<?page no="0"?> Juraj Franek / Daniela Urbanová / Ulrike Ehmig Performative Adjuration Formula in Greek and Latin Inscriptions A Survey of Amulets, Curse Tablets, and Funerary Monuments <?page no="1"?> Performative Adjuration Formula in Greek and Latin Inscriptions <?page no="2"?> Sprachvergleich Studien zur synchronen und diachronen Sprachwissenschaft Band 4 herausgegeben von Paola Cotticelli Kurras (Verona) Katrin Schmitz (Wuppertal) Joachim Theisen (Athen) Carlotta Viti (Lorraine) wissenschaftlicher Beirat Daniel Petit (Paris) Georges-Jean Pinault (Paris) Sabine Ziegler (Berlin) <?page no="3"?> Juraj Franek / Daniela Urbanová / Ulrike Ehmig Performative Adjuration Formula in Greek and Latin Inscriptions A Survey of Amulets, Curse Tablets, and Funerary Monuments <?page no="4"?> This work was supported by the Czech Science Foundation (GA21-06319S) and the Masaryk University, Faculty of Arts. Daniela Urbanová kindly acknowledges the support of the Commission for Ancient History and Epigraphy in Munich (Deutsches Archao‐ logisches Institut), and especially its Vice Director Prof.-Dr.-Rudolf Haensch, for the opportunity to work on the paper in August 2023 and September 2024. We would like to thank T.-Hlavička for preparation of the map. DOI: https: / / doi.org/ 10.24053/ 9783823395461 © 2025 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Dischingerweg 5 · D-72070 Tübingen Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Alle Informationen in diesem Buch wurden mit großer Sorgfalt erstellt. Fehler können dennoch nicht völlig ausgeschlossen werden. 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Internet: www.narr.de eMail: info@narr.de Druck: Elanders Waiblingen GmbH ISSN 2569-2275 ISBN 978-3-8233-8546-2 (Print) ISBN 978-3-8233-9546-1 (ePDF) ISBN 978-3-8233-0520-0 (ePub) Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http: / / dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. <?page no="5"?> 1 11 1.1 13 1.2 18 1.3 21 1.3.1 21 1.3.2 25 1.3.3 26 1.4 30 1.4.1 31 1.4.2 33 1.4.3 39 1.4.4 47 1.4.5 52 2 55 1 55 2 57 3 58 4 59 5 61 6 62 7 64 8 66 9 67 10 69 11 71 12 74 13 75 14 77 15 78 16 80 Contents Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chronology, Geography, Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Materiality, Location, Manipulation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Curse Tablets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Structure, Function, Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Verb of Adjuration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Direct Addressee . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediation Syntagma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Desired Effect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sanction/ Reward . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Greek Phylacteria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exorcism of a Malign Tumour . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exorcism on a Magical Gem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet against Injuries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylactery against a Hailstorm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylactery for Epiphanios, Son of Anastasia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet to Cure or Prevent a Wandering Womb . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylactery for Alexandra, Daughter of Zoe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet for Casius, Son of ‘Metradotion’ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exorcism on a Magical Gem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylactery for Allous, Daughter of Annis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Victory Charm for Paulus Julianus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylactery for John, Son of Benenata . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet against Eye-disease . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet for Dionysus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet against Daemonic Incursion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet against Poisonous Animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . <?page no="6"?> 17 82 18 83 19 83 20 84 21 86 22 87 23 89 24 90 25 91 26 92 27 94 28 95 29 97 30 98 31 100 32 101 33 103 34 103 3 105 35 105 36 106 37 109 38 111 39 112 40 114 41 115 42 116 43 119 44 120 45 123 46 124 47 128 48 130 49 134 Magical Gem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Magical Gem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylactery for Ammon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet for Amatis, Daughter of Adone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fragment of a Solomonic Exorcism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet for Taiolles, Daughter of Isidoros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phylactery for John . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet against a Wandering Womb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Apotropaic Lamella for Schybos, Son of Marylleina . . . . . . . . Phylactery against a Hailstorm . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet for Julian . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet of Crescens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet of Vibius Mamas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Amulet of Syntyche . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Silver Lamella for an Unknown Female . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lamella Bernensis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Magical Gem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Magical Gem . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Greek Defixiones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Curse of ‘Hekatean Words’ and ‘Hebrew Oaths’ . . . . . . . . . . . Curse against Karpime Babbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Curse against Hermias . