. 110 Codex Calixtinus.indd 125 Codex Calixtinus.indd 125 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 du Calixtinus est encore en usage dans le misset de St.-Jacques-la- Boucherie 28 pour le jour de laiete patronale, mais aussi pour les groupes de pelerins qui partent pour Compostelle en plein Careme. En 1494, le pelerin autrichien Hieronymus Münzer cite dans son "Journal" 29 des pieces liturgiques qui figurent encore a ce jour dans les breviaires compostellans du xvc siede, manuscrits ou imprimes. On lui montra aussi le Jacobus qui contient "tout ce qu'il faut pour les lectures et les chants des jours de Fete". Mais a cette epoque il y avait longtemps deja que la polyphonie de Notre-Dame avait penetre a Tolede et que l' Ars nova avait cesse d 'etre pratique en Aragon, tandis que les tropes, versus et conduits avaient disparu sans avoir meme pu franchir le seuil du XIVe siede ... Epilogue Le lien entre Vezelay et Compostelle, qui vient d'etre decele d'apres plusieurs indices d'ordre paleographique, liturgique ou archeologique (cf. note 14), est fortement consolide par un nouvel argument. En effet, d'apres le breviaire de Vezelay (cf. note 17) et d'apres celui de Compostelle, brevement decrit par J. JANINI, 30 la date anniversaire de 1a dedicace des deux basiliques est fixe au 21 avril. 31 Nul ne songera que cette singuliere coi"ncidenceestl'effet d'un heureux hasard: au contraire, cette identite de date de dedicacedont l'histoire monastique fournit bien d'autres exemples a ete deliberement voulue afin de manifester pour toujours les relations etroites unissant la communaute monastique de Vezelay, et celle de Compostelle a ses debuts, c' est-a-dire jusqu 'a l'epoque du tranfert du siege episcopal d'Iria ad liminasanctiJacobi. 28 Paris, BN laL 17315: V. Ll! llOQUAJS, Sacramentaires et Missels manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France, (Paris, 1924), t. m, p. 221. Ce missel m 'a etc signale par Alejandro Planchart que je remercie ici. 29 Le passage en question de ! 'Itinerarium de Münzer, si important pour l'histoire du Codex Calixtinus, a malencontreusement etc saute dans l'edition de L PFANDL dans Revue hispanique, t. 48 (1920) p. 95 et ss. 11 faut le lire dans le ms de Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 343, f. 173v. 30 Manuscritos linirgicos de las Bibliotecas de Espafia, I, Castilla y Navarra (Burgos 1978) p. 244. 31 La dedicace de Verelay eut lieu le jeudi 21 avril 1104 (Monwnenta Vizeliacensia, ed. Huyghens [note 27] p. 114). Ce jour de semaine adopte pour cette ceremonie exceptionnelle n'infirme pas l'usage general fixant au dimanche la dedicace solennelle d 'une eglise. En effet, 1a dedicace de Verelay ne pouvant evidemment pas s •accomplir le dimanche de Paques, on fixa la ceremonie au jeudi suivant, puisque la pericope de l' evangile de ce jour (Jo 20, 11-18) rapporte l' apparition de Jesus ressuscite a Madeleine. 111 Codex Calixtinus.indd 126 Codex Calixtinus.indd 126 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 1: Paris, Bibliotheque nationale, ms. lat. 2096, f. 92v (Photo: Bibliotheque nationale) 112 Codex Calixtinus.indd 127 Codex Calixtinus.indd 127 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 : : ! l (! Q ! ': ) 8 () : : , ei ~ ~ - ~ 0.. ... ~ ~5 : : , i. 0 r: t. i. 8 r: t."' ~ ~ ~ § "'! ! l. c; · $" e. ~ ~ ~ ,.._.. ,...,_ cn () : ~ : ; ,; : i (1), 1 =; · (1) ~ s ~ a. f; ,' i w ~~ CARTE DES NOTATIONS NEUMATIOUES Dans le Nord de la France dressee par M.m'S.Corbin. NEUMES, , --wnw"._; "..L ". "...t; ...., _1 ~ ~ frenG••• [: : J .)\ lom,i,o. [s: : sJ ~ aq11il.ail'IS, ~ ~ bratons . lt. ~leofr•nc, . _ ... Limite dialttLfile, 1 ~~i~: f~'. ---- Limit.. d.s diodMS . t LYON PNm•ti• . i ROUEN ArcJ,..-.Che. & MEAUX C•he C••n MonasUr. <1 ~Trond ·"""' ® Aix~la-Chap e lle \ Yh . • ·Je )J •.; ! t. •· • · •, . ' i •.·.....,._. T.-~.--,. . •..____ i! ~"'7~ 1 ll _; _"~ --·· _i, ,· -: ! •. i„l ·_ 1: '8P 1. ! : i TI i 1 : 1 ' 1 ' ... ~ "-~ ···· ,- -- <~ A; ; ~- <~ llTIIEAS ._ " - ~ ·"·. "- ', ·--. , . BÄU: ·s,oN EMaU.-t Codex Calixtinus.indd 128 Codex Calixtinus.indd 128 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 ' . ◄ • • , • J; $, JI~) .. / •1 : r. . , ~~~~! ÜUt! ltn! .ffl'! . ~A, " . ' k#~. " .-.,~..,.: . ". '~i•,; .'. ~. · ~~~ . .,. . J_.j f ~ ·, ·,_ ' . ,; ; ,. '.I f " . . ·1 . "': .1~""~r-J ..... ,-,·.r": ~ ~! ... "-'"> ~fr...,.-.jl- ~·..: : ~,~J.~ ... i_.-~~,~ ~ ,-~,. J«" ,~'! .. _ .-n,t4" (\r+- ~ - .,...r "r" r .... i.'! , i-k 1 ,-._.- , l -r "_,...,.,.., L.... .., ~J--.. -,. ~,_e~ ' ·"J ~J-: : : : J-e: -: : : : : -,.._. -- ~· "'· ·'t .,., - .. • • ,. .. . . . • .1~<-.-,..- 1",.: ? ' ; .i"j•i.; J ~~ .,~.,' • .. ,.. ~" .. .. I ,._"· J.lfl""'-.1> k„.Lc ~J : ..-. ,~- "1 ~ . . ." ~ 1-~JqJ.'...,- . ~"u.16 .__, t,4! : IF 11(4, Utt,/ " ß~: ~ ~: r: .~.~~ ~,. ~--r•• ,-,cuilre,. -r41'1'1R> ..., ~- ~ u: r ~d . j l • lt ., Fig. 3: Codex Calixtinus, f. 222 Dum p ater f amilias (Photo: Alison Stones) 114 Codex Calixtinus.indd 129 Codex Calixtinus.indd 129 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 . .. ~ .t '. f ~ -·~· --~ •: ....l .~ ...... r.suwJlldui.i. ~.,"..,.· .tl -- __ __; __ _ _,; .,..., l • • -, -- - - ---- -c; m,: ""~? ~~ <•rr "14'. s.--r. ,y4)111 x t~d i., o,au1.v ,..,.,.. bc .,chb; ~-~ 0 C(ltli~f~',l f td: li S.1pxtJCJe. f' f1 ~ tt~ M fa •' Fig. 4: Codex Calixtinus , f. 107 Responsoria (Photo: Alison Stones) 115 Codex Calixtinus.indd 130 Codex Calixtinus.indd 130 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 5: Codex Calixtinus, f. 109v Misit Herodes (Photo: Alison Stones) 116 Codex Calixtinus.indd 131 Codex Calixtinus.indd 131 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 6: Codex Calixtinus, f. 103v Ad sepulchrum beati Jacobi (Photo: Alison Stones) 117 Codex Calixtinus.indd 132 Codex Calixtinus.indd 132 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 7: Codex Calixtinus, f. 104v Dum esset (Photo: Alison Stones) 118 "., 1'6' a"r# - ✓ bJ ✓ ,~ 1,u(mv -f'; 'ftl a"n " Codex Calixtinus.indd 133 Codex Calixtinus.indd 133 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 .... .. .... ... .... • .. .. ... ... . ... -: 1·: : · ..... . l ...., ..L .... .; . ~=·: l . . .. .·~.·.. ~ t ... .... ; • .. ... . .... . ... - ,: : .. Fig . 8: Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n, Ripoll MS 99, f. 33 (Photo: Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n) 119 Codex Calixtinus.indd 134 Codex Calixtinus.indd 134 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 "...., t; tlJ} tit,\ , .tl' t'<t l ~\\ ,1~ 1 1\, t'lt,•11 _,r (..\1m.n<itf rnm•i«-'l tir p~s,·l ,h·r r J; 1... ~h• ~ fh, ~1„1H- I•,-.: 1"...-t>uf '1 ui ~'l't'Dlknbuf t.u,b,vur . t t ♦ .., • ♦ • '. : umr n .,r tt'! b ,~•t1mur -1ti.: mq1 k•i.TU rncini-uc ~1ne1,r $' t • . . • . . .... n-! hm,if .pitm .: ,•lu-cmru? 11-'VUhtf Ahi (,fMrPP..H N; jt•.iH ~.r : u-n·-1 Fig. 9: Codex Calixtinus, f. 133 Ecce adest nunc Jacobus (Photo: Serafin Moralejo) 120 Codex Calixtinus.indd 135 Codex Calixtinus.indd 135 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 , ".. ,.,. ,1 .... ,w 1 ~,-: - ~ ft<.'l'lt~ ,~ " ! '° ~ . .. , .1 f • t ' --~~ "; .t- (J.: ,.. ~ .. : ~~ ~ ...~~.: . ": ~ ,~ -.. ~ ~,: t'l . 11"11~* IJ f "• o'. ,. J't" 11_, ~ff f..lua~ ,~ t ,~t1ffl! t1,/ ' Fig. 10: Codex Calixtinus, f. 138v Trope du Sanctus (Photo: Seraffn Moralejo) 121 Codex Calixtinus.indd 136 Codex Calixtinus.indd 136 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 t,i, lH L ]\.! ~: .; ; , .~ • , J t (< -, (' • e - 'tt t 1•1 uf M mmf .: ( ,t~m,nt >l"ft tu tnt! ffl~" J • " , •• '"• 1 •• , ... .~· . 1 •• ·~ iwt•d' ,{ ~n~t' .,ti ,11m: wtu' ~·.- .: .n~: ~n • "'f 'i lJ... f „ U.lt'nh--llilJffl tßJt -n~4 ' I • J Fig. 11: Codex Calixtinus, f. 139 Qui pius ac mitis (Photo: Seraffn Moralejo) 122 Codex Calixtinus.indd 137 Codex Calixtinus.indd 137 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 .. . '\. ff" wt,an fteffl frsrmn-traf '"1 ·fffl r~rune- 1( n, lnt 111; : : --r- ,~ J.1 ' •· . ' ~ ... ,-,.• .J · .._ • •,., ,1 , il.7~ r .J. ·- • p • . ; J , - )#A . ~ ')UOb dft ,-lt 1-n,n1 ; ..-WDJ -f ~o Sa.-~. 1aco~1-1arimf-. "~t1: -. ~ d,i: ..1~,s vaz.6Jf. .a ~ti'•pP· calJ~~ ~li11-3: : v1.1,; tJJ ~ , . --- ____ , ~ - · . ~ ' ~ ...... ; 1. - A~ • • • _ . _-_ • -•-=- -: : -=..-: .-=..-: .-=..-: .': .-: .-=..-: .-: =: t; -: _r .J.Jtvl~010"11,. n-~ur- ; ~\~! ' ·}/ t Fig. 12: Codex Calixtinus, f. 119v Vocavit ihesus; Gratulemur et letemur (Photo: Alison Stones) 123 Codex Calixtinus.indd 138 Codex Calixtinus.indd 138 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 r, Fig. 13: Codex Calixtinus, f . 214 Nostra phalans; Congaudean.t catholici (Photo : Alison Stones) 124 Codex Calixtinus.indd 139 Codex Calixtinus.indd 139 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 The Polyphonie Music 1 HENDRIK VAN DER WERF Twenty polyphonic compositions are presented, in score notation, after the fifth and last Book of the CodexCalixtinus. They constitute approximately one fourth of the polyphonic repertory that has been preserved in manuscripts dating from before 1200, and that can authoritatively be transcribed into modern score. In polyphonic style, these compositions vary rather widely. At one extreme are pieces in pitchagainst -pitch style, in which the two voices have the same number ofpitches and, presumably, simultaneously move from one pitch to the next. At the opposite end of the spectrum are pieces in which one voice, usually the higher sounding one, has far more pitches than the lower one, and in which the latter is presumed to sustain its pitches in a manner congruent with the melismas of the former. Due to the shape of their compound neumes (i.e., notational symbols representing two or more pitches) the compositions in sustained-pitch style are notated more clearly in the CodexCalixtinus than in other more or less contemporary collections. 2 Moreover, in several instances, what is the lower voice of a polyphonic composition appears as a Gregorian melody for one voice in its proper liturgical position in Book I of the Codex. Thanks to these two features, the compositions for two voices in the Codex Calixtinus are of great help in establishing the style of the earliest known forms of Western polyphony. This, in turn, helps us in deciphering some ofthe not so clearly notated pieces in the other sources of the time. Ironically, the knowledge of style thus gained may well deprive the Codex Calixtinus of one of its claims to fame. Some scholars are of the opinion that it is the first source, other than didactic treatises, to contain a composition for more than two voices. The piece concerned, "Congaudeant catholici" (f. 214, fig. 1), seems to have three voices, two of which are notated in the usual manner, that is, in black notes on two staffs. The third voice is given in red notes on the lower staff, and may have been entered by the scribe who wrote the black notes . The two melodies in black notes constitute a composition in the same style as many otherpieces for two voices ofthe period concerned. Similarly, the two medodies on the lower staff, one in black and the other in red notes, forma normal composition for two voices. lf all three voices are combined, however, the composition has dissonances in a frequency and a style that are contrary to all traditions we know for Western poly- The author' s presentation during the Symposiwn prirnarily consisted of excerpts from bis forthcoming bookon the polyphonic music preserved in manuscripts from before 1200. In addition, some parts bad already been printed for a Festschrift in honor of Professor L6pez Calo to be published in thc very near future. In order to avoid duplication, the following is a shortened version of the paper read in Pinsburgh . 2 Despite this general clarity of notation, for a nwnber of passages, all of them short, thc vertical alignrncnt of thc two voices is not precisely lmown. Colour reproductions of all pagcs with polyphony were published in J. LoP! ! Z CALO, La Musica medieval en Galicia (La Coruiia, 1982) p. 45-51, with transcriptions in modern notation, p. 137-167. 125 Codex Calixtinus.indd 140 Codex Calixtinus.indd 140 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 phony from any period. The same dissonances pertain if the melody on the upper staff is combined with the melody in red notes on the lower staff. All in all, we do well to join those scholars who hold that "Congaudean t catholici" (fig. 1), as preserved in the Codex Calixtinus, actually consists of two settings for two voices each. In a fifty-year old study that still h~ great value, Peter Wagner pointed out that several of the Gregorian chants for the Mass and the Office in Book I consist of old melodies with new texts; the melodies are found in many liturgical books whereas the texts, all of them in honor of St. James, are found only in the Codex Calixtinus and in the copy made in 1173 by a monk from Ripoll.3 Wagner singled out two Alleluya Verses as unica in respect to both text and melody; quite rightly he added that these are not the only Alleluya Verses to occur in only one source . In addition, Wagner drew attention to a, for Gregorian chant, highly unusual passage near the end of "Alleluya Vocavit Jesus". Indeed, over the last syllable of the word " Boanerges", the monophonic version descends a sixth (from b to D) by altemately going down a third and going up a second (f. 119v, fig. 2). The clue to this atypical passage must be sought in its polyphonic setting (ff. 218v-219, figs. 3-4). Over the last syllable of "Boanerges", the two voices are in continuously contrary motion, that is, one voice goes up when the other goes down; in the process, the upper voice descends an entire octave. In a setting for two voices it is a clever pattem, whereas it is clumsy and meaningless in a monophonic composition . Very similar passages are found in other compositions for two voices and we rnay safely asume that all were conceived for polyphonic performance. In its monophonic version, "Alleluya Vocavit Jesus" (f. 119v, fig. 2) has a hybrid character. lt has some characteristics of Gregorian chant so that both Peter Wagner and the medieval monk from Ripoll could readily accept it as a monophonic melody. At the same time, however, its clearly designed form, its strong tonal orientation on the pitch D, and the above-mentioned passage over "Boanerges" make the melody somewhat atypical for Gregorian chant. In fact, the latter features make it serve a polyphonic setting much better than other, more typically Gregorian melodies for the Mass and the Office. All in all, "Alleluya Vocavit Jesus" may well have been conceived to serve both a monophonic and a polyphonic rendition. If my evaluation is correct, the polyphonic version of this specific Alleluya Verse is likely to have been in existence when the monophonic one was entered into Book I of the Codex . This conclusion is at odds with the theory of Peter Wagner, and some other scholars, that the polyphonic music was composed significantly later than the texts and the melodies in the preceding parts of the Codex Calixtinus. I have been unable to find any decisive corroboration for this 3 P. WAoNFA, Die Gesänge der Jakobusliturgie zu Santiago de Compostela aus dem sogenannten Codex Calixtinus [Collectanea Friburgensia, Neue Folge, Fase. XX] (Freiburg/ S, 1931) p. 145. As M. DrAZ Y DrAZ has most recently pointed out, other manuscripts also include some or all these texts: Salamanca, B. Univ. 2631; London, BL Add. 12213; Vatican , Arch. San Pietro C. 128; Lisbon, BN Alcoba~ CCCII (334). See M.DlAz Y DrAZ, El C6dice Calixtino de la Catedral de Santiago (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p. 327-333. 126 Codex Calixtinus.indd 141 Codex Calixtinus.indd 141 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 theory. Admittedly, the polyphony seems to have been entered by a scribe other than the one who did the monophonic melodies in Book I. However , their overall style of notation is so similar that they are more likely to have been contemporaries than members of completely different generations . Even though the polyphony stands after Book V, it does not constitute a separate gathering appended to the Coder, instead, it begins on the third folio of a gathering containing four leaves . If Book V bad been intended as the final section of the Codex, the scribe would have bad little reason to take a new leaf for each of its last two folios; one leaf would bave sufficed . Thus, when Book V was nearing completion, the person who supervised the entire project knew that more material was tobe included. Finally, as Alison Stones points out elsewhere in this publication, the minor initials of the polyphonic compositions are very close in style to some of the minor initials in Book I and may perbaps be by the sarne band . lt is not difficult to explain the fact that the polyphonic compostions are given in a separate section of the Codex, rather than in Book I, together with the other texts and melodies for the liturgies in honor of St. James. Throughout the Middle Ages and beyond, we notice some kind of push-and-pull between what we may call liturgical "purists" and "liberals" . The former wanted the cantor and the schola to use only biblical texts for the Proper of the Mass and the Office; the latter also liked to hear , or perform, other texts , such as Prosae or Prosulae. The former also wanted to restrict the cantor's musical repertory to the melodies generally attributed to Pope Gregory, while the latter also accepted other material such as a certain type of melisma, often called "Sequentia" . In the liturgical books of the eleventh and twelfth centuries, such as Missals and Antiphonals, the texts and melodies frowned upon by the purists, are rarely given together with the ones they accepted; instead, Sequences and Prosae often appear either in separate books, or in separate sections of the liturgical books : 'Monophonie Gregorian chant was generally considered the music for the liturgy; thus, in the case of the Codex Calixtinus, it was not necessarily strange that the polyphonic compositions were excluded from Book 1. 4 In order to place Wagner' s theory in the proper perspective, it should be recalled that c. 1930 little was known about medieval polyphony in general. The best known examples were the few short snatches for two, three , or four voices that appear in treatises. We now know that the didactic pieces appearing in these treatises are quite different from wbat we may call the "practical" compositions of the period . No precise dates are known for the collections from Aquitaine, bot it is likely that the oldest one predates the Codex Calixtinus by a few decades, while the youngest ones are either roughly contemporary to it or younger. Where polyphonic style in general is concemed, the music for two voices in the Codex Calixtinus is neither very innovative nor noticeably old-fashioned for its time. All in all, there is no 4 In BoolcI, f. 131 (fig . 5), one complete conductus and the beginning of another one have two vo ices; the second voice was added in red notes after the melody in black notes was entered . The red notes seem to have been written by a scribe other than the one who wrote the black notes . I do not know whether they were added by the scribe who wrote the polyphonic music after Boolc V or by yet another person . 127 Codex Calixtinus.indd 142 Codex Calixtinus.indd 142 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 reason to retain a theory that was never proven and that assigns all polyphonic compositions in the Codex Calixtinus to the late twelfth century. Basing my opinion on generally accepted dates for other manuscripts from before 1200, I can safely submit that they can just as weil have been composed an entire century earlier than has been assumed thus far. In further support for this conclusion, it may be added that two polyphonic compositions in the Codex Calixtinus share their music with pieces appearing in other collections ofthe period. As Bruno Stäblein noted, the music for "Ad supemi regis decus" (ff. 214v-215v, figs. 6-8) is virtually identical to that for "Noster cetus psallat letus" appearing in three Aquitanian sources . 5 Sarah Ann Fuller seems to have been the first to notice that the music for "Gratulantes celebremus" (f. 214v, fig. 6) is very similar to that for "Ad honorem sempitemi regis" appearing in the youngest of the Aquitanian sources discussed by her. 6 This collection almost certainly is younger than the Codex Ca/ ixtinus, but the oldest source for "Noster cetus psallat letus" is likely to have been compiled c.1100. Most importantly, as I hope to show soon, the polyphony in the Aquitanian sources and the Codex Calixtinus is not experimental or primitive; instead, it is a repertory with welldeveloped and sound traditions . Although a given composition in the Codex Calixtinus may have been composed as late as the middle of the twelfth century, its style is likely to have originated weil before the beginning of that century. 5 Paris BN lat. 1139, f. 61; Paris BN laL 3719, f. 30, and London, BL Add. 36881, f. 3. B . STABLl! IN, Modale Rhythmen im St. Martial Repertoire? Festschrift Friedrich Blume (Kassel and Basel 1963) p. 346. 6 London, BL Add. 36881, f. 22v. S.A. FULl.l! R, Aquitanian Polyphony of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries, Dissertation, University of Califomia (Berlceley, 1970) II, p. 457. 128 Codex Calixtinus.indd 143 Codex Calixtinus.indd 143 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig. 1: Codex Calixtinus, f . 214 Nostra phalans; Congaudeant catholici (Photo: Alison Stones) 129 Codex Calixtinus.indd 144 Codex Calixtinus.indd 144 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 ~ 'TT ~ ...,_ ___ _ aa,i,'r.lWM »IJÄnn1f (apn\ Fig. 2: Codex Calixtinus, f. 119v Alle/ uia Vocavit ihesus; Gratulemur et letemur (Photo: Alison Stones) 130 Codex Calixtinus.indd 145 Codex Calixtinus.indd 145 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Fig . 3: Codex Calixtinus, f. 218v Alleluia Vocavit ihesus (Photo: Alison Stones) 131 Codex Calixtinus.indd 146 Codex Calixtinus.indd 146 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 r r• .-,· 'T'nl! 'J"'7~ff+ ~--...; ..--1 r • ~r: A. : •1• C Fig. 4: Codex Calixtinus , f. 219 Allelui a Vocavit ihesus; Cuncti potens genitor; Benedicamus (Photo: Alison Stones) 132 Codex Calixtinus.indd 147 Codex Calixtinus.indd 147 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 f f &r~~ Fig. 5: Codex Calixtinus, f. 131 Jacobe sancte (Photo: Alison Stones) 133 Codex Calixtinus.indd 148 Codex Calixtinus.indd 148 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 ~ _ q.i (§rm~ (~~~~~- -+ ~-- ■ : -.......a " - - • --- - . II, p- - ~ _ ___ ,__..,__ __ " __ "_" .c....,_ ---, _ _ _ __ _ -- -~ ~--~----- - -.+..,; c... -- - _...... _____ _ . . CMnffl" ~ Fig. 6: Codex Cali: xtinus, f. 214v Gratulantes celebremus; Ad superni regis decus (Photo: Alison Stones) 134 Codex Calixtinus.indd 149 Codex Calixtinus.indd 149 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 f 'l lt 1 n. ~ ·•- -41 -Jl J • 1l Y1l; ll~ Pr" -.. - .. 1 „ ~.,. 1$ - , .••••••• ,., .. • -•• ... , ... ... .....,--u ,._.. ... ~ Fig. 7: Codex Calixtinus, f. 215 Ad superni regis decus (Photo: Alison Stones) 135 Codex Calixtinus.indd 150 Codex Calixtinus.indd 150 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 ,.-1 _ : .r_: ; crc ,; ; ,-i ·: . ~==- ~~1.,.--: ,.-n ~-- . ,u( J ·-: - . ~ -~----- - "' "..,. =~ ·· - ·~ ~ -------o~~ ._"-: , ., ; 4 - E9'f1',r,.._ ,__ 1"..._ &ck~•O . ~ ~t. ,~~---FM· . ~ ·-- ...,__ - · ···"". 0".....1. '4 1 Fig. 8: Codex Calixtinus, f. 215v Ad superni regis decus; Annua gandia (Photo: Alison Stones) 136 Codex Calixtinus.indd 151 Codex Calixtinus.indd 151 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 The Decoration and Illumination of the Codex Calixtinus at Santiago de Compostela A1.1soNSToNEs lt is with some trepidation that I venture to offer a few remarks on some of the physical aspects of the Compostela manuscript, 1 the more so as Professor Dfaz y Dfaz' 1988 monograph has so recently presented us with a more highly detailed and sophisticated technical analysis of its parchment, page layout, inks, scripts with their variations and additions, than is currently available for most other medieval books. 2 The application of scientific techniques to the study of codicology and palaeography makes the analysis of decoration and illumination, still rooted in the traditions of stylistic and iconographical interpretation, seem subjective and amateurish in comparison. We have not yet developed fully objective methods of comparing the foliage motifs, dragons' wings, facial features or drapery folds on which so much of our search for visual comparisons depends. The search for comparisons is itself still too much a matter of serendipity in the absence of complete or even representative sources ofvisual documentation in the form ofphotographs or slides of other manuscripts of likely comparable date and provenance. Here too, the search is perhaps conditioned in geography and chronology by the expected outcome so that the arguments take on disconcertingly circular pattems. What concems me here are the twelfth century phases of production of C and especially the miniatures and decorated initials that accompany the work of its first and second scribes . 3 My aim is to examine the illumination that accompanies both Santiago de Compostela, Archivo de 1aCatedral, no shelf number, siglum C; called Jacobus on its opening page, a name it shares with three later manuscripts : London, BL Add. 12213, Vatican City, BAV Arch . S. Pietro C 128, both dating c.1325, and Madrid, BN 7381, copied in 1657. 2 M.C. DtAZ y DIAz, El C6dice Calixtino de 1aCatedral de Santiago, Estudio Codicol6gico y de contenido (Santiago de Compostela 1988); review by the present author in Speculum 66 (1991 ). An indispensable accompaniment is still the transcript of the Compostela manuscript •s texts in their entirety by W.M . WIIITEHlU., Liber Sancti Jacobi, Codex Calixtinus, I (Santiago de Compostela 1944), hereafter W. An annotated translation is A. MoRALl! Jo, C. ToRRF.S, J. Feo, Liber Sancti Jacobi, Codex Calixtinus (Santiago de Compostela 1951). For editions and translations of Book V, see F. FrrA y Co1.0Ma and J. V1NS0N, Le Codex de St-Jacques. Livre IV (Paris 1882) p. 1-20, 225-268, 268- 70; J. YlELI.IAIID, Le Guide du Pelerin de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle, texte latin du XIIe siede, edite et traduit en fran~ais d'apres les manuscrits de Compostelle et de Ripoll (Macon 1938, many editions and reprints); K. HERl! ERS, Der Jacobsweg, mit einem mittelalterlichen Pilgerführer unterwegs nach Santiago de Compostela (Tübingen 1986), abridged; P. CAuca voNSAUKBN,Guida del Pellegrino di Santiago, Libro quinto del Codex Calixtinus, secolo XII (Milan 1989); M. BKAvo LozANo,Gma del Peregrino medieval ("Codex Calixtinus") (Sahagun 1989). There is a facsirnile only of Book V: C. RoMl! lloos u; a! A, J . GuautAWMPOS,J. Fn.oUE111A V ALVBRDB, Libro de 1a Peregrinaci6n del C6dice Calixtino (Madrid 1971). lt should be used with caution as seventeenthcentury and other marginal annotations do not show up on the plates. 3 Tue participation of different scribes was first recognized by A. HÄMEL, Überlieferung und Bedeutung des Liber Sancti Jacobi und des Pseudo-Turpin, in: Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse (Munich 1950) p. 65-75, refined by K. HBRBl! llll, Der Jakobskult des 12. Jahrhunderts und der "Liber Sancti Jacobi" . Studien über das 137 Codex Calixtinus.indd 152 Codex Calixtinus.indd 152 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 these phases of the production of C in relation to comparative material and in relation to the intemal dating arguments made on textual grounds by others. I will invoke stylistic comparisons to support the view at which others have hinted , that the execution of the first phase of production of C occured in a strongly French milieu, deriving its stylistic souces primarily from Normandy, the Loire and westem France; and I suggest a re-examination of the termini that may even allow for that phase to have taken place before the death of Archbishop Diego Gelrnirez in 1140. So my position on the date ofproduction modifies, by moving it slightly earlier, those of Hohler and Herbers, and I use the decorated initials of the appendix to support van der Werf' s case for the musical supplement tobe roughly contemporary with the First Campaign; for the second phase of production I opt for Compostela c. 1173, a view that is in accord with Dfaz y Dfaz. 4 I draw here upon visual comparisons that were on view in the University Gallery during the conference as an exhibition of photographs. 5 Verhältnis zwischen Religion und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter (Wiesbaden 1984) p. 25-27 and most recently analysed in detail by D1A2: Y D1A2: (note 2) p. 27 1-308, where arguments are presented for subdividing the worlc attributed to hand 1by Härnel and Herbers into two: one scribe for Book I (hand 1A), a second for the first campaign of execution in Books II-V (hand 1B). I also include here a consideration of the decoration in the other twelfth-century sections, the added halfleaf, f. 128, and the musical supplement on ff. 214-219v. See my table of distribution in Appendix A below. 4 For HoHLl! ll (note 8, p . 48), the earliest possible date was 1145; HERBEas (note 3, p. 38), argues for c. 1140 for the Liber Sancti Jacobi; D1A2: v Dr.u (note 2), is in favour of later dates, between 1140 and 1160 (p. 77,269, 28'.3)or c. 1150-60 (p. 315, n. 25); see van der Werf in these conference papers. For scribe 2 see D1A2: y D1A2: (ibid ., p. 293 ). French stylistic sources have been most clearly suggested by StCART(note 13), AVRIL(note 19) and BUJUN(note 35). My worlcing chart ofthe divisions of script and decoration in C in relation to the textual structure and dating terrnini of the codex is Appendix A. Tofollow the chart in deta il it is necessary to have Whitehill's edition to hand , a feat easier to accornplish in the U.S.A., where every reputable University library has a copy, than in Europe: see the lament in lliRsERS(note 2 , p. 16, note 20). In Paris, the only available copies were in private hands until a xerox of the University of Pittsburgh's copy was deposited in the Cabinet des Manuscrits, Bibliotheque nationale . Also on the ! ist of unfindable publications of crucial importance is Compostellanum, availab le in the U.S.A. only at Harvard, where the series is incomplete, and nowhere in France. 5 My comparisons come from a variety of sources, to which a large nurnber of individuals have contributed; no worlc in this area would be possible without access to photographic resources that extend beyond the limits of what a sing! e individual can put together. Particularly valuable have been the photograph collections at the Brieger Collection at the University ofToronto; the Conway Library of the Courtauld Institute, University of London; the Hili Monastic Manuscript Library at St. John's University, Collegeville, Minnesota (HMML); the Phototheque of the Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes (IRHT), Orleans and the Boites Porcher at the Cabinet des Manuscrits, Bibliotheque nationale , Paris . I am grateful to Ann Hilty, Constance Hill, Julian Plante, Jonathan Black, Thomas Arnos, Gregory Sebastian O.S .B., Odile Lepinay and Fran~is Gamier, and their staff, forfacilitating my worlc in these collections. At the Conway Library, the photographs of J.J.G.Alexander , C.R.Dodwell, and Marie Montpetit provided the most helpful starting-points. The first-hand search in metropolitan and provincial libraries was faciliated by the kind cooperation of nurnerous librarians and scholars. My worlc at Santiago was made possible by the kindness of the Canon Archivist, Illrno. Sr. D. Jose Dfaz Femandez. My thanks are also due to F. L6pez Alsina, M.C . Dfaz y Dfaz, Theodore Hauschild, Serafin Moralejo, Isaias da Rosa Pereira, Angel Sicart Girnenez and John Williams for their generous assistance in Spain and with Spanish and Portuguese material. For pertinent discussion of French and Iberian stylistic parallels I am endebted toJonathan Alexander, Fran~is Avril, Larry Ayres, Adelaide Bennett Hagens, Elizabeth A.R. Brown, the late T. Julian Brown, Elizabeth Burin, Walter Cahn, Aliza Cohen , Willene Claric, 138 Codex Calixtinus.indd 153 Codex Calixtinus.indd 153 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 C is a codex that presents difficulties from every point of view: its texts, scripts, illustration and decoration, provenance and cultural context are all problematical, not to mention the vexed issues of who made this copy and why. 6 lt does not fit easily into a simply defined category of book. There is nothing else that is quite like it: Libelli or shrine books containing texts in honour of a particular saint, of which the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries produced a plethora, tend to include a liturgy, a Vita, miracles, and, most important in such luxury books, a set of illuminations showing the life and miracles of the saint. 7 C does not have a Vita as such: the Passion of St. James is recounted twice in Book I, as part of the liturgy , 8 Fran~ise Gaspani, Monique-Cecile Garand, Marie-Madeleine Gauthier, Michel Huglo, Patricia Stirnemann, Jean Vezin, Hendrik van der Werf and Yolanta Za: luska. I thank Paula Gerson for taking many of the photographs that illustrate this article and Elizabeth A.R. Brown for helpful editorial suggestions, 6 I leave aside, in relation to C, the question of a possible archetype, whether CC or LSJ, largely because I remain unconvinced of the existence of any such compilation priorto C hand 1,for reasons given below. The notion of a CC is useful, however, in relation to other copies, as it allows one to sidestep the issue of how they relate to C. 7 Tue rediscovery of the tomb of St. James by bishop Theodemir is represented in the Cartulary of Santiago, Tumbo A, an f. lv. See M.C. DfAZv D! AZ, S. MoRAU! Io, F. l.oPFZAr.sINA, Los Tumbos de Compostela (Madrid 1985) pl. II. The same image is copied in the earliest surviving copy of the Historia Compostellana, Salamanca BU 2658, f . 14 (early 13th c.) and reproduced in colourfacing p. xxiii in the edition by E. FALQUB REv, Corpus Christianorum (Tumhout 1988). Tue fundamental study of saints' lives is F. WoRMALD, Some Illustrated Manuscripts of the Lives of the Saints, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 35 (1952) p. 248-266, reprinted in F. WoRMALD, Collected Writings II. Studies in English and Continental Art of the Later Middle Ages, eds. J. J. G. Alexander, T. J. Brown, J. Gibbs (London 1988) p. 43-56. Recent studies include B. Aoou-EL-llAJ,The First Illustrated Life of Saint Amand: Valenciennes, Bibl. Mun. MS 502 (Diss., University of Califomia, Los Angeles 1975); M. BAJCE1t, Medieval Illustrations of Bede's Life of St . Cuthbert, with an appendix by D. H. FARMER, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 41 (1978) p. 16-49, arguing that the book was made not as a shrine book but for private ownership; B. Aeou-FJ..-HAJ, Consecration and Investiture in the Life of Saint Amand, Valenciennes, B.M. MS 502, Art Bulletin 61 (1979) p. 342-359; M. E. CARRASco, Some Illustrations of the Life of St. Aubin (Albinus) of Angers (Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS.n.a.1.1390) and Related Works (Diss., Yale University 1980); C. HAHN, Narrative and Liturgy in the Earliest Illustrated Lives of the Saints, Hanover, Niedersächsische Landesbibliothek, MS 189 (Diss., The Johns Hopkins University 1982), another book claimed for private rather than public ownership; R. ARGl! NT SvoeonA,The Illustrations of the Life of Saint Omer (Saint-Omer Bibliotheque municipale, MS 698 (Diss., University ofMinnesota 1983); B. Aeou-BL-llAJ, Bury Saint Edmunds Abbey between 1070 and 1124: A History of Property, Privilege and Monastic Art Production, Art History 6 (1983) p. 1-29; M.E. CAllllASCO, Notes an the Iconography of the Romanesque Illustrated Life of St. Albinus of Angers, 2.eitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 47 (1984) p. 333-348; C. HAHN,Passio Kiliani/ Ps. Theotimus, Passio Margaretae/ Orationes. Vollständige Faksimile-Ausgabe des Codex MS I 189 aus dem Besitz der Niedersächsischen Landesbibliothek Hannover, Kommentarband (Codices selecti LXXXIII, Graz 1988); M.E. CAllllASCO Two Miracles by St. Albinus of Angers, Art History 12 (1989) p. 1-20; eadem, Spirituality in Context: The Romanesque Illustrated Life of St. Radegund of Poitiers (Poitiers, Bibl.Mun . MS 250), Art Bulletin 72 (1990), p. 414-435; W ACB, La Vie de saint Marguerite. Edition, avec introduction et glossaire, par Hans-Erich Keller. Commentaire des enluminure du ms. Troyes 1905 par Margaret Alison Stones (Tübingen 1990), certainly another book made for private, and female, ownership. For narratives illustrating a saint' s life in ivory see J. HA1UUs, The Arca of San Millan de la Cogolla and its lvories (Diss, University of Pittsburgh 1989). 8 The Modica Passio (C Book I, ch.iv, W 36-38) is a version known to Oement of Alexandria and Eusebius and claimed by Calixtus (y,I 93) tobe of great authority; the Magna Passio (C Book I, ch.ix, W 94-103), much longer and more colourful, including St. James' triumph over the magician Hermogenes, is based on Pseudo-Abdias (summarized in M.R. JAMES, The Apocryphal New Testa- 139 Codex Calixtinus.indd 154 Codex Calixtinus.indd 154 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 and commented upon in the sermons in Book I; the Translation of St. James to Spain is treated separately, again in two accounts, as Book III, chapters i and ii, preceded by the 22 Miracles of St. James that comprise Book II. The other two major components of C , Pseudo-Turpin' s account of Charlemagne' s Spanish wars, including the death of Charlemagne's nephew Roland, that comprises Book N, and the so-called Pilgrim' s Guide that forms Book V , 9 have no parallel among the Libelli, and the sarne could be said of the texts that follow Book V in C, the polyphon ic songs, supplementary miracles, fragmentary sequence, 'authenticating' papal bull, alleluia in Greek, and other miscellaneous Jacobite texts. Unlike the Libelli, which seem in the main to have been luxury copies intended for display, 10 the illustrations in C lack precisely what is most prominent in the Libelli: a sequence of miniatures devoted to St. James. The three narrative scenes in the manuscript illustrate events associated with the text of Book IV, the Pseudo- Turpin chronicle about Charlemagne (ff. 162 and 162v, figs. 17, 18, 21, 22); the passion, miracles and translation of St. Jarnes have only a single portrait of the saint at the beginning ofBook I (f . 4, fig. 1). Therestofthe illustration is confined to the portrait initial of Calixtus that illustrates the Prologue to Book I (f. 1, fig. 27), the portrait initial of Archbishop Turpin that opens Book IV (f. 163[olim 1], fig . 25), 18 large coloured foliate and dragon initials on coloured backgrounds (figs. 28, 30, 31, 35, 36, 41, 44, 46, 48) and two sets of smaller initials in one, two or three colours on blank parchment (figs. 50, 53- 70). 11 lt is possible that miniatures about St. James are now missing at the beginning of the codex, as the first quire lacks its opening leaf, 12 and perhaps another quire of miniatures originally preceded it. If so, ment, Oxford, 1924, p. 462-4) , preceded by a prologue in which Calixtus says he translated it from Greek to Latin. Tue Magna Passio appears in fact tobe what was in use in Santiago and vicinity before and after C. See the discussion by Robert Plötz in this volume, and A. L6pez FBRREmo, Historia de la Santa A.M. lglesia de Santiago de Compostela (Santiago de Compostela 1898) 1, p. 399-440 and P. DAVID, Etudes sur le Livre de Saint-Jacques attribue au Pape Calixte II, Bulletin des Etudes portuguaises 10-13 (1946-9) and offprints, esp .1949, p. 16; C. HoHLBK, A Note onlacobus, Journal of the Warburgand Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972) p. 31-80 , esp. p. 46. Calixtus' Prologue to the Modica Passio is not altogether complimentary about the Magna Passio (W 36); but the Magna Passio is also what the Pistoia manuscripts include as their selection from Book I (see my review of DIAz v DIAz, note 2), and is part of the Lisbon manuscript's selection; see Catalogue of Manuscripts by A. SroNESand J. Ka.OCHAUs in Tue Pilgrim's Guide to Santiago de Compostela, a critical edition and annotated translation by P. UEBERGmtsoN, J . Ka.OCHAUS, A. SHAVER-CRANDBIL, A. SroNES(forthcoming). lt is interesting that Amault de Munt did not see the need to copy either passio in his selection made in 1173 (ibid.) and below. 9 This title is not in the text itself, either in C or in any of the other 11 manuscripts that include it. lt appears for the first time, as Itinerarium ad sanctum lacobum in Galicia, on the title-page to one of the short version copies of CC, Vatican City, BAV MS Borgh 202, written in a hand of the late fourteenth or fifteenth century; see SroNBSand Ka.OCHAU., (note 8). 10 See the caveats in note 6. 11 Tabulated in A. STONBS, Four illustrated Jacobus manuscripts, in: Tue Vanishing Past, Studies of Medieval Art, Liturgy and Metiology Presented to Christopher Hobler, eds. A. BORoand A. M.u.TINDALB, B.A.R. lntemational Series 111 (Oxford 1981) p. 197-222. 12 D! Azv DIAz (note 2), p . 147, 149. Tue other quire in C that is irregular is no. 23a, a bifolio written by hand 3, containing the description of the Liberal Arts (ibid ., p. 152-3). Possibly it may have replaced an original quatemion with miniatures (HoHIJ! ll, note 8, p. 35); but there are also arguments that it was nothing more than a later addition to the text (SroNBS, note 11, p . 200). See also note 7 above for miniatures showing tbe discovery of the tomb of SL James . 140 Codex Calixtinus.indd 155 Codex Calixtinus.indd 155 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 they must have been already missing by the time the British Library and Vatican copies were made c.1325, as there is no reflection of such miniatures in either, nor in the Salamanca manuscript of about the same date; 13 and other evidence for the existence of early narrative cycles about St. James is slender. 14 13 These three are the only illustrated copies: London, BL Add. 12213, Vatican City, BAV Arch. S . Pietro C. 128 and Salamanca, BU 2631, of which the first two, like C, are called Jacobus, see note 1. See A. S1CART CmreNEz, La Miniatura rnedieval en Galicia . Resurnen de 1arnernoria presentada para 1aobtenci6n del Grado de Doctor , Universitad de Santiago , Facultad de Geografia e Historia, Seccion de Historia del Arte, (Santiago 1978) and idern, Pintura rnedieval. La rniniatura (Santiago de Cornpostela 1981) p. 64-88 and STONES (note 11). Tue fourth Jacobus rnanuscript, rnentioned above in note 1, Madrid, BN 7381, lacks illurnination. Tue Salamanca rnanuscript does preserve illustrations that are.not in C or the other copies: a vision of Turpin historiated initial, instead of the portrait of Turpin that C has at the beginning of Book IV, and a picture at the end of Book V showing St. James Matamoro . Iargued in 1981 (SToNES, as note 11) that they reflect an earliertradition than C . This position depends either on such rniniatures being already lost to C by the time the illustrations in Add. 12213 and Arch. S . Pietro were copied frorn C, or on C depending on (and selecting frorn) an earlier, illustrated copy . Tue fmmer situation is possible but unlikely: the structure of quire 21, in which the illustrations occur, is irregular in that the two illustrated leaves, ff. 162v and 163, are two singletons on which the text is written by the first scribe at the beginning of the quire, conjoined with two more singletons at the end, whose text is copied by the second scribe; the first scribe wrote the two intervening bifolia. One could argue that the text copied by the second scribe is replacing illumination on two folios that are now lost, but their position at the end ofthe quire makes this unlikely , panicularly as the break between the scribal hands, both here and in the following quire, occurs in mid-sentence and without interruption of rneaning; and the place where further illustration might make better sense of the existing miniatures is between the two warriors' scenes that, in all the illustrations that survive, are juxtaposed on the same page . Tue sirnplification of an earlier illustrated Turpin is perhaps still the best explanation of what is in C, and perhaps also of what is in Salamanca , but it depends on one's acceptance of the notion that C cannot be the archetype of Book IV. C. Mmuiom1-JoNES, Historia Karoli Magni et Rotholandi ou Chronique du Pseudo-Turpin (Pans 1936, reprinted Geneva 1976) first suggested that C was an elaboration of the shon version, his A family . This is not to clairn, and Meredith-Jones did not, that Book IV was cOinposed for CC, and it does not irnply a CC earlier than C; merely an earlier version of Pseudo-Turpin. Tue only problern is the absence of a surviving illustrated copy among Meredith- Jones' A group, or indeed anywhere else in the Latin CC tradition . Fora possible lost model see next note. 14 Any cOinparison with the alleged Charlemagne scenes at Sta. Maria in Cosmedin, Rorne, has been shown to be irrelevant, as I. SttoIIT,Le pape Calixte II, Charlemagne et les fresques de Sta Maria in Cosmedin, Cahiers de Civilisation medievale 13 (1970) p. 229-238, has convincingly dernonstrated that the subjects there are from Ezekiel, not Pseudo-Turpin . I thank Neil Stratford for drawing my attention to Shon's anicle, which allows <lilethankfully to reject any notion of Mediterranean prototypes for the narratives in C. On the other band, the four scenes once visible in the church of SL James at Stoke Orchard (Glouc .) are an example of late-twelfth-century Jacobite narrative; the scenes are based on the Magna Passio, which was widespread, rather than on the Miracles and Translation, and so they need not depend on CC texts or be related to the pattems of distribution of CC. Given the attitude expressed elsewhere in C about the MagnaPassio it is probably unlikely that any possible prefatory miniatures in C were based on it (see note 8). For copies of the Stake Orchard paintings see SANrIAoonsCoMPOSTBLA, Mil ans de pelerinage europeen (exh . cat., Gent 1985) no. 37 4 and A. BAICBll, Wall-Paintings in Stake Orchard, the Cycle of the Life of St. James the Great, Archaeological Journal 123 (19ti6) p. 79-119. Tue manuscript tradition of CC in England is not extensive and consists alrnost entirely of rnanuscripts that contain only Book: IV, the Pseudo- Turpin; the exception is London, BL Cotton Titus A.XIX which also has an incomplete Pilgrim' s Guide (Book V). For Titus see A. HÄMBL, Aus der Geschichte der Pseudo-Turpin-Forschung, Romanische Forschungen 57 (1943) p. 229-245; idem, Überlieferung und Bedeutung des Liber Sancti Jacobi und des Pseudo-Turpin (Munich 1950) p. 73; idern, Los manuscritos latinos del Falso Turpino., in : Estudios dedicados a Mene.ndez Pidal IV (Madrid 1953) p. 72; C. MBllDm1-JoNESp. 