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fragment of a Binding Spell . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Juridical Curse against Macrion and Associates . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against Pantomime Dancer Hyperechios . . . Curse against Drakontios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Commercial Curse against Babylas the Greengrocer . . . . . . . . Curse against Eusebius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pancharia’s Curse against Business Competitors . . . . . . . . . . . Prayer for Justice on a Wooden Tablet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Annianos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Aplonous . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Heronous . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Sarapias . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Contents <?page no="7"?> 50 135 51 139 52 146 53 149 54 151 55 156 56 157 57 159 58 164 59 165 60 173 61 176 62 177 63 190 64 193 65 195 66 200 67 201 68 203 69 207 70 209 4 211 71 211 72 211 73 212 74 213 75 215 76 216 77 217 78 218 79 219 80 221 81 222 82 222 Love Spell against Kopria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Three Love Spells against Matrona, Daughter of Tagene . . . . Love Spell against Ptolemais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Restraining Spell against Hôri . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Gorgonia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Tereous . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Restraining Spell against Promos and Paomis . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Euphemia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Three Curses from Cyprus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Serial Curses from Amathous . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Scorned Husband Cursing His Wife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fever-inducing Curse against Nicomedes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . So-called ‘Sethian’ Curse Tablets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Series of Agonistic Curses from Carthage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against Victoricus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against the Red Team . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bilingual Agonistic Curse against Ziolus and Adesicla . . . . . . Two Bilingual Curses against venatores . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Urbanus, son of Urbana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prayer for Justice against Sasseikos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fever-inducing Spell against Nonos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Greek Epitaphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fragment of a Titulus from Corinth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Archelais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Demetrios . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anonymous Epitaph in Verse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tomb of an Ecclesiastical Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Stephanis, Daughter of Melon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fragment of a Lost Titulus from Naxos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Funerary Inscription for Julia Memmia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Funerary Stele of Dionysus and Olympias . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Allidius Macedo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fragment of a Titulus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Secundio . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contents 7 <?page no="8"?> 83 224 84 226 85 227 86 228 87 228 88 230 89 230 90 232 91 232 92 233 93 234 94 235 95 236 96 237 97 238 98 239 99 240 100 241 101 242 102 243 103 244 104 245 105 246 106 247 107 249 108 250 109 251 110 252 111 253 112 255 113 256 114 257 115 259 116 260 117 262 Epitaph for Aurelia Matrona and Aurelia Alexandra . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Cleopatra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Likkon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Alexander . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Asclepiades and His Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Sestullianos and His Wife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Andreas and His Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sarcophagus of Aurelia Anna and Demos Pakkonios . . . . . . . Tomb of Deacon Paul . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tomb of Patroclus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Neikanor and Tattis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Apouleios and Aurelia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Aramoos’ Daughter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Diadoumenos and Helias . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anonymous Titulus Invoking Mên . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Ioulitta and Celsus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Larkios and Posille . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Collective Tomb of Priests . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Eros and His Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Bianor Andronicus and His Wife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Inzasou Balamoa (? ) and His Family . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Kallistratos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Ioulia Neikolais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Firmina and Quirilina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tomb of Eianbias (? ), Husband of Tattis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Neon and His Wife . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Appianos Mena and His Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Publius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Lucius and His Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Tryphera in Dactylic Hexameter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anonymous Funerary Adjuration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Eubios, Son of Andromachos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Marcus Aurelius Ammonius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Soterianos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Anonymous Sicilian Epitaph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Contents <?page no="9"?> 118 263 119 263 5 265 120 265 121 267 122 268 123 270 124 272 125 274 126 275 127 276 128 277 129 278 130 279 131 280 132 281 6 283 133 283 134 283 135 284 136 284 137 285 138 286 139 286 140 287 141 288 142 289 143 289 144 290 145 291 146 291 147 292 148 293 Epitaph for Photine and Philoumene . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for a Citizen of Theodosia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Latin Defixiones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell Made for Martialis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against Three Gladiators: Ziolus, Zelica, Adesicla . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against the Gladiator Maurussus . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against Seven Gladiators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell Made by Septima to Gain the Love of Sextilius . . . Agonistic Curse against Racehorses and Charioteers . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against Racehorses and Charioteers . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against the Horses Lynceus and Peciolus . . . Agonistic Curse against Four Horses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Agonistic Curse against Lynceus and Margarita . . . . . . . . . . . Love Spell against Vera . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Latin Epitaphs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph from Rome . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for a Six-year-old Child from Rome . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph from Porto . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Argentia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Celerius Iustinianus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for a Lector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Bonus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sorrentine Epitaph . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for an Eighteen-year-old from Agropoli . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Simplex . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Placidia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Maiorianus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Two People from Albenga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph from Tortona . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph from Concordia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Guntelda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Contents 9 <?page no="10"?> 149 294 150 295 151 295 152 296 153 297 154 297 7 299 155 299 156 299 157 300 158 301 8 305 159 305 160 306 161 307 162 308 163 310 164 311 165 313 166 315 167 316 168 318 169 319 170 320 171 321 323 Epitaph for Aurelius Samohil and Lasia Erina . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Auxantius Hispanus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph from Porto Torres . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Duiona . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph for Zosimus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Epitaph from Aurelius Secundus and Renata for Their Daughter . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Latin Phylacteria and Varia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Visigothic Slate Tablet with a Notarial Inscription . . . . . . . . . . Visigothic Slate Tablet from Pelayos with a Sacral Inscription Mozarabic Donor Inscription . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Visigothic Slate Tablet from Carrio near Villayon . . . . . . . . . . Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ancient Latin Uterine Phylactery from Roman Britain . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet to Protect Merherd . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet to Protect a Child . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Halberstadt to Protect Tado . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Seelchen for Hazzga . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Schleswig . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Dřevíč Hillfort to Protect Roszmycil Mediaeval Amulet from Romdrup for Nicholas . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Blæsinge against Septem Sorores . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Svendborg for Margareta . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Vester Broby . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Troelseby . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mediaeval Amulet from Lejre for Margaret . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10 Contents <?page no="11"?> 1 Versnel (1991); Gager (1992); Faraone (1999); Jordan (2000a); López Jimeno (2001); Tremel (2004); Bettarini (2005); Kropp (2008b); Versnel (2010); Blänsdorf (2010; 2012); Urbanová (2018); Sánchez Natalías (2022); Chiarini (2021). 2 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990; 1992); Kotansky (1994); Skemer (2015); De Bruyn (2017); Ehmig/ Zawadzki (2019). 3 Strubbe (1997); Oliver (2000); Rebillard (2003); Riggs (2005); Hachlili (2005); and numerous recent volumes of the series Inschriften griechischer Städte aus Kleinasien, curated by the Universität zu Köln and Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften. 4 First published by Preisendanz in 1928/ 1931; revised editions of the two volumes appeared in 1972 and 1974, respectively, courtesy of Albert Henrichs. 5 Betz (1986). 6 The first volume has already been published; cf. Faraone/ Torallas Tovar (2022). 7 Wünsch (1898). 8 IG II/ III ³ 8, 1. 9 Cf. Sommerschield (2019). 1 Introduction J. Franek / D. Urbanová Over the past three decades, the study of epigraphic documents reflecting the religious and magical practices of the ancient Mediterranean peoples has experi‐ enced a major surge in scholarly interest. Important new studies and editions of Greek and Latin curse tablets have appeared; 1 inscribed magical amulets of variegated types and material supports, such as papyrus or gold, silver, bronze, and copper lamellae, have been collated and edited in a series of comprehensive volumes; 2 new important editions of funerary inscriptions and valuable studies of tituli sepulcrales are steadily being published. 3 In addition to the works that have already seen the light of the day, the upcoming years are ripe with multiple expanded re-editions of classical works and brand-new publications. At the time of writing, the standard edition of Greek Magical Papyri 4 and their English translation 5 is being superseded by a new bilingual edition curated by Christopher A. Faraone and Sofía Torallas Tovar at the University of Chicago; 6 the corpus of Greek Attic defixiones, 7 well over a century old, has been replaced by the long-awaited second edition by Jaime Curbera as part of the Inscriptiones Graecae, published by the Berlin- Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften; 8 a major new corpus of Sicilian inscriptions is being put together by a team led by Jonathan Prag at the University of Oxford. 9 Brand-new editions of previously unpublished texts are also in preparation, such as Magica Levantina, a collection of curse tablets <?page no="12"?> 10 Such as the CIIP, with six volumes published to date. 11 Kropp (2008a); Faraone/ Kropp (2010); Adams (2013); Urbanová (2014); Gordon (2018; 2019); Höfler (2019). from the Promontory Palace in Caesarea Maritima, edited by Robert Daniel and Alexander Hollman at the Universität zu Köln; and an edition of defixiones from Uley, courtesy of Roger Tomlin at the University of Oxford. Large-scale, multi-volume editions that focus on specific geographical regions and collate all epigraphic texts irrespective of language, are also being steadily published, with some projects approaching finalization. 10 Thanks to the advent of digital humanities, it is now possible to access the majority of these texts, both old and new, via different digital platforms. To include just a handful of examples, Thesaurus Defixionum (olim Otto von Guericke Universität Magdeburg and reestablished the University of Hamburg under the guidance of Werner Rieß and Sara Chiarini), collated most preserved Greek and Latin curse tablets; Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae (Humboldt- Universität zu Berlin) covered early Christian funerary inscriptions from Greece and Asia Minor; the last volume of the important series Monumenta Asiae Minoris Antiqua has been published exclusively in a digital format (University of Oxford). All-purpose epigraphical resources of the likes of Inscriptiones Graecae (Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften), Searchable Greek Inscriptions (Cornell University; Ohio State University), Supplementum Epigra‐ phicum Graecum (Brill), Roman Inscriptions of Britain (University of Oxford), Epi‐ graphik-Datenbank Clauss-Slaby (Katholische Universität Eichstätt-Ingolstadt), Epigraphic Database Heidelberg (Universität Heidelberg), Trismegistos (Univer‐ sities of Leuven and Cologne), Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age (ELTE, Budapest), Inscriptions of Israel and Palestine (Brown University), and several other databases are substantially facilitating access and search capabilities in the field of ancient epigraphy. In recent years, a major project funded by the European Commission, The Europeana Network of Ancient Greek and Latin Epigraphy, has started laying the groundwork for an integration of isolated databases into a meta-database collating all available material. The double impact of a flurry of new editions and studies published in recent decades and the ever-increasing availability of these texts in the digital space create research opportunities that were not available even a decade ago. While scholarly interest in the performative and formulaic language of religious and magical epigraphic texts is certainly not nonexistent, 11 it has been traditionally marginalized in favour of more ‘urgent’ tasks, such as the production of new 12 1 Introduction <?page no="13"?> 12 García Ruiz (1967); Adams (1992; 2013); Galdi (2004); Adamik (2017; 2019); Urbanová (2019a); Chiarini (2021). 13 Cf. Twelftree (2007; 2010) and esp. Nicolotti (2011), with an ample bibliography. 14 Kotansky (1995b); Lesses (1996) and Beck (2018). editions and linguistic studies focusing on dialectal variety, sound changes, morphology, ‘late’ or ‘vulgar’ language, and cursing formulae (esp. in the case of Latin). 12 With respect to the focus of our monograph, performative adjuration formula, there is a significant disconnect between the numerous scholarly works dealing with oaths, exorcisms and adjurations in literary sources, especially those connected with Jesus and Early Christianity, 13 and the limited attention that has been paid to the study of the very same elements in epigraphic documents. 14 No comprehensive survey of performative formulae across different types of epigraphical texts written in Greek and Latin has been published before now. As such, our primary aim has been to produce a compact, single-volume monograph focused solely on the performative use of adjuration formula across all types of Greek and Latin epigraphical documents, including funerary inscriptions, gems, lamellae, and papyri with spells of both apotropaic and aggressive magic. Adjuration formula has been part and parcel of ancient Mediterranean religious and magical discourse, its internal structure remains readily identifiable in both Greek and Latin linguistic tradition across centuries of use, and a synoptic, multi-lingual approach that tracks all classes of epigraphic documents makes it possible to demonstrate both its syntactic structure and the pragmatic function. 