16; A. DB MAlmACH, Naissance et developpement de la Chanson de Geste en Europe: I La Geste de 141 Codex Calixtinus.indd 156 Codex Calixtinus.indd 156 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 The miniatures and historiated initials in C are all in the sections of text written during the First Campaign of production and illustrate Books I and IV. 15 The foliage and dragon initials, with one exception, are also in the texts copied by the first scribes, in Books I, II, IV and V. 16 Minor initials occur in all five Books andin the songs that complete the last quire of Book V; major distinctions of style within the minor initials also correspond to the two major campaigns of writing . 17 The major chronological distinctions within the decoration are those between the miniatures, historiated initials, dragon and foliage initials and minor coloured initials that accompany the texts copied by the first scribes on the one band, and the one foliage and dragon initial and the minor initials that accompany the script of the second scribe on the other. Further stylistic distinctions within the first group of miniatures and within the first group of initials suggest the participation of a number of individuals in the First Campaign. The First Campaign: the St. James portrait The figure style is best epitomised in the well-known portrait of St. James at the opening of Book I on f. 4 (fig. 1) with its frontal stance and distinctive pleated drapery that reappears on the bed in which Charlemagne (before restoration) dreams of St. James and the Milky Way (fig. 18). The St. James portrait is more highly modelled than any other, in a more painterly technique, probably as a reflection of the central role played by St. James in the Liber that, in C, is named after him. 18 His facial features can be parallelled in the face at the top of the interlace initial on f. 121 (fig. 2). The facial types ofCalixtus (fig. 27) and Turpin (fig. 25), are similar, and their draperies, though drawn in coloured line rather than painted, also show comparable distinctive pleating; probably all are the work of the same artist. The St. James image presents formal analogies to the frontal Christ blessing portrait-type such as appears free-standing in the initial I of St. John' s Gospel in the Charlemagne et de Roland (Geneva and Paris 1961) p. 383 and 409, and the Catalogue of Manuscripts by SToNBS and KitOCHAUs (note 8). For other English copies of CC, see HÄME! ., Miwiorm-JoNBS and MANDACH passim. The evidence for a lost illustrated manuscrip t depends on the words in the preface to Baudouin de Hainaut's copy, offered c. 1180 to Frederick Barbarossa. Baudouin ' s original is lost, but an early fourteenth-century copy, Madrid , BN 1617, preserves its text, though not the illustrations that Baudooin crypt ically refers to as being at the beginning of the codex (H.M. SMYSEI! . . The Pseudo-Turpin, Edited from Bibliotheque Nationale , Fonds Latin, MS. 17656. [Cambridge , Mass., 1937, repr. New York, 1970], p. 110). Conceivably Baudouin 's manuscript depended, in turn, on an earlier illustrated copy . 15 By Dt.u: Y Dt.u: 's (note 2) hands lA (responsible for Book 1) and hand 1B (the First Campaign in Books II-V); see also SroNBS(note 11), p. 218-222 and Appendix A below. 16 For lists see SroNBS(note 3), p. 218-222. Within the work of the first illuminator there are some distinctions of hand, discussed below. 17 As with the dragon and foliage initials, there are many subtleties of distinction within the initials that accompany the first campaign of writing, suggesting the participation of several individuals. 18 'Jacobus iste liber vocatur' is inscribed in coloured capitals on the opening folio in C and three other copies, see note 1. 142 Codex Calixtinus.indd 157 Codex Calixtinus.indd 157 27.09.22 11: 42 27.09.22 11: 42 Angers Gospel Book (fig. 3) 19 or within a frame in the Mazarine Hugh of St. Victor (fig. 4). 20 The type is prevalent all over France for other saints or prophets; some of those most pertinent here are St. James the Less in the second Bible of Saint- Martial, Limoges, c.1100 (fig. 5), 21 St. John the Baptist in the BN Homilies from Saint-Germain des-Pres (fig. 7), 12 St. Gregory in the Tours Moralia (fig. 6), 23 the monumental figures of St. Peter and St. John in the Missal of Barbechat (dioc. Nantes), 24 or Isaiah in the Paris Bible from Le Mans or Southem France (fig. 8), 25 and St. Michael in the Bible made in all likelihood in Normandy for William of St. Carilef, bishop of Durham, in exile in Normandy between 1088 and 1091 (fig. 12), 26 or figures from the secular world, like Charlemagne and others in the Cartulary of Vierzon (fig. 9) 27 and Bishop Hugh Payen of Le Mans (fig. 11). 28 Also of note are the figures in the Anglo-French Pliny in Le Mans, 29 although the predominantly purple-maroon colours have little to do with the palette of C, where lines in red and green are dominant, and background colours are pale blue, dark green and ochre. C's technique is closest to the examples in line-drawing and colour wash; those examples are also the ones that appear to offer the best parallels for the facial 19 Angers , BM 25, f. 85, from Saint-Serge , Angers, see AVJULin F. AVJUL , X . BARllAL I ALmr, D. GA1111om-CH0P1N, Les Royaumes d 'Occident (Paris 1983) p. 176, fig . l 44 , with an attribution to the first quarter of the twelfth century. 20 Paris, Bibi. Mazarine 729, f. 90v from the region of Vendöme(? ) . Cf . Vendöme, BM 23, Tours , BM 321 and Paris , Chambre des Deput6s 2 (for the lauer see W. CAHN, Romanesque Bible lliumination , Fribourg 1982) no . 80, attributed to the middle Loire or Berry in the third quarter of the twelfth century) . I thank Patricia Stirnemann for drawing my auention to the Mazarine manuscript. 21 Paris, BN lat. 8, vol. Il , f. 228 . See J . PoaClll! ll, La miniature fran~aise du Vll au Xlle siecle, (exh .cat., Paris 1954) no . 325; D. GAB01UT -CH0P1N, La decoration des manuscrits a Saint-Martial de Limoges et en Limousin du Xle auXlle siecle (Paris/ Geneva 1969)p . 177-8,fig .131, CAHN(note20)no . 85; see also the somewhat more swirling drapery on the standing figure in the Limoges Lectionary, Paris, BN lat. 254, f. 67v (GAB01UT-CH0PIN , p. 105, n.26). 22 Paris , BN lat. 12409, f. 118, Homiliary of Saint-Germain-des-Pres . 23 Tours, BM 320, f. 1.47. Photos in the Bo~ Porcher , BN Paris . 24 Paris, BN n. a. lat. 1890, f. 102, a miniature neatly inserted onto the leaf . See V. U! llOQUAis, Les Sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France (Paris 1924) I, no . 159, pp . 317-9 . 25 Paris, BNlat . 10, f. 113v. Attributed by PoaClll! ll (note 21, no. 218) to Le Mans and by CAHN(note 20, no. 86) to Southem France. 26 Dumam Cathedral Library, MS A.11.4,f. 87v; see R. A. B. M YNoRS , Durham Cathedral Manuscripts to the End of the Twelfth Century (Durham 1939) pl. 16-19; CAHN(note 20) no . 69 with more recent bibliography; AVJUL (note 19) p. 160, with numerous comparisons to books made in Normandy . The parallel between the Carilef Bible's St . Michael and the St. James portra it in Cis made by S1CA11.T (note 13) p . 66, by AVJUL(ibid .) on p . 259, and by J.A. l.uACES, La peregrinaci6n a Santiago y la pintura y miniatura romamicas, Compostellanum 30 (1985) p. 369-393, at p. 382 . 27 Paris, BN lat. 9865, f. 3v. Walter Cahn kindly drew my attention to G. DBVAIILY , Le cartulaire de Vierzon (Paris 1963). See also M. DAious,Note sur le cartulaire de l ' abbaye St-Pierre de Vierzon, Congres archeolog ique de France (1874) p. 576-606. PoaClll! ll(note 21) no . 237, gives it as a cartulary of Nevers . 28 Le Mans , Mediatheque Louis Aragon 224 , f. 113, assuming the inscription on the book, naming Bishop Hugh Payen (1135-43), is contemporary with the painting . Photos at the IRHT, Orleans . 29 Le Mans 263 , from Saint-Vincent (Congregation de Saint-Maur), Le Mans , PollClll! ll (note 21) no . 231 . See also the profile faces and some of the figures in the English books that are closely related, such as Oxford, Bodl. Auct E. inf. 1-2, see CAHN(note 20) no . 35, with previous literature ; Cahn dates it in the middle to later 12th century. 143 Codex Calixtinus.indd 158 Codex Calixtinus.indd 158 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 features and draperies of C' s St. James: the symmetrically splayed folds and left leg of C' s St. James still find their closest formal parallel in the flamboyant St. Michael of the Carilef Bible, whose face and hair also present some similarity to those of St. James in C. The Acts ofthe Bishops ofLe Mans in Le Mans (fig. 11) and another Le Mans manuscript, the Isidore in Paris (fig. 10), 30 present a somewhat comparable approach to technique and some similarities of drapery form, facial features (but not the hair), and beading (if, as in the Isidore, on a dragon, not a draperyedge), while the palmette motif on St. James's book in C finds echos in the minor initials ofFleury books (fig. 13). 31 Other manuscripts which lack frontal portraits but have other figures done in a line-drawing with colour wash technique with somewhat similar faces are the Bible of Loches (fig. 14), 32 the martyrology, gradual and antiphonary from St-Maur-des -Fosses (fig. 15), 33 and one example from the South ofFrance, the BN Life of St. Giles, written by Pierre Guillem, abbot of Saint-Gilles, in 1129. 34 30 Paris, BN laL 2325, f. 96v, owned in the 13th c. by St-Pierre de la Couture, Le Mans, dated c.1120- 30 by AVRIL(note 19) p. 177, fig. 341. 31 For example the Psalter-Ritual of Fleury (Orleans, BM 123), p. 249-50 (the book is paginated not foliated), and the Bible in Orleans (BM 13),f. 228; forthe lattersee CAHN(note 20)no. 78 ; F. Dioos, Les anciens manuscrits de Fleury, Bulletin trimestriel de 1~societe archeologique et historique de l'Orleanais . n-s II (1962) p. 280. Some photos from each are in the Boite Porcher for Orleans in the Cabinet des Manuscrits, BK, Paris; the same minor initials also occur in the Lactantius Paris, BN n.a.lat . 1663, f. 58v. For the latter, see C. SAMAllAN and R. MA! uCHAL, Catalogue des manuscrits en ecriture latine oontenant des indications de date, de lieu ou de copiste (Paris 1962) II, pl. XVIII. · Also of interest here is the reflection of this same motif in the initials of the Lisbon manuscript of CC , see STONF.S and K1tOCWJs(note 8). 32 Paris, Ste. Genevieve 2, f . 170. I thank Walter Cahn for drawing my attention to this manuscript, see CAHN(note 19) no. 98. · 33 Paris, BN lat . 12584, f. 180v. 34 Paris, BN lat. 13779, f. 8. Tue script of ff. 8-31 also presents some similarities to C hand l 's use of capitals for important proper names (also a feature of C's hand 2: did he copy the practice from C' s hand 1 ? ). See SAMAllAN and MA! uCHAL (note 31) IV, i (Paris 1981) p. 39, 41, 43, pl. XIX. One of the British Library manuscripts written by Pierre Guillem, the Rule of St. Benedict , (London, BL Add. 16979), of 1129, also has a (stylistically very different) opening illumination, showing St. Benedict, St. Maur, and monks, reproduced in Tue Palaeographical Society Facsimiles of Manusc ripts andlnscriptions (London 1873-1883) III, p. 96-7, pl. 62 andin M . SCHAP1Ro, New Documents on Saint-Gilles. Art Bulletin 17 (1935) p. 415-431, fig . 21; see also A. WATSON, Catalogue of Dated and Datable Manuscripts c.700-1(,00 in the Department of Manuscripts, Tue British Library (London 1979) no. 174, pl. 68, and U. WINZEll, S. Gilles . Studien zur Rechtsstatus und Beziehungsnetz einer Abtei im Spiegel ihrer Memorialüberlieferung Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften 59 (Munich 1988)p . 97-106; Pierre Guillem's Martyrologyis BLAdd. 16918 (WATSONno. 168, pl. 69 and WINZEll p . 106-133). His other works are the Miracles (Paris, BN lat. 13779, ed. Analecta Bollandiana 9 (1890] p. 393-422 and Wolfenbüttel Cod. Guelf. 4. 3. Aug . 4 °, ed. Ph. J APPll in MGHS XII [1856] p. 288, 316-323), composed in their original form between 1121 and 1124, and the Liber Pontifica/ is (Vatican City, BAV, Vat. lat. 3726), written in 1142, while he was at the priory of St- Gilles d'Acey (dioc. Reims), and Tortosa, Cathedral Archives 246, described in E. BAYllRllI BBRTOMBU, Los C6dices Medievales de la Catedral de Tortosa (Barcelona 1962) p . 412-6 . Tue possible stylistic link between the BN Life of St. Giles and C is particularly interesting because the Miracles of St.,Giles and those of St. James (C' s Book II) are in some instances the same (both have miracles about a grave sin being erased from a scroll and about a hanged man brought back to life), and DAVIDhas postulated either a direct relationship between them, or a common dependency on the same source . See DAVID(note 8) pts . II and IV. HoHLBR (note 8) p. 52-55 believes the two authors must have ,known onJ another and that the wording of the section on St. Giles in Book V of Cis intended to be insulting . I thank Christopher Hohler for drawing my attention to the Tortosa 144 Codex Calixtinus.indd 159 Codex Calixtinus.indd 159 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 lt is notable that the dominant elements in C's style reflect currents developed around the turn of the eleventh century and that C's figure style and drapery show no trace of the more progressive approach to form manifested in the compartmentalized drapery with solid areas of white highlighting characteristic of the Angers manuscripts, including Angers 25 (fig . 3) , Poitevin wall-painting or, to a lesser degree, the Limoges books (figs. 5, 20) and which is also related to English early twelfth-century painting, as Larry Ayres, Fran~ois Avril and Elizabeth Burin have shown. 35 If some similar elements of C's figure-style can also be found among northeastem French books, the parallels are probably best explained by the all-pervasive influence of Anglo-Norman illumination in northern France in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries . Thus the faces, draperies and border motifs in such examples as Douai 3, f. 69 (Bible from Marchiennes); Cambrai 357, f.1 (Pauline Epistles); Cambrai 234(224), f.2 (Sacramentary) ; and the Bibles, Paris, BN lat. 253, ff . 57v, 179v, Reims 22, f. 174, Reims 23, f. 25, 36 would be similar manifestations of the same kinds of influences as those reflected in west-central France and in C , rather than direct contributors to C. There are also examples in Spain of figures showing the influence of the Anglo- Norman coloured line-drawing technique with its swinging pleated drapery and beaded hems, such as the 1129 Carta de Arras in Valladolid. 37 The frontal figure type reappears in the Libro de los Testamentos in Oviedo of comparable date, 38 and there are echos of the hair style of St. James in the Avila Bible of the midtwelfth century . 39 lt is hard, however, to see the St. James portrait as a derivative of any ofthem. lt is also notable that the Cartulary of Santiago, Tumbo A, commissioned by Archbishop Diego Gelmirez and begun in 1129 by the chancellor Bernard the Treasurer, contains an important series of ruler-portraits that stand in no artistic relationship whatsoever to C (fig. 16). 40 Similarly unrelated to the figure-style of C manuscript, whose presence in Spain is of enormous interest; Tortosa also has a 12th c. copy of selections of the Miracles of St. James, MS 197 (see BAYBRRI BBRToMEU) . 35 L. M. AYRBS , The Role of an Angevin Style in English Romanesque Painting, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 36 (1974) p . 193-223 . The manuscript most relevant to C's figure style is the Le Mans Missal (New York, PierpontMorgan Library, MS Glazier 17, in AYRBS, p . 209, fig . 23) . For the Angevin style see also A VIII. (note 19), p. 164-175 and E. BU111N, Reflexions sur quelques aspects de l 'enluminure dans l' ouest de la France au XIIe siecle: le manuscrit latin 5323 de la Bibliotheque nationale, Bulletin monumental 143 (1985) p . 209-225 . See also J .M . SHEPPAaD, The Giffard Bible , Bodleian Library, Laud Mise. 752 (New York and London, 1986). For English parallels with C's initial style see below . 36 Photographs by C. R. Dodwell and Marie Farquar Montpetit at the Conway Library, Courtauld Institute . 37 See the catalogue Las Edades del Hombre, Libros y Documentos en la Iglesia de Castilla y Le6n (Burgos 1990) no . 178, pl. I thank Carla Lord for kindly acquiring this catalogue forme. 38 Oviedo, Arch . Catedral, Libro g6tico o de los Testamentos, made for bishop Pelayo (1101-29) , with documents up to 1118 . See A. Mnuiws CARLO , Tratado de Paleografia espafiola (Madrid 1983) II, pl. 180, F. J . FEllNANDEZ CoNDe, EI libro de los testamentos de la Catedral de Orvieto (Rome 1971), and Y. LuAces(note 26) p. 379-80 . 39 Burgos , Bibi. Provincial Ms 846, particularly on the lower half of the full-page Genesis miniature ; but I see no other points of similarity . See CAHN(note 20), no. 141 and Las edades del hombre (n. 37) no. 18, pl. , with previous literature . 40 Tumbo Ais written in Carotine minuscule, not Visigothic script; the cartulary was planned in 1127 145 Codex Calixtinus.indd 160 Codex Calixtinus.indd 160 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 is the illustration in the Sahagun books, in imported styles related to those of Moissac manuscripts. 41 On the other band, the St. James image in C may have contributed towards the prevalence of the frontal portrait in a rectangular frame in the Miscellany of St. Martin of Le6n at San lsidoro, Le6n, c. 1200. 42 The First Campaign: the narrative miniatures Parallels forthe Dream ofCharlemagne image (f. 162, figs.17, 18) pointin some of the same directions, but none of them provide sources for all the elements of the composition in C. The closest models are again found in manuscripts of the late eleventh or early twelfth centuries : the line-drawn Life of St. Martin of Tours shows a fairly comparable modulus for its scene of the Vision of St. Martin (fig. 19); 43 the more heavily painted Bible of Saint-Yrieix (fig. 20) provides, in its when Alfonso VII conceded the chancery to Archbishop Diego and the first chancellor was Bernard the Treasurer, so identified by P. RASsow,Die Urlcunden Kaiser Alfons' VII. von Spanien, Archiv für Urlcundenforschung 10 (1926-8) p. 327-468, on p. 340-342, and also known for his worlc on the fountain of St. James, described in the Pilgrim 's Guide (eh. IX, W 379), bearing his name and the date 1122, and the water-worlcs associated with it, which brought in water in a stone-covered conduit from a mile away to the fountain and to the monastery of San Martin Pinario (HC p. 369- 372). For Bemard see also B.F. REli.LY, The Chancery of Alfonso VII of Le6n-Castilla: The Period 1116-1135 Reconsidered, Speculum 51 (1976) p. 243-261. The prologue to Twnbo A says the compilation was begun in 1129; the section associated with that date is ff. 1-40. Bemard remained as chancelloruntil his falling out with Diego Gelmfrez in 1133; he died in Burgos a year later. DIAZ YDIAZ, MoRALEJo, Ai..sINA(note 7) p. 29. Fig. 16 here shows the portrait ofRaymond of Burgundy (d. 1107). 41 The Charter of San Salvatore de Villacete (Madrid, Museo Arqueol6gico Nacional) and the Missal of San Facundo (Madrid, BN Vitr. 20-8), discussed by S. MoRALEJo, The Tomb of Alfonso Ansurez (d. 1093): lts Place and the Role of Sahagun in the Beginnings of Spanish Romanesque Sculpture in Santiago, Saint-Denis and St. Peter. The Reception of the Roman Liturgy in Le6n-Castile in 1080, ed. B. Rmu,y (New Yorlc 1985) p . 63-100 at p. 74. See also M. SCHAP1Ro, From Mozarabic to Romanesque at Silos, Art Bulletin 21 (1939) p. 363, n. 161, reprinted in Selected Papers I, Romanesque Art (New Yorlc 1977). For the Moissac parallels see J. DUFoUR, La bibliotheque et le scriptoriwn de Moissac (Geneva/ Paris 1972). 42 Las edades del hombre (note 37) no. 116, pl. of SL Martin; see also the portrait of SL Isidore on the cover of M. AMPA»-o V ALCAllCB, El Dominio de la Real Colegiata de S. lsidoro del Le6n hasta 1189 (Le6n 1985), and A. ViRAYOGoN"ZALEZ and E. FERNANDl! Z GoNZI.LEz, Abecedario-bestiario de los c6dices de Santo Martino (Le6n 1985). Although text was begun in 1185, the illwnination is ascribed to c.1200 by A. ViRAYoGoN"ZALEZ, El Scriptorium medieval del monasterio de San lsidoro de Le6n y sus conexiones Europeas, in: Coloquio sobre circulacion de codices y escritos entre Europa y la peninsula en los siglos Vill-XIII 1982, Actas (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p 209- 238 and E. FERNANDl! Z GoNZALl! Z, Las miniaturas de los codices Martinianos in Isidoriana I, Santa Martino de Le6n, in: Ponencias del I Congreso lntemacional sobre Santo Martino en el Vill centenario de su obra literaria 1185-1985 (Le6n 1987) p. 513-550.1 thank John Williams forthese references. 43 Tours, BM 1018, f. 9v. PoaCHER(note 21 ), no. 227, cites links with Mont-Saint-Michel manuscripts; J.J.G. Ax.mwn>a, Norman lliwnination at Mont-Saint-Michel, 966-1100 (Oxford l 970)p. 202, sees it as close to Le Maos style and also (p. 203) to Poitevin arid Limousin painting and manuscripts, including Paris, B.N. laL 8 and Angers, BM 25 (on which see also notes 19 and 21 above ), as weil as to the Vatican Terence (Vatican City , BAV, Vat.LaL3305), attributed to Tours by LW. J oNBSand C.R. MORBY, The Miniatures ofthe Manuscripts ofTerence (Princeton 1931) I, p. 163-174. AVRII. (note 19, p. 177) derives the style of the Cartulary of Robert de Torrigny, abbot of Mont-Saint- Michel (1154-86), Avranches, BM 210, from the region of central and westem France; it also has 146 Codex Calixtinus.indd 161 Codex Calixtinus.indd 161 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 illustration of David and the Shulamite, some fairly similar architectural motifs of round turrets with palmette-like tiles (though used with round arches, not a rectilinar frame) and a bed with two layers of drapery with pleats and linear folds, the bottom sheet somewhat misunderstood in C's version. 44 The two narrative scenes on f. 162v (figs. 21, 22) do not achieve the same level of artistic competence as the Dream of Charlemagne and the portrait initials and are probably to be considered the work of a less proficient artist. lt is not altogether clear , in the case of the warriors standing, what exactly is supposed tobe happening. The later illustrated CC manuscripts do little to elucidate the meaning of the narrative scenes in C. As in C , the three narrative miniatures illustrating Book IV in the British Library and Vatican manuscripts are on two pages (of which the second is missing in the British Library manuscript), grouped as Charlemagne's vision of St. James on one page, Charlemagne and his warriors setting out and the warriors alone on the other page, with, originally, the titulus to Book IV beneath. 45 In the Salamanca manuscript the arrangement is different as all three scenes are grouped within one frame on a single folio (fig. 23). This arrangement makes for a somewhat greater degree of coherence among the three narrative scenes. The Salamanca manuscript's interpretation of the dream might be considered superior, as it includes St. James pointing to the Christians being killed by Sarracens, the elimination of which is the point of Charlemagne's mission, a detail lacking in the other manuscripts. The treatment of the two warrior scenes in the Salamanca copy does little to clarify what it is exactly that the bottom scene is meant to show, but the inclusion ofboth warriors and civilians would perhaps suggest that the story of the campaign is being recounted to those who stayed behind . 46 Stylistic parallels for the warrior scenes are not readily apparent, but I draw attention again to the fullpage line drawing of Ahimelech handing a sword and bread to David, surrounded by figures with swords, on one of the two full-page miniatures that precede the text in the Commentary of St. Augustine on the Psalms (Sta. Scolastica, Subiaco, MS a somewhat cornparable vision scene on f. 4v, but one that is stylistically later than c• s version. Also of interest here are the seven initials in Oxford, Bod. Laud Mise. 752 which SHEPPARD (note 35, p. 70- 74) attributes to the Solomon Master, and places in the Central Loire. Her comparisons include Tours 1018; Bordeaux l ; Paris, Chambre des Deputes 2; Le Mans 214 . 44 Saint-Yrieix , Mairie , MS 1, f. 93v, beginning of the twelfth century. GABOarr-CttoPIN (note 21) p . 130-40, 147, 212-3, pi. 168 and CAHN(note 20) no. 108. 45 This inscription was painted out in the seventeenth-century alterations to C, but copied in the Vatican manuscript , and was presumably on the leaf missing from the British Library copy . 46 In C and the Vatican manuscript the knights seem tobe discussing and pointing, and one is pulling at his beard; I thank James Graham-Campbell for referring me to the analysis of this motif by PER G1AE1WA11., The Beard as an Iconographical Feature in the Viking Period and the Early Middle Ages, Acta Archaeologica 35 (1964) p. 95-114. Apart from the eminently suitable initial scene of the Vision, it can hardly be said that the subjects of the other two scenes represent notable high points in the narrative , unlike , for instance, the Charlemagne window at Chartres, on which see R. LBJEUNE and J . ST1ENN0N , La Legende de Roland dans l' art du moyen iige (Brussels 1966) I, p. 194-6 and C . MAoois , Tue Charlemagne Window at Chartres Cathedral, New considerations on Text and Image , Speculum 52 (1977) p . 801 -23 . For relations with the Saint-Denis Crusade window see E.A.R. BRoWNand M .W. C<mDtl! N , Tue Twelfth-Century Crusading Window of the Abbey of Saint-Denis : Praeteritorum enim recordatio futurorum est exhibitio, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986) p. 1-40. 147 Codex Calixtinus.indd 162 Codex Calixtinus.indd 162 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Allodi 21, Februi 22, MS CXXI, Cat. no . 124) ofuncertain provenance 47 and to the equestrian knights on the canon tables in the Bible of Saint-Benigne (Dijon, BM MS 2, fig. 24), whose dragon and foliage motifs also offer some similarities to C, although the faces of the figures are markedly unlike C' s. 48 There may also be some echos of the architectural forms and the treatment of the knights in the second Bible of St-Martial, Limoges, while the Homiliary BN lat.1627 has somewhat comparable drawings of knights. The First Campaign : the foliage and dragon initials With three exceptions, the foliage and dragon initials are by one illuminator, who is probably also the major illuminator of the historiated initials and miniature of Charlemagne 's dream, because the same foliage appears on the Calixtus and Turpin initials and on the initial with aheadon f. 121 (figs. 2, 27, 25). He draws the fleshy leaf and dragon forms in blue, red, or green in a coloured outline technique, the dragon and foliage set against solid backgrounds painted in a combination of powder-blue, dark green and ochre (figs. 31, 35, 36, 41 , 44, 46), as also in the Calixtus and Turpin portraits (figs. 25, 27). Two initials, on ff. 24v and 31v (figs. 28, 30) seem to be by less competent , but nontheless contemporary, painters: on f. 24v the brown outline is dominant , the foliage less fleshy, drawn only in green and ochre, and set against a plain ochre background. The male head terminal has features that do not recur in the rest of the illumination. The initial on f. 31v also has forms that are less broadly treated than in the work of the main initial painter, but this time the colours used by that painter reappear both on the leaf and dragon forms and also in the background . Was this initial outlined by the artist off. 24v and coloured by the main initial painter? Tue other initial that stands apart from the work of the main illuminator is the curious initial on f. 179 (fig. 48), the only foliage and dragon initial in the work of the second scribe . Its background is coloured in the red and blue common in the minor initials in scribe 2's work, as shown below, yet its dragon and foliage are less sophisticated in their emde brown ink drawing than the more finely articulated and more subtly coloured leaf and dragon initials that go with the script of hands lA and lB (figs . 31, 35, 36, 41 , 44, 46) . 50 lt may have been copied from an earlier model, or left unfinished, or both . 47 STONF.S (note 11), p. 206, n. 10. Photographs at the Conway Llbrary, Courtauld Institute. See G. M..xzATINTI, Inventari dei manoscritti delle Biblioteche d'Italia I (Forli 1890) p . 184. 48 I thank Walter Cahn for suggesting this parallel . See CAHN(note 20), no. 65 and Y. ZAwsicA, L ' enluminune et le scriptorium de Cileaux au XII" siecle (Cileaux 1989) no . 88, p. 262-3 . 49 The second bible of St-Martial, Limoges, is Paris, BNlat. 8, I, f. 91, reproduced in colour in CAHN (note 20), pi. 127; for·the image of St . James the Less in this Bible sec note 21 above . For BN laL 1627, from Pootlevoy near Chartres, sec note 59 below and SAMAJtAN and MAiuow. (note 31) II p. 77 pi. CXCVII ; another similar Pontlevoy manuscript, partly copied by the same scribe, is Blois BM 44; its Nativity scene on f. 8 presents an interesting comparisoo for Charlemagne in bed, but the minor initials are quite unlike C's. See SAMARAN and MAiuaw. (note 3 1) VII (1984), p. 103. 50 The colour reproductioo, plate IIIb, in DfAzv DfAz(note 2) is oddly distorted, giving the initial and accompanying script a lateral compressi oo that they do not have . 148 Codex Calixtinus.indd 163 Codex Calixtinus.indd 163 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Once againthe stylistic origins of the major initial style of C are ultimately tobe found in the Channel region c.1100. The point is most clearly made in the comparison between the Turpin initial (fig. 25) and the large inhabited initial T in the British Library's Astronomical Treatise (fig. 26). lt offers the same kind .of parallel as the Carilef Bible St. Michael image to C' s portrait of St. James: a close formal similarity , here showing the same use of interlace, foliage and enclosed figure, but one that reflects, in C, less sketchy exuberance, a firmer control of line and fleshier leaf forms. 51 For the initials with foliage motifs and dragons alone , however, parallels in Normandy c.1100 are less apposite because the type , in the more developed form in which it occurs in C, with thick stems and fleshy leaves, beading and ' caps ' and heavily articulated wings on the dragons, can be found, in another generation or less, throughout northem France and soon after in the Iberian peninsula and in England as well. 52 The range of possible parallels becomes bewildering and the meaning of the formal similarities obscure , while the exact details of C' s initials are never quite replicated anywhere eise. One point is, however, clear: the group to which C's initials belong does not include thin-stemmed interlace such as is characteristic of the manuscripts of Limoges, Albi, and the south-west, where deep blue, yellow and red also tend to be the dominant colours that find no parallel in C. 53 The paradox here is that a number of books whose figure style or draperies seemed to some extent relevant to C's, like the second Bible of St-Martial and the St-Yrieix Bible, have nothing whatever to do with C's initial style . Among the manuscripts whose figure style looks like C's there are some examples where the parallel can also be made for the initials in terms of foliage motif, dragons' wings, mask-head motifs or party-coloured backgrounds without a black outline; although, as with the figure style, none of the parallels are so exact a match as to suggest the reappearance of C's major painter. Not only his precise forms, but also his palette are very difficult to match. lt is again the manuscripts whose technique is line drawing in colour with wash in the backgrounds that seem closest to C elements of the one foliage initial in the Acts of the Bishops of Le 51 London, BLRoyal 13. A. XI, f. 22. See H. BoeEll,An illustrated Medieval School-Book: of Bede's De Natura Rennn, Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 19-20 (1956-7) p . 64-97, esp . p. 77 . Bober gives its date as 'possibly of the early twelfth-century ' and cites the opinion of Jones that it is 'possibly a transcript of material brought to England with Abbo of Aeury ' (C.W . JoNES, Bedae opera de temporibus (Cambridge, Mass . 1943) p. 153. Whether French or English , it must also be the kind of source on which the similar configuration of the inhabited T initial in the Lincoln Bible (Lincoln Cathedral Library MS A. 1. 2, f. 70v), is based, as also the comparable initial in Le Mans, BM 227 . The Lincoln Bible is cited by S1CAJtT (note 13, p. 80) as a parallel forC's T initial . lt is most recently published in R.M . THoMPSON, Lincoln Cathedral Manuscripts (Woodbridge 1989), with earlier references , and reproduced in oolour on the cover . 52 Initials with ' caps ' are thought to begin c. 1120 in England, as in the Mostyn Psalter (New Yorlc, Morgan Library, MS M 777); see BURJN(note 35) at p. 220, n . 48, citing P . DANZSTlllNBMANN, The Copenhagen Psalter (Diss ., Columbia University 1975) p. 55-6, 63-108 . See also C.M. KAUPPMANN , Romanesque Manuscripts 1066-1190, A Survey of Manuscripts Illuminated in the British Isles, ill, ed. J.J .G. Alexander (London 1975) no. 25, pl. 57. 53 lt is notable that Pierre Guillem's books , one of which is referred to above (note 34) forparallels with C' s faces, do not have this kind of foliate initial . 149 Codex Calixtinus.indd 164 Codex Calixtinus.indd 164 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Mans (Le Mans 224, fig. 37), 54 aspects of the dragons in the Loches Bible (fig. 38), 55 and the dragons and some of the leaf forms in the Gradual and Antiphonary of St-Maur-des-Fosses (fig. 39). 56 The Fleury Psalter-Ritual mentioned above for the motifs on its minor initials has fully painted foliate initials on coloured grounds in red and blue (figs. 45, 47) that display considerable similarity to C's leaves and backgrounds, although the colours of C's backgrounds are ochre, light blue and dark green. 57 The foliage on the less well-drawn initials, particularly C ff . 24, 31 (figs. 28, 30), have curly bud forms that are reminiscent of aspects of the foliage treatment in the Homiliary (Angers 243, fig. 29). 58 Somewhat more developed, with figures in a more fluid style and dragons with marked nested 'Vs', both quite unlike C's, is the Lives of Saints, BN lat. 5323; but it has foliage initials with fleshy stems, cross-hatching, and 'caps' on the heads of leaves in the initials done by its first painter (fig. 33), all ofwhich do have parallels in C. 59 There are also echoes of the same kinds of foliage, with curling leaves, cross-hatching, fleshy stems, and 'caps' in English manuscripts, such as the first volume ofthe Oxford Bible (Auct E. inf. 1-2), made in Winchester (fig. 34), 60 but in those books the figures have pleated drapery more like C' s St. James, with not a hint of the nested 'Vs' that set the Paris Legendary somewhat apart. As with the figure style of C, certain features of C's initials can also be found in manuscripts from the region of Douai, Reims, and further south in Burgundy. The Bible Reims 22 (fig. 42) has a snake entwined through the vertical bars of an initial, somewhai like dragon and snake ones on ff. 48v and 118v of C (figs. 36, 41 ); 61 the Douai Commentary on the Psalms, MS 44 from Marchiennes, has 'capped' leaves, beading, and similar tones of pale blue. 62 The Bible of Saint-Benigne (fig. 40) has comparable foliage with beading and 'caps', a mask-head and ugly profile human heads (quite unlike the full-size humans on the same canon-table, who look nothing like C's figures) on some of its canon tables; 63 and the Martyrology of St-Benigne 54 f. 113; see note 28. 55 Paris, Ste Genevieve 1, f. 139v; see note 32. 56 f. 169; see note 33. 57 P. 1, 33. Tue backgrowids look touched up; for the party-coloured effect with a strong diagonal see C's full-page miniature (fig. 21) where the colours have certainly been repainted. See also note 31. 58 Photographs at the Conway Libraiy, Courtauld Institute. 59 See GABORIT-CHom< (n. 21), p. 149; AYRES(n. 35), p. 213; and particularly BURIN(note 35), who emphasizes links with Le Mans (p. 215,218), recognizes the connection with the style of C's foliate initials and points also to parallels in a homilies from Pontlevoy near Chartres (Paris, BN lat. 1627) and a bible fragment possibly from Savigny (Paris, BN n.a.laL 2652); ibid., pp. 217,220; BN lat. 1627 has a mask heads quite like C's, but the leaves are not 'capped' nor are the dragons' wings as clearly defined, but the knights on ff. 155v and 156 are interestingly close to C' s, see note 49 above. Tue martyrology, Rule and obituaiy of Pontlevoy, Blois BM 44, also has dragon initials and an interesting Nativity scene, see note 49 above. BN n.a.laL2652 has somewhat similar foliate initials, some with mask heads, and a 'capped' dragon's wing on f. 55, and it uses a similartone of powder blue, but its minor initials are quite unlike those in C. Tue second style in BNlat. 5323 has no parallel in C: it has the thin-stalked palmettes, tight interlace and bright yellows of Limoges initials of the early twelfth centuiy . 60 Seenote 29. 61 But the motif is Norman in origin, see Rouen, BM 467(A 85), f. 121. 62 Photographs at the Conway Libraiy, Courtauld Jnsitute. 63 My thanks again to Walter Cahn; see note 48. 150 Codex Calixtinus.indd 165 Codex Calixtinus.indd 165 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 (Dijon 634) has initials set against multi-colours with curling leaves (some with embryonic 'caps') and beading (fig. 32). 64 The Iberian peninsula reflects some of the same trends in the twelfth century. The instances seem to be sporadic and they are poorly published, so that it is difficult tobe clear as to whether the books with fleshy leaf decoration are isolated instances of the importation of Northem French style, as opposed to the southem and south-westem styles referred to above, or are part of a general pattem of intemal development 65 Little seems to link, for instance, the Lerida Psalter of 1121, with its concentric circle scrollwork of undeveloped foliage, to the Homiliary of St. Augustine in Barcelona, which has dragons and more developed leaves; 66 closer to C's leaf types, though without the fine lines, cross-hatching or 'caps', is the B initial in the Vieh Psalter. 67 Particularly in the second half of the twelfth 64 Photographs at the IRHT, Orleans. See ZALusKA (note 48) p. 147. 65 There are many further instances of Hispano-French links from the early 11th century like those between Fleury and Ripoll noted by F.J.E. RAsv,Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (Oxford 1957') Il, p. 236-247 and P. DRoNKE, Medieval Latin and the Rise of the European Love-Lyric (Oxford 1965-6) II, p. 339, to which Jeanne Krochalis kindly drew my attention. After the imposition of the Roman Rite in the Peninsula in 1080, the role of the Cluniacs led to the importation of both clergy and service books; they reflect, however, the styles of decoration current in Limoges, Moissac and the South, primarily characterized by the thin-stemmed palmette leaf initials that have nothing to do with the foliate initials of C. This is the case of the imported books at Silos (M. SCHAPIRO [note 411), San Millan (GABORIT-CHOPIN [note 21, p. 26, 214-51), Sahagun (M.-C . GARAND, Le scriptoriuin de Ouny, carrefour d'influences aux Xle siede: le ms. Paris, BN n.a.lat. 1548, Journal des Savants [1977] p. 257-283 257-283) and Toledo (ibid.), both thelaner largely due to abbot Bemard of Sahagun, monk of St-Orens, Auch, scribe at Ouny, abbot of Sahagun (1080- 85) and Archbishop of Toledo (lo<JS-1124). See the Sahagun missal, Madrid, BN Vitr. 20-8 (J. JANINI and J. SlllUtANo, Manuscritos liturgicos de la Biblioteca Nacional [Madrid 1969], no. 199, p. 248-251), dated by a lener of Abbot Hugh of Ouny to abbot Bemard of Sahagun; and Toledo, Bibl.Cap. 44-1, Antiphonary and Responsory (J. JANINI and R. GoNZALEZ, Catalogo de los manuscritos liturgicos de 1aCatedral de Toledo [Toledo 1977], no. 165, pl. 179, pl. 12). For the related sculpture at Sahagun see MoRALWo (note 41). At Braga the early importation of liturgical books from southem France can be tied to the transfer of Geraud, monk of Moissac, to the archbishopric of Braga (lo<J5-l lo<J). J .O . 8RAOAN,; : A compares the litanies of the eleventh-century psalter (Oxford, Bodl . d'Orville 45 [SC 169231), written c. 1026 at Moissac, and the thirteenth-century Pontifical of Braga (Lisbon BN Ale . CXXXVIIl [162]) in Moissac e Braga . 0 Distrito de Braga. II (1964) p. 189-195 (photograph of Alc.162, ff. 76v-77). For the Pontifical of Braga (Porto, BM 1134) of the second half of the twelfth century, see J.O. BRAoAN,; : A, Pontifical de Braga do seculo 12, Didaskalia 7 (1977) p . 309-397; for the Missal of Mateus (dioc. Vila Real), see idem, Missal de Mateus, manuscrito 1000 da Biblioteca publica e Arquivo distrital de Braga (Lisbon, 1975) with transcription of the text but no illustrations. The feast of St. James is in the calendar on July 25, not in October or December; on May 22 is the entry ln Braccara: Translatio corporis S. Jacobi mr. No special mass is included in the text. Tue manuscript is ascribed to the second quarter of the twelfth century and is based, according to Bragan~. on texts from the region of Quercy, particularly Figeac and Moissac . Numerous manuscript fragments of the twelfth century in Visigothic script and in Caroline are at Braga: see P. AVEI.INo DB Jl! SUS DA U>STA, A Biblioteca eo Tesouro da Se de Brago nos seculos XV [sie] a XVIIl (Braga 1985) p. 278-283 (extremely sketchy descriptions but many illustrations). For Tuy, see P. GAUNDORoMBO,Tuy en 1a baja Edad Media: siglos XII-XV (Suplemento al tomo XXII de la Espafia Sagrada de P. Florez, 2e ed . (Madrid 1950) p. 98-100. 66 Lerida, Archivo Capitular and Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n, San Cugat 21, figs . 17 and 18 in P. 801110..s, La ilustraci6n y 1adecoraci6n del libro manuscrito en Catalufia (Barcelona 1960). 67 ibid. fig. 21, Vieh, Museo Episcopal, ms 9. 151 Codex Calixtinus.indd 166 Codex Calixtinus.indd 166 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 century, the monastic networks were important factors in the transmission of foliage and dragon initials, especially the Cistercian order, reflecting Burgundian styles: the choir book (Lisbon BN 115, fig. 49), 68 whose beaded dragons echo C's, the Missals of Alcoba~a, 69 and the choir books of Las Huelgas, 70 both groups substantially later than C. At the same time, books like Gregory's Commentary on Job in Burgo de Osma, although written in 'letra francesa' displays a repertoire of foliage motifs, dragons, colours, that are highly original and have little to do with a painting style that is imported from France. 71 The First Campaign: minor initials Minor initials in two distinct styles accompany the work of the two major scribes . The minor initials in the work of the first scribes (lA, lB, l C and the added halfleaf on f. 128, by a fourth scribe) forma reasonably coherent group bot one that can be divided among three, or perhaps four, individuals . 72 68 See R. oos SANTos, Oito Seculos de Arte Portuguesa, ill (Llsbon 1970) p. 252, pl. 337 (12th c., not 14th). In the absence of adequately illustrated publications dealing with Iberian manuscripts, the best source of photographic documentation for Iberia is the microfilm collection at HMML, although the complete microfilms are in black and white ; the level of illumination recorded in colour generally does not extend to non-historiated decoration. Thomas Arnos kindly informs me that Lisbon, BN 115 is an incomplete Cistercian antiphonary of the late twelfth or early thirteenthcentury bound with a fourteenth-century Hymnal ; although it lacks positive evidence of ownership by Alcoba~, Dr. Arnos thinks that its decoration is highly comparable to that of Alcoba~ books of the early thirteenth century and that Alcoba~a is the most likely provenance. The manuscript is mutilated at the beginning, so evidence of early ownership is now missing. I am also grateful to Willene Oark, Monique-Cecile Garand, Isaias da Rosa Pereira and Yolanta Za½uska for helpful discussion of Alco~ manuscripts. 69 See particularly Lisbon, BN Alcoba~ CLVJI(259), CLV (249), CLVill(251), CUX(252), CLX(253), and the Legendary CCLXXXIV(418), CCLXXXV(419), CCLXXXV(420), CCLXXXVill(422), CCXXXVJI(421), in T. L AMos, The Fundo Alcoba~ of the Biblioteca Nacional , Lisbon, II: Manuscripts 151-301, Collegeville, Minnesota (1989) and J. BLACJC, ibid., m, Collegeville, Minnesota (1990). For dated Alcoba~ books sec lsALU DA ROSA PERE.iaA , Dois evangeliarios dos seculos XII e xm existentes na Biblioteca Nacional. Revista da Biblioteca Nacional I (1981) p. 26-38 (two plates ), and Quelques manuscrits dates du fonds Alcoba~ (Lisbonne), in: Calames et Cahiers: Melanges de codicologie et de paleographie offerts a Leon Gil issen (Brussels 1985) p. 133-7; see also Biblioteca Nacional de Lisboa. Inventario dos C6dices Alcobacenses (Lisbon 1930-32), 3 vols . For the Legendary sec F . D01.al! Au, Le Legendier d'Alcoba~. Histoire et analyse, Analecta Bollandiana 102 (1984) p. 263-296, where it is dated sornetime between 1170 and 1190. None of these secondary worics is adequately illustrated, nor do the plates in the major palaeographical study of the Alcoba~ and Lorväo manuscripts have illustrations showing the decoration: J.M. BURNHAM, Palaeographica Iberica, Fac-similes de manuscrits espagnols et portugais (IXe-XVe siecles) 2 vols . (Paris 1912, 1925). See also R . oos SANTOS, Les principaux manuscrits a peintures conserves en Portugal, Bulletin de la Societe fran~ise pour la reproduction de manuscrits a peintures, XIV (Paris 1932) and J. BAIIIU! laA, Arte portuguesa: Pintura (Lisbon n.d.). 70 See S. HEDBo GoNzAu! z, Codices Miniados en el Real Monastero de Las Huelgas (Barcelona/ Madrid 1988). 71 Burgo de Osma, Cathedral Library 126. Las Edades del Hombre caL no . 77 (note 37). 72 The texts on f. 221 have coloured initials in red but without any flourishing and it is not possible to link them with the rest of the decoration in the codex; ff. 222 -25 are undecorated. 152 Codex Calixtinus.indd 167 Codex Calixtinus.indd 167 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 One decorator was responsible for the three-line minor initials on the added halfleaf (fig. 50). These are distinct from the rest in that they are all in red with green flourishing, and the green flourishing is not quite like what is found in the other minor initials; the letter forms are similar to what is found on the facing pages, suggesting that the addition of this half-leaf (containing the Mass for the feast of the Miracles of St. James, Oct. 3) occurred not too long after the completion of C by hands 1. There are some echos of this kind of red and green initial in one of the important Turpin manuscripts, Paris BN lat. 13774 (fig. 51). 73 The other initials in the script written by scribes lA, 1B and lC range in size from two to ten or more lines and are of altemating colours red, blue, green and yellow in various combinations, generally of two colours, and three for the largest initials (e: g. f. 94, fig. 53). Many ofthem also have voided bars thatreveal the blank parchment, and generally their terminals end in foliage-like buds , often with outlined trefoil motifs. Similar leaf-like buds spew forth, in the same red colour, from the mouth of a dragon terminal in the major initial on f. 48v (fig. 36), and there is a trefoil with some multifoil 'flowers' on f. 118v (fig. 41), suggesting that this illuminator also played a substantial part in the execution of the minor initials . Parallels for these intials are both obvious and obscure. In general these are the kinds of minor initials current, like the sources of the figure-style and the major foliage and dragons initials, in Normandy at the turn of the twelfth century, in such books as the Carilef Bible; 74 yet in C they are more developed, in more vibrant colours, without the maroon of the Norman and Western French books. As before, manuscripts with similar figure style or comparable foliate initials do not necessarily provide the closest parallels for the minor initials of C, while two-colour minor initials with an outer coloured line with decorative protuberances are extremely widespread: they occur, for instance in the Missal of Barbechat (BN n.a.lat. 1890); 75 liturgical books from Nevers (BN n.a.lat. 1235 and especially 1236), both important parallels for the musical notation in C's musical supplement; 76 BN lat. 13224 from Saint-Germain-des-Pres 77 and BN lat.13882, a Martyrology of Saint- Germain-des-Pres of the mid 12th c. 78 Two further comparisons may be apposite: a Lives of Saints in Le Mans (fig. 52) 79 displays somewhat comparable forms in its 73 Siglurn A6, Mmumrm-JoNm' base manuscript (note 14). See also J. HollllENT, Notes de critique textuelle surle Pseudo-Turpin du Codex Calixtinus et du MS B.N .nouv.fonds laL 13774, Le Moyen Age 81 (1975) p . 37-62 . lt laclcs Book I. 74 See note 26 . 75 V. U! aOQUAIS, Les Sacramentaires et les missels manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France (Paris 1924) L p . 317-9, no . 159. 76 M. HuOI.O, Reglement du Xllle siecle pour la transcription des livres notes, in: Festschrift Bruno Stäblein zum 70. Geburtstag. ed. Martin Ruhnke (Kassel 1967) p. 121-133, esp. 130 and HuOLO's paper in this colloquium. 77 See particularly f. 93v which has an initial E on an ochre ground with a red outline, highly comparable to C' s method of outlining used on the Turpin initial and the SL James portraiL See V. U! ROQUAIS Les Breviaires manuscrits des bibliotheques publiques de France (Paris 1934) IV, p . 388, no . 991. 78 SAMA11AN and M.waw. (note 31) ill (1974), p. 343, pl. CCXLVll. 79 Le Mans 214, f. 42v . Photos in the Boile Porcher at the BN and at the IRHT , Orleans. The foliate initials, however, are of the soothem/ Llmoges type and are unrelated to C' s. 153 Codex Calixtinus.indd 168 Codex Calixtinus.indd 168 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 minor initials as weil as a range of size and scale similar to the range in C. Tbe other comparison is with the minor initials in Tumba A, wbicb, althougb they are similar in decorative level, are sufficiently different in detail to preclude any connection in the making of the two books (fig. 16). 80 Not all the minor initials display the same level of competence, bowever. The implication is that, bere too, the major illuminator bad assistance from someone, or from more than one person, wbo mainly did single-colour initials, with decorative outlines mucb more restrained, often without bud and leaf terminals, tbe work mostly restricted to initials in a single colour (figs. 59, 60, 62 [top], 64, 66 [top]), generally red. In two sections of the manuscript a variation in the quality of the minor initials is especially noticeable: in Books I and II, particularly in tbe musical section of Book I, wbere tbere are sometimes two or more qualitative levels of initial on tbe same folio (figs. 62, 66), andin the musical supplement after Book V. Tbe initials in tbese sections seem to me to divide up in ways tbat do not altogetber correspond to their locations in the codex: some of the initials of the musical supplement (figs. 56, 57, 61) fit comfortably between the best of those in Books I to V (cf. figs. 54, 55, 58, 62 [bottom] 63, 66 [bottom]), and the less competent ones, wbicb occur predominantly in Books I and II (cf. figs. 59, 60, 62 [top], 64, 66 [top]). I bave argued above that the best-quality minor initials were the work of the principal illuminator; a case could be made that the inferior ones were done by one or more of the scribes. Tbey are closely comparable to the ! arge capitals in the text, particularly to those in the musical sections of Book I, and this is also the context in wbicb ! arge, mostly single-colour, minor decorative initials are most prevalent. Tbere bas been debate as to wbether the musical supplement was added to tbe codex at a later date; but the minor initials in it seem to me to be entirely consistent witb the range of initials of tbe First Campaign, particularly to those in Book I, so tbat I see little reason on the grounds of style to postulate a later phase of execution. As Hendrik van der Werf bas pointed out in this colloquium, the plan to include more after Book V must surely bave been formulated by tbe time the last quaternion was embarked upon, otberwise the scribe, band lB, must bave known that a bifolium would suffice. He can certainly not bave planned to Ieave six leaves of the quire blank. The Second Campaign Only one major initial illustrates the script of the Second Campaign (fig. 48); it is a puzzle and bas been commented upon above. lt may be best to see it as a later fillin by a non-medieval band, done in immitation of the style of tbe major initials of the First Campaign. Certainly authentic are the minor initials of the Second Campaign. The second scribe 81 worked with a single decorator wbo did coloured initials ranging in size between three and ten lines, depending on textual context. They are competently executed, in red and blue, with bars in one colour, often 80 See DfAZ Y DfAZ, MOllAl.l! lo, ALsJNA (note 7). 81 See Appendix A below. 154 Codex Calixtinus.indd 169 Codex Calixtinus.indd 169 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 beaded and flourished in the other (figs. 65, 67-71), and are clearly distinct from the initials of the First Campaign in range of colour, motifs, and delicacy of execution . Appropriate comparisons are again difficult to locate because of the level of decoration involved, the range of possible choices, and the paucity of adequately published sources. From Southem France, the Lectionary (Nimes, BM 14) of 1170, 82 is pertinent, although the N initial reproduced in Samaran and Marichal finds no exact counterpart among the initials of C. The closest parallels, however, are among manuscripts known to have been produced at Santiago itself. First the twelfth-century cartulary of Santiago, Tumbo A, whose earlier phase of execution was mentioned above for the differences between its minor initials and those of C' s First Campaign. 83 The initials of its later campaigns, however, are highly comparable to the kind of decoration found in C ' s Second Campaign (figs . 73-4), and there are also parallels in the script (which I leave aside here). The real difference is one of colour, as brown and red are used for the minor initials in Tumbo A, as opposed to C's reds and blues, but in fonn they are extremely close, and the best comparisons are with the smaller initials in C (figs. 65, 71). These are also the initials that compare most favourably with another Santiago product , and one which has other very significant textual links with C, Ripoll, Arch . de la Corona de Arag6n 99, copied by Amault de Munt, monk of Ripoll in 1173, an abridged selection of the five Books of CC and certain of the supplementary materials present in C. The illumination in R is modest, and its initials all small in scale (figs . 72, 75). Amault's script, characterized by tall ascenders and descenders , shows no relation to that of C's hand 2, which is hardly tobe expected in a scribe who was presumably trained in Catalonia. (We know nothing else about Amault nor what mission took him to Santiago.) Although scholarly attention has been paid the texts ofRipoll books, the studies are unillustrated, and it is unclear therefore to what extent this type of decoration of R, already attested in southem France in 1170 in the Nimes MS, is representative of Ripoll books in general: was it imported to Santiago from Ripoll? 84 Or did Amault have his copy decorated by a local craftsman in Santiago? A possible argument in favour of the latter hypothesis is that the decoration in R changes abruptly towards the end of the codex, and the initials of the last two folios are executed by another, markedly less competent, band (fig. 75). Did Amault have the decorated capitals finished off at Ripoll? Further research on the decoration of 1ate 12th c. Ripoll 82 SAMARAN and M.umw. (note 31) VI (1968) p . 337, pl. XV. 83 ThAz Y Dtu, MolWJ! IO, AulNA (note 7) p. 32-44 . The phase of execution most pertinent here is that of c. 1179. 84 R. BBBll , Die Handschriften des Klosters Santa Maria de Ripoll, in : Stizungsberichte der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, philosophisch-historische Klasse 155, nos . 2-3 (1908) p. 137-70, 230-n, 299-30, 329-65 , 332-4, 492-520 is the basic list (without illustrations). HMML does not have microfilms of the Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n holdings . Only one complete liturgical boolc (a fourteenth-century Missal) from Ripoll and some guard leaf fragments are listed in J. JAN1NI, Manuscritos liturgicos de 1a Bibliotecas de Espafia, II, Aragon, Cataluiia y Valencia (Burgos 1980) nos. 404 and 405, p. 42-3. See also E. M.u: rtNEzFllUANDO, EI Archivo de la Corona de Arag6n (Barcelona 1944) and J. Gtm10L, CllNll.L, La Pintura Medieval Catalana, m, Eis Primitius , tercera part: Els Uibres il.lmninats, (Barcelona 1955), which offers no parallels for the initials in Amault de Munt's manuscript. I thank Kathy Miller for helpful discussion of Ripoll boolcs. 155 Codex Calixtinus.indd 170 Codex Calixtinus.indd 170 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 MSS is needed before this question can be answered; such research lies outside the scope of this enquiry. 85 Stylistic Conclusions The minor coloured initiaß and major foliage and dragon initials of the First Campaign could be characterized as strongly Romanesque; those of the Second Campaign are distinctly proto-Gothic, with colours and decorative flourishing of a type that begins in the second half of the twelfth century but is still found well into the thirteenth. The painting styles of the First Campaign depend on models current in Normandy and the region of the Loire at the turn of the twelfth century, whose influence continues in the region of the Loire and Western France into the second quarter of the twelfth century; although no firm upper limiting date can be established simply by comparing styles, I place the First Campaign of C in the second quarter of the twelfth century with its dates established by the limiting dates of its texts. The initials of the Second Campaign, on the other band, are much more closely linked with Southern France, Spain, and Santiago itself, and dated comparisons suggest that the period of Arnault de Munt's visit is when the rewriting occurred. Might he in some way have occasioned it? We still know little about why the recopying took place . 86 Textual studies make clear that scribe 2 introduced numerous errors and tliat what Amault bad available was, in all probability, a version entirely copied by C's band 1. 87 85 RABY(note 65, p. 236-7) reporu that D'Oi.WERsuggested that Amault de Munt also wrote the famous Ripoll song manuscript, MS 74 (L.N. D'Oi.WER, La Scola poetica de Ripoll en els segles X-XIlI, Institut d'estudis catalans VI [1923) p . 3 ff); the suggestion appears tobe unsubstantiated. I thank Jeanne Krochalis for these references. 86 Häme! ' s interpretation was that the second scribe replaced leaves originally copied by the first scribe, from wbicb decoration had been excised, making recopying a necessity. His argument rests on the quite valid observation that the first scribe uses more abbreviations than the second. By omitting the decorative initials, the second scribe was able, according to Hämel, to more evenly space bis writing wbile occupying the same number of folios. Tue presence of the joined bifolia in quire 21 (see Appendix A) is a stong indication that Häme! ' s inteipretation of the cbronological sequence is substantially rigbt, even if bis allegation that the initials were cut out seems more to reflect a post-reformation mentality than a medieval one, and, in this instance, it is difficult to explain the scribal cbangein terms of the suppression of illumination (see note 13 above). Hämel also brings textual arguments to bear in support of bis argument: that different readings between the Ripoll copy, made in 1173, and C's band 2 sbow that wbat R copied was an earlier version of C, copied before band 2 (HAMBL [note 3] p. 12-21). Tue collation of Book V by STONllS and Klt<XHAUs (note 8) requires no earlier copy than a version written entirely by C's band 1. 87 See previous note and I. SHORT , Tue Pseudo-Tuipin Chronicle: some unnoticed versions and their sources, Medium Aevum 38 (1969) p. 1-22. Sbort compares variants between C, the abridged Ripoll version, and the Galician translation and concludes in favour of the existence of a version earlier than C, but be did not take into account the fact that the key passages in C are copied in band 2. Tue argument can therefore be constructed that C' s band 1 would have preserved the accurate readings, see STONllS and Ka0CHAL1S (note 8). Tue most recent textual arguments in favour of the priority of C are presented in HOIUll! lff (note 73). This leaves the fact that C' s version of Book IV bas extra cbapters not in Mmumrm-JONllS' (note 13) Aversion, and that its miniatures fit poorly with the idea that it is the arcbetype for Book IV: the best solution may still be that it is a textually close, but expanded, copy of BN laL 13774's (illustrated? ) model (MEaEomi-JoNllS' A6). 156 Codex Calixtinus.indd 171 Codex Calixtinus.indd 171 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Interna! evidence for the date of C Tue limiting dates for the texts are as follows: the description of the procession at Compostela in Book IlI must date after archbishop Diego Gelmirez instituted the college of 72 canons in 1120; 88 Book II is likely to have been copied between 1135 and 1139; 89 Book V cannot be earlier than 1137. 90 lt has been thought that the limiting date for Book I was 1144, based on the attribution of one of the songs to the authorship of 'cardinal Robert' who, it has been suggested, was Robert Pullen, cardinal in 1144, dead by 1145. 91 But Robert Pullen is not known to have written this or any song, and the author of the song referred to in its titulus may not be Robert Pullen, the only cardinal of Rome of the right date, but rather one of the canons at Santiago itself, where the title 'cardinal' was also applied to canons in this period, as the text of Book V makes clear. 92 'Cardinal Robert' might conceivably be the same 'Robertus' or 'Rainerius' who, according to Pistoian sources, was canon of Pistoia, studied in Paris and Winchester, then came to Santiago as canon and schoolmaster, and was responsible for arranging the transfer of St. James' relic to Pistoia in 1138. 93 Such an event could have provided the impetus for putting together the compilation and could provide the date of the First Campaign of C, which could then have occurred in the lifetime all the people to whom the prologue 88 M.C. D1AZ y DfAZ, Descripci6n en el siglo XII de una procesi6n en Compostela. Algunos de sus problemas, in: Studia Graecolatina Carmen Sanmillan in Memoriam Dicata, eds . Jesus Garcfa Gonzalez and Andres Pociia Perez (Granada 1988) p. 79-89 , esp. p. 85. 89 The latest of the miracles in Book II occurs in 1135, and the Miracle of 1139 is copied among the texts that follow Book V, presumably because its text was not available when Book II was put together. In later copies of CC it is inserted where it belongs, at the end of Book II . DfAz Y D1AZ (as note 2) resumes discussion of this question on p. 78-9 . 90 Book V refers to Alfonso of Galicia and Le6n as emperor (Alfonso VII was so crowned in 1135), and the deaths of Louis VI of France (1137) and Henry I of England (1135). A. DB M..NoACH, La genese du Guide du pelerin de saint Jacques, Orderio Vital et 1a date de 1a Geste de Guillaume. Melanges offerts a Rita Lejeune (Gembloux, 1969) 817, thinks the implication ofthe mentions of Alfonso VII in Book Vare that he is dead at the time ofwriting, implying a dateofbefore 1157for the work ofhand 1, in whose band the mentions occur. No other scholar, ourselves included, concur. 91 See HOHlJ! Jl (note 8) p. 47 . Tue prologue of Boolc I is addressed to the convent of Ouny, without specific mention of Abbot Peter the Venerable, which HoHI.Ell (op. cit, p. 47) takes to suggest he was alive at the time, between 1122 and 1157; also addressed in theprologue is the Archbishopof Santiago, Diego Gelmfrez (died on Easter Eve, April 6, 1140) and William, patriarch of Jerusalem (1130-d.l 145), see HoHI.Ell (p. 47, 55-6). See also Appendix A below. 92 See Book V of C, eh. ix (Vll! WAIUl [note 2) p. 116 and STONES and KaOCHA1JS, note 8). The cardinal Robert appointed by Calixtus II (JL p . 781), about whom little seems tobe known, is another possibility. 93 AASS Julii VI, p.26-7; L. GAJ,Testimonianzejacobee e riferimenti compostellani nella storia di Pistoia dei secoli XII-XIIl. Atti del Convengolntemazionale di Studi Pistoia Cammino di Santiago, Una dimensione europea nella Toscana medioevale, Pistoia 28-30 seuembre 1984 (Pistoia 1985). The Pistoia document gives bis name both as Rainerius and as Robertus. For a more lengthy exposition of the possible link between Rainerius and C see SroNBSand KaOCHAJJS (note 8). In the opinion of A. Kmua, following J . VBZ1N, La realisation materielle des manuscrits latins pendant le haut Moyen Age, Codicologica 2 (1978) p. 32, the parchment on which C is wriuen is ruled in Spanish fashion; see Keller's review of DfAz y D1AZ (note 2) in Gazette du livre medieval 16 (1990) p. 27-8 and idem, Le systeme espagnol de reglure dans les manuscrits visigothiques, in: Actas VIIl coloquio del Comite Intemacional de Paleografia Latina 1987 (Madrid 1990) p. 107-114. 157 Codex Calixtinus.indd 172 Codex Calixtinus.indd 172 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 says the book is offered, and especially to Archbishop Diego Gelmirez (d. 1140) . 94 The polyphonic music that completes the last quire of Book V would then be highly up to date, added to C after Book I had been produced (its logical place would be in Book I itself) , but in the same production campaign. Nothing we know abou t the dates of the composers actually precludes such a date, although it is substantially earlier than what has hitherto been suggested. 95 The music is largely attributed, in the accompanying tituli, to the authorship of composers flourishing in the 1140s. 96 The signatories of the Bull of Innocent II ( 1130-1143) that follows 94 W 1. I leave aside here the question of the possible role of any one of the three people associated with C and Santiago who are named Aimericus and the role and identity of 'Calixtus'. See STONES and KROCHALis (note 8). Also of importance in this context is the substantial role played by Diego Gelrrurez in acquiring books for Santiago . According to the Historia Compostellana, cited in the edition of E.F. RBv, Corpus Christianorum , Continuatio Medievalia 70 (Turnhout, 1988) Diego Gelrrurez made a substantial donation of books in 1123: 'de purpura textus evangeliorum, duos argenteos , alium aureum , quem iam destructum ipse archiepiscopus restauravit, missale argenteum, epistolarium argenteum ...unum antiphonarium , unum officiarium et unum missale, tres breviales, unum quadragenarium, duos benedictionales, librum pastoralem, librum de vita episcoporum , canones, alium librum ex diversis sententii, alium librum de fide Sancte Trinitatis et de aliis sententiis, alium librum maiorem per totius anni circulum (HC II, lvii, p.333-4). Tue mention of purple suggests that the books were not of recent manufacture, as does the particularly interesting reference to Diego Gelmirez's restoring one of them. His interest in books was clearly quite personal. Few liturgical books from Diego Gelmfrez' period survive, but J. J ANINl, Notas sobre libros liturgicos hispanicos. Hispania Sacra 14 (1961) p. 145-154, ascribes the fragment of a Missal of Compostela, Archivo de la catedral fragm . l, to the secood third of the twelfth century. W ritten in Visigothic script, it follows the Roman rite and includes the Masses of Sts. John the Baptist , Peter, Paul, Marc ial, and Eparchius, the latter two saints notably venerated primarily in Western France, Marcial in Limoges and Eparchius in Angouleme . I have not seen this fragment, and Janini does not publish a photograph, but the connections show that the saints of these regions of France were important in the liturgy of Santiago, and the implications of this for parts of the text of C are interesting (see STONBS and KROCHALis note 8). Tue continuation of the use of Visigothic script for texts of the Roman rite also characterizes the fragments in the Archivo de la Catedral, Orsense, MS 14, published by Janini in the same article. 95 See, for instance, J.Lol'l! ZCALO,Datac ion y autenticidad del Codice Calixtino : Aportaciones musico logicas, in: Coloquio scbre circulacion de codices y Escritos entre Europa y la peninsula en los siglos VIII-XIII, 16-19 septembre 1982, Actas (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p. 173-191, and Michel Huglo's essay in this volume . 96 Their lifetimes do not quitf: overlap. HoHU: R(n. 8, p . 48) sees the inclusion of the polyphonic section in direct relationship to the retirement to Cluny of Bishop Atto of Troyes (1123-45) in 1145. He died there on August 20 of that year (D. Hll.l! Yin GxoVESD1cnoNARY 0FMus1c 1, p . 669) . Michel Huglo has kindly made available to me his unpublished list of the other composers who can be identified: Albericus Bituricensis, schoolmaster of Reims, bishop of Chalons-sur-Mame and archbishop of Bourges 1136/ 7- 1141 (S . FllWlllin GxoVESDicnoNAJ.Y oFMUS1c1, p . 207); Albericus abbas, sub-priorof Cluny, abbot of Vezelay 1131, cardinal in 1138, supposedly author of the 1139 miracle in CC, died at Verdun in 1148; Albert of Paris, canoo of Notre-Dame from 1127, its cantor from 1142 to 1174n, also connected with St-Victor and St-Martin-des-Champs (G. BWCNER, In Memoriam Jacques Handschin [Strasbourg 1962) p. 107-126; C. WRiotrr, Music and Ceremony at Notre Dame Paris 500-1500 [Cambridge 1989), p . 278-281); Fulbert of Chartres 1007-1029 (Gaovss DicnoNARYoP Mus1c 7, p. 25); Goslenus (Joscelin) de Vierzy, teacher at Paris, archdeacon of Bourges, bishop of Soissoos 1126, d. 24 October 1152; William of Messines, patriarch ofJerusalem 1130-1145 , died in 1145 according to William of Tyre (HoHU: R[note 8) p. 42), not 1185 as in J. Bllon! llLes Legendes epiques (Paris 1912) iii p. 87. By 1148 Joscelin of Vierzy and Albert of Paris would have been the ooly two of these composers still alive. I thank Craig Wright for his helpful discussion of Albert of Paris. 158 Codex Calixtinus.indd 173 Codex Calixtinus.indd 173 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 also flourished, as far as can be determined, in the 1140s. 97 Three miracles among the texts that follow contain dates of 1139, 1164 and 1190. This leaves the possibility that Book I received its present form as early as 1138, with possible earlier dates for the composition of Books II, III and IV and V; the songs at the end of Book V are likely to date after the writing ofBook I as well, because they are placed after the text of Book V rather than at the end of Book I; so too the material following the songs that is not part of the last quire of Book V. 98 The analysis of the sources of the illumination that characterizes the First Campaign in C presents no absolute termini for the execution of that First Campaign; at the same time there are no compelling reasons why the execution of C could not have occurred at the limiting dates provided by the texts. The artistic context into which this phase of C fits best is one that was elaborated during the generation after the turn of the twelfth century. lt is clearly a context which depends very closely on French sources, whether a team ofFrench-trained scribes and artists was brought to Santiago to produce C, or whether the manuscript itself was imported. The final argument as to whether or not C's First Campaign reflects an earlier model must depend on the collation of C's texts; the stylisitic arguments support the notion that C is where these texts were drawn together for the first time. 97 See the list in K. HEJU1Bllll, Der Jakobskult des 12. Jahrhunderts (note 3), p. 66, given below in Appendix A. I leave aside here the vexed question of why and by whom the bull was included. For a summary of others' views see DfAz y DfAz (note 2) p. 78-80. lt should also be noted that DtAZ v DtAZ (note 2) p. 308 shows that the folio containing the Bull is not intrinsic to the codex. 98 The rest of the manuscript comprises texts copied by scribes whose work does not appear elsewhere in the codex and who are not considered here. I list them in Appendix A below. Of the texts on ff . 222-225, the miracle of 1164 is of particular interest as itappears in the copy Amult de Munt made in 1173, and the song Dum paler famüias is also remarlcable because its notational style is so different from what is used elsewhere in the codex (see Hum.o in the papers ofthis conference, with illustration). The last few lines of the Mass of the Llving and the Dead, the Bull of Innocent II, the Miracle of 1139 and the Alleluia in Greek, all on f. 221, olim 192) are likely tobe later than the songs themselves. 159 Codex Calixtinus.indd 174 Codex Calixtinus.indd 174 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Appendix A MS C: Division of scribal hands in relation to textual contents Quires Folios Scribal Hand Text 2-15 8 (1-9, lacks first) band lA * f.1 Book 1, Liturgy of St. James (W 1) (10-120) band lA (121-129) band lA except for the added half-leaf, f. 128, written by scribe X f. 128 Mass for Feast ofthe Miracles (3 Oct) 17-18 8 (130-145) band 1B f. 140 Book II, 22 Miracles of St. James (W 259) 19 8 (146-153) band 1B 20 8 (154-161) band lB: outer bifolio (ff. 154 and 161) band 2: three inner bifolia (ff. 155-160) f. 155 band 2 begins shortly after the beginning of Miracle 21 (W 286) f. 155v Book III, Translation of St. James (W289) f. 161 band 1B resumes shortly before the middle of eh. 3 (W 297) and writes the passage discussing the dates of the feasts of St. James, continuing with the Santiago procession 21 8 (162-169 [olim 7]; first two and last two leaves are not bifolia) band lB: first two leaves (ff. 162-3 [olim 1]) and 2 inner bifolia (ff. 164-167 olim 2-5]) f. 163 [1] Book IV, Pseudo-Turpin (W 301) band 2: last two leaves (ff.168-9 [olim 6-7]) starts in the middle of ch.8 in the description of the flowering lances at Sahagun (W 308) 22 8 (170-177 [olim 8-15]) 160 band 2: outer two bifolia (ff. 170-1 [olim 8-9], 176-7 [olim 14-15]) band lB: inner two bifolia (ff. 172-3 [olim 10-11], 174-5 [olim 12-13]) Codex Calixtinus.indd 175 Codex Calixtinus.indd 175 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Quires Folios Scribal Hand Text 23a 2 (178-185 [olim 16-23]) band 1B resumes just after the beginning of eh. 13, about Aigoland and Charlemagne (W 315) to half-way through eh. 17 (W 321), Roland's dialogue with Ferragut band 2 continues from eh. 17 through ch.21 band 2: three outer bifolia (ff. 178-80 [olim 16-18], 183-4 [olim 21-3]) band 4: inner bifolium (ff. 181-2 [olim 19-20]) (186-187 [olim 24-25]) band 4 copies the central section of eh. 21 that includes Roland's agony, bis speech to bis sword, bis breaking the rock with it, ending shortly before the end ofRoland's prayer (W 330-333) band 2 ends in ch.22, just after the contributions to St Denis' building fund (W 339) band 3 ch.22: remission of sins for the contributors to the building fund; derivations of 'French' from 'franci'; Liberal Arts decorations of Charlemagne' s palace at Aachen, ending in the middle of Turpin' s vision of the death of Charlemagne (W 341) (188-195v [olim 26-29, 163-166]) band 1B band 1B copies to the end of Book IV, f. 192 Book V, Pilgrim's Guide (W 349) [olim 163) (196-203 [olim 167-174]) continuing through the first seven and a half chapters of Book V, ending just after Crux Caroli (W 357) band 2: outer bifolium (ff. 196 [olim 167) and 203 [174]) band IB: three inner bifolia (ff. 197 [olim 168] - 202 [173]) band 2 starts in eh. 7 just after Crux Caroli (W 357) and includes mention of the hospital at Roncesvalles, the battle ofRoncesvalles with the 140,000 warriors slain, Basques and the Navarrese, 161 Codex Calixtinus.indd 176 Codex Calixtinus.indd 176 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Quires Folios Seribal Hand Text ending at W 359 hand 1B eopies from just before the passage beginning 'Julius Caesar, so it is said ... ' (W 359) to the end of eh. 7, and the beginning of eh. 8, including sites on the first three Freneh routes; ending on the fourth route, just before Hilary's exile to Phrygia (W 369) 26 8 (204-211 [olim 175-182]) hand 2: outer bifolium (ff. 204 [olim 175] and 211 [182]) band lB: three inner bifolia (ff. 205 [olim 176] - 210 [181]) band 2 writes from just after St. Hilary in eh. 8 in the previous quire, through St. Eutropius, ending just before Simon and Thaddeus are sent to Persia (W 372) band 1B writes the last part of eh. 8 and most of eh. 9, ending in the seetion about the altars, just before the eomment about the immoveability of the relies of St. James (W 383) band 2 eopies the deseriptions of the altarcloth, altarfrontal and eiborium, stopping just before the end of the deseription of the ciborium (W 385) 27 8 (212-219 [olim 183-190]) band IB: ff. 212-213 [olim 183-4]) band lC: ff. 214-219 [olim 185-190]) band 1B finishes eh. 9 and eompletes ehs. 10 and 11 of the Guide (W 389) band lC (closely similar to hands 1 A and B) writes the f. 214 Polyphonie Songs (W 391-8) [olim 185] laeuna between ff. 219 [olim 190] and 221 [olim 192] 162 eontaining the end of the last song Ad honoremregis summi (W 398-9) and (HoID..ER[1972], p. 72) probably a mass for the Living and the Dead (see f. 221) Codex Calixtinus.indd 177 Codex Calixtinus.indd 177 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Quires Folios Scribal Hand Text 28 2 (221-222 [olim 192-193]) f. 221 by a 12th c. band that appears nowhere else in C: 1D f. 222 by another 12th c. band that appears nowhere else in C: lE f. 222v from Hinc decus (W 404) by still another band f. 221 Postcommunication from a mass for the Living and the Dead; Bull of Innocent II (1130-1143); Alleluia in Greek with notation on a four line staff (W 399- 401) f. 222 monophonic sang in campo aperto Dum paterfamilias (W 401-4) ff. 223, 224, 225 (olim 194, 195, 196) are detached leaves written by various different hands of the second half of the 12th c., not found elsewhere in C f. 223 Miracle of 1164 followed by a second miracle without a date; on the versa, written by another band, a third miracle written as three lessons for the Feast of the Miracles, 3 Oct, and dated 1190 (W 404- 7) f. 224 Prayer attributed to Master G, followd by six lessons attributed to Pope Leo and Master Panicha (W 408-411) f. 224v Text with no titulus, inc. Que tua iusticia est ... expl. Ponficumprimus CompostelleTheomirus.Quo maculis carta munda est missa ce/ ebrata. This is followed by another miracle. (W 411-413) f. 225 Three further Jacobite texts. (W 413- 416) * Diaz y Diaz distinguishes between the work of band 1A in Book I and the work of band 1B elsewhere in Books II-V. Summary of most pertinent dates mentioned in the texts in relation to scribal hands Bookl: Hymns attributed to William, patriarch of Jerusalem (1130-1145). C ff. 104v, 105v (W 199,201) Prosa attributed to William, patriarch of Jerusalem (1130-1145). C ff. 122v-123 163 Codex Calixtinus.indd 178 Codex Calixtinus.indd 178 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 (W 227-8) Conductus attrubuted to 'Cardinal Robert' possibly Robert Pullen (1144-1145). Cf . 132 (W 246-7) all in sections copiedby scribe JA Book II: Dated miracles clusterin the period 1080 (Miracle4) to 1110 (Miracle 15); Miracle 13 relates an event of 1135. Cf. 148 (W 274) all copiedby scribe JB Book III: Part of ch.3, procession at Compostela, composed after 1120. C ff. 161-2 (W 297- 299) copied by scribe JB BookIV: The major arguments are those advanced by DAVID(1948, III) , suggesting a date of composition after 1130 and before 1145. - Characters appear whose names are based on Almoravid chieftains of the twelfth century (see DAVIDIII, 43): Texufin is the name of the first almoravid calif Youcouf ben Texufin; his son Ali asppears as Ailis king of Morocco (1106-1143), leader of the Almoravid offensive in Spain. His brother Ibrahim was vice-regent of Spain c. 1116-1123 . Another Texufin, son of Ali, succeeded lbrahim from 1125-1137. Other Arab names of which DAVIDsees a reflection in PT are Fatima king of Barbary, probably the Ibn Fatima who in 1116 approached Mondego. The two figures Maimoun king of Mecca and Avit king of Bougie might both derive from the pirate Avit Maimoun mentioned in Miracle 7 of Book II ( copiedby scribe 1B) and otherwise documented in 1101; alternatively, Maimoun could simply reflect the names of a dynasty of Almoravid admirals documents along the Mediterranean in the first half of the twelfth century and of whom one destroyed the idol of Cadiz in 1145. The proper names occur at the beginning of eh. 9, Cf. 168 (olim 6) in a section written by scribe 2. - The idol of Cadiz is described in eh. 4 (C f. 166 [olim 4) W 306) and its destruction in 1145 (known from Averroes) is not mentioned in PT, suggesting that the section (copiedby scribe JB) antedates 1145. - Mention of the three clerical orders at the beginning of eh. 13 (C f. 172 [olim 10) W 316) in Charlemagne's efforts to convert Aigolant suggested to DAVID(III, 50) that the canon about regular canons adopted at the Council of Lyon in 1130 provided an important terminuspost (copied by scribe JB). - The remission of sins to the contributors to St-Denis' building fund, in eh . 22 (C f. 185v-186 [olim 23v-24] W 338-9) must reflect the rebuilding of St-Denis by Suger between 1137 and 1144 (begun onj.185v by scribe2 and continued onf. 186 by scribe3) and the fund-raising that preceded it. BookV: Synchronism including the death of Louis VII, king of France (1137). C f. 212v (olim 183v) W 386 copied, over erasures, by scribe JB. 164 Codex Calixtinus.indd 179 Codex Calixtinus.indd 179 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Polyphonie Songsafter Book V (C ff. 214-219v [olim 185-190v] W 391-398): composers identified by Hum.o (unpublished notes) are: Atto, bishop of Troyes (1123-45), died at Cluny Albericus Bituricensis, schoolmaster of Reims, bishop of Chälons-sur-Mame and archbishop of Bourges ( 1136/ 7-1141) Albericus, sub-priorof Cluny, abbat of Vezelay 1131, cardinal in 1138, supposedl y author of the 1139 miracle in CC, died at Verdun in 1148 Albertof Paris,canon ofNotre-Damefrom 1127,cantorofNotre-Dame from 1142 to 1147n, also connected with St-Victor and St-Martin-des-Champs Fulbert, bishop of Chartres 1007-1029 Goslenus (Joscelin) de Vierzy, teacher at Paris, archdeacon of Bourges, bishop of Soissons 1126, d. 24 October 1152 William of Messines, patriarch of Jerusalem 1130-1134, died in 1145 All copied by scribe 1C. Albert of Paris provides the most significant terminuspost of 1127. Bull of Innocent II (1130-1143) (Cf. 221 [olim 192] W 399-400): summarized by HERBERS (1984), p. 66. Names listed herein order of signature. Aimericus cancellarius: originally from Bourges, a relative of Pierre de Castres, archbishop of Bourges, he was a canon of Bologna and cardinal and chancellor under Calixtus II, Honorius II and Innocent II, 1120-1141. Girardus de sancte Cruce cardinalis: barn in Bologna, canon in Lucca; pope as Lucius II 1144-1145 Guido pissanus cardinalis: of Pisan origin, sent on missions in Spain, southern France and Portugal Ivo cardinalis: canon of St-Victor, Paris. Legate in France 1142. Gregorius cardinalis nepos domini papae Guido lumbardus: barn in Florence, legate in Lombardy 1139, took part in the second crusade Gregorius ihenia cardinalis Albericus legatus presul hostiensis: originally from the diocese of Beauvais; a Cluniac; known as legate in England 1138, Antioch 1139, France 1144. (cf. the Miracle of 1139 below) by another twelfth-century hand: ID Miracle of 1139 (Cf. 221v [olim 192v] W 400-401) attributed to the authorship of Albericus, abbat of Vezelay, bishop of Ostia and legate of Rome (see also his signature on the Bull of Innocent) by the same hand as the postcommunion and the bull of lnnocent? Miracle of 1164 (C f. 223 [olim 194] W 404-5) by a later, unrelated, hand Miracle of 1190 (Cf. 223v [olim 194v] W 406-7) by another later, unrelated, hand 165 Codex Calixtinus.indd 180 Codex Calixtinus.indd 180 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 List of Figures chives, Cf. 162v (Photo: Paula Gerson) 22 Santiago deCompostela, Cathedral Ar- 1 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Cf. 162v (before restoration) chives, Cf. 4 (Photo : Alison Stones) 23 Salamanca, BU 2631 f. 90 (Photo: Ali- 2 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Arson Stones) chives, Cf. 121 (Photo: Paula Gerson) 24 Dijon, BM 2 f. 402v (Photo: IRHT) 3 Angers, BM 25, f. 85 (Photo: Alison 25 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Stones) chives, Cf. 163 (olim 1) (Photo: Paula 4 Paris, Mazarine 729, f. 90v (Photo: Ali- Gerson) son Stones) 26 London, BLRoyal.13.A.XI,f. 22 (Pho- 5 Paris, BN lat. 8 II, f. 228 (Photo: Biblioto: By permission of the British Litheque nationale) brary) 6 Bibliotheque municipale de Tours 27 Santiago deCompostela, Cathedral Ar- (France) MS 320, f. 147 (Photo: Alison chives, Cf. 1 (Photo : Alison Stones) Stones) 28 Santiago deCompostela, Cathedral Ar- 7 Paris, BN lat. 12409, f. 118 (Photo: Bichives, Cf. 24v (Photo: Alison Stones) bliotheque nationale) 29 Angers, BM 243, f. 88 (Photo: Alison 8 Paris, BNlat.10, f.113v (Photo: Biblio- Stones) theque nationale) 30 Santiago deCompostela, Cathedral Ar- 9 Paris, BN lat. 9865 f. 3v (Photo: Bibliochives, Cf. 31 (Photo: Alison Stones) theque nationale) 31 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 10 Paris, BN lat. 2325 f. 96v (Photo: Bichives, C f. 53v (Photo: Paula Gerson) bliotheque nationale) 32 Dijon, BM 634, f. 64 (Photo: IRHT) 11 VilleduMans,MediathequeLouisAra- 33 Paris, BN lat. 5323, (Photo: Bibliothegon 224 f. 113 (Photo: Alison Stones) que nationale) 12 Durham, Cathedral Library A.11.4f.87v 34 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct.E.inf. (Photo: Dean and Chapter, Durham Ca- 1, f. 264v (Photo: Bodleian Library) thedral) 35 Santiago deCompostela, Cathedral Ar- 13 Orleans, BM 123 pp. 249-250 (Photo: chives, Cf. 74 (Photo: Paula Gerson) Alison Stones) 36 Santiago deCompostela, Cathedral Ar- 14 Collection de la Bibliotheque Saintechives, C f. 48v (Photo: Paula Gerson) Genevieve Paris MS 2 f. 170 (Photo: 37 Ville du Mans, Mediatheque Louis Alison Stones) Aragon 224, f. 113 (Photo: Alison Sto- 15 Paris, BN lat. 12584 f. 180v (Photo: nes) Bibliotheque nationale) 38 Collection de la Biblotheque Sainte- 16 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Genevieve Paris MS 1, f. 139v (Photo: chives, Tumbo A, f. 28v (Photo: Alison Alison Stones) Stones) 39 Paris, BN lat. 12584, f. 169 (Photo: Bi- 17 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Arbliotheque nationale) chives, Cf . 162 (Photo: Paula Gerson) 40 Dijon, BM 2, f. 403v (Photo: IRHT) 18 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 41 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Cf. 162 (before restoration) chives, C f.118v (Photo: AlisonStones) 19 Bibliotheque municipale de Tours 42 Reims, BM 22, f. 106v (Photo: Alison (France) MS 1018 f. 9v (Photo: Alison Stones) Stones) 43 Paris, BN lat. 5323, f. 22 (Photo: Biblio- 20 Saint-Yrieix, Mairie 1, f. 93v (Photo: theque nationale Alison Stones) 44 Santiago deCompostela, Cathedral Ar- 21 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Cf. 95v (Photo: Alison Stones) 166 Codex Calixtinus.indd 181 Codex Calixtinus.indd 181 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 45 Orleans, BM 123, p. 93 (Photo: Alison 62 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Stones) chives, Cf. 57 (Photo : Alison Stones) 46 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 63 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Cf. 141 (Photo: Paula Gerson) chives , Cf.167v (Photo: AlisonStones) 47 Orleans, BM 123, p. 1 (Photo: Alison 64 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Stones) chives, C f. 101v (Photo: Alison Stones) 48 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 65 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Cf. 179 (Photo: Alison Stones) chives, Cf . 