1.1 Methodology The corpus of epigraphical documents collated in this survey involves 171 entries in total, of which 119 are inscribed in Greek and 52 in Latin. The Greek material is not only more numerous, but also often more varied, with lengthier and more elaborated texts than its Latin counterparts. Performative adjuration formula has been attested almost exclusively in three types of documents: curse tablets (49 instances in total, with 36 Greek and 13 Latin), amulets (48 instances in total, 34 Greek and 14 Latin), and funerary inscriptions (71 instances in total, 49 Greek and 22 Latin). The exceptions to this rule are three Latin texts stemming from the Iberian Peninsula (155-157): a notarial document (155) and a sacral inscription (156), each preserved on a slate plate, and a dedicatory text preserved on a limestone slab (157). The texts included in this survey have been excerpted on the basis of a rather simple criterion: to qualify for inclusion, epigraphic documents of practical 1.1 Methodology 13 <?page no="14"?> 15 Our research on adjuration formulae in epigraphic sources is informed by the theory of performative utterances or illocutionary acts, developed by J. L. Austin (Austin 1962) and expanded by both his followers and his critics; cf., e.g., Searle (1968; 1969); Katz (1977); Recanati (1987); Tsohatzidis (1994); and Robinson (2006). These theoretical concepts are slowly but surely finding their way into epigraphical studies of inscriptions with a religious and magical nature; cf. Kropp (2010); Häberl (2015); Urbanová/ Cuzzolin (2016); Harari (2017, esp. chapters 3 and 4); Gordon (2018; 2019); Waller (2019); Frankfurter (2019); and Höfler (2019). 16 Cf., e.g., forms such as ἐχσορκήζω (12), ὁρκόζο (26), ὁρχίζω (42), ὁρκίσζω (59), and ὁ‹ρ›κείζομεν (116). 17 Expressions of this type are further found in serial curses 127-131. magic written in Greek and Latin were required to present at least one verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω and its prefixed variants in Greek, adiuro/ coniuro in Latin) in a performative formula. 15 Simply put, performativity in our context means that the formula is not merely transmitting information, but is intended to produce very specific yet variegated results, ranging from exercising influence on the outcome of chariot races (e.g. 64, 125) and curing the beneficiary from fever or other ailments (e.g. 8, 19) to gaining the affection of a love interest (e.g. 47, 120) and protecting the sanctity of the final resting place of family against grave robbers and/ or repeated burials (virtually the entirety of the funerary inscriptions employing performative adjuration formula, 72-119; 133-154). The corpus of excerpted texts has been put together by a combination of using digital databases (see above), as well as rather meticulous analogue methods of scouring indices of epigraphical corpora, which has been necessary especially in the case of Greek material, given the wide variety of spellings of the verb of adjuration. 16 While the requirement for an unambiguously attested ὁρκίζω/ ὁρκῶ in Greek and adiuro/ coniuro in Latin was necessary for heuristic purposes, we must point out that functional equivalents of a performative adjuration formula may occasionally be identified even in instances where no ὁρκίζω/ adiuro has been used. First, semantically related verbs, most notably the Greek ἐπικαλοῦμαι, might be used in a formula that is structurally identical with a formula introduced by ὁρκίζω/ adiuro (37, 46, 56, 67); indeed, at times several semantically related verbs are grouped together to create an amplification effect in expressions such as ἐπικαλοῦμαι κὰ παρακαλῶ καὶ ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς (‘I call upon and I exhort and I adjure you’; 11) and ὁρκίζω σε καὶ ἐναρῶμαί σε καὶ ἐνεύχομαί σ‹σ›οι (‘I adjure you and I implore you and I pray to you’; 36). In Latin documents, we may cite the sequence adiuro te demon quicunque es et demando tibi (‘I adjure you, daemon, whoever you are, and I command you’) on a North African defixio (125) 17 and coniuro vos et contestor per Patrem (‘I conjure and appeal to [you] through the Father’), preserved on a mediaeval amulets from Scandinavia (167, 171). 14 1 Introduction <?page no="15"?> 18 Perea Yébenes (1998: 127). 19 For more examples, see Robert (1965: 101-102), who made it clear that expressions of the type τὸν θεόν σοι are abbreviated forms of an illocution that originally contained a verb of adjuration. 20 An emended adiuro/ coniuro is admitted in Latin adjurations; cf. 133, 143, 146, 151, 160. 21 Wiseman (1972: 30-31, No. 22): [ὁρκίζω] σε τὸν [μέγαν] θεὸν Σαβαώθ̣, [τὸν] Ἰ̣άωα̣, τὸν Βήλ, ὅπως̣ ποίησης ⟨καλ⟩ῶς ὡς ταῦτα φῦσον ἔτος ω̄ ἀτ̣[έκμ]αρ[τον]. For a muchimproved reading that, symptomatically, proposed [ἐπικαλ]ο̣ῦμέ σε τὸν [μέγαν] θεὸν Σαβαώθ̣ κτλ., cf. Jordan (1994a: 324-325) and Jordan (1994b: 120-121, n. 17). 22 Kotansky (1994: 387-389, No. 68): [ὁρκίζω σε ὀνόματι τοῦ] Ναζωραίου, [τ]οῦ Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, [κ(αὶ) τῶ]ν ἁγίων ἀπ[οστόλ]ων αὐτοῦ, [κ(αὶ) τῶν ἀνγ]έλλων [αὐτοῦ, ἐξελθεῖν, κτλ.] (‘[I adjure you in the name of the] Nazorean, Jesus Christ, and his holy apostles and [his] angels [to come out of (so-and-so) …].’). 23 IG V/ 1, 821: [ἐνορκίζω ὑμᾶς ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ θεοῦ] καὶ [Ἰησοῦ Χρηστοῦ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ Ἁ]γ̣ίου Πνεύ[ματος μὴ ἀνασκευάσαι τήν]δ̣ε θήκην καὶ [---] μηδένα στα]λ̣ῆνα‹ι› εἰς τὸ μνῆ[μα τοῦτο. [---]τ̣ο ❦ τὴν ἔνπυρον οὖν ὑμῖν [ὀργ]ὴν τοῦ δεσπότου θεοῦ. φυλάξα[τε] π̣άντες τὸν προγεγραμμένον [νόμ]ον καὶ δότε ἡμῖν ἰρήνην. Cf. also Tod/ Wace (1906: 67, No. 506), who grounded the flights of epigraphic fancy and printed the inscription without any far-reaching restitutions or emendations. Feissel (in Feissel/ Philippidis- Braat 1985: 372, No. 141), however, considered the formula an ‘adjuration développée’. 