185v (Photo: AlisonStones) 49 Lisbon, BN 115, f. 17v (Photo: Theodo- 66 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Arre Hauschild) chive, Cf . 121v (Photo: Alison Stones) 50 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 67 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives,C f. 128v (Photo: AlisonStones) chives, Cf. 156v (Photo: Alison Stones) 51 Paris, BN lat 13774, f. 92v (Photo: Bib- 68 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Arliotheque nationale) chives, Cf. 160v (Photo: Alison Stones) 52 Ville du Mans, Mediatheque Louis 69 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Aragon 214, f. 46v (Photo: IRHT) chives, Cf . 159 (Photo : Alison Stones) 53 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 70 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives; C f. 94 (Photo: Paula Gerson) chives, Cf. 156 (Photo: .Alison Stones) 54 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 71 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Cf. 148 (Photo : Alison Stones) chives,Cf.184v(Photo: AlisonStones) 55 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 72 Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de chives,Cf.147v (Photo : AlisonStones) Arag6n, MS Ripoll 99, f. 80v (Photo: 56 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de chives,Cf. 215v (Photo: AlisonStones) Arag6n) 57 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 73 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Cf. 219v (Photo: Alison Stones) chives, Tumbo A, f. 46 (Photo: Alison 58 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Stones) chives, Cf. 192v (Photo: Paula Gerson) 74 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 59 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Archives, Tumbo A, f. 51v (Photo: Alison chives, Cf. 145 (Photo: Alison Stones) Stones) 60 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- 75 Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de chives, Cf. 103v (Photo: Alison Stones) Arag6n, MS Ripoll 99, f. 84 (Photo: 61 Santiago de Compostela, Cathedral Ar- Barcelona, Archivo de la Corona de chives,Cf . 214v (Photo: AlisonStones) Arag6n) 167 Codex Calixtinus.indd 182 Codex Calixtinus.indd 182 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 1 Fig. 3 168 tu., . t. c: ~1p. l ll 11" st a.'-',t': . ~CO,. ( pf'~ B C 1 t I l . "~~~IJ>VS': ilfü.~i M'1fflf. " du '1U,-fütnr tndtfffu , e eit~1"' C4'luri' : ' d~u ~ 11 . fi lau4ef nmru tnt ! ftO»Ü-~· J a'Clnt(, ,! t1Jt1: .ifi (eruum 1nrt iUffe- C 1,ffmr/ \(' fatj ,ll'mlfflt'/ ui-~onlW . . Jnb"a ferutAO""' in ~~tiil dut.10ini J: t"rt> -4" b«JAQ,1,J,; -' ~ PAIJl'pf.: f~t,uf '4 Fig .4 Fig. 2 Fig. 5 • J"'ll~ """1 ... na~ , _.fl"bei ; '"/ .: .: ... . "' ... '"'' •• \k'n ◄ e~,u~-~ ltanm-; lJif qui UJbasu -..1•••ai w,l,i(~ ~; '1, ...., ,. .. Codex Calixtinus.indd 183 Codex Calixtinus.indd 183 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 ·--·--,4"""'-· ·. ~ nc,~ni Fig. 6 Fig. 7 Fig. 8 1 .uat 1 (d i.1 h, nwbm1,ttr. Jo"'1tmlfhl namtc poadiri aorUQ'II (ft'. ✓ a, o«rfaf•n mlr'fflU 411 • ,\'; prric -, ßtt •nclil mo.rir, - am fG •"qffi ~ -dim Fig. 9 Codex Calixtinus.indd 184 Codex Calixtinus.indd 184 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 t'ilmt< M~~ll! ft'l ifft d4iio((ffl ~p~Ai: ~ uof. ~j utr' ~ l ~~.141,uc; ~at .., ..,. ~, " •-{~ ~ n rfm mnu: nbw~M " ,/ {cJdd~nwtlw11 -1Wz; : : : ~ . ),' ./ ✓ ,~ ffU' uiq; ,rma, Gm( ~ 14~. D.uai~ uv ~mu(, "'i: Fig. 10 u111ic1f.Je· krecle: .~ ' : nmv r. qlJJliak ffimoSfitfl . : detpS"J"'. [ufubai_p ua. Fig. 12 Fig. 11 Codex Calixtinus.indd 185 Codex Calixtinus.indd 185 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 13 Fig. 14 Fig. 15 ~rmt dliö, ,~"-" gzill~~-- Fig. 16 Codex Calixtinus.indd 186 Codex Calixtinus.indd 186 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 17 Fig. 18 Fig. 19 J,{"['ffl ~G i\. 1': tµlY 1.~~ iAp~f\' wl: y- J,j SI & ly\ : ~: V Tff MO) Cui Mn .fntf'l ~ 111 . mm,l.v"""lfl " i Fig. 20 Codex Calixtinus.indd 187 Codex Calixtinus.indd 187 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 173 Codex Calixtinus.indd 188 Codex Calixtinus.indd 188 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig . 23 Fig. 24 174 Codex Calixtinus.indd 189 Codex Calixtinus.indd 189 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 25 Fig. 26 Fig. 27 175 Codex Calixtinus.indd 190 Codex Calixtinus.indd 190 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 JL, Fig. 28 Fig. 30 Fig. 32 b~ . 1MDb1 ~ ~l"pi .: Ddj l'41"UiHll ohn&n 4ntmA, l lll tllCJ't'- 4}, M ~ lfHh~! ~: 'fm, t llb.\._-, \ : icll-nc: .\Cpm: l r1"rulit llptl: ~ h1ffo1 lltt#k1 ~ ra, Fig. 29 Fig. 31 Fig . 33 . l1l- 1 ,~l " 1! f.-«-m.1difpllbltc1nut; f~ : '4" ! UM( fu.u"ttf 4 ~ rl 'f 1 t¼°l'l 'f'" <11~ ,dfcd .... -ifflAilll dllClpl Mn)Q l»l n 111"'1. ~•r • ")ll fil<clJllll , «mi'tmr' b'"ll&d.•m• nbii "11" qY~1 o~ Ou"dcc1m AUllf• •apto; .. l""'.f'.· Ut' (I' ~·( q nml' : 1'nmltf f'rtn! 'n q df Codex Calixtinus.indd 191 Codex Calixtinus.indd 191 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 34 Fig. 36 . a aurto4Cbtmtrgt tt4fmiimdomufdet. Ultmaftntld dt' mdol domii t1l ., a, uu u, cun, Ut C.-11.\[•,lf Atfc mmf : -cui' t. f.ltl.: t11Hh? fimbt: 1tr: A mm.i -1ui1; ,~..., mttic- ~-icmp~n~ -cdhlmru fuu.q pcfutr- ,lUJ J nwn _,d1p~nif dl-; e't' n.: '1 CWlW ,P ~,mu,; : 'f; .pmulnf. \ t vr~'5' ~ fonux tpfum n~ dw-·' ncCm ~ fu" tu~ Fig. 35 ,ut ~1.1.l ~•mvm fm~ fi 5 € RO)O 1: \6 JfZ' J L ~- ~ p H 1 ·ta 'C""C"' c 1 t( ~ H lS '; ,{t f,.'\~+.'Öl "\ 1,"\ H v .H~. ll .: ctiö<tmtl' ~Tf'1'1p.tln h<TmO~ rlA=ruu .il t C\t " ~ ,; ; ,-~ .,~-0. lOJla.f .im mnom1ru l<tlt>t , occo{"! ll cru\ -~1 quki1~ llCtlcr: ~q m i qtff.-c 1-iM'\fflU ; "1tt(- O)e-,u111Hc , ~; 1-)et •4' Cllµ,p,' fila" .'... ~e-1 , \-1'1 , dm ; ·t11ncfil l> tllcobll ; a.u1 eu uen1 ~m1f'wactoi'1 ,ü' ,fj( .t'P( ffl$1"" dtf.tC 'ljlri F" briitM! 'W et re (\J t ,r L: ,. ✓ , , " ,.... auup 1 _·nuofij .difffe ~UtUll tcm: i, 4'1nm tU,wu •er aro: z. 120 t rfidt~ : mßttue~a Fig . 37 177 Codex Calixtinus.indd 192 Codex Calixtinus.indd 192 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig.40 178 N~~-; ~ - ~ ... rt, ,.,/ ( 1 1 ddhuc J 1 ··-r ~ ru pc "': .{ t "rn; r.i{ tf ,. ! ..i....at t j .R . 11 ~\~~-- -dqu.tmf Fig. 39 Codex Calixtinus.indd 193 Codex Calixtinus.indd 193 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 41 ' v, ffl ~ CO, tltj ~ ml qu iw 't'I ~ tAI cu ~~ ·~(ffl'Q.ffl(~J'.~~ Fig.43 Fig. 42 Fig. 44 lib t . - i.ontt4' ltdtot n&rt, xpl d. bmin.a ~in im; ..i uiUfflCPi'-✓ &ja. do pi &tl,uui( uaftmll i,t'ltna l 179 Codex Calixtinus.indd 194 Codex Calixtinus.indd 194 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 45 Fig . 47 Fig . 49 't1ITT dtUl fdtc ,·10ml' hn-cw~1zr Fig . 46 ilbj"}\tnu n,>dtjr 4 b~Ü1l: ncf Fig . 48 ff'"" r.,. Fig . 50 qU4m lttf · mnfrot mmt 14i fünt: '~ "'m fln ~ (: ffll1 t((~ut Otrr; \«lTJ -= fltt''N ~ .-l , .. ~ ' - ~r (,. fkt..S~c Codex Calixtinus.indd 195 Codex Calixtinus.indd 195 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 51 ,-••p••'•i: r-••" ~ 1 •· .. ,difp MCCC • ! ~•.t,fil, fint m fi: 1 . . -. . .... - ' . .. ~ . "; . " ~ ~~ t ~Aram".,...,.lild ~ ·t\rtnit ~sn,n ~ ,.....e~-~-- F1am, .. ~~ ~ r11t~~ • .tt, _ ---11'~ -(udu,r- Fig. 52 nuo ttl.dtf r1 e.\ti "t Fig. 53 ~ -•% u ~ '. fuM bU1 PNffll! ~ cmfi.; ffi~ J . .,.. * rt 181 Codex Calixtinus.indd 196 Codex Calixtinus.indd 196 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 51n: ~fii \.~ •i~.t: " . ' nli m.1 - : . "- 1o , -poiftir Al l't'~itmtf Q • kun mfirmi Qui(ü'.~ nrrt~.-~ ccbilunuoo ~emlt'U1.IA ~ fä; fit C'lt . .f " 11 , ni., tb, .,., ram e''t"hii·un. "l\c "1-i' eo'! foto p ~ Fig. 54 Utr'4"~C 6Xec) rL"-'"-' · : Hl)C ~vtlt fum f'leli - 1: l'M ~ ~we: -t' ff114111arii fAr ~rq,n,~., "t "l(..ufi,; um i, . Fig. 59 182 Fig. 55 Fig. 60 Fig . 56 Fig. 57 Lt.: tcHti ~,vs vm. kt . .,\y• ~ t'F-.lHS4WlC ~ r,·___ _ ~~fflfflfttotml l '""S1~-~lt\J: V p 4 Al Fig. 61 b~ ufq; Abt r1( . ,; . 1.,c" i rr; ; lt ~a " m"nw n f~f u1'j; , nu i .i ud l ll'11lff fd ' 1 Sc~ i äc, { Cl'Cl,.\ < 4 : .t ~ u" n.t~ u(q. i ., l•nh; if Mt~m ~U 1 l.tS1cnid •J (lffl.l f 4 r.1) ii.lllt( CA'°" m.1 l .,u,U,1 IT\; .'lffl'l(fdtr r.114cui ; t' n ~ « l 1#4 fl»~j I J..... . 1~ ·~": ! ; , •. {. ~- .-: . 1m&au.: ~u, ~'(" ! u! ne1 . HI~< J'ifN( rt <I l•1 Yt"HU1't' Ul Fig. 58 Codex Calixtinus.indd 197 Codex Calixtinus.indd 197 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 ma· c: tfl1 nn -~~"'9"\',(.r, 1.. <(' •.)! t'""'llef cl,mn, nnft&Jm~~'l™ <"m illam ub/ ' n,i,ui diu,nuf tldl'tf '-'hm a.1 k'Mudrir- , 4m dn( nof ciltflM<'.', tt'lnt' ,.. Jm.... f Atf11mrfte ~ t'uv m-r.i u,fu( e,4-. • ~ t><ti f u.i' f<,tnb1 uni m"wnt n! SmrntlJ: t· o r ~-tri-cmuf : ': .1: ftifu1f• timt «o«'f'~f.rq"c" · , h! '(pl.\ loqutt-, ['~IC..fl'.VI fl! f fif maUtmmr• Cn ,\ Fig. 62 Fig . 65 E\ ln: iP\: : ""'oßea Fig. 63 .~ Cli: t~ mi: itf'ffl.'lU' f~tn"bm1 bl ~4't"1.fflf1 }l4n,h, f4J,f CUUC'• ~ fflt ~ Lip(~{f ,~~ fam udu eoffll.qlU; k , "r~uo ◄ ~~ .i ~ -~-= 1 - · - - ------·-- - ,-..n-...., (('Um- "4T' i: Fig. 66 Fig. 67 t,if fuppticd emme p'1 umra """ &fufnft' hl,j' ; uJ Afl ff nna! t 4 : s aa, ~ . " ) ' T • ,'17! ldl-li>lAC'1 Ü.kl: : •.j ~I ~ -- ? ! ,MG" tM'-~ "'P. "4 ·~ Fig . 64 ä fdam cn.fcth: 4ni.« bCtlCl~ "Jl..ö pc14 Ct tvv.l V r. .-. rt J - • ·i. 'I. ttlf -i,ea . __ ".. _____ __ . nfflt' l 1'uf' J'Mfflll {w pob. .m lffpile: ~• ffl C"~ A .-infflt, ,N . .. ~ ~ JfU 14V .f"Cmtll4.T m~ (,ihm,rj-. t-emlmreo euu• tucbJj"c.1.11 midtt be: mtm r• 4~~ = AU1m1 dto IACfflllll '11«'J! 4 ~: fcitm ffl#',J~F"' ~- .---mnp-mtflt~ ~md(~.occtdtt: 41M! i dddra. ~. "atftont9 bclllfft Fig. 68 183 Codex Calixtinus.indd 198 Codex Calixtinus.indd 198 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 69 ' . ~JtJ ..- ,. ~- +-; .: t J , ,'ttfü'Q~· 1,dtt,r"; : : ; ti1~1"~ qi, 4(! J ~J1 Jaj " : .• , -~w., ~~ '1bdccri• dm · qu~ etwn 1'I fftlf~ . ~wcbj .l,41,u.tt. te mtl ,; ~ : ptdit1 ! 1: ~fflt ~ .t tllllTtlttU ~ • 'llC'~n • " Mt<"4'ilaa ~ft 'IIUmdo ~ talt'~~ n1<~l<a11 t1tfn.n104Z. uluC ~- ✓ -ru ; 'lfll.\«~ ~ _I \! . 1wu1".. u, lln'.-or "t~uu u 't'lfl'Ma6fm1 Fig. 72 Fig. 70 Fig. 73 ~-~ "' '"""' i.vu.t U\: .\.(.: ,_ _, -ltk\ffllt poik1/ ~tt' dl4, lbd: n" nfct" n&Ut" Fig. 74 crt1'1fl~uf1~m-- -<ltbe m p cl"ßlltf tnt<\Mo ,f.ff gupar dr<rl&nodno~odt.\4.uro ~'( umiit: dth ~ami ·"- .. ,.,..,~ Fig . 71 Codex Calixtinus.indd 199 Codex Calixtinus.indd 199 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The Building and the Pilgrims' Guide 1 JAMES D'EMILio In its description of the cathedral of Santiago, the Pilgrim' s Guide reports that "the church was begun in the Era 1116," that is, 1078 A.D, and that "from the year in which the first stone was laid in its foundations until that in which the last stone was put into place, forty-four years elapsed." 2 While this suggests that the cathedral was finished in 1122, Conant and others have noted the contradiction between the supposed completion of the basilica in 1122 and the earlier warning in the Pilgrims' Guide that "of these things we have mentioned, some are already entirely finished, and others are yet tobe completed." 3 The assertion in the Historia Compostellana that the greater part of the basilica had been completed by 1124 offers a way of reconciling the two statements in the Pilgrims' Guide: the great building campaign carried out under archbishop Diego Gelmfrez drew to a close in the early 1120s but left the cathedral unfinished and lacking a west facade, an interpretation now accepted by various scholars. 4 The fabric of the cathedral guards the evidence which supports this view and resolves the apparent conflict between the two statements in the Pilgrim's Guide. An analysis of capitals, mouldings and masons' marks confirms that much of the nave was left unfinished in the 1120s and only completed as part of the effort which culminated in the P6rtico de 1a Gloria. In fact, six bays of the tribunes, three piers on the north side and two piers on the south side of the nave, three bays of the north aisle wall and one bay of the south aisle wall may be assigned to the campaign to complete the cathedral which was launched around 1160. Historical evidence helps explain why the cathedral was left incomplete in the 1120s and not resumed until important changes in the political map of Spain thrust Santiago into the limelight again in the 1160s. To determine the stopping point of Gelmirez' campaign and assess the state of the basilica at the time of the composition of the Pilgrim' s Guide, it is best to look This article elaborates and refines material frorn my doctoral thesis, Romanesque Architectural Sculpture in the Diocese of Lugo, East of the Mifio (Courtauld Institute of Art, University of London 1988) p. 67-95 . I would like to thank George Zamecki who directed the thesis, Serafin Moralejo who guided my research during long and memorable stays in Santiago de Compostela, and the cathedral chapter of Santiago for granting me access to the tribunes and permission to photograph the interior of the building. I am grateful to John Williams and Alison Stones for inviting me to present this paper. 2 KJ. CONANr, Tue Early Architectural History of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela (Cambridge, Mass. 1926) p. 58. 3 CoNANJ' (note 2) p. 23, 54. 4 Tue date of 1124 is based upon intemal evidence: M. SuAlll! Zand J. CAMP! ! LO (ed.), Historia Compostelana (Santiago de Compostela 1950) p. 419-20. S. MOIIALBIO sums up earlieropinions on the supposed completion of the cathedral in the l 120s in Notas para una revisi6n de 1a obra de K.J. Conant, in CoNANr,Arquitectura romanica da catedral de Santiago de Compostela (Santiago de Compostela 1983) p. 230-1. 185 Codex Calixtinus.indd 200 Codex Calixtinus.indd 200 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 ahead to the arrival of the foreign artists and new artistic vocabularies normally associated with the contract of 1168, for their appearance marks a fixed point from which to examine contemporary work by local craftsmen and trace their activity back to the middle of the century. As Michael Ward has demonstrated, capitals in the style of the porch decorate the westemmost pair of piers of the nave and the three westem bays of the tribunes, linking them to the campaign dated by Mateo' s contract of 1168 and lintel inscription of 1188. 5 To the east, Serafin Moralejo has observed that the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes counting from the west share new types of capitals and a new profile of impost, like those introduced in the crossnave of the west crypt, with a groove lining the broad chamfer at top and bottom, a profile used without exception to the west in the tribunes (figs. 1-6, 8-9). 6 The imposts of the vault capitals (fig. 7), however, remained traditional, hinting at the diversity of masons involved in the project. Among the sixteen capitals of the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes, four types may be distinguished. 7 Two show addorsed lions rearing upwards and twisting back to face one another (fig. 1). A group of foliate capitals with five narrow, pointed leaves curling outwards, each framing a smaller leaf within its wide outline, may be conveniently termed the "Gudesteo capitals" after the inscription on an impost above one of them (figs. 2, 7). Three double capitals display interlacing ribbons and palmettes, while other foliate capitals remain faithful to the formulas introduced under Gelmfrez . The first three types, however, the addorsed lions, the superposed leaves and the stacked palmettes lack precedents in Santiago, and share several features with more accomplished capitals in the crypt whose sources are tobe found in northem France, Burgundy and surrounding regions: the well-defined and occasionally striated abaci, and the treatment of the volutes with broad stems decorated with grooves or drill holes and thick coils clasped together at the comers of the capital (figs. 3-4, 6). 8 In addition, the odd arrangement of four volutes spiralling outwards on the main face of several of these capitals represents a rare design, bom from the substitution of volutes for the 5 M. WAJID,Studies in the P6rtico de la Gloria, unpublished doctoral dissertation (New Yorlc University 1978), pp. 28-9, 54-60. See also: J.M. CAAMARo M.uTINFZ, Contribuci6n al estudio del g6tico en Galicia (Valladolid 1962) p. 53-61, especially p. 60-1. 6 MoRALl! Jo (note 4) p. 236, note 45. WAJIDalso noted that the capitals in these two bays forma group, but he did not link them with those in the crypt: (note 5) p. 59. 7 I am referring to those in the tribunes and below the nave vault on the piers framing the fourth bay, and those on the double oolumns in the middle of the fourth and fifth bays (see Diagram A). To locate capitals within the cathedral, I have assigned a Roman numeral to each bay of the nave and transepts, beginning, in each case, at the entrance and increasing towards the crossing. The Roman numeral indicates the responds and piers on the crossing side of each bay. In the nave, A, B, C and D refer to the north responds, north piers, south piers and south responds, respectively, while, in the transepts, the letters are similarly applied to the responds and piers from left to right, as one looks towards the crossing. Subscripts (n, e, s, w) signify compass points for the location of capitals on piers or windows, and "m" is used for the middle capitals in the bays of the tribunes. 8 Forthe sources of the capitals of the crypt: WAJID(note 5) p. 41-6; L SAULNIEll and N. ST11ATPORD, La sculpture oubliee de Vezelay (Geneva 1984) p. 152, n. 12; D'fam.Jo (note 1) p. 146-9. W AJID and STRAwoJID discussed the relationship between capitals of the crypt and sculpture of Burgundy and northem France in their oontributions to the symposium, 0 P6rtioo da Gloria e a arte do seu tempo, held in Santiago de Compostela, October 3-8, 1988 (in press). 186 Codex Calixtinus.indd 201 Codex Calixtinus.indd 201 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 hanging leaves or ballflowers which commonly invade the abaci of capitals of the crypt (figs. 1, 2, 6 and 7). 9 On one of the "Gudesteo capitals" (fig. 7), the thinly notched lobes on the upper edges of the leaves imitate those lining the volutes or acanthus leaves in the abaci of several capitals of the crypt (fig. 3), and the small leaf placed within a large one simplifies the shape of the split acanthus leaves which shelter a smaller leaf on another crypt capital (fig. 5). Finally, the two capitals decorated with lions have loose links with pieces at La Charite-sur-Loire, and, like some finer pieces in the crypt (fig. 11), display cupped leaves or ballflowers and use masks as bosses in their abaci. 10 Alongside these capitals which tap the newly imported vocabulary of the sculptors of the crypt, the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes also present more traditional capitals which offer a measure of the fortunes of the Compostelan foliate capital in the 1160s and help determine the extent of the work carried out at that time. Several ofthese capitals (figs . 8, 9) display clasped volutes and unusually slender leaves split by richly decorated ribs or clefts, while their short sides typically present three leaves topped by a pair of volutes an arrangement that was common enough among the more varied capitals of the groundfloor of the transepts, but largely abandoned in the tribunes of the transepts and in the eastem bays of the nave. 11 Although their foliage and overall structure remain traditional, the finer proportions and careful detailing of the leaves and the handling of their short sides distinguish them from the capitals of the eastem bays of the nave and link them with the neighboring capitals inspired by the new work in the crypt. Together, the capitals of the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes make it possible to identify sections of the groundfloor of the nave which were decorated and, most likely, constructed at the same time. These include the three westem bays of the north wall, the westemmost bay of the south wall, the second and third piers on the north side and üte second pier on the south side. First of all, capitals closely related to those in the crypt duster at the ends of the aisles, decorating the westemmost window of the south aisle, the last two responds of the north aisle and most window shafts in its three western bays. The capital of the second respond 9 Tumed trilobate leaves serve as bosses on related capitals of the west doorway and flanking towers of San Vicente of Avila andin Burgundy: SAUlJIIIEll and STRATFORD (note 8) pls . 70 (Rouy), 111, 114 and 115 (Vezelay chapter house ). The use of four volutes on the broad face is not cornmon among earlier Compostelan capitals, and only one capital, at the comer of the north transept and north aisle of the choir, shows an inner volute spiralling outwards. 10 R. RAI! BER., La Charite-sur-Loire, Basler Studien zur Kunstgeschichte (Neue Folge) VI (Bern 1964) figs. 34, 37 and, for the decorative drillworic on the volutes, 45. An early example of this type of capital appears at Cluny with a ballflower boss: W. Sanmic: , Zwischen Ouny und Oairvaux : die Kathedral von Langres und die Burgundische Architektur des 12. Jahrhunderts (Berlin 1970) pi. 51. A very similar ballflower boss appears on a capital decorated with birds in the west crypt at Santiago (fig. 5), and the grinning, nearly human faces of the lions on the capitals of the tribunes at Santiago may be compared with those on other capitals at La Charite sur Loire: RAI! BE11. (1964) figs. 44 and 46 . 11 Two volutes are never used on the short sides of respond capitals in the transept galleries; in the eastem half of the nave, they appear on the groundfloor on capitals VIIID, VllCw, XD and XCe. To the west, they appear on IVCe. Other examples in the westem bays of the nave and bay VI of the tribunes are attributable to the campaign of the 1160s, as demonstrated below. 187 Codex Calixtinus.indd 202 Codex Calixtinus.indd 202 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 plainly illustrates the debt to the sculpture of the crypt (fig. 10). Its sculptor imitated the ring of palmettes on one of the capitals of the crypt (fig. 3), and copied the masks and lions' heads in the abacus from other capitals of the crypt (fig. 11), derived, in turn, from those at Avallon in Burgundy. 12 On the south aisle wall, the last respond capital, though a traditional type, shares the slender leaves and more elaborate detailing of the Compostelan foliate capitals in the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes . Within the nave, the capitals of the second and third piers on the north side and the second pier on the south side join those of the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes. Of these nine capitals, one, with its superposed leaves and four volutes spiralling outwards, belongs to the group of"Gudesteo" capitals, but the others are traditional Compostelan foliate capitals (figs. 12, 13), three of which show a lion crouching beneath the principal leaf on the main face. Nonetheless, their finer forms distance them from the foliate capitals of the piers to the east, and link them instead with the capitals of the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes (figs . 8, 9). All share the distinctive arrangement of two volutes flanking a boss on their short sides, and several details strengthen their ties with the capitals of the tribunes: the palmettes hanging from clasps at the tip of the large leaves, the lion poised beneath a broadly arching leaf and the acutely pointed lobes on the leaves. Even the profiles of the bases of these three piers signal a new campaign, for they are notably higher than those of the piers to the east, opening the possibility that these piers rose from their foundations in the final campaign. Excavations beneath the floor of the cathedral help explain the distribution of the newcapitals and, specifically, the greater extent of their use on the north side of the groundfloor of the nave . 13 Tue wall of the citadel at Santiago apparently cut across the westem bays of the nave, tracing a diagonal line from the fourth bay of the north wall through the second bay of the south wall . 14 In fact, the towers built by bishop Cresconius stood on both sides of the nave, anchoring the fortifications and flanking the westem access to the citadel. Although the Historia Compostellana records the demolition of these towers as part of Gelmfrez' effort to extend the cathedral westwards, the exclusive use of new types of capitals in the zones beyond the circuit of walls suggests that the obstacle they posed to westward construction had not been entirely removed. 15 Within the circuit of walls, the location of the new types of capitals in bays of the tribunes east of those housing similar ones below 12 SAULNIER and STRATFORD (note 8) pl. 66. 13 Later insertions in the third and founh bays of the nonh aisle obscure the beginnings of the new effort. For the excavations: J. GUl! IUlA CAMPOS, Exploraciones arqueol6gicas en tomo al sepulcro del Ap6stol Santiago (Santiago de C001postela 1982). 14 For a general plan of the citadel and its fortifications. F. L6pez Aui1NA, La ciudad de Santiago de C001postela cn 1a alta E<iadMedia (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p. 246, 250 . For the history of these walls: lbid. p. 254-9. 15 SuA11EZ and CAMPELO (note 4) p. 287-8; the destruction of the towers is mentioned to explain Gelmfrez' inclusion of Sts. Benedict and Antoninus in the dedication of a chapel in the tribunes of the nonh transcptto replace the altars that had been dedicated to them in the westem towers . Since the author is primarily concemed with the destruction of the altars, the reference to the demolition of the towers necd not mean that they were levelled. 188 Codex Calixtinus.indd 203 Codex Calixtinus.indd 203 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 implies a "stepped" construction with work on the tribunes and vaults lagging behind that on the groundfloor. lt remains unclear whether the coming of foreign artists marked the beginning of the new campaign, and inspired the new varieties of the Compostelan capital. Like the "Gudesteo" capitals or those with addorsed lions, these more traditional capitals freely borrow from sculpture of the west crypt The slender foliage, elaborate lobes and pellets, clasped volutes, split leaves and small balls owe their success, in part, to the influence of the foreign atelier, but these Compostelan capitals share some of their new traits with mid-twelfth century capitals in the priory church of the Sar at Santiago and others in the tribunes of the cathedral itself, just east of the first unequivocal signs of influence from the west crypt, suggesting that active workshops at Santiago greeted the newcomers and had already begun the effort to complete the cathedral. In and around the sixth bay of the tribunes where all of the capitals and imposts respect traditional Compostelan formulas, a tightly knit group of capitals (figs. 14, 15) are linked by several features which prepared the way for reception of the foreign vocabulary : clasped and hanging leaves, additional detailing with the carving of grooves on volutes or hairline ribs on the lobes of leaves, the folding over of some lobes which, at times, climb from the clefts of the large leaves, and an odd multiplication of the deep clefts which are now used to separate leaves or, occasionally, are doubled on a single leaf. This last feature anticipated the introduction of three leaves on the short sides of the capitals, and, indeed, a couple of capitals in the sixth bay of the tribunes already display a pair of volutes on their short sides. While earlier capitals in the cathedral provide widely scauered models to account for most features of these pieces, these rare details are combined with sufficient frequency in this small zone to distinguish its capitals from those to the east 16 The distinctive details persist on the Compostelan capitals of the fourth and fifth bays of the tribunes and the related ones in the western bays of the nave below, among capitals inspired by those of the crypt, and indicate an underlying continuity in the works despite the arrival of foreign artists. Thus, the foreigners joined a campaign initiated by local craftsmen, and maintained a division oflabor, like that in the transepts, with local craftsmen undertaking the construction of the tribunes and finishing work in the nave while the more skilled newcomers dedicated themselves to the decoration planned for the west crypt and porch.17 16 Hanging palrneues appear on capitals in the north transept (ID), south transept (IIICs), north transept tribunes (ICs) and nave tribunes (XCen). Oefts are multiplied on two capitals of the northwest and southwest crossing piers below the vault and a nearby piece below the north transept vault (VCe). Two of the capitals near bay VI of the tribunes (VBw and VBe) display crouching lioos which enjoyed renewed popularity in the last campaign. Earlier they had appeared in the south transept (IVBs), the north transept (IIIBn) and in the eastem bays of the nave tribunes (VIIIBw) . 17 Architectural evidence supports this view of a campaign begun by local craftsmen and, then, taken over by foreigners with coosequent changes in plan . W Am , for example , called auentioo to the masonry break in the west wall of each aisle, and coocluded that the west entrance was to resemble the double portals of the transepts flanked by a blind arcade or window at the end of each aisle : (note 5) p. 56-7. In my view, however , the new design was probably introduced within the final 189 Codex Calixtinus.indd 204 Codex Calixtinus.indd 204 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The capitals of the Augustinian priory church of the Sar confirm the activity of these Compostelan masons in the years before the arrival of the foreign artists, and help to date their work in the cathedral. 18 The church of the Sar presents two clearly distinguishable campaigns. In the first, building began with the apses, advanced along the lower courses of the aisle walls to include the north and west portals, and ended with the raising of the aisle walls in the easternmost bay and the decoration of the corresponding windows. Among the traditional Compostelan capitals of this campaign, several share some of the characteristic traits of those around the sixth bay of the tribunes in the cathedral and their descendants to the west: hanging palmettes, the taller and slenderer proportions of the leaves, deep clefts between the leaves, small leaves unfolding from the fissures in the ! arger leaves, and pairs of volutes on the short sides of the capitals. Traditional Compostelan forms dominated the first campaign, but, in its last stages, craftsmen timidly introduced new motifs. While the capitals of the sanctuary arch of the main apse and the adjoining respond to the south all present Compostelan foliage, the one on the north respond (fig. 16) displays five acanthus leaves with long grooves dropping to their bases and ornamental drillholes accenting their finely lobed outlines. Above, a smaller leaf of this type punctuates the center of each face, curling outwards in front of the convex bell of the capital. The convex bell, the banded volutes at the corners and the grooved and drilled acanthus leaves are inspired by capitals in the west crypt of the cathedral (fig. 4). Similar foliage cloaks two capitals on the exterior of the easternmost window of the north aisle, while, inside, the Compostelan foliage of the capitals fixes the window in the first campaign. The location of the capitals in a new style places them near the end of the first campaign, for, to the west, the capitals of the windows and nave arcade are indebted to the P6rtico de la Gloria or contemporary Cistercian work. 19 The imposts above these three capitals, as weil as those topping the capitals of the sanctuary arch of the main apse and the adjoining respond to the south, all show a fine groove on their underside or lower edge, like those introduced in the west crypt of the cathedral. In fact, the imposts of the window capitals of the fifth bay at the Sar display a slight roll, simplifying the more ocmplex profiles used on the crypt portals. Significantly, these profiles were rarely taken up in the second campaign, confirming the interruption of the works. The west portal also received the new campaign, after the arrival of foreign craftsmen. In the tribunes, a change in the profile of the vaults in bay V was accompanied by a new method oflaying the courses in the curtain walls over the transverse arches, suggesting a change in working practices after local craftsmen had constructed the sixth bay ofthe tribuncs: D'EM11Jo(note l) p. 80-1. On the division oflabor in the earlier work at Santiago: MOIW.l! Jo(note 4) p. 229. 18 Sta. Maria 1a Real del Sar: C. SANCHEZ RIVEMA, El monasterio y templo de Sta. Maria la Real de Sar (Santiago de Compostela 1920); P. Pl! DRETCASADO, Santa Marfa la Mayor y Real de Sar, in: Cuademos de Estudios Gallegos IV, no . 14 (1949) p. 339-48; M. CHAMoso L.uiAs et al., Galice Romane (La-Pierre-qui-Vire 1973) p. 205-212; D'EMIIJo(note 1) p . 81-4. 19 Of the window capitals in the four westem bays, only those on the interior of the north window in bay III belong to the first campaign, and their execution may have accompanied the construction and decoration of the portal and comice in the same bay. 190 Codex Calixtinus.indd 205 Codex Calixtinus.indd 205 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 vocabulary of decoration within the first campaign; three of its capitals, though badly worn, exhibit two rows of acanthus leaves with small balls at their tips. The deeply scooped out lobes stemming from the base of the leaf were foreign to earlier Compostelan traditions, while the use of two rows of foliage, occasionally found on capitals of the transepts of the cathedral, experienced a minor revival in the western bays of the nave. 20 Similar capitals and imposts, derived from those of the west crypt, accompanied the influence of the Sar in Galician churches at Xunqueira de Ambia and Los6n with dated inscriptions of 1164, 1166 and 1171, implying that theartists ofthe west crypt at Santiago had arrived before the contract of 1168. 21 Thus, an even earlier date must be assigned to the activity of the local craftsmen who began the church of the Sar and, apparently, participated in the first stages of the effort to complete the cathedral. The history of the priory provides a broad outline for the chronology of its construction. Established by the Compostelan canon and bishop ofMondofledo, Munio Alfonso, shortly before his death in 1136, the new foundation won approval from Gelmi'rez in that year and royal confirmation in 1137. 22 Pedro Gudesteiz' tenure as prior from the late 1140s until his elevation to the see of Mondofledo in 1155 offers one plausible opportunity for launching the building campaign. 23 A member of the chapter at Santiago, he was close to the court and tutored Fernando II. 24 As prior of the Sar, he attracted royal patronage to the house, presided over an important period in its growth, and retumed to Santiago in the 1160s as Fernando Il's candidate for the see during the king's struggles with archbishop Martin. 25 The commencement of the church of the Sar in the 1150s casts light on the activity of a group of Compostelan masons who fashioned their own humble 20 Capitals with two rows of leaves appear on the groundfloor of the north transept (VD, IIA, IID, VAs) and on the groundfloor of the south transept (VIBs, VCs, IVD, IIID, IIBs, IBw, ffiw, OB). The only one in the tribunes of the transepts is an anomalous piece at the northeast comer of the crossing, and a simpler type had enjoyed favor in the tribune of the ambulatory. Among traditional Compostelan capitals, the only example in the nave (IIIBw) belongs to the 1l(i()s. 21 Sta. Eulalia of Los6n: I. BANooToaVJSO, Arquitectura Romanica en Pontevedra (La Corufia 1979) p. 130-2, pi. 12; for the links between the Sar and the collegiate church of Xunqueira de Ambia: J.C. V AUJ! Pmuiz, Les comiches sur arcatures dans l'architecture romane du nord-ouest de la peninsule iberique, in: Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa XV (1984) p. 228-9. Fora fuller analysis of the relationship of both churches to the Sar: D'llim.Jo (note 1) p. 84-8. 22 Gelmfrez' charter of 1136 and royal confirmation of 1137: A. l.oPl! ZFBIUUllllo, Historia de la Santa A.M. lglesia de Santiago de Cornpostela (Santiago de Compostela 1901) IV, ap. VIII, p. 21-5. The original location of a tomb inscription of 1171 from the priory is uncertain: SANamzRIVBRA (note 18), p. 20-2, plate between p. 24-5. 23 V ALU! Pmuiz (note 21), p. 244, note 27. SANomzRIVBRA cites a donation to a prior Pedro in 1144: (note 18), p. 39; l.oP! lZ FBIUUllllo cites another of 1147 to "prior Pedro" and the patronymic "Gudesteiz" is included in another of 1149: (note 22) IV, p. 235, 248-9. Cf. R.A . Furroma, The Episcopate in the Kingdorn of Le6n in the Twelfth Century (Oxford 1978) p. 63. 24 R.A. FIBTCHBR, Regalian right in twelfth century Spain : the case of archbishop Martin of Santiago de Cornpostela, in: Journal of Ecclesiastical History 27 (1977) p. 349-50. 25 In 1149, for example, the house received a large gift from Pedro Cresconiz, and helped supervise the establishment of a small church and hospital on the site of the later church of San Lazaro: l.oP! lZ FBIUIEIRo (note 22) IV, p. 241, 248-9. Alfonso VII made a donation in 1152: P. UlSCl! RTAU! S DE GARCIA DB V AU>l! AVl! LLANO, Tumbos del monasterio de Sobrado de los Monjes (Madrid 1976) II, p. 71-2. 191 Codex Calixtinus.indd 206 Codex Calixtinus.indd 206 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 dialect of the decorative idiom introduced to Santiago at the beginning of the twelfth century. The characteristic features of their capitals make it possible to pinpoint the beginning of what was to be a sustained campaign to complete the cathedral, and a date of c. 1160 for their earliest work there finds support in the recent publication of two donations for the cathedral works in 1160 and 1161. 26 Thus, a sizeable part of the building had remained unfinished at the end of Gelmfrez' campaign, but it remains uncertain whether additional construction had been undertaken between the suspension of work in the early 1120s and the effort begun C. 1160. Unfortunately, darkness shrouds the second quarter of the century. Small groups of closely related foliate capitals in the middle bays of the nave and aisles are impossible to date precisely and may belang to the close of Gelmfrez' campaign.ZI Two zoomorphic capitals in the south aisle of the cathedral do hintat some activity in this obscure period. The bulky griffins of capital 11D (fig. 17) just east of the work of the 1160s and the harpies on a window capital in the seventh bay find precise parallels at Avila (fig. 18) and Segovia in the second quarter of the century and spawned copies in the Galician countryside from the 1150s onwards. 28 Their isolation and the presence of repairs in the south aisle caution against an easy definition of a campaign or intervention by Castilian sculptors, but a minor detail of some of the foliate capitals of the 1160s around the sixth bay of the tribunes may indicate some acquaintance with sculpture of Avila. 79 Hairline ribs decorate the lobes on several of these capitals, and the omament recurs, significantly, on capital IVD in the south aisle. This detail, virtually unknown among the early twelfth century capitals at Santiago, formed part of the standard foliate capital used at Avila in the mid-twelfth century. 30 Nonetheless, the precise role of Castilian sculptors at Santiago in the second quarter of the century remains elusive, for isolated pieces are all that remain to document work which would necessarily have been concentrated in the cloister, a more suitable setting for their rich decoration than the church where simple foliate capitals and plain imposts had become the norm. While one can only speculate about activity within the basilica during the second quarter of the century, it is clear that the nave is Iargely the product of two great campaigns: that of Gelmirez and that begun in the 1160s and culminating in the 26 Tue documents were brought to light by C. MANSoin her paper, EI docurnento de 1161 relativo a la supuesta actividad de Mateo en Pontecesures, at the syrnposiurn, 0 P6rtico da Gloria e a arte do seu ternpo, held in Santiago de Compostela, October 3-8, 1988 (in press) . 27 MoRALl! lo rightly observed close parallels between a capital of bay VIII of the north tribune and pieces in the upper part of the nave of San Isidoro of Le6n, and attributed it to the years following the departure of the sculptors of the Puerta de Platerias: (note 4) p. 235, note 38. 28 MoRALl! lo noted the sources for the capital displaying griffins: (note 4) p. 231, 236. For their local offspring: D'fum10 (note 1) p. 103-110. 29 Both interior capitals of the south window in bay IV are later insertions one in the style of the west porch, and capital VICs closely resernbles the one on the respond between the north and central apse of the Sar, a piece whose debt to the west crypt of the cathedral was noted above. 30 There are rnany examples in the nave of San Andres of Avila. A similar handling of the lobes appears on capitals closely related to Compostelan types at Nogaro in Gascony: M. Duai.! AT, L'eglise de Nogaro, Congres archeologique de France, 128 (1970) p. 102, figs. 11-13. 192 Codex Calixtinus.indd 207 Codex Calixtinus.indd 207 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 building and decoration of the P6rtico de la Gloria . The distribution of capitals on the nave walls and piers, in the tribunes and below the nave vault offers precise evidence of the extent of work that must be ascribed to the campaign of the 1160s? 1 In a more general way, the character and distribution of masons' marks support this view of the construction of the nave, for those in its westem bays are fewer in number, less varied and less prominent than those in the transepts and eastemmost bays of the nave . 32 The checkered history of the see of Santiago in the middle of the twelfth century helps explain why construction came to a halt in the 1120s and was only resumed on a significant scale around 1160. The account of the civil\disorders of 1117 in the Historia Compostellana suggests that large parts of the catliedral remained without vaults while the towers of bishop Cresconius still stood in what was to be the westem part of the new nave . The fabric of the cathedral testifies eloquently to the effects of the rebellion of 1117. The description of c. 1130 in the Pilgrim 's Guide documents the haphazard arrangement of the south transept facade, long before the transfer of sculpture from the north transept facade in the eighteenth century or more recent restorations. 33 The use ofbroken figures as fillers and the disruption of sacred narratives .could only result from the hasty setting or patching up of sculpture after the uprising when, apparently, skilled sculptors were no langer on band to replace damaged pieces or effect repairs. 34 The disorders of 1117 had damaged the episcopal palace as well as the cathedral, and Gelmfrez soon seized the opportunity to enlarge the residence and improve its defences. 35 This project undoubtedly diverted masons from the cathedral itself where, besides the repairs of scars left by the fighting, construction likely continued until the early 1120s when both the Historia Compostellana and the Pilgrim 's Guide signal some stopping of the works. With its ample transepts and perhaps four bays of the nave west of the crossing built and vaulted, the basilica then offered a 31 The description in the Pilgrim ' s Guide itself supports this broad division ofthe nave, for it counts forty-three windows in the tribunes (CoNANl' [note 2) p. 51), which corresponds to the number east of bay VI of the nave, exactly where I place the resumption of the work in the l 160s. MoRAIBJo linked this with the change of capitals in bay V to suggest that the tribunes bad been left unfinished at the time the description was written for the Pilgrim' s Guide, a possibility which CoNANl' bad earlier considered and rejected: (note 4) p. 236, note 45. 32 I offer this general observaticn pending the outcome of a census of the masons' marics in the cathedral which I have been undertaking. Any conclusions based on the study of these marks must remain tentative until the completion of such a survey and an accompanying examination of the dressing and subsequent treatment of the wall surfaces . Further, the purpose and meaning of the individual marks remain obscure, and norms goveming their use likely varied at different sites and perhaps ·even during different phases of construction at a single site. 33 For the date of the description: LoPEZ FEIUU! lllo (note 22) IV, p. 242-5, CoNANT (note 2) p. 23, note 1, and, most recently, M .C. DfAzv DIAZ, El C6dice Calixtino de la Catedral de Santiago (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p . 58. 34 M.F . Hl! AllN' s recent effort to date the filling of the tympana around 1130 seems to based only on stylistic comparisons with the great tympanum at Conques and the presumption of an unduly late date for that monument : Romanesque Sculpture (lthaca 1981) p. 144-5. 35 LoPEZ Fl! IUUllllo (note 22) IV, p. 11-2; R.A. FU! TCHBI<, Saint James' s Catapult : The Life and Times of Diego Gelmirez (Oxford 1984) p. 176-7. Nearby Lugo offers an interesting parallel, for civil disorders there slowed progress on the cathedral in the l 150s and 1160s and may have spurred work on the episcopal palace : D'EMILlo(note 1) p. 114-7. 193 Codex Calixtinus.indd 208 Codex Calixtinus.indd 208 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 splendid and spacious setting for the crowds of pilgrims wbo flocked to the apostle's tomb. Completion would bave demanded able builders to tackle the formidable slope to the west, and skilled sculptors to carve the planned decoration of the west facade. Moreover, the commitment of resources that tbe project entailed must have seemed less appealing, as Gelmfrez turned bis attention and wealth towards negotiations aimed at winning metropolitan status for bis see. Tbe buge sums wbicb flowed to the papal court between 1118 and 1124 stretcbed the prelate's resources and reined bis building ambitions. 36 In a wider context, Santiago felt the repercussions of the financial crises wbicb sbook the Spanisb kingdoms in the wake of the Almoravid invasions as tribute and booty from tbe Muslim south dried up and the ambitious building projects launcbed in the beady years of tbe late eleventh century were slowed or curtailed. 37 In fact, tbe wbole enterprise represented by the flowering of tbe pilgrimage style was breaking down, for it bad depended on wealth capable of sustain ing enougb projects to allow gifted craftsmen to specialize as sculptors and sbuttle between widely separated sites wbile teams of masons kept up tbe ordinary tasks of construction. 38 That situation was ending by the 1110s, and, across nortbem Spain, tbe second quarter of the century saw the far-ranging artists of the previous generation largely replaced by localized ateliers wbo answered the needs of growing towns and newly repopulated sites. 39 Had Gelmfrez sougbt skilled sculptors like tbose wbo bad worked at Santiago earlier in tbe century, be migbt bave bad difficulty finding tbem and attracting them to Galicia, for the conditions wbicb bad permitted their specialized training and rapid displacement from one site to another no longer existed. Gelmfrez suffered the financial strains on the Leonese kingdom more directly througb the insistent demands of Alfonso VII wbo altemately cajoled and extorted buge sums from the prelate. 40 Pressure from tbe young king on the straitened finances of the diocese delayed the main building programme initiated in the 36 For an outline of the "cost " of the new privilege : FLllTCHl! ll (note 35) p . 204-6; for the gifts of 1123- 4: LöPllZFERREJRO (note 22) IV, p . 79-82. 37 For the economic situation: FLllTCHl! ll (note 35) p. 153-4. 38 I use the term "pilgrimage style" in the more limited sense recommended by MoRALEJo in an important study of the flowering of Romanesque an on the pilgrimage road : Anistas, patronos y publico en el arte del Camino de Santiago, in: Compostellanum 30 (1985) p . 395-423. 39 This provides a context for the local schools of Avila and Segovia, Zamora , and Cantabria , and may help to explain the isolation of the first master of the Silos cloister. At the same time, long distance exchanges did not stop entirely . Castilian craftsmen travelled to Galicia, as noted above, and connections have been discovered between Avila and Cantabria: M. Vu.A DA Vu.A,Repoblaci6n y anistas itinerantes: la contribuc i6n de Cantabria a la escultura romanica abulense, in: VI Congreso Espafiol de Historia del Ane, Santiago de Compostela, 1986 (Santiago de Compostela 1989) II, p . 219-231. The most dramatic evidence of itinerant sculptors in this period is provided by the altar supports of San Payo de Antealtares whose place in a loosely connected group of Gascon and Spanish monuments including Oloron -Ste.-Marie, Morlaas, San Martin de Fuentiduefia and Sta . Maria de Uncastillo has been discussed by S. MoRALl! Jo, De Sant Esteve de Tolosa a la Daurade . Notes sobre l'escultura del claustre romanic de Santa Maria de Solsona, Quadems d' estudis medievals 7 (1988) p. 109. 40 Gelmfrez and Alfonso VII: LöPl! Z FBRREIRO (note 22) IV, p. 129-35, 164, 209-15; FUlTOil! ll (note 35) p. 257-9. 194 Codex Calixtinus.indd 209 Codex Calixtinus.indd 209 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 1120s: construction of a cloister. 41Gelmfrez launched the project in 1124, but little headway was made in the following years. One sign of its slow start comes from the activities of Bemard, who administered building operations at Santiago. In 1129, he was preparing to go on pilgrimage to the Holy Land, and, although Gelmirez dissuaded him, he then devoted himself to compiling a cartulary for the cathedral.42His readiness to leave Santiago, his work on the cartulary and his duties in the royal chancery (1127-8/ 1131-3) suggest that building operations no langer commanded his attention, even if he had a hand in the privilege which Alfonso VII conferred in 1131 on those involved in the works at Santiago. 43 These exemptions, however, could hardly have compensated for the king's exactions from the see. By 1133, the canons' complaints about the indifferent activity on the cloister moved the archbishop to name a supervisory commission and allocate some moneys, with more promised if construction progressed. A major obstacle was removed when Alfonso VII contributed to the works on the cloister in 1137, and, more importantly, gave up the yearly revenues he had earlier wrung from Gelmfrez. The lass of the cloister makes it impossible to assess its character, measure the pace of its construction, or determine whether related work was undertaken inside the unfinished cathedral. Rapid progress, however, is unlikely since additional donations were earmarked for work there in 1160 and perhaps in 1199. 44 In the 1140s, the raising of a new dormitory for the cathedral chapter encroaching on the monastery of San Pelayo de Antealtares sparked protests from the hause, rekindling old disputes with the cathedral . In 1147 and 1152, first, Alfonso VII, then, archbishop Bemard Alfonso VII issued privileges to the monks in response to their complaints about revenues due to be restored to them when construction of the cathedral ended. 45 Since the building was not yet finished, their suits imply a lang suspension which made continued withholding of their rights seem unjustified. Given the activity on the cloister and annexes to the cathedral, additional work on the church is unlikely to have prospered under the succession of prelates with short and sometimes contested tenures from 1140 to 1156. The death of Alfonso VII in 1157 and the partition of his domains paved the way for the resumption of work in the cathedral. At first glance, the early 1160s would 41 Cloister : l..oPEZ FEIUIEIRO (note 22) IV, p . 71-2, 183, 210-1. 42 l..oPEZ Fl! RREIRO (note 22) IV, p. 156-7; FurrCHER(note 35) p. 262-4 . Bemardo's involvement with the worlcs formed pan of bis duties as treasurer . l..oPEZ Ai.sINA has linked the creation of a second office of treasurer in the late eleventh century with the construction of the new cathedral; even more relevant rnay be theappointmentof a third treasurerby 1107: (note 14)p . 37-8. He explained the new office as a response to the need to organize the cathedral archive, but its disappearance around 1120 rnight better be auributed to the slowing of the cathedral worlcs at that time . l..oPEz Ai.sINA also downplays Bemardo' s direct role in the oornpilation of the canulary, but assurnes oontinuing oonstruction in the cathedral: p . 35-6. 43 The privilege of 1131 is published in l..oPBZ FBRRB1Ro (note 22) IV, app. VI, pp . 16-8. 44 Twin oolurnns , capitals and other pieces re-used in the church of Agualada have been auributed to the cathedral cloister, and their debt to the style of the west porch would confirm that the protracted work continued at the end ofthe century : l..oPBZ FEIUlBIRo (note 22) IV, p. 285, V, p. 190- 3. BusamECKdissented frorn this opinion, but assurned an early date for completion of the cloister: Der Ponioo de la Gloria von Santiago de Cornpostela (Berlin 1919) p . 64-5. 45 l..oPEZ FERREIRO (note 22) IV, p. 231-3, 250-1, app. XXI, p . 57-9. 195 Codex Calixtinus.indd 210 Codex Calixtinus.indd 210 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 seem the least auspicious time for contemplating completion of the cathedral. If the middle years of the century had not been happy ones for the diocese, Martin' s episcopacy (1156-67) was troubled even by those standards. 46 In 1160, he quarreled with Fernando II, and was twice expelled from the see as the new monarch sought to install his own nominees, first, Fernando Curialis, then, Pedro Gudesteiz, bishop of Mondoiiedo and once his tutor and prior of the Sar. Following the death of archbishop Martin in 1167, Pedro Gudesteiz was canonically invested with the office which he held until his resignation in 1173. Richard Fletcher has argued that Fernando II, like his predecessors, sougbt to avail himself of the temporalities of the see of Santiago by conferring their administration on bis trusted counsellors. 47 Alfonso VII bad certainly coveted the wealth of the see, and, during its vacancies, named administrators of its properties wbo may well have acceded to bis financial demands. Similar pressures may bave triggered Fernando II's initial dispute with arcbbisbop Martin, but the king was soon attempting to oust Martin from the episcopal seat itself not merely seize its temporalities, and bis nominees were styled as "arcbbisbop-elect." 48 The first of tbese, Fernando Curialis won importantroyal gifts forthe see in 1161, wbile Pedro Gudesteiz received royal privileges in 1163 and 1165, as arcbbishop-elect, and bis canonical elevation in 1167 was quickly followed by a royal contract for the cathedral works and other donations from the crown. 49 Fernando II's generosity would be puzzling indeed, if Pedro Gudesteiz bad been but a tool for exploiting the wealth of the arcbdiocese. Gelmirez' appointment to administer the see in the 1090s offers an intriguing comparison, for it, too, provided a first step to the episcopal seat. In addition, bis stewardship, praised in the Historia Compostellana, laid the groundwork for the extensive building programme of the following decade. 50 Fernando II's policy towards Santiago must be viewed in the broader context of bis relationsbip to the cburcb and the changing face of peninsular politics in the 46 LoPEZ Fl! llElllo(note 22) IV, p. 221-82; R.A. Fum: Hl! ll, The Archbishops of Santiago de Compostela between 1140 and 1173: a new chronology, Cornpostellanum 17 (1972) p. 45-61; FLBTCH! lll (note 23) p. 57-9. l..6pez Ferreiro called attention to the poverty of the diocese in the time of archbishop Martin and the canons' desperate measures to obtain cash: (note 22) IV, p. 271-2. One wonders if they were not motivated by the pressures of a newly resumed building campaign. 47 FLBTOIEII. (note 24). 48 "Archbishop-elect": charters cited by Furramit (note 24) p. 347,350. Fum: Hl! ll'sskillfully argued hypothesis rests, in part, on a narrow reading of the term "honor" as referring specifically to the ternporalities of the see and not the episcopal office. In the case of archbishop Martin, however, the papal bull which he cites (p. 340-1) discusses Martin' s alleged resignation of the see, and FLBTOIEII.' s interpretation of P A1UJtES • remarlcs a source of questionable reliability (cf. D' EMluo (note 1) p. 112, 116)is forced (p. 352). 49 J. Goi-rz.wiz, Regesta de Fernando II (Madrid, 1943) p. 364,367, 373-4, 388-9, 399-401, 406,411, 416-7, 419-20. 50 Flei<; her rightly questions the objectivity of the Historia Cornpostellana on this, but ignores the evidence for the early clevation of Gclmirez to the see: (note 24) p. 343; (note 35) p. 105-13. For Gclnurez' career as administrator and his appointment as bishop: B. F. Rmu.v, Santiago and Saint- Denis: thc Frcnch presencc in clevcnth ccntury Spain, Catholic Historical Review 44 (1968) p. 476-82; L VONES, Die 'Historia Compostellana' und die Kirchenpolitik des nordwestspanischen Raumes 1070-1130 (Cologne 1980) p. 117-33. 196 Codex Calixtinus.indd 211 Codex Calixtinus.indd 211 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 1160s. In the fJist years of his reign, he freely plundered the ecclesiastical patrimony, buthe soon reversed this policy. Privileges that had beenbought by the citizens ofLugo "in time of war and need" were withdrawn in 1159 in favor of the bishop's rights, the church of Orense was compensated in 1167 for its wartime lasses, and, beginning in 1161, bishop Gonzalo of Oviedo received a staggering number of concessions for his faithful service to the crown. 51In Santiago itself, the king's gifts to his nominee, Pedro Gudesteiz, made amends for his previous expropriations.52 Throughout his realm, ambitious construction projects were launched. Some, like those at Santiago and Sobrado, received direct royal support, while the financing of others the cathedral of Orense and the decoration of the Camara Santa in Oviedo, for example must have been helped by the ample gifts the king showered on those prelates who had served him well. 53 In Galicia, the king's generosity was surely swayed by his need to rally support and secure the loyalty of his churchmen in the face of the intrigues and military adventures of the Portuguese king, Alfonso Henriques, in the 1160s. Santiago, however, had far more than local importance, for the see nursed a long-standing rivalry with Toledo which now lay in the Castilian domains. Gelmirez had struggled without success to free Santiago from the primacy of Toledo . The issue continued to smoulder, and, in 1154, pope Anastasius IV conceded the exemption in abull which was revoked two years laterby his successor, Adrian IV. 54 With the re-establishment of the metropolitan see of Tarragona in Catalonia, the independence of Portugal with its own metropolitan at Braga, and the partition of the empire of Alfonso VII, political concems fueled the dispute over the primacy, and, between 1161 and 1169, pope Alexander III responded with four privileges confirming the primacy of Toledo. 55Fernando II knew the importance of the imperial capital, occupied it in 1162, and titled himself "Rex hispanorum" during the troubled years following the accession of the two-year old Alfonso VIII to the Castilian throne. 56As the Leonese position there became untenable, the political significance of Santiago grew, and the king would have had an interest in enhancing its status . Whatever the roots of his first quarre} with the king, archbishop Martin would not have been the best candidate to advance his political aims . A reform-minded prelate with close ties to the monastic orders, he had served the archbishop of Toledo, and later he pressed his own claims there in an implicit recognition of his 51 Lugo : L. SANCHFZ BBLDA, Documentos reales de la E<ladMedia referentes a Galicia . Catalogo de los conservados en 1aSecci6n de Clero de! Archivo Hist6rico Nacional (Madrid 1953) p . 145; Orense : GoN"LW! Z(note 49) p. 396; Oviedo : GoN"LW! Z (note 49) p. 365,377, 384,387,395 etc., cf. FLE'l'OiEll (note 23) p. 75--0. Additional donations of considerable si: re were rnade to Lugo and Orense between 1164 and 1169: GoN"LW! Z(note 49) p . 379, 384, 390-1, 394--0, 40'). 52 GoN"LW! Z(note 49) p. 388-9 . 53 For Sobrado : l.osCERTALllll (note 25) II, p. 53-4 . 54 l..oPEZ Fl! IUU! mo (note 22) IV , p. 256-8; J .F. RlvEaARBao, La iglesia de Toledo en el siglo XII (Madrid , 1966) p. 341-4 . 55 J . GoNZAurz, EI reino de Castilla en la epoca de Alfonso VIII (Madrid, 1960) 1, p. 407-11; RiVBaA (note 18) p . 327, 347-50 . 56 GoN"LW! Z(note 55) 1, p. 679-85 . 197 Codex Calixtinus.indd 212 Codex Calixtinus.indd 212 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 primacy. In fact, Martin's effort to enlist first the Portuguese king and later, the archbishop of Toledo, on bis behalf suggests a keen awareness of the political dimensions of this dispute. 57 The appointment of Pedro Gudesteiz in 1162 placed the see in the hands of a firm ally of the king and a widely travelled prelate who might be expected to promote Santiago as the premier episcopate of the Leonese realm. Pedro Gudesteiz may have supported the building programme as a visible way of advancing the status of the see and winning approval for bis controversial election. His trip to attend the Council ofTours as archbishop-elect in 1163 would have provided an occasion for soliciting the foreign craftsmen who took charge of the building and decoration of the crypt, and the royal contract of 1168 rewarded bis earlier efforts. 58 The new importance of the see of Santiago in the kingdom ofLe6n helps explain the resumption of large scale construction in the cathedral and the successful effort to complete the building and adom it with a splendid west porch. The scale of this project, as evidenced by the architectural decoration of the cathedral, calls into question the reliability of the description of the cathedral in the Pilgrims' Guide, and underscores the author' s own admission that "of the things we have mentioned, some are already finished, others are yet tobe completed." At the same time, the historical circumstances which motivated the renewed activity in the basilica shed light in another way on the CodexCalixtinus, for they point to a determined effort to enhance the prestige of the see in the early years of the reign ofFemando II, an effort which may well explain the completion of the Liber SanctiJacobi and the preparation of the Codex itself. 59 57 FIEl'Oll! ll (note 24) p. 339-40, 353-5. 58 In fact, Pedro Gudesteiz attended the dedication of Saint-Germain-des-Pres in Paris on this trip. Who knows what the prelate might have thought as he saw the new constructions rising in the Ile de France? T. Rmnn, A List of Bishops Auending the Council of Tours (1163), Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum (1976) p. 123-4. 59 In this, I find myself in accord with Dl.\Z Y Dl.\Z's conclusions on the date of the final compilation of the Liber Sancti Jacobi in the l 150s and the making of the Codex Calixtinus about the same time: (1988) p. 312-20. 198 Codex Calixtinus.indd 213 Codex Calixtinus.indd 213 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 DiagramA - \0 \0 + s Key ■ Capllals rela ted lo Portico de la Gloria m Capllals rclated to wcst c,ypt Distribution of Capitals in the Western Bays of the Nave at Santiago Cathedral ~lololQIQIOIQ8 1B IIB JJIB ! VB VB VIB - 0 II III IV V VI - IC IIC IIIC IVC VC VIC ~lölölölölöiö8 ~ Capttals rclatcd to Apses of Sta . Maria Tobunc and Vault Capltals of thc Navc 1a Real dc! Sar .------------------------------------------------, E] Capllals rclatcd to Castlllan work Ocelmfrez campatgn • • © ~ 0~0 JA ö 1B I II IC Q 1D © © 0~ @~© ooo ooo 0 IIA VA VIA ö ö CD) CO) CD) IIB IIIB ! VB VB VIB III IV V VI IIC IIIC IVC vc VIC Q CQ) Q g CQ) 11D IIID IVD VD VID E30 000 •Oo ooo ooo 0 Pier, Respond and Inlertor Wlndow Capil als of lhe Nave (Ground Floor) Codex Calixtinus.indd 214 Codex Calixtinus.indd 214 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 1: Santiago cathedral, north gallery ofnave, capital IVBm Fig. 2: Santiago cathedral, north gallery of nave, capital IIIBw 200 Codex Calixtinus.indd 215 Codex Calixtinus.indd 215 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 3: Santiago cathedral, west crypt, capital Fig. 5: Santiago cathedral, west crypt, capitals Fig. 4: Santiago cathedral, west crypt, capital 201 Codex Calixtinus.indd 216 Codex Calixtinus.indd 216 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 6: Santiago cathedral, west crypt, capital Fig. 7: Santiago cathedral, nave vault, capital IIIBs Fig. 8: Santiago cathedral, north gallery of nave, capital IIIBe 202 Codex Calixtinus.indd 217 Codex Calixtinus.indd 217 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 9: Santiago cathedral, south gallery of nave, capital IVCe Fig. 10: Santiago cathedral, north aisle, capitalIIA ,· Fig. 11: Santiago cathedral, west crypt, left portal, capital 203 Codex Calixtinus.indd 218 Codex Calixtinus.indd 218 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 12: Santiago cathedral, nave, cap itals IIBnw Fig. 13: Santiago cathedral, nave, capitals IIIBen 204 Codex Calixtinus.indd 219 Codex Calixtinus.indd 219 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 14: Santiago cathedral, north gallery of nave, capital VBw Fig. 15: Santiago cathedral, nave vault, capital VICn Fig. 16: SantaMana la Real de Sar,Santiago, capital of respond between north and central apse 205 Codex Calixtinus.indd 220 Codex Calixtinus.indd 220 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 17: Santiago cathedral, south aisle, capital IID Fig. 18: San Vicente de Avila, north apse, capital 206 Codex Calixtinus.indd 221 Codex Calixtinus.indd 221 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The Codex Calixtinus as an Art-Historical Source SERAF1N MoRALEJO The Pilgrim's Guide constituting the fifth book of the Codex Calixtinus is justly recognized as an art-historical source of the first water. 1 As we11as a detailed description of the City and Cathedral of Santiago as they were between 1130 and 1135, 2 it contains information on other monuments and works of art tobe found on the ways to Compostela. These descriptions are moreover accompanied by explanations that are invaluable testimony of the reception of the iconographic programs by a viewer of that time. Purely aesthetic judgements are scarce and topical, betraying the author's rhetorical training rather than his personal taste. 3 Editions and translations: W.M. WHITEHILL (ed.), Liber Sancti Jacobi . Codex Calixtinus, 1. Texto (Santiago de Compostela 1944); J. V= (ed . and trans.), Le guide du pelerin de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle (Macon 1963 3); A. MoRALl! Jo/ C.ToR11ES/ J. FEo, Liber Sancti Jacobi. Codex Calixtinus, Traducci6n (Santiago de Cornpostela 1951); the sarne version, with a facsirnile reproduction of the Guide, in: Llbro de la Peregrinaci6n del C6dice Calixtino, Medievalia Hispanica I (Madrid 1971); J. VAN Hu.wAARDEN (trans.), 0 Roernrijke Jacobus - Bescherrn uw volk . Pelgrirngids naar Santiago (Amstelveen 1983); K. lliRBERS(trans.), Der Jakobsweg, Mit einem mittelalterlichen Pilgerlührer unterwegs nach Santiago de Compostela (Tübingen 1986); P. CAuca VONSAuCKEN (trans.), Guida del pellegrino di Santiago . Llbro quinto del Codex Calixtinus, secolo XII (Milan 1989); M. BRAvo LozANo (trans .), Gufa del peregrino medieval ("Codex Calixtinus") (Sahagun 1989); K.J. CoNANT, The Early Architectural History of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela (Cambridge, Mass. 1926), pp. 47-58. The latter only translates the chapter concerning Santiago and its church, excerpts of which are also included in sorne repertories or anthologies of art-historical sources _: V. MoaTl! T,Recueuil de textes relatifs a l'histoire de l'architecture et a la condition des architectes en France au Moyen Age, Xle-XII" siecles (Paris 1911) p. 397-407 [after F. FrrA/ J. VINSON(eds.), Le codex de Saint-Jacques-de Compostelle. Llber de rniraculis sancti Jacobi, l. IV (Paris 1882)]; C. DAVIs-WBYER, Early Medieval Art 300-1150. Sources and Documents (Englewood Cliffs 1971; reprint Toronto 1986) p. 147-156 (after CoNANT's translation); J . Y A11ZA et alL [sie], Arte Medieval II, Romani eo y G6tico Fuentes y documentos para la Historia del arte ill (Barcelona 1983) p. 142-150 and 180-181 (after VIl! WAIID'stranslation, with some rnistakes). On the Codex and the Guide in particular, see P. DAVID, Etudes sur le Livre de Saint Jacques attribue au pape Calixte II, Bulletin des etudes portugaises et de ! 'Institut fran~ais du Portugal 10 (1945) p. 1-41, 11 (1947) p. 113-185, 12 (1948) p. 70-223, 13 (1949) p. 52-104; L VJ.zQUP2DE PARoA/ J.M.LAc.wtA/ J. Um, Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela (Madrid 1948; reprint Oviedo 1981); C. HoHU! R, A Note on Jacobus, Journal of the Warlmrg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972) p. 31-80; K. H! ! RBERS, Der Jakobuskult des 12. Jahrhunderts und der "Liber Sancti Jacobi" (Wiesbaden 1984); M.C. D! Az y D! Az, EI C6dice Calixtino de la Catedral de Santiago. Estudio codicol6gico y de contenido (Santiago de Compostela 1988). 2 For the arguments to place between these dates the author' s last visit to Santiago prior to the redaction of its description, see DAVID, 12 (1948) p. 217-223. Later datings of the Guide as a whole or its different strata have not taken into account the material evidence provided by the monuments. See A. DBMANnArn,La genese du Guide du pelerin de Saint Jacques, Orderic Vital et la date de la Geste de Guillaume, in: Melanges offerts a Rita Lejeune II (Gembloux 1969) p . 811-827; idern, Du nouveail sur le "Guide du pelerin des chemins de Saint-Jacques", in: Les chemins de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle. Rapport du Congres de Bamberg, Conseil de l'Europe. Patrirnoine architectural. Rapports et etudes 16 (Strasbourg 1989) p. 40-50; M. DBMENACA, Histoire de saint Jacques et de ses miracles au Moyen-Age (Vllr-XII" siecles) (Nantes 1987) p . 225-234 . 3 This is the case of the much-celebrated passage on the emotional effects caused by the view of the 207 Codex Calixtinus.indd 222 Codex Calixtinus.indd 222 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 However, the fifth book is not the only Calixtine text of art-historical interest . The Pseudo-Turpin and various sennons also feature references to real or imaginary works of art, and in the compendium of literature, liturgy and Jacobean doctrine making up the Codex, the art historian can find abundant clues to the interpretation of the architectural and sculpt ural programs of the Compostelan basilica. Because of these figurative implications, it likewise seems probable that, before or after being collected together , these texts also served as a source to the artists and art patrons of the time, both in Compostela and other places . In this regard, I have pointed elsewhere to the possibility that the architectural conception of the P6rtico de la Gloria itself may reflect the mystic ekphrasis of the Cathedral in the sennon "Veneranda Dies", which echoes the description of the Heavenly Jerusalem in the Apocalypse . 4 Cathedral interior from its tribunes VIELI..IARD (note 1) p . 92, whose source can be traced back to Dio Chrysostom (Or. XIl, 52) . ~ee Y. CHRISTI! , Les grands portails romans (Geneva 1969) p. 13; J.J. PoWTI, The Art of Greece 1400-31 B.C .. Sources and Documents (Englewood Cliffs 1965) p. 74 . For this and other aesthetic or symbolic implications in the text of the Guide, see also M. SCHAPJRo , On the Aesthetic Attitude in Romanesque Art, in : Art and Thought, Issued in Honor of Dr. Ananda K. Cocmaraswamy (London 1947) p . 130-150, reprint in: idem, Romanesque Art (New York 1977) p . 1-27, esp. 15; E. DB BRUYNB, Estud ios de estetica medieval (Madrid 1959) II p . 96-98; P. VBRDIBR, La participation populaire a la creation et a la jouissance de l'amvre d'art , in: P. BoouoNI (ed.), La culture populaire au Moyen Age (Montreal 1979) p . 63-80, esp. 70-73; E . PANoFSKY, Abbot Suger On the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and its Art Treasures (Princeton 19782} p. 226-229 [for the possible use of the expression "adversus aquilonern " (VIELI..IARD [note 1) p . 88) in a mystic sense]; S. TAIUlAoO, Las Matrioshkas de Santiago , Obradoiro O (1978) p. 45-61 [a plausible reconstruction of the geometrical modulation ruling the Cathedral ' s groundplan, according to the measurements given by the Guide, though untenable in its final esoteric conclusions ]; E. DEllBBR-PAuu/ D. GAMBoNI. Suger , Theophile, Le Guide du pelerin. Elements de theorie de l'art au XII" siecl e, Etudes et lettres s. IV, 3 (Universite de Geneve 1980) p. 43-91; S . MORAU! SO, La imagen arquitect6nica de la Catedral de Santiago de Compostela, in: II Pellegrinaggio a Santiago de Compostela e la Letteratura jacopea , Atti del Convegno lntemarionale di Studi (Perugia 23-25 Settembre 1983) (Perugia 1985) p. 37-6 1. As is a rule in medieval sources, the descriptions of church treasures, like the shrine of St. Gilles or the liturgical furniture in Santiago, are much more extensive, plastic, and detailed than those of monumental ensembles, a fact which reveals the weight of the elcphrasis tradition rather than a personal aesthetic hierarchy. For anempts at an hypothetical reconstruction of the fonner , see R. HAMANN, Der Schrein des Heiligen Ägidius, Marburger Jahrbuch für Kunstwissenschaft 4 (1931) p. 114-136; idem, Die Abteikirche von Saint- Gilles und ihre künstlerische Nachfolge (Berlin 1955) p. 299-320; S. MoRALEJO, 'Ars Sacra' et sculpture rcmane monumentale: le treso r et le chantier de Compostelle, Les Cahiers de Saint- Michel de Cuxa 11 (1980) p. 189-238 ; idern, Les arts somptuaires hispaniques aux environs de 1100, Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 13 (1982) p. 285-310, esp. 286-287 and 298 , n. 12. Literary insp iration seems however to be prevalent in the sumptuous description of realia and regalia in book m, eh. iii {WHm! HILl. [note 1) p. 296-299), which has been occasionally brought forward as actual art-historical evidence . See, on this passage , M . DIAZ y DIAZ, Descripci6n en el siglo X1I de una procesi6n en Composte la, in: Studia Graecolatina Carmen Sanmillan in mernoriam dicata (Granada 1988) p . 79-89. 4 S . MoRALBJo, lmagen arquitect6nica (note 3) p. 48-55; idem , Le Porche de la Gloire de la Cathedrale de Compostelle. Problemes de sources et d' interpretation", Les Cahiers de Saint- Michel de Cuxa, 16 (1985) p. 92-116 . For a pioneering attempt to relate the Compostelan sculptural programs to Calixtine texts other than the Guide, see J .M. DB AzCAJtAre, La Portada de las Platerias y el programa iconognffico de la Catedral de Santiago, Archivo Espafiol de Arte, 36 (1963) p. 1-20. For the iconography of St . James and its sources orparallels in the Calixtine liturgy and sennons , S . MoRALEJO, EI patronazgo artistico del arzobispo Gelmirez (1100-1140) su reflejo en la obra e imagen de Santiago, in : Pistoia e il Cammino di Santiago, Atti del Convegno 208 Codex Calixtinus.indd 223 Codex Calixtinus.indd 223 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The documentary value of the Guide has been questioned on more than one point Like all historic evidence, it must be approached with a full understanding of the literary genre to which it belongs, including comprehension of prevailing usage concerning stylistic formulae and interests, and the intentions behind the choice or presentation of information. But besides this, no critical or philological approach to this text should overlook something much more simple and obvious: that it is a human creation and as such subject both to error and to the personal preferences of its author as regards its subject matter. lf in addition we take into account the author's being a foreigner who communicated with bis local informants in Heaven knows what kind of Latin, and that the text as we know it seems tobe the end result of compiling notes made from direct observation, memories that were perhaps not as reliable as they ought to have been, and written or oral hearsay that was not always truthful or properly understood; then the Guide's mixture of precision and vagueness, and even its flagrant contradictions, are hardly surprising. Chronological questions Among the artistic information supplied by the Guide, there is perhaps none that has given rise to so much controversy as the passage on the "ingens basilica veneranda" of Saint-Martin in Tours, of which it is stated that "ad similitudinem scilicet ecclesie beati Jacobi miro opere fabricatur". 5 Tue support that the "pilgrimage churches" theory found in this contemporary testimony was vitiated by implicit chronological inconsistency in the view of those for whom the prototype of this architectural family was the church constructed in Tours by the treasurer Herve between 1003 and 1014. Tue textofthe Guidedoes indeed seem to soggest that the basilica of Saint-Martin was at the time being constructed "in imitation of the church of Santiago", which would of course place the latter at an earlier date. This not only defied the lost building's privilege ofbeing proclaimed as the prototype of its class; it was also at odds with the evidence that the region of Tours bad attained an artistic maturity with which it is hardly likely that Compostela could compete. lt is therefore not surprising that the literal interpretation of this passage has been vigorously opposed . Both G. Gaillard and P. David have in fact amassed ample evidence that the Guide's author was in the habil of erroneously using the present passive with past sense; of the north doorways of the Cathedral of Santiago, for example, he writes that they "pulcre sculpuntur", though no-one would make so hold as to conclude that they were being worked on at the time the Guide was lntemazionale di Studi, Pistoia, 28-30 Settembre 1984 (Perugia 1987) p. 24S-272. On other iconographic aspects involving texts of the Codex, S . MollALl! lo, Artistas, patronos y publico en el arte del Camino de Santiago, Compostellanum, 30 (1985) p . 39S-430, esp. 41S-423; B. ~o. 'Judas mercatorpessimus'. Mercaderes y peregrinos en la iconografia medieval, in: VI Congreso espafiol de Historia del arte . Los caminos y el arte III (Santiago de Compostela 12-20 de junio 1986) (1989) p. 31-38. 5 VIEL1.JARD (note 1) p. 60-61. See C. Ll! LONO, La basilique Saint-Martin de Tours (Chambray-les- Tours 1986) p. 34-3S and nn., for a summary of the controversy. 209 Codex Calixtinus.indd 224 Codex Calixtinus.indd 224 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 written. 6 Thus the assertion that the church of Saint-Martin "miro opere fabricatur" does not mean that it was being built with admirable work, but that it was built with admirable work. As for the claimed similitude with the Cathedral of Compostela, John Williams has rightly pointed out that it might refer to the fact that both at Santiago and Tours a new basilica was erected over the sepulchre of the respective saint, for the disputed passage begins with a relative pronoun inmediately following a description of the tomb of St. Martin: "Super quem [i.e. sarcofagum] ingens basilica veneranda sub eius honore ad similitudinem scilicet ecclesie beati lacobi miro opere fabricatur". 7 Turns of speech such as "ad similitudinem" or "ad instar", even when referring to conscious "copies" ofrenowned buildings such as St. Peter's in Rome or the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, were not employed in the strict arthistorical sense that we should give them; a vague formal, symbolic or functional resemblance was sufficient to justify their use, as was probably the case of the sepulcher of St. Front in Perigueux, which is reported in the Guide as "rotundum tarnen ut dominicum sepulcrum". 8 lt is also necessary to take into account the personal experience of the beholder. In the late 15th century, for instance, Hyeronimus Münzer went so far as to compare the Cathedral of Santiago with the Sebalduskirche in Nürnberg, a rapprochemment that no handbook would so much as take the trouble to refute. What Münzer wanted to tel1 his fellow citizens was simply that the Cathedral of Santiago was up to the standards of the best in his home town. 9 The testimony of the Codex Calixtinus Guide is equallyinvolved in the debate on the commencement of the Cathedral of Santiago. The date given in the Guide, 1078, is the same as that reported in the Historia Compostelana, which furthermore specifies the same day and month as are afforded by one of the proposed readings of the polemical epigraph on the Platerias doorway. This dating contradicts the date 1075 implied by an inscription in the Capilla del Salvador, according to which this 6 G. GAILLARD, Les commencements de l'art roman en Espagne, Bulletin Hispanique 37 (1935) p. 273-308, reprint in: idem, Etudes d'art roman (Paris 1972) p. 38-63, esp. 58, n. 37; DAVID,12 (1948) p. 197-198; C. Lm.oNo, Note sur un passage discute du Guide du Pelerin, Bulletin de ! 'Institut d'etudes latines de l'Universite de Tours 3 (1968) p. 121-124. See also MANDArn, Genese du Guide (note 2) p. 824-825, for a similar passage in wbicb the Cornpostelan Codex reads "fabricatur'' wbere its presumable source bad "fabricata est". 7 J. W11LIAMs, La arquitectura del Camino de Santiago", Cornpostelanum, 29 (1984) p. 267-290, esp. 278 -279. 8 VIELl.IAllD (note 1) p. 58-59 and n. 1. The Calixtinus testimony baving been ruled out as irrelevant, elucidation of the relative cbronology of Tours and Compostela must rely on other arguments. LEwNo initially appears to bave supported the priority of Compostela wben on arcbaeological evidence and stylistic analogies be placed the commencement of the pilgrimage cburcb at Tours in the final years ofthe 11th century. See bis articles in Bulletin Monumental 131 (1973) p. 87-100 and 297-310; 133 (1975), 113-129, and 205-231. However, a reconsideration of bis own arguments later led bim to conclude that woricbad already begun in the years between 1070 and 1080, though be failed to speculate on the effects that the fire of 1096 would bave bad on this early structure (Basilique Saint-Martin [note 5] p. 78). In this case, the basilica of Saint-Martin would be practically coetaneous with that of Santiago, thougb the laner went up more slowly. 9 Edited by L. I'PANDL, Itinerarium Hispanicum Hieronymi Monetarii, Revue bispanique 48 (1920) p. 1-179, esp. 95; J. ÜAlldA MmtcAoAL, Viajes de extranjeros por Espaiia y Portugal (Madrid 1952) I, p. 386. 210 Codex Calixtinus.indd 225 Codex Calixtinus.indd 225 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 chapel was consecrated "thirty years after the commencement of the works", and the Historia Compostelana refers to the sarne chapel as dedicated in 1105. lt has been suggested, moreover, that the date 1078 mentioned in the Guide and the Historia Compostelana may be the result of their authors having misread the Platerias epigraph, for both are known to have been Frenchmen who may weil have been unfamiliar with the Spanish custom of writing the numeralL as a V-shaped tail to a preceding X. When this is taken into account, the Platerias inscription is found not to refer to the year 1116 of the Spanish era (A.D. 1078), but to the year 1141 or 1142 (A.D. 1103 or 1104), and hence to some event quite different from the founding of the basilica. 10 Whatever the correct interpretation of the Platerias inscription may be, new evidence appears to confirm that 1075 was the year in which the Romanesque basilica was begun or planned at least , and that the Historia Compostelana and the Guide are both mistaken on this point. A charter recently discussed by B.F. Reilly and published in füll by F. L6pez Alsina proves that Alfonso VI held a "concilio magno" in Compostela in January 1075, on his return from an expedition to the Kingdom of Granada to demand tribute. 11 As Reilly suggests, the reason for the monarch' s journey may have been to endow the Church of Santiago with part of the 30,000 dinars booty that had been obtained, in which case the coincidence with the start of work on the new basilica would have allowed the latter to benefit from the 10 For the date 1078, see V= (note 1) p . 116-117; Historia Compostellana, I, LXXVIII, ed. E . FALQUE REv, Corpus Christianorurn 70 (fumhout 1988) p . 121. For the Platerfas and San Salvador epigraphs, A. DBL CASTI1LO, Inscripciones ineditas de 1a Catedral de Santiago , Boletin de la Real Academ ia Gallega 15 (1926) p. 314-317; X . CAlllloGARdA, A data da inscripci6n da Porta das Praterfas, Arquivos do Seminario de Estudos Galegos 4 (1932) p . 221-235; W .M. WHrIBHILL, The Date of the Beginning of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, The Antiquaries Journal 15 (1935) p . 336-342; M . Saw>IRo, A Note on an Inscription of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, Speculum 17 (1942) p . 261-262; F. BoUZABRBY, El epfgrafe fundacional de San Miguel de Tomonde y el de la puerta de las Platerias de la Catedral de Santiago , Cuademos de Estudios Gallegos 17 (1962) p. 175-182; AzcARATE , Portada de las Platerias (note 4) p . 17- 18, n . 7 . For the discussion of these data in the history of the building, see P. DBsatAMPS , Notes sur la sculpture romane en Languedoc et dans le nord de l'Espagne, Bulletin Monumental 82 (1923) p . 305-350; CoNANr (note l); M . G0MEZ-MoRBNo, El arte romanicoespafiol (Madrid 1934) p . 112-133 ; G . GAILLARD, Les debuts de la sculpture romane espagnole. Leon , Jaca, Compostelle (Paris 1938) p. 157-240; idem, Etudes (note 6) p. 53-57, and 279-295 ; W .M. WHl'l'l! Hlll., Spanish Romanesque Architecture ofthe Eleventh Century (Oxford 1941; reprint 1968) p . 267-284; E . UMBBIT, Etudes medievales I (Toulouse 1956) p . 245-259 ; R . On! Ro TUIIBZ, Problemas de la catedral romanica de Santiago , Compostellanum 10 (1965) p . 961-980; J . Williams, 'Spain or Toulouse? ' a half century later. Observations on the chronology of Santiago de Compostela, Actas del XXXIII Congreso intemacional de Historia del arte I (Granada 1973) (1976) p. 557-567 ; S . MORAU! JO, Notas para \Dllla revisi6n da obra de KJ . Conant, in : KJ . CONANr, Arquitectura romanica da Catedral de Santiago de Compostela (Santiago 1983) p. 91-116 and 221-236; idem , Le Lieu Saint : Je tombeau et les basiliques medievales , in : Santiago de Compostela . 1000 ans de Pelerinage Europeen, Europalia 85 Espafia (Gent 1985) p . 41 -52. 11 B.F . Rmu.v, The Kingdom ofLe6n-Castilla under King Alfonso VI 1065-1109 (Princeton 1988)p . 84; F. LoPBZ.At.s! NA, La ciudad de Santiago de Compostela en la Alta dad Media (Santiago de Compostela 1988) p . 410-411. Both authon attribute the charterto January 1075, but it cannot be later than 1 January . H some figure before the kalendas were lost, its date should be delayed to the last days of December 1075 , which conflicts with another charter that places then the court in Castrojeriz (see Rmu.v p . 86). 211 Codex Calixtinus.indd 226 Codex Calixtinus.indd 226 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 regal munificence . 12 Later traditions attributing to Charlemagne the enlargement or construction of the Compostelan basilica with the spoils he took from the Muslims possibly preserve a transfigured memory of its initial finacing with moorish gold, which could not fit better the shrine of the saint patron of the Reconquista . 13 Of no less significance seems to be the subsequent presence of King Alfonso and his court in Oviedo (March 1075), allegedly to assist to the revelation of the hoard of relics of the Arca Santa. The sudden promotion of this claimed Ark of the Convenant of the reconquest might be interpreted as a jealous reaction of the old Asturian capital to the monumental rise of the Compostelan Church. 14 The content of the charter brought forward by Reilly and Lopez Alsina, which specifies the domains of the obscure monastery of San Isidoro de Montes, by no means justifies the convening of the "concilio magno" referred to in its exordium, nor the gathering of such numbers of prelates, abbots and nobles as are mentioned as co-signatories. Yet more noteworthy is the fact that the wording of the initial clause dating the document, which mentions both the monarch and the prelate currently occupying the see, recalls that of the inscriptions accompanying their ephigies on two capitals that commemorate the commencement of the works in the Cathedral itself (figs. 1 and 2). Thus the epigraphs read: 12 Tue collection of the tribute is recorded in a meaty passage of the memoirs of King Abd Alla of Granada, whose chronology has been convincingly revised by Rmu.v (note 11) p. 83-84, n. 60. See E. u! VI-Pa.oVENCALJE. GAR.dAGoMBZ(trans.), EI siglo XI en 1• persona. Las "memorias" de 'Abd Allah, ultimo rey : ziri de Granada, destronado por los almoravides (Madrid 1980) p . 157-162 . Prior to the publication of Reilly's book, L6pez Alsina bad already drawn my attention to the Compostelan eharter referred to above and its probable connection with the foundation of the Romanesque Cathedral. 