24 IG XII/ 2, 525: [ἐνορκίζω τὸν μ]άρτυρα τὸ [π---] κτλ. Second, a verb of adjuration might be omitted entirely, yet without the allocution losing its performative force. By way of example, a magical gem preserved in the Biblioteca Universitaria Valencia, dated to the 3rd to 4th cent. CE, reads τὸν θεόν σοι τὸν ὕψισ{σ}τον μή με ἀδικήσις on Side A and μέγα τὸ ὄνομα on Side B. 18 The beginning of the inscription on Side A must be understood as (ὁρκίζω) τὸν θεόν σοι τὸν ὕψισ{σ}τον (‘I adjure you by the Highest God’), with the omitted verb governing the accusative that follows. 19 To qualify for inclusion in the survey, the verb of adjuration also had to be attested in the text of the inscription proper, since editorial restitutions of verbs of adjuration are often highly conjectural. 20 Examples with such restitutions include: (1) a fragment of a Roman terracotta lamp from Corinthus with an apotropaic formula, dated to the 6th cent. CE; 21 (2) a fragment of a Christian liturgical exorcism on a silver lamella from Cyprus, invoking Jesus Christ, his apostles, and angels (possibly 4th cent. CE); 22 (3) a Christian titulus from Sparta, a fragment of a marble stele dated to the 5th to 6th cent. CE, mentioning the Trinity and possibly threatening potential wrongdoers with the fiery wrath of God; 23 (4) an undated Christian titulus from Lesbos, possibly invoking a ‘martyr’; 24 (5) a pagan epitaph for Annia Eutychis from Thessaloniki, engraved on a sarcophagus and dated safely to the 2nd to 3rd cent. CE, apparently adjuring ‘heirs’ and ‘all 1.1 Methodology 15 <?page no="16"?> 25 IG X/ 2/ 1, 536: [---] ⟦[--ἐνορκίζω τοὺς κληρο]⟧νόμους μου πάντας τοὺς θεοὺς ἰς τὴν ληνὸν ταύτην ἕτερον μηδένα μὴ θῆνα̣ι ἐᾶ̣ν. Cf. further esp. Stefanidou-Tiveriou/ Nig‐ delis (2014: 260-261, No.-181). 26 TAM II/ 1, 1170: [ὁρκίζω σέ, κύριον τὸν θεὸν] τὸν παντοκρ̣ά[τορα, σῶσαι τοὺς ὧδε κατοικοῦντας πολίτας τε] καὶ ξένους κ(ὲ) τὸν εὐλαβέστατον κλῆρον [---], εἰ μὴ μόνον, εἰ δυ̣ν̣α̣τ̣όν, τὸν ἐμ̣ὸν κύριν ἐλε‹ῆ›σ‹αί› μοι· [ἐὰν δέ τις πολίτη]ς̣ ἢ ξένος ἀποθῆτέ τινα ἀλλότριον [ἀ]τ̣οῦ ἐντὸ[ςτῆς σοροῦ ἐκβαλὼν τοὺς προκεκηδευ? ]μ̣έ̣[ν]ου̣ς, ἔχι πρὸς τὸ ‹λ›ιπὸν? [---]. 27 Jordan (1992: 193-194). 28 Jordan (1992: 191). 29 The earliest attestation is possibly our 6, a golden lamella from Beirut dated between the 1st cent. BCE and the 1st cent. CE. the gods’ to prevent repeated burials; 25 and, finally, (6) a much damaged, undated funerary inscription from Olympos (Lycia), invoking God Almighty, also to prevent future burials (and threatening a monetary sanction should someone violate the beneficiary’s wish). 26 Another item not excerpted in our survey is the so-called Phala‐ sarna tablet, a puzzling apotropaic text from Crete containing the se‐ quence αρκομεμπομπα[..]ετωικυνε, interpreted by David Jordan as Ὁρκõμεμ ΠΟΜΠΑ[..]ΕΤΩΙ κύνε. 27 To be sure, it is not impossible that the verb of adjuration (ὁρκοῦμεν) is here being used performatively, but the general sense of the adjuration is unclear and did not warrant inclusion in the corpus. The verb ὁρκῶ with performative force is attested very rarely in our survey—only 7 of the 119 Greek epigraphic documents use it (73, 74, 104, and 118 have ὁρκῶ; 96, 98, and 99 employ the prefixed ἐνορκῶ). Another complicating factor is the dating of the Phalasarna tablet. The ‘4th or perhaps early 3rd century’ BCE, proposed by Jordan, 28 would predate the earliest unambiguous use of a performative adjuration formula by several centuries. 29 To achieve our primary aim of producing a compact, single-volume mono‐ graph accessible to a wider audience, with all texts translated into English, we had to narrow the focus to epigraphical documents involving practical magic and performative funerary adjurations, thereby also excluding material that is closely related to the spells and curses excerpted in our survey, namely handbooks and instructions for the preparation of spells found in the (rather inappropriately named) Greek Magical Papyri (PGM), edited in two volumes by Karl Preisendanz. In keeping with our methodology, we included only those 16 1 Introduction <?page no="17"?> 30 These are our 11 (PGM P XXXV), 14 (PGM P XVIIIb), 15 (PGM P 10), 16 (PGM P 12), 49 (PGM P XXXII), and 53 (PGM O 1). 31 Numerous instances of the performative use of adjurations in spell books include the following sections: PGM I, 221-231, 305-314, 341-347; PGM III, 3-14, 36-52, 71-93, 119-124, 171-178, 226-230, 394-396; PGM IV, 259-295, 345-406, 978-1045, 1239-1248, 1479-1495, 1522-1560, 1707-1714, 1906-1919, 2026-2059, 2173-2178, 2898-2911, 3015- 3077, 3203-3206, 3226-3237; PGM V, 75-81; PGM VII, 242-249, 260-271, 301-309, 377-380, 388-389, 443-449, 460-461, 478-484, 550-559, 836-842, 891-895; PGM IX, 9-11; PGM XIc colls. 1.2-1.9; PGM XII, 67-86, 137-143, 147-152, 476-492; PGM XIII, 278-282, 303-308; PGM XIV, 5-11; PGM P XXXVI, 144-155, 190-201, 246-262, 307-311, 339-360, 364-369; PGM P LXI, 19-30; PGM P LXII, 19-22; PGM P LXVII, 7-24. 32 Cf. 164: Cru[x] † benedicat me N(omen) am(en). / Crux † Chr(ist)i p(ro)tegat. Crux Chr(ist)i erua[t] me N(omen) a diabolo ac om(n)ib(us) mal[i]s am(en). (‘May the Cross † bless me, N., Amen. / May Christ’s † Cross protect, may Christ’s Cross deliver me, N., from the Devil and from all evils, Amen.’). 33 By way of example, a defixio from Carthage (our 65) contains well over 30 different adjuration formulae! items in PGM that count as documents of practical magic, 30 as opposed to written instructions on how to prepare apotropaic amulets or curse tablets. 31 The dividing line between the two groups is thin, to be sure, especially considering less experienced practitioners who miscopied the instructions found in magical handbooks (e.g. 9) or failed to replace the generic placeholder δεῖνα (‘so-and-so’) with the name of the beneficiary (e.g. 28). The Greek documents are ripe with such errors, and we occasionally find them also in Latin texts—one interesting example is an amulet from Schleswig (164) where the writer apparently copied the entirety of the apotropaic spell from a formulary and forgot to include the name of the person that the amulet was supposed to protect, writing only N (possibly short for nomen and equivalent to the Greek δεῖνα). 