13 MONzEll, Itinerarium, in: PFANDL (note 9) p. 94-95; GAR.CIA MmtCADAL, Viajes (note 9) p. 385 . His source is surely the eh. v of the Historia Turpini (Wlll'll! HILL,Liber Sancti Jacobi [note 1) p. 306) , which reports that "ex auro quem Karolo reges et principes Yspaniae dedere, beati Iacobi basilicam tune per tres annos n illis horis cornmorans augmentauit". In this connection, the same Historia fumishes a more striking parallel to the historic circumstances that the charter of 1075 allows us to guess aL If this refers to a "concilio magno" held then in Santiago "ad restaurationem fidem ecclesie" and attended by "pontifices ... cum principes eius comes magnos" (l..oP! ! Z ALSINA [note 11) p. 410), which could comprise the decision ofthe rebuilding of the basilica, the Historia auributes to Charlemagne the call to an "episcoporum et principium concilio" in Compostela for the reorganization of the Spanish Church , during which the shrine of St. James was dedicated on "kalendis Iunii" (eh . xix; WHITEHILL p. 325). Taking into account that the 1075 council was held on "kalendas ianuarii", an hypothetically abreviated dating formula like "kal. ian.", with the visigothic open "a", on some charter referring to it, might weil have been misunderstood as "kal . iun." , the date of the apocryphal meeting. For other instances of epic transfiguration of historical facts in the Historia Turpini see LACAUA, Las peregrinaciones (note 1) I, pp. 484-489. 14 Tue eharter reporting the opening of the Arca Santa on 14 March 1075 is regarded by B.F. Rmu.v as a forgery, though "probably based on a genuine donation of somewhat different content". Tue presence of the king in Oviedo at that time is moreover attested by other charters. See Tue Chancery of Alfonso VI of Le6n-Castile (1065-1109), in: B.F . Rmu.v (ed.), Santiago, Saint-Denis , and Saint Peter. The Reception of the Roman Liturgy in Le6n-Castile in 1080 (New Yorlc 1985) p. 1-40, esp . 7 and 25, n. 40; Alfonso VI (note 11) p. 85. An extensive epigraph on the Arca refers to the sarne event, and the stylistic connections suggested by its repousse -worlc point to a date in the time of bishop Arianus (1073-1092) (MORAU! Jo, Arts somptuaires (note 3) p. 288-289) . For the political significance of the Arca Sanla , see S. MoRALl! Jo, Le origini del programma iconografico dei portali nel Romanico spagnuolo, in: Atti del Convegno Wiligelmo e Lanfranco nell'Europa rooianica (Modena 24-27 Ottobre 1985) (1989) p. 35-51, esp. 38 and 47-48, n. 22. 212 Codex Calixtinus.indd 227 Codex Calixtinus.indd 227 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 REGNANTE PRINCIPE ADEFONSO CONS1RVCTVM OPUS, TEMPORE PRESULIS DIDACI INCEPTUJM OPUS FVIT; and the diploma: "In tempore domini Adefonsi principe regnante ... et in loco apostolico sancti lacobi gratia Dei Didacus aepiscopus". 15 As I have said, the solemnity of the document goes far beyond what is warranted by its content lt therefore seems likely that the scribe may have copied a heading composed for diplom~ of greater importance signed at the same curia or "concilio magno", such as the minutes recording its resolutions or an endowment of the new basilica. The latter of these possibilities would better explain the similarity between the forrnulae employed in the heading and the epigraphs, for whoever composed the latter may have had the hypothetical deed in mind, or may even have been the person who drew it up. The execution of both the inscriptions and the capitals that bear them at a date close to that of the extant charter is suggested by the title "princeps", which had originally been adopted by Alfonso to intimate his precedence over his brothers Garcfa and Sancho but was gradually replaced by "rex" or "imperator" after Sancho's death in 1073 made it irrelevant. 16 lt is worth noting that in another charter related to the beginnings of the new basilica , the socalled Concordia de Antealtares, dated 1077, the monarch signs as "Adefonsus rex". 17 I find no contradiction here with the fact that on the capitals Alfonso and Bishop Diego Pelaez are both accompanied by angels and in an apparent state of beatitude -especially Bishop Pelaez, who even seems tobe shrouded in a winding-sheet 18 for both these scenes are tobe understood as of a prospective or propitiatory nature; in other words, as showing the persons represented in the state to which they would attain by virtue of their initiative and munificence with regard to the new basilica (figs. 1 and 2). A capital in the church ofVolvic, Auvergne, has an analogous scene of angels attending on a donor (fig. 3), and the corresponding inscription also reads, as Z. Swiechowski has pointed out, like the heading of an endowment charter: 15 LoPFZAunNA(note 11) p. 410. For the epigraphs, see A. LoPFZFERllEIRO, Historia de la Santa A.M. lglesia de Santiago de Compostela m (Santiago 1900) p. 42 . 16 See Rmu.v, Alfonso VI (note 11) p. 4-9. Setting aside the Cornpostelan charter, the latterdocument he refers to as bearing the "princeps" intitulation is dated 7 August 1073. For a consideration of medieval inscriptions in terms of diplomatic criticism, see R. FAVIIEAu, Fonction des inscriptions au moyen age, Cahiers de civilisation medievale 32 (1989) p. 203-232, esp . 210-218. V. GAJtdA Lose, Las inscripciones medievales de San Isidoro de Le6n, in: Santo Martino de Le6n. Ponencias del I Congreso intemacional sobre Santo Martino en el VIil Centenario de su obra literaria, 1185- 1985 (Le6n 1987) p. 371-398, esp. 384-388 . 17 LoPBZ Fmuuno, Historia (note 15) m, appendix I, p. 3-7. On the charter see F. LoPBZ AunNA,Le concordat de Antealtares, in: Santiago de Compostela. 1000 ans de Pelerinage Europeen, Europalia 85 Espaiia (Gent 1985) p. 203-204 . The fact that this important document has left no tracc in the Cathedral archives it is only known through later copies coming from the monastery of Antealtares can help to explain the loss of the endowment charter we guessed at for the beginning of the worlcs. The deposition of bishop Diego Pelalez in 1087 and the subsequent confiscation of the estate ofhis Churchreferred to in the Historia Compostellana, I, m, ed. FALQUB REv (note 10) p. 16 and -24 surely caused the loss of a certain number of its title deeds. The documentary gap in such a decisive period in the history of the Compostelan see seems to be eloquent enoogh. 18 See WII.LIAM.'I, 'Santiago or Toulouse' (note 10) p. 560. 213 Codex Calixtinus.indd 228 Codex Calixtinus.indd 228 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 "INCIPIT DONALIA SANCTI PRE[jec]TI QUE RECIT GVILLELMES DE BEZAC PRO ANIMASVA ET CO[njugis]. 19 The Auvergnat filiation recognized in the Compostelan capitals make this parallel still more significant. 20 Finally, it may be noted that the San lsidoro charter cites among its cosignatories one "Gundesindus presbiter" and one "Se[ge]redus tesaurario", whom its is possible to identify as the persons referred to by the Guide as administrators of the Cathedral works. 21 Their attendance at the "concilio magno" adds a supplementary support to the hypothesis that the beginning of a new basilica might have been reckoned in its agenda. Just as controversial as the question sketched above is the Guide' s mention of the placing of the "last stone" of the church, which it states took place forty-four years after the laying of the first stone: "Ab anno quo primus lapis in fundarnento eius ponitur usque ad illum quo ultimus mittitur xliiii anni habentur". 22 Counting from . the year in which the Guide' s author believed the Cathedral to have been founded, 1078, this quotation apparently dates the conclusion of the works in the year 1122, which at first sight seems difficult to reconcile with either the abundant archaeological evidence that the Cathedral was still unfinished at the time the Guide was written or the Guide's own declaration that "ex bis que diximus alia sunt iam omnino adimpleta, aliaque adimplenda". 23 The contradiction can nevertheless be removed by a careful reading of the passage that puts the accent on the phrase "in fundarnento"; thus the "last stone", like the first, belonged to the foundations ofthe edifice and the completion it implies is to be referred to the closure of the ground area originally assigned to the basilica. 19 See Z SwmamWSKI, La sculptuce romane d'Auvergne (Clermont-Ferrand 1973) p. 228, pls. 245 - 245. 20 See GAILLAllD , Debuts (note 10) p. 172-174; P. Da.,OIAMPS, Etude surles sculptures de Sainte-Foy de Conques et de Saint-Semin de Toulouse et leurs relations avec celles de Saint-Isidore de Le6n et de Saint-Jacques de Compostelle, Bulletin Monumental 1 bo (1941) p . 239-264; J. BousQUBT, La sculpture a Conques aux XI" et xne siecles. Essai de chronologie comparee (Lille 1972) p. 581- 587; MORALl! Jo, Notas Conant (note 10) p. 103-104. 21 LoP! ! ZALsJNA, Ciudad de Santiago (note 11) p. 411 and 409 (for another mention of Segeredus in a charterdated 1072); V= (note 1) p. 116-117. For theircareer and the role they played in the Cathedral worlts, sec MORALl! Jo, Notas Conant (note 10) p. 107 and 228; LoPBZ AuJNA,p. 37-38, n. 26 . One "Dacaredus presbiter" who also appears as a co-signatory can be identified as the person with the same name and title whose sepulchral slab was found near the north doorway of the Pre- Romanesque basilica See J. GtJERRA CAMPos, Exploraciones arqueol6gicas en tomo al sepulcro del Ap6stol Santiago (Santiago de Compostela 1982) p. 453, fig. 141. Unfortunately enough, the date of bis death was left incornplete ("ERA IC''), which deprives us of a valuable testimony to the progress of the building campaigns. 22 VIEWA1ID (note 1) p. 116-117. Tue date 1122 is also marked by the epigraph on the monumental fountain built in front of the north fa~de by the operarius and treasurer Bernardus (Vll! WAlU) p. 94-95) . Once more the Historia Compostellana, III, I, fumishes a parallel passage stating that the Cathedral was almost complete forty six years after its beginning, i.e. by 1124 (ed. FALQUB REY [note 10] p. 420). . 23 V= (note 1) p. 104-105. For archaeological and textual evidence against the alledged completion of thc Cathedral before the intervention of rnaster Mateo, sec J.M. CAAMARo MilTINBZ, Contribuci6n al estudio del G6tico en Galicia (Valladolid 1962) p. 18-20; Azci&ATI! (note 4) p. 18- 20; S. MORALl! Jo, Esculturas compostelanas del ultimo tercio dcl siglo XII, Cuadernos de Estudios Gallcgos 28 (1973) p. 294-310; M.L W Am, Studies on the P6rtico de la Gloria at the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, (Ph.D. Diss. New Yorlt Univ. 1978). For the traditional vicws, J.M. PITA ANDIIAD! ! , La arquitecwra romanica, in: La Catedral de Santiago de Compostela (Santiago 1977) p. 89-112. 214 Codex Calixtinus.indd 229 Codex Calixtinus.indd 229 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 A clear indication that the Guide describes an unfinished building is its stating the number of its windows. According to my calculations, the number mentioned accounts for the work done as far as the fifth or sixth bay of the tribunes of the nave. This is precisely the point at which the capitals begin to exhibit a different style, the abaci a different profile and the paired columns more slender proportions. However, this and other questions concerning the last phase of the Cathedral' s construction will be dealt with more knowledgeably by James D'Emilio. 24 Terminological Problems Other doubts about the reliability of the evidence provided by the Guide have concerned its use of terms whose meaning is uncertain, or which appear tobe at odds with archaeological facts. A case in point is its description of the basilica's original roof as being of tiles and lead ("teolis et plumbo"). 25 Remains of a stone roof of primitive appearance led to its formerly being accepted that the term "teolis" must have been used in an approximate sense to indicate tile-like stone shingles or slates. 26 This scholarly reconstruction of the past became material reconstruction when in the 1960's extensive restoration included roofing of the whole building with stone. However, the literal truth of the Guide's testimony has been vindicated by recent restoration work on the roof of the main chapel, which uncovered the original tiled roof (fig. 4). This was buried under a thick layer of mortar and a covering of stone slabs which must have been laid down as paving as part of the military transformations undergone by the Cathedral between the 12th and the 14th centuries.Z 7 Unfortunately, the discovery of the true nature of the original roof has been completely ignored in restoration work of a yet more recent date, in which a stereotyped notion what a Romanesque Cathedral must have been like has led to stone again being used where once there were tiles. "Teolis", from teola, is evidently a latinization of a romance form related to the French tuile, which derives from tegula and is recorded in the form tiule around 24 See MoRALl! lo, Notas Conant (note 10) p. 114, n. 45. CoNANT (note 1) p. 28-30, had already realized that the forty-three glazed windows recorded by the Guide in the tribunes (Vll! LlJAllD [note 1 J p. 92- 93) could not include those of the westernmost bays, but he preferred to guess at some mistake or erratum in the text and limited the incompleteness of the building to the upper west front For the capitals on these bays of the tribunes, see J. D'fam.io's paper in this volume and his Romanesque Architectural sculpture in the Diocese of Lugo, East of the Mifio (Ph.D. Diss. Univ. of London 1988) p. 73-93 and 158-176. 25 Vll! LlJAllD (note 1) p. 104-105. 26 LoP! rl: FBUEIRO(note 15) m, p. 141-142 was the first to state that "teolis" should be "baldosas de pizarra asentadas a manera de las tejas". CoNANT (note 1) p. 54, n. 7, keeps "teolis" untranslated and suggests they probably were "stone slabs". Vll! LlJAllD(note 1) p. 105, and MoRALl! lo/ foUl! S/ FBO (note 1) p. 563, correctly translate "teolis" as "tuiles" and "tejas", as do fü.RBE.llll (note 1) p. 148, and CAuCCI (note 1) p. 127. 27 The research that J.A. Puente Mfguez is carrying out on the Gothic additions to the Cathedral will surely throw a new light -on the chronology of these military structures. I have to thank him for his kind help in the interpretation of these findings. 215 Codex Calixtinus.indd 230 Codex Calixtinus.indd 230 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 1170. 28 A similar history belongs to the tenn "cindrie" or "medias cindrias", the same as the Catalan cindria (French: cintre; Spanish: cimbra), naming the semicircular framework upon which an arch is constructed. 29 The author of the Guide, however, applies this word in apposition to pillars or columns. For this reason, KJ. Conant preferred to relate the term to cylinder, and to translate "columne cindrie" as "cylindrical columns" and "medie cindrie" as "semi-cylindrical columns", whereas other authors suggested "colonnes engagees", "arcs", "demi-berceaux", or the "piles" dividing the bays of the tribunes. 30 If we substitue colonnettes for "piles", the latter interpretation, due to E. Lambert, seems tobe the most likely. All the contexts in which the "cindrie" are mentioned fit indeed the paired colunis di viding each span of the triforium in two: these provide a point of reference for the height reached by the aisles ("navicule usque ad medias cindrias tantum ascendunt"); they are found in the tribunes ("sed in navibus palacii inter pilares singulos, due simul colupne semper sunt, que vocantur colupne cindrie"); and they contribute to the bearing of their vaults ("ex uno quidem latere eas tenent parietes, et ex alio pilares .. . et duplices pilares qui a lapicidibus vocantur medie cindrie"). lt is the adjective "medie" that gives a clue as to why and how this tenn is used in the Guide. As in classical Latin or medio in the Spanish arco de medio punto, "medie" does not mean half, which would make "medie cindrie" half-cindrias or halves of cindrias, neither of which has much sense in this context, but rather median, placed in the middle. The columns in the middle of the triforium spans are in fact functionally analogous to pennanent "cindrie" in the usual sense because they and their arches hold up the main triforium arcades. The term "ciborios" to designate the doorways arcades (fig. 7) attests to a similar extensive or approximate use of the technical vocabulary. 31 28 P. RoBEllT, Dictionnaire alphabetique et analogique de la langue fran~se (Paris 1970) s.v. "tuile". VIELLLW) (note l) p. 105, n. 5, brings forward the tenn "teolica", recorded by Du CANOB. 29 VIELLLW) (note l) p. 8-91. 30 CoNANT(note l) p. 50-51. MOllTBT(note l) thought that "medias cindrias" were the "colonnes engagees dans les piliers, lesquelles supportent les arcs-doubleaux sectionnant 1avoßte de forme cintree", and referred the "colupne cindrie" to the columns in the tribunes, both engaged and free standing (note l p. 399-400, n. 4). VIBlll/ JlDfirst followed E . Lambert's suggestion identifying the "cindrie" as the "piles suppltmentaires qui divisent en deux les baies des tribunes et peuvent etre considerees comme des renforts". However, she later accepted Puig i Cadafalch's advice to translate "medias cindrias" as "demi-berceaux", as an alternative to "renforts medians" (note 1 p. 88-89, n. 3, and 148). 3 1 See MoRALl! lo, 'Ars Sacra' (note 3) p. 221-223, where other debated terminological questions conceming the liturgical fumiture are discussed. See esp. p. 212, n. 81, for the "picturis et debuxaturis" decorating the Ccmpostelan "ciborius", which led some authors to argue for a monmnental use of enamels and niello wodc as early as 1105. As for the temi "vites", referred to the substructures of the two towers found in the SW and NW comers of the transept crossing (V ll! LLLUD (note l) p. l 04-105), I sec no reason to relate it to the Spanish term cepas, in the sense of buttress or pillar, as J.M . ~ANO and J . CAD.oOrmto have claimed, through a hazardous llffl! antic path : from Lat. viJis (vine) to Span. cepa (stock ; fig.: buttress ). See J.M. n! Pl! DANO y C.AaNl! llo, Historia y descripci6n arqueol6gica de la Basllica Compostelana (Lugo 1870) p. 99, n. 2; J. CAD.O Ormto, Las fortificaciones de 1aCatedral de Santiago, La Voz de Galicia (La Coruiia 25 July 1973). "Vites" and its more frequent variant "vices" are terms widely documented in medieval texts to designate tower staircases, and all the translators of the Guide have rightly understood the passage in this way. See Du CANOB, s.v. "vis"; 2 16 Codex Calixtinus.indd 231 Codex Calixtinus.indd 231 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The vulgar forms of some of the technical terms used by the author of the Guide and bis own invocation of the "lapicides" authority suggest that stonemasons, presumably Gallic or with a Gallic training, were among bis informants in Compostela. On the other band, the references to parts of the church yet unfinished even perhaps not begun and the detailed account of its measurements could reveal awareness of graphic or written records of the architectural project This later possibility is also to be taken into account as regards the description of the iconographic programs. Iconographic problems: The description of the fa~ades The Guide's description of the fa~ades of the Cathedral poses problems of two kinds: as well as the suspicions aroused by the few vague lines devoted to the west front, which I will refer to later, there is a different sort of difficulty related to the vicissitudes suffered over the centuries by the other two portals, which are described in great detail. As far as we can judge from the Platerias fa~ade the only survivoras it stands today, the Guide is generally descriptively accurate. 32 The passage that has given rise to most doubts is a matter of interpretation rather than description, namely the affirmation that the woman with a skull on the left-hand tympanum (fig. 5) represents an adulteress condemned by her husband to kiss her lover' s rotting head twice daily. 33 The scepticism provoked by this explanation -which Philip Verdier qualified as a "roman" -has encouraged the proposition of a number of other readings, including the presentation of the relief as "Eve, Mother of Death" an opinion to which I adhered for some time or as an even more anachronistic penitent Magdalene. 34 Mmtmr (note 1) p. 405, n. 2; A. CH01SY, Histoire de l'architecture II (Paris 1899)p. 177 and 394- 395; J. FrrCHEN, Tue Construction of Gothic Cathedrals (Chicago 1961) p. 21-23. Tue square groundplan of the Compostelan"vites" is no objection to this, for the tenn does not refer so much to an spiral structure as to the fact of having "to turn" in climbing iL As a matter of fact, the fonn "vices", if not a purely orthographicvariant, suggests a possible influence of the classic tenn vices in the sense of turns. 32 Vll! WAllD (note 1) p. 98-103. On the Platerias fa~ade, in which the three programs described in the Guide are involved, see A.K. PoRTl! R., Romanesque Sculpture of the Pilgrimage Roads (Bostoo 1923) p. 211-239; idem, La escultura romanica en Espaiia II (Firen: z.e/ Barcelona 1928) p. 16-18; CroMEZ MORl! NO (note 10) p. 129-133; GAILLARD, ~buts (note 10) p. 166-168 and 186-219; idem, Etudes (note 6) p. 285-295; W. Wl! ISBAO! , Refonna religiosa y arte medieval (Madrid 1949)p. 119- 133; J. GurnOL Ria...T/ J.A. GAYANtmo, Arquitectura y escultura romanicas (Ars Hispaniae 5, Madrid 1949)p. 216-224; I.M. PrrAANmwm, Un estudio inedito sobre 1aPortada de las Platerias, Cuademos de Estudios Gallegos 5 (1950) p. 446-460 [abstract of J.H.B. KNowi.roN's unpublished Ph.D. Diss.]; 0. NAESoAARD, Saint-Jacquesde Compostelleet les debuts de 1agrande sculpturevers 1100 (Aarhus 1962); Azc: Au.m, Portada de las Platerias (note 4) p. 1-20; Orato TlllfflZ, Problemas Catedral (note 10) p. 964-968; S. MOULBJO, La primitiva fachada norte de la Catedral de Santiago, Compostellanum 14 (1969) p. 623-668; idem, Saint-Jacquesde Compostelle. Les portails retrouvees de la cathedrale romane, Les dossien de l'archeologie, 20 (1977) p. 86-103; idem, Iieu Saint (note 10) p. 44-51; M. Duaw.T, La porte de France a la cathedrale de Compostelle, Bulletin Monumental 230 (1972) p. 137-143; Wn.u.ua, 'Spain or Toulouse' (note 10) p. 561-562. 33 Vll! WAllD (note 1) p. 102-103. 34 VBIIDll! ll talcesthis passage as an example of "comment la mentalite populaire est incapable de dechiffrerun symbole dans une fonne plastique,mais y projette tout un roman" (note 3, p. 71-72). 217 Codex Calixtinus.indd 232 Codex Calixtinus.indd 232 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Interpretations such as this one, that are so clearly wide of the mark, make one reflect that it is perhaps temerarious to think that modern scholars can understand a medieval image better than the contemporaries to whom it was addressed. More than ten years ago, and incidentally in this University, John Williams convincingly argued in favour of the Guide's interpretation of the relief as an exemplum libidinis.35lt is a very early exemplum tobe sure, and I too am inclined to see it as a sculpted equivalent of the exempla that the preachers of the time borrowed from secular literature in order to dress up their moral message. The Guide's closing words on this figure, which make an abrupt transition from prosaic description to rhetorical apostrophe - "Oh, how great and admirable a punishment the adultress' s tobe told to all! "-, seem to echo the oral explanations of some clerical cicerone addressing the pilgrims, like the loquacious aedituus who guided Prudentius in the basilica of lmola. 36 Another version of this legend has been pointed out on a capital in the church of Santa Marta de Tera, Zamora (fig. 6), but the bearded head the woman exhibits there in her bosom, instead of a skull, casts doubt on her identity in favour of Salome. 37 This was also Wl! ISBACH's opinion, arguing for an allegory of luxuria which lately came to generate its self-explanatory story (note 32 p. 121-123). Tue interpretation of the woman as Mary Magdalene, wrongly attributed to GAILLAJU) (Etudes [note 6] p. 292-293) by sorne scholars, is reported to, though not ass\lllled, by J. Vll.LA-AMIL v CASTRo, La Catedral de Santiago (Madrid 1909) p. 32. "Eve as Mother of Death" was proposed by Azc: ARATE (note 4) p. 10-12, whom I followed in Prirnitiva fachada (note 32) p. 643, and Saint-Jacques de Compostelle (note 32) p. 98-99. T.W. LYMAN, surmises that the north portal was the former emplacement of this relief, where it could have provided a contrasting penda11t to the Virgin of the Annunciation. lts later deployment on the Platenas doorway, neighbouring the Temptation scene, would have invested it with a new meaning, as an image of lust, and given rise to the story told in the Guide. See Motif et narratif: vers une typologie des themes profanes dans la sculpture monumentale sur les romerias, Les Cahiers de Saint -Michel de Cuxa 10 (1979) p. 59-78, esp. 71-78. W. SAlJElU.ANDBR stresses the sensual treatment of the figure, paralleling the spirit of the trouhadours, which makes ambiguous whichever content it might be intended to convey . See Nisi tra11Sm"1etis mores. Riflessioni sull'ambiguita dell'iconografia rommica, in: Wiligelmo e Lanfranco (note 14) p. 151-154 . KNoWLTON seerns to have thought of Apocalypse 17, 4 (PrrAANoRADI! (note 32) p. 452-453, n. 27). NAl! SoAARD (note 32) p. 46-47, disrussed the relief in the framework of the interpretation given in the Guide, pointing out some textual parallels. Independently of its intended meaning, an antique source may be guessed at for the style and some iconographic features of the piece. The lang, untidy hair and the exhibition of one breast are characteristic of maenads and barbarian captives or personifications of conquered provinces in Roman iconography. See E. ~ll! U, Recueuil general des bas-reliefs de 1a Gaule romaine (Paris 1907-1955), X, supplement, nr. 488; XI, supplement, nr. 7655; G .C. Pic.uo, Les trophees romains. Contribution a 1'histoire de 1a religion et de 1'art triomphal de Rome (Paris 1957) p. 270- 273 , pi. X; J.-J. lun, Los celtas y los galo-romanos (Barcelona 1976) pi. 95. 35 Abrief abstract of WILLIAMS' lecture, delivered in 1976, is to appear in A. SroNl! S,Arthurian art since Loomis, in: Proceedings of the 15th International Arthurian Society Conference (Leuven 1987), n. 36. My later discussions of the woman with the skull are greatly indebted to Williams' arglllllents. See S. MORAU! Jo, Artes figurativas y artes literarias en la Espafia medieval: rornanico, Romance y roma11, Boletin de la Asociaci6n Europea de Profesores de Espafiol 17 (1985) p. 61- 70, esp., 66; idem, Origini del programma (note 14) p. 42 and fig. 24, where I suggest a possible literary background for the neighbouring relief, which is in the same style, showing a man astride a lion and blowing a hom (see here fig. 5). 36 See Peristephanon, IX, 18ff. In the 13th century, an inscription on the Hereford map recalls for the onlookers that its images also are to be "heard". See C. MolU! IAND/ D. BANNISTER, Antique Maps (Oxford 1986) p. 20-21. 37 M. GoMKl: -MORBNo, Catalogo mon\llllental de Espafia. Provincia de Zamora (Madrid 1927; reprint 218 Codex Calixtinus.indd 233 Codex Calixtinus.indd 233 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The frieze at the Platerias fa~ade in Santiago (fig. 7) has been likened to a "collection of casts hanging on the walls of a musee de province". 38 Setting aside the supreme quality of the sculptures, this perjorative description reflects quite rightly the alluvial process by which part of this disparate collection was formed, by accumulation of relics coming from other parts of the building. But even before the incorporation of a certain number of reliefs from the destroyed north portal, 39 the sculptures there and in the Platerias fa~ade already looked to an early seventeenth-century eyewitness like spoils from an earlier church, 40 and some of the puzzling disorder they present today is recorded in the pilgrim's Guide around 1130. Two groups of apostles above the Platerias doorways four at the left and five at the right seem bear to witness to an original frieze-like arrangement for these areas of the fa~de, but problems arise regarding the central area. The blessing Christ on the axis of the trumeau is possibly a local version of a French BeauDieu that can hardly be dated earlier than the 1230's (fig. 8), but this figure replaced an earlier one of similar type referred to in the Guide as "rectus", standing, with Saint Peter on its left and Saint James and Saint John to its right. 41 Of the figures mentioned in the Guide as belonging to this "ordo mirabilis ex lapidibus albi marmoris", only James and John remain (figs. 7 and 8), but we must also include the plaque showing Abraham on the central spandrel (fig. 9), even though the Guide does not refers to it, for it is by the same sculptor who carved the relief of James, and the texts inscribed on both have in common their reference to the Transfiguration of Christ: one of the texts accompanying James is "HIC IN MON1E IHESVmMIRATVRGLORIFICATVm", and "TRA[n]SFIGV[rati]O: IHESVS is inscribed on the Abraham plaque. 42 1980) p. 185; Po1tTBR Pilgrimage Roads (note 32) p. 214. A better parallel than the Toulousan and Platerlas women holding animals on their breasts, which have frequently been compared to the adulteress, is furnished by a capital at the south end of the Compostelan transepL lt shows a crouching long-haired woman holding a lion's head under her dress apparently a dissuasive metamorphosis of her own sex as the mouth of Hell . See MollAI.Elo, Artistas (note 4) p. 422-423, fig . 13; M. CHAMoso, Galice romane (La Pierre-qui-Vire 1973) pl. 55. As in the case of the adulteress, the sensual appearance of the figure is violently contrasted by a deterrent auribute in apposition to or as a metaphor of her womb . 38 H. FOCIU.ON, L'art des sculpteurs rornans (Paris 1964 2) p . 155. 39 See MollAI.Elo, Primitiva fachada (note 32) p. 633-660. 40 J. Dm. HoYo, Memorias de! Arzobispado de Santiago, ed. A. Rodnguez Gonzalez/ B. Varela Jacome (Santiago n.d.) p . 52. 41 For the Christ, I.M . PlTA ANORADB, En torno al arte de! maestro Mateo: EI Cristo de 1a Transfiguraci6n en la Portada de Platerlas, Archivo Espaiiol de Arte 23 (1950) p . 13-25; GAJLLW>, Etudes (note 6) p . 105; S. MoRALBJo, Escultura g6tica en Galicia (1200-1300) (Santiago 1975) p . 21-22 . The Christ shown in niello worlc on the ara of Celanova can give us a vague idea what the former Cornpostelan figure might have looked like. Some of its stylistic features relate it closely to the SL James and Abraham figures on the Platerlas frieze (MollAI.Elo, Arts somptuaires [note 3] p. 296, fig. 13; 'Ars Sacra ' [note 3] p. 227). 42 PollTBll recognized in this figure the image of "God the Falber" reported by the Guide on the west portal (Pilgrimage Roads [note 32] p. 213), but he later identified it rightly as Abraham (Escultura [note 32] p. 17). GAJU.W>guessed at the same provenance, arguing it represented St. James attending the Transfiguration (Debuts [note 10] p. 211-212) . Though absolutely untenable, bccause of the epigraphic evidence, bis opinion could be apparently backed by some Byzantine versions of 219 Codex Calixtinus.indd 234 Codex Calixtinus.indd 234 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Tbis group nevertheless poses two problems: first, the unusual presence of Abraham in the episode of the Transfiguration of Christ; secondly, the presence of the Transfiguration itself on the Platerfas portal, when the Guide attributes the same subject to the westem facade. 43 As regards the association of Abraham with the Transfiguration, A. L6pez Ferreiro and E. Bertaux agreed in pointing to John 8, 56, as its scriptural basis: "Your father Abraham rejoiced to see my Day: and he saw it, and was glad". 44 But neither of them pursued the meaning and implications of these words in relation to the Compostelan reliefs. The main occasion on which Abraham saw the Lord was no doubt the Theophany in Mamre (Gen. 18). In the most common exegeses, this episode is interpreted as a vision of the Holy Trinity, but some authors recognized in the three angels that appeared to Abraham a mystical image of Christ in bis Transfiguration, between Moses and Elijah. 45 With this latter interpretation, the representation of Abraham at the feet of Christ would parallel those of the prophets or other Old Testament figures as witnesses of the New Testament events they prophesied. 46 However, another inscription on the same plaque establishes that the presence of the Patriach in this episode is not just mystic or premonitory: "SVRGIT HABRAHAm DE TVMULO", Abraham has resurrected, and he indeed appears emerging from what seems tobe bis sepulcher. The resurrection of Abraham associated with the Transfiguration can reasonably be explained in terms of the eschatological projection of the latter. The sermons of the Codex Calixtinus repeatedly refer to the Transfiguration as a foretaste of the Glory of Christ both in bis Resurrection and bis Second Advent. "O mira res. Vivi apparuerunt qui iam inter mortuos computabantur! " says the Pseudo-Calixtus this episode in which the apostles, namely James, adopt similar attitudes. See, for example, the corresponding illustration in the Parisinus Gr. 510: D. TALBorRies, Arte di Bisan: ao (Firenze 1959) pi. 85. The Transfiguration group is there provided a setting by two palrn-trees recalling the "duas arbores cipressinas" that flank St James on the Platenas frieze. For this figure and its certain attachment to the Transfiguration, see MoRALl! lo, Patronazgo artistico (note 4) p. 252-254, esp. n . 20. 43 VIEWA1tD(note 1) p. 102-105. 44 LoPBZ FBIUU! lllo (note 15) p. 107; E. BBRTAux , La sculpture chrctienne en Espagne des origines au XIV° siecle, in: A. Miami., Histoire de l'art JI, 1 (Paris 1906) p. 252. 45 See AMaaosrus,Commentarii in Evangelium sec1D1dumLucarn, 1, Opera V (Paris 1569) col. 1622; idem De fide, 1, 13, in: J.A. McGuCICIN, The Transfiguration of Christ in Scripture and Tradition Studies in the Bible and Early Christianity 9, (Lewinston/ Queenston 1986) p. 262-263; lsIDORus, Quaestiones in Vetus Testamentum, In Genesim, xiv, P.L 83, col. 243; BEDA, In Genesim expositio, viii, Opera V, col. 654; Biblia Sacra cum Glossa Ordinaria (Anvers 1634), 1, col. 232, V, cols. 1161-1162. Typological biblical illustration also matched both episodes [see Die Wiener Biblia Pauperum. Codex Vindobonensis 1198 (Gral'/ Vienna/ Cologne 1962) fol. 4r] and their respective iconographic formulae are very close in Early Christian art See W.C. Lol! IW! ,Observations on the Representation of Doxa in the Mosaics of Santa Maria Maggiore, Rome, and St Catherine's, Sinai, Gesta 20 (1981)p. 15-22, comp. figs. 5 and 7. Abraham's vision ofthe day of the Lord was related as weil to his faith in the promise: "And in thy seed shall all the nations of the eanh be blessed" (Gen. 22, 18), a theme which is also implied in the Compostellan program. As LoPBZFmtamo (note 15) p . 107 pointed out, the branch sprouting at the left of the patriach surely alludes to his messianic offspring. 46 See, for example, the half-length figure of Habakkuk at the bottom of two Rbenish ivory plaques showing the Ascension of Christ, in the Victoria & Albert Museum: W. Gouiscmour, Die Elfenbeinskulpturen aus der romanischen Zeit. XI-XIJI. Jahmundert, m (Berlin 1923) p. 12, nrs. 5 and 7. 220 Codex Calixtinus.indd 235 Codex Calixtinus.indd 235 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 commenting on the presence ofMoses and Elijah in that episode; and he concludes: ''Transfiguratio Salvatoris nostri tipice formam resurrectionis future et speciem perhennis vite manifestat". 47 Whereas Elijah was supposed to have descended from Heaven to attend the Transfiguration, an actual resurrection of Moses, delivered from Hades or the "Gates of Death", was in fact assumed by some biblical interpreters. 48 As far as I know, no text exists according Abraham such a privilege on a historic level, but the apocryphal account of the Transfiguration known as Apocalyse of Peter refers to him as if expected and missed in the retinue of the glorified Christ. After having been made aware of Moses' and Elijah's presence, Peter asks the Lord: "Where then are Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and the rest of the righteous fathers? " . 49 In any event, Abraham• s vision of the Day of the Lord was to be fulfilled by the Resurrection of Christ, which the Transfiguration foreshadows just like the latter was prefigured by the Theophany in Mamre. The Compostelan Abraham indeed parallels the formula that shows Adam emerging from bis sepulchre at the feet of the Crucified. As in the case of Adam, bis resurrection summarizes,pars pro toto, that of all the righteous fathers, the saints risen after the death of Christ on a day he only was accorded to foresee. 50 The inspiration of the Compostelan program on John 8, 56, goes further than L6pez Ferreiro and Bertaux bad thought. As Jesus refers in the same passage to bis glorification by the Father, an allusion to the Transfiguration/ Resurrection might there be intended and both events should represent the most eloquent answer to the Jews' objection that "Abraham is dead, and the prophets" (John 8, 52), say, Moses and Elijah among them. The Transfiguration is thus represented in Santiago with all its implications. Only the concrete, absolute presence that is given to images allowed füll expression of an exegetical theme in which, as in Eliot's Quartets, "all time is etemally present". In terms of medieval biblical interpretation, the typological and anagogical levels of meaning become fully historic or factual. 47 WH1TEH1U., Liber Sancti Jacobi (note 1) p. 43-44, 128-129, and 175; MORAU! Jo/ I'OUB3/ FEO, Liber Sancti Jacobi (note 1) p. 59-60, 169-170, and 233. For the Transfiguration as a foretaste of the Resurection and the Parousia, see also McGuCJCIN (note 45) p. 3-5, 121, 124, 163-164 (Origen's text relating the presence of Moses and Elijah to the resurrection of the patriarchs), 181,205,208, 219,261-266, 273-274, 292; CH1Us-ra (note 3)p . 97-104. ltis noteworthy in this connection that the Guide' s author also defines an eschatologic context for the Platerlas frieze as he sees the four angels blowing trumpets on the spandrels as "judicii diem prenunciantes" (VlllWAIID[note 1) p. 102-103). 48 See McGuCJCIN (note 45) p. 122-123, 204,271, and 287, with texts of John of Damascus, Jerome, and the Pseudo-Leo. 49 McGuCJCIN (note 45) p. 32-33. A historic-topographical relationship of Abraham to the Transfiguration episode is only implied by the placing of bis encounter with Melchizedek on the skirts of Mount Tabor. See THEDDPJUCH, Guide to the Holy Land (New York 1986 2) p. 67. 50 See, particularly, a Gennan base of a Cross reproduced by H. SwA11ZENSX1, Monuments of Romenesque Art (Chicago 1967 2) pl. 105, fig. 240. The gestures of the rising Adam exactly parallel there those of the Compostelan Abraham. For the risen saints or patriachs in similar attitudes, associated both to the Crucifixion or the Anastasis, see A.D. K.uTSoNJS, Anastasis.The Making of an Image (Princeton 1986) pls. 49 and 57; G. C....W,Byzance et 1apeinture rornane de Germanie (Paris 1986) pl. 17, fig. 62. Abraham's burial place is reported as a "sepulcrum ... pulcherrimo instructum mannore" neighbouring Adam's sepulcher in Hebron, See Imooaus, De ortu et obitu patrum, VI, 16, P.L., col. 133; THEOoBRJrn (note 49) p. 52-53. 221 Codex Calixtinus.indd 236 Codex Calixtinus.indd 236 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The grieving homed figure emerging from a hole in a scaled surface undemeath Abraham confirms that bis resurrection was intended as real, for similar scaled pattems were frequently used for earth in Romanesque repertory, and this figure coming from the underworld is probably Hades, Lord of the Dead, conquered and bemoaning the deliverance of one of bis subjects (figs. 9 and 11). A miniatured initial in a manuscript from Nevers, showing the resurrection of a young man by Saint Benedict, features a similar homed figure below the sarcophagus (fig . 10), and Hades is also represented in Byzantine versions of the Resurrection of Lazarus, whose soul he tries to retain in the kingdom of the dead. 51 The source of the attention paid to the infemal circumstances of resurrection seems to be a curious ta1k 51 For the manuscript from Nevers, containing the Dialogues of SL Gregory the Great (Dublin, Chester Beany Llbrary, cod. W. 16, f. 32v), see E.G. Mn.r..u., The Llbrary of A. Chester Beatty. A Descriptive Catalogue of the Western Manuscripts I (Oxford 1927) m. 16 p. 62-64 and pl. xxxvm. a; C. NoRDBNFAUC, Heaven and Hell in a Bohemian Bible of the Early Thirteenth Century, in: The Year 1200 : A Symposium (New York 1975) p. 283-294, fig. 4. The text it ilustrates (P.L. 77, col. 149) does not make any reference to the horned figure and the corresponding versions on capitals in Vezelay and SL-Benoit-sur-Loire omit it, adopting rnore realistic formulae. See C. JBAN-NBSMY, Veulay (La Pierre-qui-Vire 1970, pl. 20); J. ßEaU.ND, Hagiographie et iconographie romane a Saint-Benoit-sur-Loire , Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, 16_(1985) p. 117-174, fig. 16 A; St . GaEooJly 1111! G! tu.T, Dialogues (New York 1959) p. 100-101. Thus we have surely to deal with a generic , though infrequent , motif literally expressing resurrection as deliverance from the captivity of Death, which is paralleled by the Byzantine representations of Hades trying to retain Laurus' or Adam's soul. See G. Samn! R, Iconography of Christian Art I (London 1971) p. 182, fig. 568; KAitTSONJs (note 50) pls. 44a, 44b, and 46. For some westem parallels of Satan as Death, see A. ! Imw.NN, Three Illustrations from the Bury St. Edmunds Psalter and their Prototypes. Notes on the Iconography of some Anglo-Saxon Drawings, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 29 (1966) p. 39-59, esp. 41-44, pls. 7a and 9a. From a strictly formal point of view, the head of the Compostelan Hades finds its closer parallels in some marginal motifs in Languedocian miniature. See D. GABoRIT-CHoPIN, La peinture du Sacramentaire de Llmoges, Les dossiers de l'archeologie 14 (1976) p. 108-115, esp . p. 111 [Bible of Saint- Yrieix, fol. 212]; M. Vm.u., Quercy roman (La Pierre-qui-Vire 1969 2), fig. 59 [De bello judaico from Toulouse-Moissac , fol . 7] . As for the use of scales or imbrications to denote the ground, see M . P.wc: ,The Crucifix of Fernando and Sancha and its Relationship to North French Manuscripts, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 36 (1973) p. 77-91 , esp. 78 and n. 6; for parallels on other pieces of the Platerias portal, GAllLAIU) (note 10) pls. XCIIII, XCVDI, CI, and XXVI . loPBZ FmutBoto'sinterpretation ofthis figure as Hagar (note 15 p. 106), did not take into account its homs, wh ich led GAllLAIU) (note 10 p. 212) and NABSGAARD (note 32) p . 81-92 to identify it as Moses. Sening aside its beardless and grimacing face, which barely fit the dcorum of a patriarch, R. MBWNICoFP has shown that the homed Moses is exceptional before 1130, particularly in the context of the Transfiguration [The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought (Berkeley 1970) p. 62-70, figs . 47, 48, 50 and 71 ]. Even taking into account the rare examples this author seems to have missed, as an one-horned, satyr-like Moses attending the Transfiguration in the Uta-Codex [reproduced by CH. CAHIBII, Nouveaux melanges d'acheologie et d'histoire I (1874) p. 15-46, esp. 43] or a very dubious instance in the Beatus of Gerona [N. Mszouom, Le tympan de Moissac : etudes d'iconographie, Les Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 9 (1978) p. 171-200, esp. 189], the claimed Compostelan Moses would remain both anomalous and isolated in his time. Moreover, the figure is carved in the same plaque showing Abraham, as my fig. 11 shows, which rnakes it difficult to attribute it a fining place in a Transfiguration ensemble. GoMBZ-MOIIBNo was surely closer to the truth as he identified it as a "demonio vencido" (note 10 p. 132). KNowi.TON followed him, though the wings he pointed out on the devil's shoulders look rather like the edges of a mantle . See PrrA (note 33) p. 452; E. Puarnrr/ J.H.B . KNoWLroi<, review of GAllLAIU)'s Debuts , Art Bulletin 21 (1939) p. 192-198, esp . 198. 222 Codex Calixtinus.indd 237 Codex Calixtinus.indd 237 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 mantained by Hades and Satan in the apocryphal Acts of Pilatus, just before the descent of Christ into hell. 52 As for the problem posed by the presence of the Transfiguration in both the Platerias fa~de and at the westem portal, I have argued elsewhere, as others did, against the reliability of the description of the latter in the pilgrim' s Guide. Its vagueness contrasts with the detailed information supplied about the numbers of columns, steps and other features of the north and south far; ades, which are described at much greater length in spite of their claimed lesser importance. The archaeological evidence also challenges the existence of a sculptured portal at the west end of the Cathedral around 1130. 53 Thus, its description in the Guide is perhaps that of a project that never reached its end; a work tobe included among the "adimplenda", the unfinsihed parts of the building that the author of the Guide recognizes himself to have incorporated into its description . The evangelical phraseology he used to depict the Transfiguration scene seems to be further proof that it is a project that is being described or imagined, not a finished work. 54 lt is even possible that the Platerias Transfiguration reliefs were originally intended for the west front, and were redeployed when the first project of its doorways was abandoned. This idea is supported by the fact that the formal of the Abraham plaque does not fit the space it occupies (fig. 9), and the broken tree flanking Saint James seems to have been substituted for an earlier decorative plaque, one ofwhose fragments is still visible beside the apostle's head (fig. 8). 55 In describing these pieces, the author of the Guide was apparently not aware that they were part of a Transfiguration, and therefore did not realize that the west far; ade Transfiguration he bad heard or read of had been afforded another destination. The apparent reduplication of programmes thus seem to stem from the use of contradictory sources of information . 52 Acta Pilati, II, iv (xx), in: A. Os SANl'OII, Los evangelios ap6crifos (Madrid 1979 3) p . 446-448. 53 See above n. 23. 54 See MOllALIOO, Esculturas compostelanas (note 41) p. 296, n . 7; Saint -Jacques de Compostelle (note 32) p. 103. 55 The provenance of the Abraham plaque (including the "Moses" or Hades) from the west portal was guessed at by P<llm! a,GA1UA11D and NAESoAAIU> (note 51) . As far as I know, KNOWLTON was the first to propose the same original location for the St . James, in spite of its mention in the Guide as palt of the south portal decoration, which he obviates by supposing that another version of this figure previously existed on the Platerias frieze (PrrA[note 32] p . 457, n. 41). Azciu'l'I! (note 4) p . 15-20, suggested the possibility of a partial duplication of programs: an extended venion of the Transfiguration on the west fa~de whose completeness he seriously questions and a reduced one, with James as the only witness, on the Paterias frieze, which he tried to back with some passages of the Calixtine liturgy and sennons. Onmo T$Bz (note 10) p. 966 takes for granteda restoration of the Platerlas portal after the Cathedral' s assault and fire of 1117, in which the Transfiguration pieces that bad been carved in advance for the west f~ade should have been used. In my opinion, the simple fact of an interruption or long delay in the progress of the worics could explain the decision to display these sculptures on the completed parts of the building . 223 Codex Calixtinus.indd 238 Codex Calixtinus.indd 238 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 1: Cathedral of Santiago. Capital representing King Alfonso VI (from a cast in the museum) Fig . 2: Cathedral of Santiago . Capital representing Bishop Diego Pelaez (from a cast in the museum) 224 Fig. 3: Volvic, Auvergne . Capital representing a donor (after Z. Swiechowski, La sculpture romane d' Auvergne) Codex Calixtinus.indd 239 Codex Calixtinus.indd 239 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 4: Cathedral of Santiago. Tiles from the primitive roofing of the main chapel Fig. 5: Cathedral of Santiago. Left-hand tympanum of the Platerfas portal. The Woman with the Skull Fig. 6: Santa Marta de Tera, Zamora. Capital representing a woman with a man's head 225 Codex Calixtinus.indd 240 Codex Calixtinus.indd 240 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 7: Cathedral of Santiago. Frieze of the Platerias fayade Fig. 8: Cathedral of Santiago. Frieze of the Platerias fayade. Saint James and Chris t 226 Fig . 9: Cathedral of Santiago. Frieze of the Plater(as fayade. Abraham and Hades Codex Calixtinus.indd 241 Codex Calixtinus.indd 241 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig . 10: Dialogues of St. Gregory the Great, Nevers, 11th cent. (Dublin, Chester Beatty Library, cod. W. 16, f. 32v). Risen young man and Hades (drawing: author) Fig . 11: Cathedral of Santiago . Frieze of the Platerfas fa~ade. Hades 227 Codex Calixtinus.indd 242 Codex Calixtinus.indd 242 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 243 Codex Calixtinus.indd 243 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Commentators Codex Calixtinus.indd 244 Codex Calixtinus.indd 244 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 245 Codex Calixtinus.indd 245 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The Absence of St. Martial of Limoges from the Pilgrim's Guide: ANote Basedon WorkinProgress RICHARD LANDES Around the time that the Pilgrim' s Guide appeared, a prior at the monastery of Vigeois in the Limousin wrote a gossipy history of the region (c. 1182). In the middle of an account of the aftermath of Jerusalem' s capture in the First Crusade, he related the tale of lvo, prior of Cluny, who visited Limoges in about 1106. 1 This talented hagiographer was commissioned by the monks at St. Martial to do a life of Saint Pardulf, to which he added a hymn in the saint's honor, and composed another hymn to Martial, the apostolic lord of the Aquitanians. "This verse, the monks of Chambon despised because it was silent about [their saint] Valery ... " 2 The touchiness of the monks of Chambon here should not be surprising since they had long been rivals as well as tributaries ofMartial's cult. 3 In fact a century earlier Martial's monks had published a lengthy account of his life that made no mention of the martyred Valery' s cephaloforia. 4 Nor did this reaction distinguish the monks of Chambon from many others: rival saints cults looked anxiously at each other's writings, calendars, liturgies, resenting with urgency and even violence when others ignored them, passing over their claimsin indifferent silence. In this light, and to those familiar with the history of relic cults in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the information about Limoges that the Guide for Pilgrims to St. James provided seems rather provocative. The only relics mentioned, ones that define this particular route that starts in Vezelay, are those of St. Leonard ofNoblat. Now granted St. Leonard was a popular saint, someone every Crusader had heard of , but his cult only dated back to the early eleventh century, and his international fame had come only recently. 5 lt could hardly compare with that of the saint in GooFFREY of VmEms,Chronica, 32, ed . P. WB! ! , Novae Bibliothecae (Paris 1657) II, p . 297. The date is derived from the mention that at this time Philip I handed over hi s throne to his son Louis VI. The narrative retums immediately to the Middle East, suggesting that this "digression" derived from its temporal coincidence, and the fact that a figure in the preceding tale of Franks in Palestine and one in this account contracted leprosy. 2 Rune monachi Cambonenses contempserunt quia de Valeria tacebatur .. . ibid. 3 "Historically" Valery was Martial' s most spectacular convert, but as a virgin martyr she had a high er status than a bishop confessor. Chambon was founded c.985 to get Valery out of Martial ' s shadow, and the less than generous attitude of Martial ' s monks is clear in the Vita Prolixior and the "corrections" they worlced on the local hagiographical worlc. For an analysis of the manuscripts and texts, see L. DuCHF.SNI! , St. Martial de Limoges , Annales du Midi 4 (1892) p. 297 -8. R. LlNDl! S, The Dynamics of Heresy and Reform in Limoges: A Study of Popular Partic ipation in the "Peace of God" (994-1033), in: Essay on the Peace of God: Tue Church and the People in Eleventh Century France , ed. T. HEADand R. LINDl! S, special edition of Historical Reflections/ Reflexions historiques 14: 3 (1987) p. 476 n . 33, 477 n. 37 [see revised and expanded treatment in Tue Peace of God : Religious Responses to Social Turmoil in France around the Year 1000 (lthaca, Comell University Press, forthcoming)]. 4 Vita Prolixior, in: De probatis sanctorum vitis , ed . L. SU1UUS (1618) VI, p . 365-74. 5 Tue continuation of the Miracula of St . Leonard were composed by Walrarn of Naumberg (d.1111 ), 231 Codex Calixtinus.indd 246 Codex Calixtinus.indd 246 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Limoges itself, in whose wake Leonard's cult had had its first successes. And Martial' s international reputation was older and far more prominent in the development of St. James' own pilgrimage . 6 Rad not Martial first converted the whole region, Martial the apostle, Simon Peter's nephew, the patron of Aquitaine, whose relics lay inside a towering basilica, model ofthe pilgrimage type? 7 Were there not depictions of Martial serving at the Last Supper along the route to St. James? To recommend Leonard and not mention Martial was a little like the Guide Michelin advising people to see the Centre Pompidou sans souffler mot de Notre Dame down the road. One can imagine the feelings of the monks at Limoges if they heard that a guide to St. James made no mention of them, and see the glee with which their rivals at Noblat would have dwelt upon this slight. 8 But why? Was such a slap in the face merely gratuitous pique or some arbitrary local partisanship on the part of the Guide' s composer? Or did it reflect a larger body of opinion that looked on the cult of St. Martial with disfavor? Recent research on the apostolic cult of Saint Martial in the two centuries before the composition of the Guide suggest a possible explanation to this curious anomaly . Historians of the Gallican church often rehearse the tale of the apostolic controversy about Martial ofLimoges: First, sometime in the later tenth century came an elaborate hagiographical cycle that presented Martial as a younger cousin of Peter, and a companion of the historical Jesus. Riding a wave of enthusiasm for Martial that had just produced a large new basilica dedicated in 1028, the monks introduced a revised, apostolic liturgy for their patron the following year. According to a remarkably detailed documentation, this liturgy, and the claims upon which it was based, ran into opposition from certain ecclesiastical quarters, but eventually, with the help of a papal epistle and two major councils, Martial's apostolicity received official sanction. Despite some vigorous opposition from some outside skeptics, the monks successfully appealed to a credulous but enthusiastic popular piety, and with ed. AASS III, November, p. 159-73, and contain the miraculous liberations from the infidels that Leonard purportedly effected for some Frankish nobles during the First Crusade. For a recent discussion of I..eonard's cult, and its origins in the early eleventh century, see S.O. SAitoBNr, Religious Responses to Social Violence in Eleventh-Century Aquitaine, Historical Reflections/ Reflexions Historiques 12: 2 (1985) p. 228-40. 6 Tue presence of Martial in Spanish iconography along the pilgrims' road and of an early copy of the VitaProlu: ior from the scriptorium at Silos argue that this connection was both strong and early (J. Wn.LLUm, MarcialisPillcerna and the Provincial in Spanish Medieval Art, Hortus imaginum: Essays in Western Art, ed. R. fuiooASs andM. SroJCSTAD [Lawrence, U. ofKansas Press, 1974) p. 29- 36). Martial and James were two of the rnajor successes in early eleventh century, and both received favorable attention from William V, Duke of Aquitaine (989-1030), according to Ademar of Chabannes, a repeat pilgrim to Santiago (Historia, III, 41). William's close lies with Sancio of Navarre (1009-37), including their meeting at Angely to celebrate the discovery of the head of John the Baptist (III, 56) suggests a policy of support to "apostolic" relic cults. In 1102 Gelmfrez paid a visit to Llmoges to honor Martial's cult (Historia Compostelana , CCSL , 1989 v. 70, p. 38). 7 On the basilica of SL Martial, sec M. DuOfl! JN, La basilique du Sauveur a 1' Abbaye de Saint-Martial de Limoges, Bulletin de 1a Societe archeo logique et historique du Limousin [= BSAHLJ 83 (1951) p. 284-311. 8 Given that we do not know the Guide's circulation at this point, we cannot know ifthe news ever reached the Llmousin. On the other band, the Guide itself necessarily relied on, and reflected, an oral consensus more widely known . See below. 232 Codex Calixtinus.indd 247 Codex Calixtinus.indd 247 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 support from the pope and a series of regional councils, they had enshrined Martial in the liturgy as an apostle. This early and spectacular example of such formal claims to apostolic status in turn encouraged others, until by the twelfth century one finds the characteristic Gallican mania for apostolic cults. 9 "lt was," wrote one historian, "as if all the characters in the Gospels had given themselves rendez-vous in Gaul." 10 Given the success of other, no less grandiose claims in subsequent generations (including Mary Magdalene where this raute to Santiago starts, and St. Fronto, the next stop), and the clear evidence of scriptorial manipulation in the monastery' s rich manuscript collection, historians had little reason to doubt the evidence. 11 If the firstrate historian Orderic Vitalis could include the "apostolic" life ofMartial in his first book of the History of Christendom right after his Evangelical material, then who in this credulous age might doubt. 12 Perhaps a Guibert ofNogent, that proto-modem individual whom we modems clearly respect more than did his contemporaries, 13 but probably very few others. In fact, it took all the scholarly and rhetorical weight ofLouis Duchesne' s pen in 1892 merel y to establish that these apostolic claims were an invention of the early eleventh century, and not a reflection of Martial's true status. 14 And yet, however he might consider the apostolic cult a hoax, no historian, not even Duchesne, considered the possibility that many of those living 4-8 centuries earlier thought the same way. lt was as clear as the forgeries involved: from the eleventh century on, Martial' s cult ''fit loi" in Limoges. 15 Not until 1925 did anyone raise doubts. At that point, in a series ofthree articles for the Bulletin de litterature ecclesiastique, a publication from Toulouse with a wide readership in academic Catholic circles, a non-medievalist, Mgr Louis Saltet published a remarkable rereading of the evidence. 16 Far from the smashing success that the sources depict, the apostolic cult failed utterly in its trial flighton August 3rd, 1029. On that day , before vast crowds drawn to celebrate the inauguration of the 9 Fora typical discussion of the larger apostolic movement and Martial' s role in it, see the treatment by A. DUM.U, in L 'Eglise au pouvoir des lai: ques 888-1057, L 'histoire de l 'Eglise depuis les origines jusqu'a nos jours, ed. A. Fliehe and V. Martin, 7 (Paris, 1943), p. 179-86 . 10 E. MALE, La fin du paganisme en Gaule et les plus anciennes basiliques chretiennes (Paris, 1950) p. 23. 11 On Mary Magdalene's cult, whichfirst takes off in the mid-eleventh century, see V. SAXl! ll, Le culte de Marie-Madeleine en occident des origines a la fin du Moyen Age, Cahiers d'archeologie et histoire, 3 (Auxerre 1959); on SL Fronto, whose legend may precede that of Martial's, see A.V. Gtu.Bs, L'evolutioo de l'hagiographie de SL Satumin de Toulouse et soo influence sur la liturgie, Liturgie et musique, IXe au XIVe siecles, Cahiers de Fanjeaux, 17 (1982) p . 359-79. 12 Orderic Vitalis, Historia ecclesiae, ed. M. CHIBNAIL (Oxford 1968) I, p. 190f. 13 See thefine description of Guibert's psychological isolation from even bis own monks in R.I. MooRB, Guibert ofNogent and bis Wodd in: Studies in Medieval History Presented to R.H.C. Davis, ed. H. Mayr-Harting and R.I. Moore (London, 1985) p. 107-17. 14 Seenote 3. 15 H. Ll! CU! llCQ, art. Limoges in: Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie, ed. F. CABaOL and H. U! C.l! RCQ(Paris 1930) IX, 1, c. 1155. 16 L SALTBT, Une discussion sur St. Martial entre un Lombard et IDl Limousinen 1029, Bulletin de la litterature ecclesiastique 27 (1925) p. 161-86, 278-302; Une pretendue lettre de Jean XIX sur SL Martial fabriquee par Adernar de Chabannes, ibid . 27 (1926) p. 117-39; Les faux d'Ademar de Chabannes: pretendues discussions sur saint Martial au concile de Bourges du 1„ novembre 1031, ibid. 27 (1926) p. 145-60; Un cas de mythornanie bien documente : Adernar de Chabannes (988- 1034), ibid. 32 (1931) p. 149-65. 233 Codex Calixtinus.indd 248 Codex Calixtinus.indd 248 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 apostolic cult, a Lombard prior humiliated the author of the new liturgy, Adernar of Chabannes, in public debate. By nightfall the debacle was complete, and in his apologetic letter recounting the debate, Adernar adrnitted that only he and one other monk still supported the good cause . 17 But the story did not end there. lsolated and mocked by his fellow monks at Angouleme, whom he depicted as serpents and scorpions, Adernar turned to forgery (papal letter, conciliar decrees) and historical fiction (sermons, lengthy accounts of the conciliar debates) in order to paint a picture of the events of that day and subsequent events that specificall y inverted reality on the topic of the apostolicity . 18 Having completed this brilliantly deceptive dossier that provided the monks of Saint-Martial with all the documentary support he himself had lacked, Adernar bequeathed it to Saint-Martial and left for a final pilgrimage to Jerusalem where he died in 1034. lt was apparently not until the 12th century thatthe monastery managed to relaunch the apostolicity, but they then succeeded to such a degree thatwith the help of further manuscript "correction" the century hiatus between Ademar's failure and their triumph was lost to posterity. 19 On the other hand, if the exegetical discovery that these texts were forgeries and fictions had permitted Saltet in 1930 to reconstruct Ademar's situation so remarkably and so differently, his reinterpretation made little impact on the historical profession: historians continued to cite Ademar's most inventive material as if it were from the pen of a scribe writing for the bishop of Limoges. 20 Even within Adernar studies, his interpretation found no partisans, and for the next fifty years Saltet' s work went unmentioned by historians of the period, the region, even the man himself. 21 As a result, and even though all the detailed research since has corroborated Saltet's hypothesis, 22 this new perspective has yet to have much effect on the 17 See also LANDES (note 3). Most extensive treatrnent in R. LANDES, History and Denial in an Apocalyptic Age: The Life and Times of Adernar of Chabannes (989-1034), forthcorning. 18 Part of this isolation carne from the fact that Adernar was not a rnonk of Saint-Martial, but of Saint- Eparchius of Angoulerne, and that to become the impresario of Martial's relics, he tumed his back on his rnonastery of origin and his original patron saint. His ignorninious retum in the wake of his defeat rnade him completely vulnerable to all their envy and resentrnent. For the best discussion of his work during this last period of his career, see D. CALLAHAN, The Sermons of Adernar of Chabannes and the Cult of St. Martial of Lirnoges, Revue benedictine 86: 3-4 (1976) p. 251-95; and, Adernar de Chabannes et la Paix de Dieu , Annales du Midi 89 (1977) p. 21-43. 19 This twelfth and thirteenth century rnanipulation included buying up the older liturgical works from surrounding abbeys in order to correct thern, thus providing the library with an exceptionally large collection of tenth and eleventh .century rnusical works that prompted discussion of a Martialian school alongside that of Saint Gall for this period. Not until 1960 did rnusicologists realize that rnany of these rnanuscripts did not originally corne frorn St. Martial: J. CHAIWlY, L'ecole rnusicale de Saint-Martial de Limoges jusqu'a la fin du XIe siede (Paris 1960). See, most recently, A. SoHN, Der Abbatiat Adernars von Saint-Martial de Limoges (1063-1114), (Munster, 1989). 20 G. MANS1, Sacrorum conciliorum, nova et amplissima collection (Florence-Venice, 1767) XIX c. 501-48, published the material as anonymous but official accounts of the councils of Bourges and Limoges, and J.P. MmNB, Patrologia Latina (Paris 1880) 142, c. 1353-1405, published them under the narne of the presiding bishop, Jordan of Limoges. 21 R. LANDES, A Libellus frorn St. Martial of Limoges Written at the Time of Adernar of Chabannes: Unfauxa retardement, Scriptorium 37: 2 (1983) p. 195f. n. 68; see also DuMASwho rejects Saltet's analysis (note 9 p. 184, n. 4). 22 CHAILLl! Y (above, note 19); P. HooREMAN, Saint-Martial de Limoges au temps de l'abbe Odolric (1025-1040), Revue beige de musicologie 3 (1949) p. 5-36; J.B. PoRTER, Rites for the Dying in the 234 Codex Calixtinus.indd 249 Codex Calixtinus.indd 249 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 way in which historians treat subsequent events, in the history of Limoges, of the abbey, or the apostolic controversy itself. 23 And yet surely the dramatic reversals in the fortunes ofthe abbey (sold to Cluny by the viscount in 1062) and the episcopacy (10% dethronement) as weil as the virtually permanentand often violentrivalry between the inhabitants of the monastic castle and the episcopal cite, need to be considered in light of manuscript evidence that shows apostolic activity in the monstery in the middle of the century, and again, decisively , around the turn of eleventh-twelfth. 24 Did, forexample, the same Cluniac abbot (Ademarus, 1062-1114) preside over the scriptorium that 1) produced a martyrology calling Martial a confessor (c. 1065), 25 and 2) the opulent copy of the Apostolic Life of Martial that looks like an appendix to the New Testament (c. 1100)? 26 By the middle of the twelfth century, however, the apostolic cult reigned in Limoges, and found support in such prestigious intellectual circ_les as Normandy, England and Spain. 27 · As long as it looked like Adernar bad accomplished all this back in 1031 with the approval of the pope and the highest provincial councils, these confirmations of Martial' s apostolic Statusfrom the twelfth century seemed perfectly logical. And yet they were, for the most part, quite recent developments, reflecting an initiative that could not have occurred without some resistance, without at leastprovoking derision among some who did not have either religious or material reasons to want to forget the past. There is a proverb that I have been unable to trace, "Limoges the Mother of Lies" that may reflect the countertradition that accompanied the apostolicity. The silence of the Pilgrims' Guide, which would most surely be taken as an insult, may also reflect this resistance. This line of speculation, which may be no more than that, may on the other band shed some light on another curious anomaly, this time in a draft of Ademar's Historia, that was copied around the same time as the Pilgrim's Guide. This Early Middle Ages, I: St. Theodulf of Orleans, Journal of Theological Studies ser. 2, 10 (1959) p. 43-62; J. VEZ1N, Les manuscrits dates de l'ancien fonds latin de la Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, Scriptoriurn 19 (1965)p. 88-9; CALU.HAN (above . nc>te18); R.L. WoLFP, How theNews was brought from Byzantium to Angouleme; or, Tue Pursuit of a Hare in an Oxcart in: Essays in Honor of Sir Steven Runcirnan , Byzantine and Modem Greek Studies 4 (1979) p. 162-209; l....NoBS (above notes 3 and 21). 23 For two recent examples, see M . AuaRUN, L' Ancien diocese de Lirnoges des origines au milieu du Xle siecle, Institut d'Etudes du Massif Central fase. 21 (Clennont-Ferrand 1981) p. 202-17; and SARoBNT (note 5) p. 224, 230-31. 24 For the middle of the century, see the copy of the forged Papal letter and the forged canons of Bourges copied into the great Bible (BN lat. 5, II f. 130); toned down copies of Ademar's sennons (BN lat. 3785 ff. 182-92); and possibly a number of the clumsier corrections of confessor to apostolus (brief discussion in l....Noll.'I, "Libellus," [note 2) p. 198 n. 76) . For the turn of the next century, see the magnificent version of the Vita Prolixior along with the newly discovered "Letters of Manial to the Bordelais and Toulousains" (BN lat. 5296A). 25 BNlat. 5257; discussed by J. VEZ1N, Les manuscrits dates de l'ancien fonds latin dela Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, Scriptorium, 19 (1965) p . 83-89. 26 Note 24. 27 On England, see F. WoRMALD, Tue Litany in Arundel Ms . 60 : Appendix, Analecta Bollandiana 64 (1946) p. 84-6; on Spain, see WJLUAMS, (note 6); on Nonnandy, see above note 12. In all there are some 80 manuscripts of the Vita Prolixior from all over Western Europe . A critical edition of this text is in preparation for the Corpus Christianorum as part of the collected worlcs of Adernar of Chabannes . 235 Codex Calixtinus.indd 250 Codex Calixtinus.indd 250 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 manuscript (BN Iat 5926) contains a text some 30% longer than that of all other copies. Both of the nineteenth century editors of the work have attributed these additions to the scribe of the copy, who added as he copied. The attribution of these occasionally lengthy, always detailed and informative passages to this "twelfth century interpolator,"despite the vigorousargumentsof J ulesLair, and the published assent of Lot and Halphen, remained the consensus of historians for most of the twentieth century. An astonishing conclusion merely on the basis of a close textual analysis, 28 this conjectured interpolator has not survived the discovery of an autograph fragment from Ademar's History. 29 This fragment covers from the end of Bk I, most of II, and the first pages of III, and all but one passage correspondpreciselyto the contentsofBN 5926.This single exception is itself unusual, having no relevance to Limoges, but rather to the claims of the monasteryofFigeac tobe free of the influenceof Conques, and dates from the later eleventh century. 30 Why, when he had copied Ademar's chronicle rather slavishly, indeed unintelligently, did this twelfth century scribe interpolate this single curious passage. When we consider that our copyist had access to Adernar's autographcopy of the finalversion, hencehe wouldhave eitherworked at St.Martial or been closely associated with it, the addition might reflect a Martialian response to the Guide's insult. To add such a text mighthave been an act of solidaritybetween two monasterieswhich had both seen theirrivalsraised to the status of defining sites along the roads to Santiago. 31 Whether or not this last conjecture is correct, 32 it at least has the virtue of reading examples ofadoptions (and rejections) ofMartial's apostolicityas more than mere and typical examples of (or, conversely,rare exceptions to) the depths ofmedieval credulity. To the contrary, it sees them as actions occurring within a larger debate 2 8 The scribe is neither attentive, nor a particularly good latinis t; the interpolations are all hi ghly detailed , and include changes in the exis ting text as weil as additions . Already in 1899 , they were identified as the worlc of an early eleventh century cornposer by J. Lllll , Etudes critiques sur divers textes des Xe etXIe siecles II : L 'Historia d' Adernar de Chabannes (Paris, 1899); analysis confirrned (and attributed to Adernar) by both F. Lar, Etudes sur le regne d'Hughes Capet, Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Hautes Etudes) fase. 147 (Paris 1903) p. 304 n.l , 351-60 ; L. I! AutmN, Rernarques sur la Chronique d' Adernar de Chabannes, R evue historique 98 (1908) p . 294-308 . 29 Text discovered by D. GABoarr-CHoPIN, Un dessin d'Aix 1a Chapelle, Cahiers Archeologiques 14 (1964) p. 233-5; relationship to the text in BN laL 5926 exarnined by P. GArn, Intomo al Chronicon di Adernaro di Chabannes : L' edizione Duchesne del Chronicon, Studi Medievali, Je ser. 21 (1980) p. 347 -65. The editors of the Historia forthe Corpus Christianorurn (P. BotllloAIN, R. UNDESand G . PON)will call this recension y (lcnown as C in the edition by J. CHAvANoN) . Seenote 31. 30 For a copy of the original Figeac forgeries frorn the later eleventh century, see E. BALIJZI! , Miscellanea .. . 4 vols. (Lucca 1761-4) iv, 1-2; and G. Des! AJtDJNS , Essai surle cartulaire del'abbaye de Sainte-Foi de Conques en Rouergue (IXe-XIIe siecles), Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des Chartes 33 ( 1872) p . 260-1. lt is on the basis of this interpolation that H. BBUMANN, argued that all of y consisted of twelfth century additions : Grab und Thron Karls des Grossen zu Aachen, in: Karl der Grosse : Lebenswerlc und Nachleben, ed. L. Braunfels, (Düsseldorf 1967) IV, p . 17-23, esp . n. 101. Fora counter-argurnent sec R. l..t.NDes, The Making of a Medieval Historian : Adernar of Chabannes and Aquitaine at the Turn ofthe Millennium , (Ph.D. Diss ., Princeton 1984) p . 18, 238 n . 51. 31 lf correct, this text then rnay offer a clue to the dating of the Pilgrim• s Gu ide, although BN laL 5926 can only be dated by its band . 32 And further paleographical and textual analysis rnay support or disprove iL 236 Codex Calixtinus.indd 251 Codex Calixtinus.indd 251 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 in which miracle and realpolitiksided against a lively, butat least as far as most officialdocumentationis concernedminoritycriticism.In that sense,thePilgrim's Guidemay be one of the mosteloquentif subtleechoesof a muchbroadercriticism of the apostoliccult amongcontemporaries,a currentof belief clearly dominantin the summer of 1029,yet not to reach the historians' attention(i.e. the documents) again,untilthefull-fledgedaccountsofpost-GutenbergdebatesbetweenProtestants and Catholics,debatesthat went on for another300 years untileven the (academic) Catholic camp acknowledgeda fraud. Only when we begin to understandhow far backthis! argerdebatewent,and whatalignmentofforcesgave the apostolicversion dominancein the twelfth to fifteenthcentury can we answer the kind of question centralto more importantrnattersposed, for example,some fifteenyears ago by one of the editors of this volume: "Who among the representatives of Church or State determined that the Gallic saints Martial and Martin should adorn the vaults of the burial place of the kings of Leon, while saints Isidore and Vincent, whose relics reposed in splendid coffers nearby, should not? " 33 33 W1LUAMs, MarcialisPincerna (note 6) p. 34. 237 Codex Calixtinus.indd 252 Codex Calixtinus.indd 252 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 253 Codex Calixtinus.indd 253 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Comments on the Question of Illumination WALTER CAHN Although serious study of the textual and historical problems of the Codex Calixtinus have been carried on for nearly a century, attempts to localize the manuscript on the basis of paleographic and stylistic criteria are few and of a fairly recent date. Walter Cook took it for granted that the work was of Castilian origin, but found in the miniature of Charlemagne' s warriors preceding the Pseudo- Turpin chronicle "the ugly facial type, long nose, receding chin, characteristic ofEnglish drawing of the twelfth century". 1 Rene Louis, who thought that Aymericus Picaud brought the Liber Sancti Jacobi to Santiago from Vezelay, concluded that the decoration of the work was closely related to contemporaneous Burgundian book illumination. 2 More recently, Fran1tois Avril has connected this decoration with Normandy, and in particular, with the manuscripts produced for William of Saint-Calais (Carileph).3 Tue new monograph of Manuel Dfaz y Dfaz concludes instead that the Codex Calixtinus originated in Compostela, though its production was the work of scribes from southem France. 4 This wide divergence of opinion focuses attention on some of the difficulties encountered in the localization ofRomanesque manuscripts that will be familiar to all students of the subject In the area of paleography, we lack for scriptoria of the eleventh and the twelfth centuries the kind of clear local profile that has been established for earlier periods in places like Luxeuil, Corbie, Tours or Reims. lt may well be that this situation will eventually be remedied by specialized study. But it is also a fact that Romanesque manuscript holdings of almost any cathedral or monastic library will often show considerable variety and no consistent scribal habits. The individualism of the scribes, the rise of lay and mobile professionals capable of supplementing and even substituting for the activity of established scriptoria are some of the contributing factors in this picture. 5 With respect to decorative features and illumination, the situation is not very different. There are, of course, examples of a marked local style: one thinks of the Citeaux manuscripts produced for Abbot Stephen Harding, or the books written by Sawalo at Saint- 1 W. CooK,The Earliest Painted Panels of Catalonia I, Art Bulletin, 5 (1923) p. 100. 2 R. Loms, Airneri Picaud, compilateur du 'Liber Sancti Jacobi', Bulletin de la Societe nationale des antiquaires de France (1948-49), p . 82. 3 F. Avan. in: Les royaurnes d'Occident (Paris 1983) p. 256 , 259. 4 M. Dw: Y Dw: , EI C6dice Calixtino de 1a Catedral de Santiago: estudio codicol6gico y de contenido, (Santiago de Cornpostela 1988). I have not yet had an opportunity to acquaint rnyself with this worlc, and rny references are to the author' s entry on the Calixtinus in the Exhibition catalogue, Santiago de Cornpostela. 1000 ans de pelerinage europeen (Gent 1985) p. 237-38, no. 39, as weil as to his contribution to the Pittsburgh syrnposiurn. 5 On these questions and other aspects of the production of rnanuscripts in the Romanesque period, see M.-C. GAJtAND, Manuscrits rnonastiques et scriptoria aux Xle et Xlle siecles, Codicologica 3 (1980) p. 9-33. 239 Codex Calixtinus.indd 254 Codex Calixtinus.indd 254 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Amand. But such cases are exceptions. In many instances, we have only isolated works without an identifiable pedigree. Such is the case with the CodexCalixtinus. The comparative material assembled in very welcome fashion by Alison Stones for this congress and her forthcoming edition of the Pilgrim 's Guide which forms the fifth and final section of the manuscript helps to delimit a certain zone in which the production of the work can most plausibly be situated. This zone, however, remains embarrassingly large. We make connections on the basis of parallels that we encounter, necessarily working in a somewhat eclectic way. Initials structured in a roughly similar manner, the occurrence of an identical motif, an element of technique, even Cook's "ugly facial type" may serve our argument. Inspired by the study of Italian Renaissance painting as constituted of distinct local schools, we assume that a genius loci presides over every place and hope to isolate its constituent and lasting elements . How to distinguish what truly "counts" for such a definition of local specificity, however, is an uncertain enterprise at best, and we can have no assurance that it was alway so marked as to have left unambiguous traces. Setting these vexing problems aside, what can be said about the place where the CodexCalixtinus was written and illuminated? First, it must have been a center of some importance, able to procure for itself the various textual components that make up the manuscript, most of which cannot have enjoyed a very wide circulation. Contradicting this impression to a degree is the fact that the manuscript is by no means conspicuous in its refinement, as might be expected of a practiced workshop laboring on such an exceptional project The prefatory page of the Pseudo-Turpin chronicle (f. 162v) is awkwardly composed, leaving a wide empty zone with sluggish linear flourishes along the bottom. The puzzling scene in the middle register showing the fortified cityscape of Aachen and six warriors has thus far not received a convincing interpretation. 6 lt may weil be that deficiencies of the artist's narrative skills have contributed to our difficulties. The illumination of the manuscript is also carried out in a fairly economical range of colors, applied in a parsimonious way. Ochre or yellow substitute for gold. Where should this scriptorium be localized? 1 believe that northeastem France and southern England can reasonably be eliminated from consideration, in spite of the fact that some of the comparisons adduced by Stones are drawn from that area. The case for Compostela made by Dfaz y Dfaz deserves a careful and comprehensive review, though this cannot be undertaken here. The disposition of this author to regard the manuscript as a work of hands brought over from France, however, concedes a basic point: the manuscript in its formal aspects is not really explicable in terms of local antecedents. The question of localization is thus resolved in only its most literal terms, and we are invited to look elsewhere for the origin of the artistic culture that the Calixtinus displays. The case for Burgundy has for it the connections with Vezelay that were stressed by R. Louis. lt has also the favor on the musicological side of Michel Huglo, who 6 Tue füllest discussion, but no satisfactory resolution, is found in R. U! JEUNB and J. STIBNNoN, The Legend of Roland in the Middle Ages (London 1971) p. 51-f,O,esp. 54. 240 Codex Calixtinus.indd 255 Codex Calixtinus.indd 255 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 points out that the notation of a number of liturgical pieces in the manuscript follows usages recorded for Nevers and southem Burgundy. 7 The reference to Cluny in the famous subscription at the end of Bk. V (f. 213v), though highly problematic and often tendentiously interpreted, might argue in the same sense. On the art-historical side, the Burgundian thesis has less support from the evidence. One might mention as not too distant from the style of the Calixtinus illumination the decoration of the Saint-Benigne Bible (Dijon, Bib. Mon. 2), especially that which is found in the highly omate canon tables (ff. 402v-405v). Vezelay and other centers of the region have unfortunately little of relevance to contribute, 8 bot a Bible of unknown provenance at Beaune (Bib. Mon. Ms. 1) deserves some mention here, since it fumishes at least a rough aproximation of the style which interests us, insufficient, however, to found a strong claim for attribution. 9 In the present state of our knowledge, it seems to me, the best connection that can be made is that which ties the Calixtinus to the area reaching from Normandy to the Middle Loire valley. This is the region to which some of Alison Stones's most telling comparisons point: the already-mentioned Carileph books, the Psalter and Ritual from·Fleury at Orleans (Bib. Mon. 123), a Bible from Loches (Bib. Sainte- Genevieve Ms. 1) and other books from Tours and Le Mans (as Elizabeth A.R. Brown points out in her lecture at this symposium, a copy of the Pseudo-Turpin is recordedatMarmoutiers, nearTours, in the 1170's or80's). Oneofthe hands in the Poitevin Lectionary (Bib. Nat. lat. 5323), which also figures among the comparative illustrations collected by Stones, does not seem so close to the mark, bot mention of Poitou in this context will immediately quicken the pulse of any Calixtinus student, since Parthenay was the harne of the harne of the otherwise elusive Aymericus Picaud. 10 Unfortunately, given the scarcity of illuminated books from Poitou thus far identified, this is a connection impossible to further exploit. For the sake primarily of its iconographic significance, I want to draw attention to a heretofore neglected illustration bearing on the subject of pilgrimage in a manuscript from Maillezais, an important Benedictine hause in the county, located near Fontenay-le-Comte (Vendee) (fig. 1). The manuscript contains a number of texts, including a copy of the chronicle of Saint-Maixent. 11 The drawing, found near the end of the volume, has apparently no connection with the surrounding text, and may have preceded the writing. Left unfinished and regrettably depreciated by later "improvements" inflicted by an unskilled band, it shows a triple arch sur- 7 See Huo1.0'sreport Le 'Codex Calixtinus' et Je tombeau de Saint Jacques a Compostelle, Cahiers de civilisation medievale 32 (1989) p. 101-102. 8 On book illumination in this region see my unpublished dissertation, Tue Souvigny Bible. A Study in Romanesque Bible Illumination (New Yorlc 1967) p. 333ff., and Autour de 1a Bible de Lyon. Problemes de 1'art roman tardif dans Je centre de la France, Revue de l' art 47 (1980) p. 11-20. 9 W. CAHN, Romanesque Bible Illumination (Ithaca 1982) p. 267, no. 53. 10 On this manuscript, see E. BU11JN, Reflexions sur quelques aspects de l'enluminure dans l'ouest de Ja France au XIIe siecle: Je manuscrit latin 5323 de Ja Bibliotheque Nationale, Bulletin monumental (1985) p. 209-25. 11 Paris, BN lat. 4892. Tue manuscript was brought to my attention by Franfois Avril. A description ofthe contents is found in J. VE.ROON (ed.), La chronique de Saint-Maixent, 751-1140 (Paris 1979) p. xx-xxvii. 241 Codex Calixtinus.indd 256 Codex Calixtinus.indd 256 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 mounted by a fantastic architectural prospect. In the left and middle arch, there is a seated, severly frontalized and overscaled figure wearing episcopal vestments, flanked by a pair of smaller clerics, the first carrying a crozier, the second displaying an open book. lt is evident that these drawings illustrate the Benedictio perarum et baculorum, the ritual blessing of pilgrims' purses and staffs before setting out on their journey, for which a formula exists in certain sacramentaries or rituals. 12 At the left, two pilgrims displaying purses humble themselves before the bishop, who places a Greek cross on their shoulders. At the center, having donned their purses, the pilgrims kneel to receive the blessing of the staff. The compiler of the CodexCalixtinus went to exceptional lengths to present the work as a thing out of the ordinary, written by a pope and diffused in the entire world. As a piece of book making, on the other hand, the manuscript seems to have been conceived in a more familiar mode. lt is an expanded and somewhat eccentric version of the type of compilation consisting of hagiographical and liturgical pieces concerning a given saint, of which the best known and perhaps the prototype is the collection in honor of St. Martin diffused from Tours under the title Martinellus. Such recueils have by definition no fixed table of contents . The distinctive feature of the Calixtinus is the wedding it accomplishes between the figure of St. James and his shrine at Compostela, each having equal weight and neither really separable from the other in the compiler's mind. In its makeup, it has a curious affinity with another, otherwise unrelated, anthology of this kind, the ensemble of texts concerning Cluny produced at Saint-Martin-des-Champs towards the end of the twelfth century (BN lat. 17716). Here too, we find in a luxurious presentation a collection of miracles, musical pieces, a saint's vita and historical material concerning a major shrine. 13 But the shift from biography to topography is, if anything, even more pronounced. The book shares one other trait with the Codex Calixtinus, though this is perhaps no more than a coincidence: it, too, has no very clear stylistic connection with the place for which it was made. 12 On this rite, sec R. Pum, 'Benedictio perarum et baculorum' und 'coronatio peregrinorum' . Beiträge zur Ikonographie des Hl. Jacobus im deutschsprachigen Raum, Volkskultur und Heimat. Festschrift für Josef Dünninger zum 80. Geburtstag, ed. D. lIARMENINo and E. WIMMF.R, Quellen und Forschungen zur europäischen Ethnologie, ill (Wür7hurg 1986) p. 349ff. I am very grateful to Professor Plötz for sending me an offprint of bis study. 13 On the contents of this manuscript, see L Dm.isLB, Inventaire des manuscrits de la Bibliotheque Nationale. Fonds de Ouni (Paris 1884) p . 223-226, no. 129, and most recently on the decoration, the exhibition catalogue, Omamenta Ecclesiae (Cologne 1985) 1, 185, no . B. 20. 242 Codex Calixtinus.indd 257 Codex Calixtinus.indd 257 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 -~ '1" u"'1r ., ..-,j "! Fig. 1: Paris, BN lat. 4892, fol. 208v 0 (Photo: Bibliotheque nationale) 243 Codex Calixtinus.indd 258 Codex Calixtinus.indd 258 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 259 Codex Calixtinus.indd 259 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 The Illumination of the Codex Calixtinus: A Norman Dimension LARRY M. AYRES In its celebration of St James the Apostle the Codex Calixtinus stands as another manifestation of the role of his shrine in promoting ties between the Iberian peninsula and a larger Christian Commonwealth. Art historians engaged in the study of the miniatures and ornamental initials of the Codex Calixtinus are at once confronted with issues of European dimensions, because artistic characteristics of this manuscript touch on a broader artistic panorama which had developed North of the Pyrenees in the Romanesque period. lt is not only a question of possible French connections or sources but of the widespread distribution of Romanesque artistic languages which had crossed geographical or regional boundaries by the middle of the twelfth century. The interest of this paper will be to investigate some stylistic sources underlying the art of the illuminator (hereafter Apostle Master) who created the miniature of St James 1 at the beginning of the first chapter of Book I of the Codex Calixtinus (fig. 1) and also the ancestry of an ornamental initial style of Book I (fig. 8). Tue aim is to affirm once again features of internationality in Romanesque artistic enterprise along the pilgrimage roads. Rather than focusing on monuments situated directly on the four great pilgrimage routes from France to Santiago de Compostela, artistic antecedents for the art of the Codex Calixtinus will be found in a perimeter or tributary region, in Normandy. Book I of the Codex Calixtinus provides models and directions for the liturgy of St. James. On folio 4 recto the image of St. James, which also functions as the initial "I", inaugurates the text of the Epistle for the Vigil of the apostle. A sentinellike figure of St. James is depicted in a frontal pose holding a book in his left hand and raising his right in a gesture ofbenediction. In this context the disposition of the apostle at this juncture in the volume presumably had pictorial antecedents in the illustration tradition of author-portraits, since the image also serves as the initial "I" . Tue opening of the text of the Epistle of St James in a Romanesque Bible from J . CARRoGAJtctA, Las miniaturas, in : Liber Beati Jacobi (Codex Calixtinus) III, ed. by W. MUIR WHITEIIILL, G. PRADOand J . CARRoGARctA(Santiago de Compostela 1944) p. lxix ff., Lam. II; C. SoeRBVIIA, in: L'art roman, Catalogue de l'exposition organisee par le gouvemement espagnol sous les auspices du Conseil de l'Europe (Barcelona and Santiago de Compostela 1961) nos. 1768-69, p. 532-33, pl. LXXXVIII; A. SroNES, Four Illustrated Jacobus Manuscripts, in: The Vanishing Past: Studies of Medieval Art, Liturgy and Metrology presented to Christopher Hohler, ed. by A. BoRo and A. Mil11NDAU! , B.A.R. International Series 111 (Oxford 1981) p. 197ff., pl 14.3; F. Avan., Les arts dela couleur, in: Le Monde roman, 1060-1200 : Les royaumes d'Occident (Paris 1983)p. 259; K. HmuiERll, Der Jakobuskult des 12. Jahrhunderts und der Liber Sancti Jacobi, Studien über das Verhältnis zwischen Religion und Gesellschaft im hohen Mittelalter, Historische Forschungen, Vll (Wiesbaden 1984) p. 2lff., pl. 4; M.C. DfAZ Y DfAZ,EI C6dice calixtino de la catedral de Santiago: estudio codicol6gico y de contenido, Monograffas de Compostellanum, 2 (Santiago de Compostela 1988) esp. p. 62ff., 206ff., 216-217, 314ff., with reference to additional sources . 245 Codex Calixtinus.indd 260 Codex Calixtinus.indd 260 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Limoges provides another example of this type of union between figure and script character (fig. 2: Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS lat. 8 [II], f. 228). 2 Furthermore the use of standing apostles or saints as an introduction to liturgical texts was known in other centers of Romanesque manuscript illumination. For example, a cycle of standing apostles prefaces the Siegburg Lectionary (fig. 3: London, British Library, Harley MS 2889, f. 2v), although in this instance the apostles are each rendered as full-page miniatures. 3 The alignment with the pictorial tradition of author-portraits may also be suggested by comparing the style of the miniature of St. James with that of the evangelist-portrait of St. John in a Gospel Book attributed to the region of Agen- Moissac in the first quarter of the twelfth century (fig. 4: Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS lat. 254, f. 67v). 4 Both images share a psychological neutrality and are rendered in terms of linear pattem. This avoidance of plastic or volumetric potential contrasts sharply with styles found in several other schools of Romanesque painting which were more receptive to Byzantine or Byzantinizing influences and adapted them to such pictorial canons as the "damp-fold style." 5 Unlike the illuminators of the Limoges Bible or the "Agen-Moissac" Gospels, the Apostle Master in the CodexCalixtinus did not employ an architectural setting to hause his image of St. James. The use of architectural enframement with arcading pervades Romanesque an: · Among the most celebrated examples in stone I sculpture are the apostle reliefs from the cloister at Moissac. 6 lt also manifests itself in tomb sculpture as displayed .by the tomb of Widukind, Duke of Saxony (Enger-bei-Bielefeld) andin metalwork in the enameled funerary plaque of Geoffroy Plantagenet (Le Mans, Musee de Tesse). 7 On the other band, architectural enframement was not ubiquitous in funerary or sepulchral imagery. The bronze tomb slab of Rudolf, King of Swabia (c. 1080, Merseberg C_athedral) depicts the monarch within a rectangular framework. 8 Rudolf, however, remains confined within the rectangular format, whereas the apostle in the Codex Calixtinus trespasses its boundaries. While not conclusive, comparison with the tomb of Rudolf may 2 D. GABOJUT-CttoPIN, La decoration des manuscrits a Saint-Martial de Limoges et en Limousin du IX" au XII" siecle (Paris/ Geneva 1969) p. 86ff ., pl. 131. 3 D.H . TUllNPll., Romanesque lliuminated Manuscripts in the British Museum (London 1971) p. 16- 17); P. BLOCH , Das Siegburger Lektionar, in: Siegburger Lektionar: Zwölf ganzseitige Miniaturen aus der Handschrift Harley 2889 des Britischen Museums in London (Siegburg 1964) p . 7, 20-21 . 4 J. PoROIER, Les manuscrits a peintures en France du VII" au-XII" siecle, Exhibition Catalogue (Paris 1954) no. 314 , p. 107; Avm. (note l) p. 187,366, fig. 343. 5 For the significance of Byzantine influence and the "damp-fold style" in Romanesque art, see in particular W. Kol! HU! R, Byzantine Art in the West , in : Dumbarton Oaks Papers l (194l)p. 6lff.; E. KrmNo! ! R,The Byzantine Contribution to Western Art of the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries, in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 20 (1966) p. 368ff. 6 M. Scw.mlo, The Romanesque Sculpture of Moissac (New York 1985) p . 7ff . 7 E. PANOFSICY, Tomb Sculpture: Four Lectures on its Changing Aspects from Ancient Egypt to Bernini, ed. by H.W. Janson (New York 1964) p. 50-52, figs. 190, 199; R . WBSBNBBIIO, Frühe mittelalterliche Bildwerke : Die Schulen rheinischer Skulptur und ihre Ausstrahlung (Düsseldorf 1972) p. 79f.; M.-M. ÜA1111! 11! R, Emaux du moyen age occidental (Fribourg 1972) p. 8lff . 8 PANoFSICY (note 7) fig 197; WP.Sl! NBFJlO (note 7) fig. 496a; M.F. fu.uN, Romanesque Sculpture: Tue Revival of Monumental Stone Sculpture in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (lthaca 1981) p. 3 lff., fig 14. 246 Codex Calixtinus.indd 261 Codex Calixtinus.indd 261 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 soggest that a sepulchral significance is also allied to the miniature of St. James, an image which decorates a volume prepared for the church that housed the apostle's tomb. Turning to the pictorial style of the St. James miniature, we observe an artistic outlook defined in linear rather than plastic terms. The apostle exhibits a distinctly ornamental character. Contour lines rather than supple gradations or transitions in modelling are employed to achieve this abstract quality. On the other hand, an impression of harsh stylization is avoided through a planar highlighting or webbing of St James' cloak and by the linear rhythms which animate, particularly at the edges, the abundant drapery which clothes the apostle. These linear folds express themselves laterally in an overlapping manner across the surface, and as a result, they enhance the prevailing surface values which guided the Apostle Master's approach to the design of this miniature . St James' face is cast in a mask-like symmetry and is designed with a Romanesque spirit of strict, geometric simplicity uppermost in the illuminator's mind. Stylistic associations with French Romanesque art must figure prominently in discussions of the artistic sources or antecedents of the Apostle Master. This illuminator need not necessarily have been trained in the vicinity where the Codex Calixtinus was written, but his work nevertheless seems integral to the production of Book I. French connections for the art of the Apostle Master have been implicit in some suggested localizations for the volume. For example, in the catalogue of the great 1961 exhibitions of Romanesque art held in Barcelona and Santiago de Compostela, Carmen Sobrevila summarized the state of the question on the research pertaining to the date and place of origin of the Codex Calixtinus by assigning the manuscript a possible North French home ("Nord de la France? ") in the first half of the twelfth century . 9 In the recent monograph on the book by Manuel Diaz y Diaz, the Codex Calixtinus has been localized to Santiago de Compostela and dated to the third quarter of the twelfth century, perhaps in the years around 1160. 10 Research on the intemal evidence of the Codex Calixtinus suggests a date between 1139 and 1173 for this composite manuscript. A date towards the middle of the twelfth century, in the earlier years of the span between 1139 and 1173, has generally been favored . The style of the Apostle Master would likewise soggest a date in the earlier rather than in the later half of that span. Comparisons have been drawn between the image of St. James in the Codex Calixtinus and miniatures in manuscripts from Limoges and the region of Agen- Moissac, and these comparisons thereby propose further investigations into the rich artistic production found in the West and Southwest of France during the Romanesque period in Poitou, Anjou, Touraine and the Aquitaine. 11 This area encompassed the heartland of the pilgrimage roads to Santiago de Compostela 9 SoeRBVILA (note 1). 10 DIAz Y DIAz (note 1) p. 77f. 11 For developments in Romanesque painting in these regions, see the overviews by 0. Dmrus, Romanesque Mural Painting (New York 1970) p. 101-108; LM . AYRBS, The Role of an Angevin Style in English Romanesque Painting, in: Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 37 (1974) p. 193-203; AVRJL(note 1) p . 159-188. 247 Codex Calixtinus.indd 262 Codex Calixtinus.indd 262 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 north of the Pyrenees and has been seen as belonging to an international artistic "block" which fostered cultural unions between Northern Spain and regions of France. 12 Same features of the decoration of Book I of the Codex Calixtinus, however, indicate that the artistic sources of the Apostle Master may also have links with Norman centers, thereby expanding the scope of the artistic sources of the manuscript. Seraffn Moralejo and Fran~ois Avril observed that sources for some initials of the Codex Calixtinus could be traced to Anglo-Norman illumination in the period around 1100. 13 In particular, they made associations between the Codex Calixtinus and a group of Norman Romanesque manuscripts gathered around the Bible of William of St. Carilef (Durham Cathedral Library, MS A.11.4). 14 A Norman artistic context is likewise suggested by the art of "Hugo pictor", the illuminator whose work is known in several manuscripts from Jumieges . 15 The figure of Isaiah in a Norman volume by Hugo (fig. 5: Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 717, fol. Vv) exhibits a strict frontality, linear precision and calculated ornamental effect which anticipates the abstract principles expressed later in the image of St. James in the Codex Calixtinus. Analmost geometric ordering informs Hugo's composition in the Isaiah miniature, and abstract values are reinforced by the effects of local color. The inventiveness of Norman scribes in the realm of ornamental lettering also seems to have left its mark on pages ofthe Codex Ca/ ixtinus . The manuscript of St. Jerome's commentary on Isaiah decorated by "Hugo pictor" and such other Norman volumes of the era as the Bible of William of St. Carilef are adorned with ornamental initials which combine zoomorphic, rinceau and interlace elements into lattice-like patterns. The emphasis on overall pattern in the design of the historiated "E" initial by Hugo in the Oxfordlsaiah (fig. 6: f . Viv) shows a new spirit at work and demonstrates that this ornamental design is more than a carryover or legacy from the vibrant trellis motifs found in Anglo-Saxon illumination . The decorative scaffolding which houses sacred scenes in the "E" initial of the Oxford I saiah looks ahead to the type of ornamental letter design inhabited by the 12 See the review by L GitooECJCI, Romanesque Internationale, in: Art News 60 (1961) p. 43-44 . 13 S. MoRALEJo Al.vARBZ, "Ars Sacra" et sculpture romane monumentale: le tresor et le chantier de Cornpostelle, in: Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 9 (1980) p . 218, note 102; Avm. (note 1) p. 259 ; DfAz y DfAz (note 1) p. 72-73 . 14 H. SwARZENSKI , Der Stil der Bibel Carilefs von Durham . Ein Beitrag zu den Beziehungen zwischen England und dem Kontinent, in Fonn und Inhalt, Kunstgeschichtliche Studien Otto Schmitt zum 60 . Geburtstag (Stuttgart 1951) S. 89-105; C.R. DoowmL,The Canterbury School oflliumination 1066-1200 (Cambridge 1954) p. 115-118; F. Avm., in: Manuscrits nonnands, XI-XII"""' sieclc1. Exhibition Catalogue (Rouen 1975) p . 41-47; W. CAHN, Rornanesque Bible lliumination (lthaca 1982) p . 271; L Ross, Anglo-Nonnan Hagiographie lliustration at Canterbury in the Early Rornanesque Period (Ph.D. Diss., University of Califomia , Santa Barbara 1987) p. 232f; A.C . BaoWNB, Bishop William of St. Carilef's Book Donations to Durham Cathedral Priory, in : Scriptorium 42 (1988) p . 149-51; S. MoRALEJo fu.vM.ET., El patronazgo artistico del arzobispo Gelmfrez (1 100-1140) : su reflejo en 1a obra e imagen de Santiago, in : Pistoia eil Cammino di Santiago: Una dimensione europea nella Toscana medioevale, Atti del Convegno Intemazionale di Studi, Pistoia, 28-30 settembre 1984 (Perugia, 1987), p. 264-67. 15 0 . P.1.arr, 'Hugo Pictor', in Bodleian Library Record 3 (1950) p. 96-103; Avm., Manuscrits nonnands (note 14) p. 47-56; Avm., in: L'enluminure rornane nonnande, in: Les siecles romans en 248 Codex Calixtinus.indd 263 Codex Calixtinus.indd 263 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 figure ofTurpin blessing in the "T" initial at Book IV ofthe Codex Calixtinus (fig. 7, f. 163). 16 In pursuing comparisons between Norman work and the Codex Calixtinus the ornamental dragon "S" initial (fig. 8) which punctuates Chapter 19 ofBook I ofthe CodexCalixtinus is clearly later in date than the "S" which opens the text of Book III of the Oxford/ saiah( fig. 9), but there is no denying strong family resemblances in their decorative vocabularies. In conforming to alphabetic shape both dragons coil with kinetic vigour, but the vegetal, leaf forms in Calixtinus ripened later in the Romanesque season and are, as a result, more complex and more loaded with ornamental detailing. In the Codex Calixtinus the treatment of the ornamental vocabulary is more stylized and severely patterned. Similar parallels in ornamental features may also be drawn with examples ofRomanesque manuscript illumination in the West of France, 17 England, 18 Burgundy 19 as well as with Normandy . 20 That a Norman or Anglo-Norman dimension nevertheless seems closely involved in the branching of the Romanesque family tree leading to the art of Book I of the Codex Calixtinus seems likely on the basis of the comparisons mentioned above, and, especially, in light of the fact that these affiliations touch on both figurative and ornamental grounds. In figurative and ornamental styles, the decoration of Book I of the Codex Calixtinus betrays links with the tradition of Norman illumination of the early Romanesque period. Furthermore, the longevity of this artistic phase is confirmed Basse-Normandie, Art de Basse-Normandie, no. 92 (1985) p. 74-76; A. DB u MAim, in: Tresors des abbayes normandes, Exhibitioo Catalogue (Rouen and Caen 1979) no. 145 p. 126-7; J.J.G. A=wmBR, in: English Romanesque Art 1066-1200, Exhibition Catalogue (London 1984) no. 5, p. 87. 16 C. GARCIA(note 1) Um. VI; SroNBS(note 1) p. 222, pl. 14, 15; AVRIL(note 1) fig. 219. 17 A YRES (note 11), fig. 35. Further materials from this regioo were introduced for discussion by A. SroNBSand W. CAHNduring the symposium, The Codex Calixtinus and the Shrine of St. James (November3-5, 1988, Universityof Pittsburgh). See also, E. BUlllN,Reflexioossurquelques aspects de l'enlurninure dans l'Ouest de la France au XII•siecle, in: Bulletin Mooumental CXLIII (1985), p. 209-225. 18 For example, the first volume of a Rornanesque Bible frorn Winchester (Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Auct. E. infra 1) and related manuscripts; C.M. KAUPFMANN, in: English Romanesque Art 1066- 1200 (Londoo 1975) no. 63, p. 120; W. ÜAXBSHorr, Some New Initials by the Entangled Figures Master, The Burlington Magazine 126 (1984) p. 230-232. 19 As, for example, such manuscripts from Citeaux as Dijoo, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 141; C. Ouasm., La miniature du XII° siecle a l'abbaye de Citeaux (Dijon 1926) p. 73, pl. XXXI. Important for understanding the figurative and ornamental styles leading to the illumination of the first volume of the Oxford Bible (Bodleian Library, MS Auct E. infra 1) mentioned above are the initials of Dijon, Bibliotheque Municipale, MS 135, (Ouasm.,p. 75-77, pls. XXXVI-XLIII). PoaCHBR has noted connections with Normandy for the initials of Dijon MS 135, "Dans le texte, profusion de lettres ornees, dont certaines sont historiees et peut-etre d'une autre main: quelques-unes font penser a l' ouest de la France, plus precisement ala Basse-Normandie (f. 77v .: cf. les mss 57 et 58 de Bayeux, no ; 196)." PoaCHBR (note 4) no. 289, p. 100. The Bayeux manuscripts in question belong to the group ofmanuscripts centered around the Bible of William of St. Carilef (note 14). For Dijon MSS 135, 141, see now Y. Zu.umcA, L' enluminure et le scriptorium de Citeaux au XII siecle (Citeaux, 1989), nos 6, 19; p. 82-84, 114-16, 128. 20 Works from F~p in the period c. 1120-30 may play a role in assessing possible intermediary sources or developments. For the Fecamp manuscripts, see Avan., Manuscrits normands (note 14) p. 73-78. For the Fecamp Bible, see also H. SwARZBNSKJ, Monuments of Romanesque Art (Chicago 1967 2) p. 62-63, fig. 305; K.E. HANBv, Norman Antecedents for English Floral Ornament of theMid- Twelfth Century, Scriptorium 36 (1982) p. 84-86. 249 Codex Calixtinus.indd 264 Codex Calixtinus.indd 264 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 since the Codex Calixtinus postdates 1139. 21 lt remains therefore to attempt to chart the path of artistic elaboration and transformation which separates this Norman heritage from the art of the CodexCalixtinus proper. In the search for the connecting links leading from Normandy to the CodexCalixtinus further study will be required not only of monuments originating on French soil but of the artistic aims and forces in Spain promoting synthesis . The Spanish context calls to mind a possible stylistic analogue in ivory sculpture to the type of art historical complexities encountered in the study of the Codex Calixtinus. The famed whalebone carving of the Adoration of the Magi with the kings carrying pilgrim staffs (fig. 10; London , Victoria and Albert Museum) has at times been attributed to a Norman or Anglo-Norman workshop of the late eleventh century, but more recently art historians have favored a Spanish origin for this great monument ofRomanesque ivory carving. 22 Danielle Gaborit-Chopin in supporting the Spanish origin for the Adoration ivory has pointed to similarities between the style of the ivory and that of the miniatures of the Codex Calixtinus. 23 Could the styles of the St James miniature and the Adoration ivory therefore share a common artistic ancestry which bridged Normandy and Northem Spain and combined Norman dexterity in linear schemes of design with Spanish strengths in expressive power? The introduction of a Norman dimens ion into the heritage of the Codex Calixtinus thereby reconfirms the intemationality of Romanesque artistic expression along the pilgrimage roads and expands our concept of the geographical scope of the cultural forces which were marshalled to glorify the clilt of St. James . . 21 HERBERS (note 1) p . 38, 47. 22 SwARZl! NllKI, Monuments (note 20) p. 60 , fig . 286; J. BBCICWITH , lvory Carvings in Early Medieval England (London 1972) no . 63 , p . 61-62, 131, ills. 121-123; P. LA.sx: o, Ars Sacra 800-1200 (Harmondsworth 1972) p. 172; idem, in : l vory Carvings, English Romanesque Art 1066-1200 (note 15), p . 210; P . W11.UAMsoN, Medieval lvory Carvings, Victoria and Albert Museum (London 1982) p . 16-17, 34-35, pl. 17; idem, The Medieval Treasury , The Art of lhe Middle Ages in lhe Victoria and Albert Museum (London 1986), p. 126-127; D. GABoRJT-CHoP! N, in : Les art s precieux, le monde roman 1060-1200: les royaumes d'Occident (Paris 1983) p. 310-3 15 , fig. 279 . 23 D. GABoRJT-CHoPIN, lvoires du Moyen Age (Paris 1978) p . 119. In addition , see lhe contribution on ! he importance of developments in the minor arts for Romanesque art in Spain by S . MolWl! Io- ALAvAREZ-, Les arts somptuaires hispaniqu es aux environs de 1100, Les cahiers de Saint-Mic hel de Cuxa 13 (1982) p . 285-310 . Comparative materials in Spanish ivory carving can also be found in J. BousQUBT , Les ivoires espagnols du milieu du XI" siede : leur pos ition his torique et artistique, Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 10 (1979) p. 29-58 ; C . GoMEZ-MoRENo , Medieval Art from Private Colleelions (Exhibition Catalogue , The Metropolitan Museum of Art , New Yorlc, 1968), nos . 75-77 . 250 Codex Calixtinus.indd 265 Codex Calixtinus.indd 265 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 1: St. James, Codex Calixtinus, Catedral, Santiago de Compostela, f. 4. (Photo: Paula Gerson) j~ CQl)I . .@~<d'i5 ,a,ii) J-t b ...-)'1,1 t'f .(1 F --~ (qua(. ~.,odmn, ' rrd,cJ,a( CJ•'f(UM rnJi(pn- \ fto"if r~- O ~e5.tu , 4'urn·~,panr'[frmci (äm 1r1m1,pud: taritrt,..,.._.r .• ~naJtnJ.'(ciqm: f qa"4 1, J@fi,! ttu~p.mmni " J"~- )).mmnt- .ttui ' '"P"(~,i, J,.d,e.u.uc .(t'af'~~~ '" . •nullo Jefici~ : ~•'lef .~Uli'in _uf"1ndisn'f4ptrn ·••n,.1m -pctrukt .1J; -<J~' , ·.4b c,nptlttif"4{fluenr; cr ' cciion,~-crJ„il.,nuiii : Po/ li,ltt ..u, ~ ..n• ..f (3 f .. C " C.· 0 ".1 m-: .J,<tr.~tr Fig. 2 : St. James, "Second" Bible of St. Martial de Limoges, Paris, Bibliotheque nationale , MS lat. 8 [II], f. 228 . (Photo: Bibliotheque nationale) Fig. 3 : St . James the Less, Siegburg Lectionary , London, British Library, Harley MS 2889, f. 2v. (Photo: By permission of the British Library) Fig . 4: St. John, Gospel Book of Agen-Moissac, Paris , Bibliotheque nationale, MS lat. 254 , f. 67v . (Photo : Bibliotheque nationale) Codex Calixtinus.indd 266 Codex Calixtinus.indd 266 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Fig. 5: Isaiah, St. Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 717, f. Vv. (Photo: Bodleian Library) Fig . 6: Historiated "E" initial, St. Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 717, f. Viv. (Photo: Bodleian Library) Fig. 7: Historiated ''T" initial, Codex Calixtinus, Catedral, Santiago de Compostela, f. 163. (Photo: Paula Gerson) l 14 .l1 b1 ef mw, uiuenciai . ✓ 14 d 1n bUUIC ~lt pri1 d.,a(fä~~ (mt 1 ... ✓ , , , ~ Fig. 8: Ornamental "S" initial, Codex Calixtinus, Catedral, Santiago de Compostela, f. 95v . (Photo: Paula Gerson) Codex Calixtinus.indd 267 Codex Calixtinus.indd 267 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 tomp {ed«rn( .~m foM ~ uoead41Am11141Mfll,Cl'Uli! II rr_gt'tttfi($f'i•~ de • '4n'011(~ ~Jm~: lMr· 4unoquo . "' ~ IUl'l; QM....a. ..,: _1-..,..'ifid ,_',f,1 _..: ~- Fig. 9: Ornamental "S" initial, St. Jerome's Commentary on Isaiah , Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 717, f. 31v. (Photo: Bodleian Library) Fig . 10: Adoration of the Magi, whalebone carving, London, Victoria and Albert Museum, inv. no. 142-1866 . (Photo: Victoria and Albert Museum) Codex Calixtinus.indd 268 Codex Calixtinus.indd 268 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 269 Codex Calixtinus.indd 269 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Tue Guide' s Language: Some Subtext in a Wider Context THOMAS W. LYMAN Tue Pilgrim' s Guide is bound to bring out the story teller even in art historians who have few occasions to tell stories in the line of duty. The Guide's story about the woman with the skull has an authenticity we cling to desparately, whatever its possible bearing on an original program of Gelmirez. A decade ago, in a stab at narratology published with the prefix, Motif et narratif, I argued that the Guide's "literary" interpretation might be read as a subtext for a larger scenario in the mind of Gelmirez that began in Toulouse and ended in Santiago. In response to Serafin Moralejo's observations and the remarks of others about reading the program through the language of the Guide and by way of tuming our discussion to the architecture program and James D'Emilio's procovative observations about the tardy completion of the nave permit me to retell that story briefly here as a step toward understanding the overall thrust of the text describing the cathedral of Santiago. My story begins with the program planned for the altar set up over the burial place of St. Satuminus in Toulouse and ends with the one described in the final pages of the Guide over that of St. James in Compostela. [Among the many parallels worth noting between the two basilicas of Saint- Semin and Santiago, one pointed up by Theodore Hauschild .about the original setting for the Apostle's body is worth retuming to here. The rivalry between the two shrines may already have been implicit in their inception. They were both undertaken in the course of the 1070s, it appears, beginning with a decision to destroy all of an earlier church except the lower part of the enclosure harboring the saint's remains which, in both cases, served to establish the width of the new sanctuary, approximately 8 meters.] Capitals related to the altar table sign~ by Bemardus Gelduinus were reused at the so-called Porte Miegeville whose location in the nave is in fact related through geometry to the original setting of the altar [and may have instigated an urban scheme linking the faubourg of Saint-Semin to Toulouse]. The capitals in question juxtaposed the Fall of Adam and Eve to the right with an Incamation cycle, including the Annunciation and Visitation, to the left. Tue portal program deployed above these reused capitals includes two famous reliefs, one representing St. Peter above Simon Magus, shown in defeat, the other SANCTUS JAcoBus, whose identity is thus left ambiguous. This image has often been compared to its counterpart in Santiago. Whereas the latter's inscription is univocal (he is St. James , the son of ZEBEDEE, brother of St. John, first apostolic martyr, and patron of Compostela) the identity of the St. James in Toulouse remains ambiguous, perhaps intentionally. The true identity of St. . James on the Porte Miegeville at Saint-Semin in Toulouse tums on two apocryphal traditions involving Peter's triumph over the 255 Codex Calixtinus.indd 270 Codex Calixtinus.indd 270 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Magician, both referred to earlier by Robert Plötz : the Abdias legend associated with the first bishop of Babylon (which, we learned, had Franco-Latin roots) and that of the pseudo-Clementine Letters . While the Legend of Abdias dwells on the life of St. Jam es the Greater, the Pseudo-Clementine story begins with a dialogue between Peter and James the Less, the first bishop of Jerusalem, who shares advice with Peter on the administration of the new church in Rome. Both traditions were invoked by Anna Maria Cetto in 1956 to explain the complex program at the Porte Miegeville . Because of papal sponsorship at Saint-Semin, it can be argued that the fall of Simon Magus portrayed beneath St. Peter derives from the Petrine tradition, especially when it is recalled that William of Poitiers, whose claim to Toulouse was based on his recent marriage to the daughter of Count Guilhem IV, had just launched his abortive crusade in the Holy Land where his predecessor, Raymond de St. Gilles, had distinguished himself in the taking of Jerusalem in 1099. The two reliefs on the spandrels would thus represent a dialogue between two bishops, one of an old and the other of a new Christian capital. The ambiguous identity of St. James at the Porte Miegeville is matched by the ambivalence of a number of twinned females arguably related to the etiological theme of the Fall represented on the displaced capital below. These in turn center on a well-known representation of the ascension on the tympanum which , in its literalness, evokes the Acts of the Apostles. But it is even more evocative of the ascension as it was recounted in the apocryphal revelation to St. Peter. In this vivid apocalyptic account, Christ's final theophanies begin with St. Peter being invited with "certain others" to witness the first theophany of the transfiguration . This vision is followed by Peter' s questio ning of Christ about the Last Things and leads immediately to another in which Christ is lifted up as angels flock together . The second theophany in turn is the direct prelude to the final vision in which Christ appears in glory as judge . The Petrine tradition in which the Apostle of Rome is singled out tobe present at the final tripartite theophany thus stands in opposition to the other in which St. James in Compostela has a place . As I said, the Porte Miegeville theophany and its setting is the first half of a story that ends with the Apocalyptic theophany over the body of Santiago. But the iconographic programs at Santiago turn out to be less the sequel than the response to Toulouse. Whatever the pretentions of Toulouse regarding the possession of the body of both of the Jameses in question, the description of the Guide makes unmistakably clear the preeminence of the other St. James not the brother of Jesus, but of St. John in the Christian economy of salvation, not just once but at every opportunity. The second part of this story begins then with the Guide's description of the portal and sanctuary programs at Santiago. But since it is the full text that concems us here , we should remember that the description begins with the overall dimensions of the church and its parts recounted in terms relating them to human scale and sensibilities and then retums to the paradisus before the Puerta Frances. The north portal, disassembled in the 18th century and transferred piecemeal to the south transept Puerta de las Platerias , presented the image of God in Majesty 256 Codex Calixtinus.indd 271 Codex Calixtinus.indd 271 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 flanked by the Evangelists. Serafin Moralejo's reconstruction of the portal in the 1970s made a major contribution to the literature on the subject Tue vision is described by the Guide as being surrounded by episodes from Genesis referring to the Fall. Tue theme that underscored the vision of the ascension in Toulouse is here expanded across the entire surface of the double portal. The Guide signals what was the pendant of the Fall in Toulouse, a single reference to the Incarnation in the lefthand "ciborio" in the form of the Annuciation. The mention of many women on the same portal among other various creatures suggest to us that the female images now at the south portal came originally from the north and conveyed a similarly misogynous message. The Guide's mention of the woman with the skull on the south portal also teils us it had already been displaced. I will not go into my reasons for suspecting that the displacement may have resulted from the insurrection of 1117 when Urraca, it should be recalled, was stripped bare and humiliated by a throng next to the palace and to the north portal. In any event, the displacement of the provocative image would have created the ncw context that prompted the Guide to draw a lesson about human temptation from the fact that Christ's own Temptation was portrayed alongside the woman with the skull. Had it remained where I believe it was, it might have invited a similar reponse about temptation, but in the context of the Fall. The Guide' s description of the three portal programs lends itself to a chronological scenario that moves on from the preoccupation with the Fall announced at the Porte Miegeville to embrace Christ's birth, passion and transfiguration. But far more important in my mind than the ostensibly narrative continuity of the portal programs is an even more insistent subtheme featuring St James Zebedee. Each portal description concludes with a reference to the apostle, and with increasing insistence on the share he had in Christ's transfiguration. At the end of the discourse on the north portal that begins with a theophany and the Fall, the Guide, after mentioning Peter and Paul to the left, signals James along with John on the righthand jamb . Then, at the south portal, James and John are mentioned, again after St. Peter, alongside the Lord. Rather than identify the group as members of a transfiguration, the Guide this time concludes with a reference to another theophany in the form of angels announcing theLast J udgment lt is at this point that his discourse turns to what Serafin Moralejo characterizes as "evangelical phraseology" to describe the transfiguration at the west portal, a vision the Guide teils us in conclusion was witnessed by St. James along with John and Peter, to whom above all others Christ chose to show himself transfigured. The parallelism in the Guide's description of each portal I insist upon here requires taking exceptiön to Serafin Moralejo's conclusion. He plausibly suggests that the Guide may not have recognized that the figures of Christ flanked by Peter, James and John at the south portal were in fact displaced elements intended for the transfiguration at the west portal but then concludes that "the apparent duplication of programs ... seems to stem from the use of contradictory sources of information." This is to say that, in not recognizing the transfiguration at the south door, the Guide's ocular source of information his own eyes would have betrayed him 257 Codex Calixtinus.indd 272 Codex Calixtinus.indd 272 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 whereas a programmatic source couched in the language of the Gospel would have persuaded him that the transfiguration was to be found in fact at the west portal. 1 can see the archeological merit of the argument that the figures on the Puerta de las Platerfas spandrels may have been displaced. 1 also range myself with those who believe that the Guide "free-associated" when interpreting the woman with the skull. But I would argue further that a programmatic scheme lay behind the repeated reference to St. James, like preludes to the climax at the west portal, at the end of each portal description. The symmetry of a discourse that links the first theophany at the north portal to an implied Last Judgment at the south portal and, where the Fall is concemed, in a descending order that is reversed before the Christological program, betrays more cunning than is evident in the language itself. Can the Guide' s author alone be accounted the source of an overall scheme that begins and ends with theophanies of which the most climactic is as evocative as any of the great theophanies described in St. John's Book of Revelation: the altar of the apostle himself, with its frontal and ciborium? lt is the comprehensiveness of the entire text, when set alongside other texts of the sort, that suggests that our Guide, however guileless its language, evinced a program worthy of plans laid by Gelmirez. lt has always seemed obvious, even before Michael Ward proved that the the west end of the nave was completed after the mid-twelfth century, that the Pilgrim' s Guide was composed before the west facade was completed. Does the later dating of the Codex Calixtinus proposed by Diaz y Diaz at the beginning of these deliberations alter that conviction? Certainly not, if the theophany of Master Matteo, which effectively upstaged the altar and ciborium, were planned when work resumed on the nave. lt is noteworthy that medieval descriptions of churches typically focus on relics and altars but never on portals as the effective climax of the building's meaning as a topos for a lesson. Even so, the unusual attention given here to portals speaks of a time when they were novel but when the climax, following a general evocation of the building as a whole, including a final reference to ramparts and towers, was located not outside but inside and at the principal shrine. One additional reason for continuing to believe that the Pilgrim's Guide whether or not it belonged to an original Liber Sancti Jacobi reflects an original program enunciated by Diego Gelmirez early in the century has to do with the term medie cindrie and its variant, columpne cindrie commented upon by Serafin Moralejo. Applied to three seemingly unrelated parts of the building's elevation the vaults of the side aisles, the compound piers with engaged columns and the twin columns in the tribunes the term cindrie has defied a simple explanation. The reasoning that may account for the third instance proposed here that the twin shafts did indeed act as part of the centering for the tribune arches rightly points to a familiarity on the part of the Guide with technical terminology passed on by the masons. [One reservation should be offered as an aside, however, about that thesis: there is reason to believe that the intermediate twin shafts were inserted after and not before the principal arches were centered.] 258 Codex Calixtinus.indd 273 Codex Calixtinus.indd 273 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 I would argue instead that the Guide' s description of the cathedral, which is in so many ways a response to a program enunciated in Toulouse, was as much marked by the memory of its rival with regard to architecture as it was to iconography. For example, that the Guide described the nave termination with a median pier identical to those inside the transept portals suggests either that an earlier campaign took place or, what I think is more likely, that a feature not found at Saint-Sernin was projected at Santiago to make the entire building program that much more perfect, and like the portals, more unified. lt is with this memory of what took place at Saint-Sernin in mind that the question of the terminology applied to three different architectural elements makes sense . In a recent study of the elevation of Saint-Sernin, I was able to prove that the centering for the basilica was based very exacüy on the division of the nave elevation into two equal parts, one extending from the tops of the bases at ground level to the floor of the tribune galleries now marked by a 13th-century cornice at Saint-Sernin and the other rising from the tribune bases to the apex of the vault. Thus, the bases of all of the engaged columns as well as those of the twin columns in the tribune arcade would in fact have marked the bottom of one-half of the elevation. However, at Santiago, while the elevation of each vessel is similar, the vaults of the side aisles are closer to the mid-point between the lower bases and the apex of the vault. Hence their centering might correctly be termed medie cindrie. And the application of the same modifier to compound piers and to the twin columns in the tribune galleries suggests that terminology that applied in fact to the construction of Saint-Sernin was carried over and used by workmen when setting up the main arcades and tribunes at Santiago shorüy after 1100. Saint-Sernin thus furnished a starting point not only for the iconography of Santiago, and a pretext for making the presence of St. James with John and Peter the penultimate theophany preparing the pilgrim for the ciborium inside; it also provided the ideal architectural scheme the builders at Santiago, with the guidance of Diego Gelmirez, saw themselves surpassing. 259 Codex Calixtinus.indd 274 Codex Calixtinus.indd 274 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Codex Calixtinus.indd 275 Codex Calixtinus.indd 275 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 Comments on the Codex Calixtinus as Art-Historical Source MARILYN STOKSTAD The chronology first proposed by Michael Ward for the construction of the westem bays and facade of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela, and reaffirmed by the research of Serafin Moralejo and James D'Emilio (reported at this symposium), places the beginning of the construction of the westem bays of the nave in the H50's and the westem crypt in the 1160's. The traditional early dating of the Codex Calixtinus indicates that its author could not have seen the completed cathedral and that bis description of the westem portal records bis understanding of the intention of the builders for the proposed, but incomplete, narthex. If, however, we accept a later dating of the CodexCalixtinus to a period between 1150 and 1173, and accept the early dating of beginning of work on the westem bays of the cathedral, the CodexCalixtinus description takes on additional interest. The author might be describing the actual state ofthe project. As Thomas Lyman asked, "Is the description a program, or is it a wish? " A re-reading of the pertinent passage suggests that the author could be describing the P6rtico de la Gloria. Certainly the P6rtico de 1a Gloria surpasses the north and south transept portals in "beauty, size, and workmanship; " it is "more beautiful" and "admirably decorated." The "many stairs that lead up to it from outside" did exist, as we now know from the work of Jose Puente, who has recently discussed evidence for stairs under the present westem platform (P6rtico de la Gloria Symposium, Santiago de Compostela, October, 1988). Furthermore, the "two entrances" (although probably of the type seen on the north and south transepts) could be construed tobe the portals of the upper and lower levels of the westwork-like narthex, rather than two doors side by side as seen in the transepts; By the 1170's the westem crypt, its two inner stairs to the upper level, the outer stairs, and the architecture of the porch were_finished or well under way. That the author mentions the marble columns suggests that he did indeed see them, together with "images of men, women, animals, birds, saints, angels, and flowers." His reference to angels and flowers suggests that the ribbed vault so richly adomed with gigantic flowers could have been planned, if not in place. The initial impression given by the P6rtico de la Gloria is of floral splendor: the succulent leaves, vines, and flowers of the capitals, moldings, marble columns, and a ribbed vault are unusually, and memorably, dominant. The tympanum could not have been in place this early, for the sculpture was inserted at the end of the campaign and is of inferior quality. Perhaps the author of Book V was correct in describing a proposed tympanum when he wrote of the Transfiguration in glowing but non-sculptural terms: the "dazzling cloud," the "face shining like the sun," "clothing gleaming like snow." The description suggests an image as imagined, not as seen. Transfiguration iconography may have 261 Codex Calixtinus.indd 276 Codex Calixtinus.indd 276 27.09.22 11: 43 27.09.22 11: 43 been planned, however. Sts. James, Peter, and John, together with St. Paul, form a group of Apostles on the right side of the central portal, and St.James is repeated on the trumeau. Until Serafin Moralejo demonstrated that the column figures may be based on liturgical drama (P6rtico de 1a Gloria Symposium, 1988), I was tempted to soggest that the representation of St. James twice had some reference to an intended Transfiguration in the tympanum. This subject could have been suggested by Byzantine apse mosaics, for Byzantine influence especially in its Italian/ Sicilian form is strong in the sculpture of the P6rtico de la Gloria. However, the theme so dazzling in gold-glass tesserae does not translate well into granite sculpture. By the second half of the 12th century the new iconography seen in the great portals at Beaulieu and St. Denis clearly attracted the notice of the patrons in Santiago de Compostela, who could have modified and modemized the program underway at the time of the description in Book V, a relationship between the Codex Ca/ ixtinus and the P6rtico de la Gloria could be used as evidence to reinforce a late date for the one and an early date for much of the latter. 262