32 That being said, markers of practical use do exist and include the insertion of the proper names of the beneficiaries (and/ or targets in the case of curse tablets) or traces of folding, which either compressed the size of the papyrus or thin sheet of metal to make it easier to wear in a small container (in the case of amulets) or served as part of a ritual action (in the case of defixiones, with the folding of the tablet often followed by it being pierced with a nail). The material in the survey is organized by language (Greek, Latin) and docu‐ ment type (amulets, curse tablets, funerary inscriptions); within the resulting eight chapters, the entries are grouped together by location rather than date of origin. Each entry represents a single object, with several exceptions, most notably the ‘serial curses’ from Amathous (59) and Rome (62). Since several adjuration formulae may be found on a single object, 33 the total number of adjuration formulae is significantly higher than the number of entries (171 in 1.1 Methodology 17 <?page no="18"?> 34 These include the normalization of the Greek letter sigma-lunate sigma, found in several important editions, such as Franco/ Maltomini (1990; 1992), has been replaced by standard and final form sigmas throughout. total). Throughout this monograph, individual entries found in the survey are referred to by their number in bold. The Greek and Latin texts follow their respective editions as closely as possible, notwithstanding a few minor modifi‐ cations necessary to consolidate the text. 34 All source texts are translated into English—whenever an English translation existed, we adopted it (sometimes with minor or major modifications) to eliminate redundancies; many texts unavailable in modern languages received fresh English renditions. Individual chapters in the survey are organized in the following manner: The first criterion is language, with Greek (chapters 2-4) and Latin (chapters 5-8) material grouped together. Within each language category, entries are grouped according to the document type and ordered chronologically. We therefore start with Greek amulets (Chapter 2) with the earliest safely preserved performative adjuration formula on an amulet from Beirut, dated to the 1st cent. BCE or 1st cent. CE (6), and continue with Greek curse tablets (Chapter 3), Greek funerary inscriptions (Chapter 4), Latin defixiones (Chapter 5), Latin tituli sepulcrales (Chapter 6), Latin Phylacteria and varia (Chapter 7) and, finally, Latin Mediaeval Amulets (Chapter 8), which, notwithstanding a single exception (159), are from the Middle Ages. The Latin documents are always included in extenso; the Greek epigraphic material has been, on occasion, abridged due to the extraordinary length of several phylacteria and defixiones. 1.2 Chronology, Geography, Language All inscriptions excerpted in our survey are dated to the Common Era; possibly apart from an amulet against a wandering womb, a Greek-inscribed golden lamella from Beirut (6), datable to the 1st cent. BCE or 1st cent. CE and, as such, the earliest undisputable attestation of a performative adjuration formula in an epigraphic document. Another very early find, dated to the 1st cent. CE, is a Greek-inscribed wooden tablet from Sakkara (45). The earliest Latin attestations of performative adjurations are from the 2nd cent. CE, including defixiones from Carthage (123) and Hadrumetum (124). In contrast, the most recent Latin inscriptions excerpted in the survey are mediaeval amulets from Denmark, dated between the 14th and 16th cent. CE (167, 168). Greek epitaphs featuring ὁρκίζω/ ὁρκῶ start appearing from the 2nd cent. CE onwards in Asia Minor, Africa, and Macedonia; the earliest Latin funerary inscriptions with 18 1 Introduction <?page no="19"?> performative adiuro/ coniuro are attested from the 4th cent. CE in Italy and Dalmatia. Greek pagan epitaphs form a compact group of inscriptions datable consistently to the 2nd to 4th cent. CE; Latin tituli are exclusively Christian and range from the 4th to up to the 9th cent. CE. Another relatively uniform group in our survey consists of curse tablets, attested from the 1st to the 4th cent. CE, while the zenith of the use of adjuration formulae falls within the 2nd and 3rd cent. CE (35 instances in total). In the group of Greek amulets, the most numerous are documents datable to the 4th or 5th cent. CE (17 instances). We may conclude that inscriptions featuring a performative adjuration formula are most frequently attested in the first three centuries of the Common Era: of the 90 instances, we find 42 curse tablets, 37 epitaphs, and 11 amulets. In the following three centuries, roughly coextensive with the period of Late Antiquity, the situation began to change: an increase in the number of amulets featuring such adjurations (23 instances) was accompanied by a substantial decrease in the number of curse tablets with such adjurations (only 7 instances); the number of funerary inscriptions featuring adjurations remained the same as in the previous period (31 instances). Within the transformational epoch of the 7th to 10th cent. CE, only eight items have been identified—one amulet, three epitaphs from Italy, and four Visigothic slate plates. Finally, from the 10th cent. CE onwards, we excerpt 14 Latin documents with adiuro/ coniuro, esp. from Central Europe and Germany (six documents in total, 160-165) and Scandinavia (also six items, 166-171); two performative uses of adjurations from this epoch are attested from Spain (157, 158). Except for a dedicatory inscription from Celanova (157), all of the remaining documents are Christian amulets with texts inscribed on lead tablets. The geographical distribution of inscriptions with an attested performative adjuration formula (cf. our Map, ill. 1 in 1.3.1) is remarkably wide and includes most of the regions of Asia Minor (Galatia, Cilicia, Lycia, Phrygia, Bithynia, Pontus, Sarmatia), the provinces of Syria and Iudaea, and the Greek provinces of Achaia and Macedonia; several epigraphical documents are attested from Cyprus. The largest number of texts with adjurations stems from Egypt and North Africa, 49 instances in total, comprising 13 amulets, 34 curse tablets, and 2 epitaphs. These attestations are all from the 1st to 6th cent. CE; the most recent of them are amulets preserved on papyrus (26, 29-30), while the culmination of production is to be placed in the 2nd and 3rd cent. CE (30 instances). From the region of Italy, we have 32 texts with performative adjurations (7 amulets, 3 curse tablets, and 22 funerary inscriptions), datable to the 1st to 5th cent. CE. Asia Minor supplied 31 inscriptions for our survey, comprising 5 phylacteries, a single defixio, and 25 epitaphs—most epitaphs (21 instances) form a relatively 1.2 Chronology, Geography, Language 19 <?page no="20"?> compact cluster from the 3rd cent. CE. More numerous finds are attested from mainland Greece and the Aegean islands (14 instances), Macedonia (6 instances), and Cyprus (4 instances); no less than 7 entries are from Syria, 4 from the Iberian Peninsula, and 3 each from Iudaea and Dalmatia. Regions where the use of a performative adjuration formula has been (to date) attested only rarely include the British Isles and the province of Sarmatia (one instance each). Mediaeval Latin amulets come from the regions of modern Scandinavia (6 items), Germany (5 items), and the Czech Republic (1 item). Four inscriptions, an amulet (9), two gems (33-34), and one defixio (70), are completely unprovenanced. From the southern provinces of the Roman Empire, we have only Greek inscriptions from Egypt and both Greek and Latin inscriptions from the regions of Africa Proconsularis and Africa Byzacena. In Greek documentation, we find all three main categories—amulets (10-21), curse tablets (45-57, 63-69), and, rarely, epitaphs (114-115). Latin inscriptions from Northern Africa are exclusively defixiones (120-132). As regards Italy (21 inscriptions), Sicily (2 inscriptions), and Sardinia (1 inscription), the epigraphic documents featuring adjurations there are mostly written in Latin and are limited to epitaphs (133, 134, 137-151); Greek documents from these regions (usually from Sicily and Rome) include several amulets (24-30), two defixiones (60-61), and three epitaphs (117-119). Rare attestations of Latin inscriptions in a funerary context are from Dalmatia (152-154). Further to the West, we find only Latin epigraphic documents from the Iberian Peninsula (155-158). The unique find of an amulet against a wandering womb from West Deeping (159) presents the only attestation of a performative adjuration formulae from the territory of the British Isles as well as the only such instance of a Latin-inscribed amulet from Antiquity. Mediaeval documents with a performative use of adiuro/ coniuro come from Central Europe (6 items) and Scandinavia (also 6 items). Of note are the texts that combine Latin and Greek—in the case of (predomi‐ nantly) Latin-inscribed curse tablets, the use of Greek is usually reserved for voces magicae (121-123, 127-131). In some curses from Northern Africa, Latin texts are written with the Greek alphabet (120, 124); the inverted procedure has been employed in the case of a bilingual agonistic curse from Carthage (68) where the spell text, inscribed mostly using the Greek alphabet, is introduced by a Greek text written in the Latin alphabet (horcizo se daemonion pneumn [sic] to enthade cimenon to onomati to agio). On several occasions, we find bilingual texts combining Greek with Hebrew and Aramaic, especially in the case of amulets (8, 12); one such example with an adjuration formula is also attested for Latin inscriptions, in the rather well-known epitaph for Aurelius Samohil from Catania (149). 20 1 Introduction <?page no="21"?> 35 PGM IV, 296-466. Cf. Betz (1986: 44-46) for an English translation. 1.3 Materiality, Location, Manipulation Performative adjuration formulae from Graeco-Roman Antiquity and the Latin Middle Ages have been preserved on a wide range of material supports. Defixiones or curse tablets were usually inscribed on thin sheets of lead, but we also find bona fide curses with adjurations on other supports, such as ostraca, papyri, and wooden tablets (cf. Section 1.3.1). Adjuration formulae in a funerary context are as variegated as the materials used to fashion steles, sarcophagi, and other means of marking the final resting place of the deceased (cf. Section 1.3.2). In the case of apotropaic texts, material supports range from precious materials (gold, silver, bronze) to lamellae made of more mundane stuff, such as copper and lead. The amulets are not, however, limited to metal supports, as spells with a protective magical nature have been also frequently inscribed on papyrus and semiprecious gemstones; phylacteria designed to prevent the onslaught of the elements are often attested on rock supports (limestone or marble; cf. Section 1.3.3). In the three sections that follow, we detail the richness of the possible material supports for epigraphic texts containing an adjuration formula, and also the typical placement of these objects and the varieties of their ritual manipulation. 1.3.1 Curse Tablets The text for virtually all defixiones excerpted in our survey was engraved into lead tablets, and all exceptions to this rule come from Egypt. An angerrestraining spell from Hermopolis (53), dated to the 3rd cent. CE, used an ostracon as the material support, and two further spells were preserved on papyrus—a homoerotic love spell from Crocodilopolis (2nd cent. CE; 49) and a love spell of considerable length and complexity from Lycopolis (5th cent. CE; 57), by which a certain Theon hoped to attract Euphemia. The latter find is extraordinary also due to the magic paraphernalia found alongside the papyrus. Two wax figurines (kolossoi), seemingly in a position of mutual embrace, were discovered wrapped by the very papyrus containing the spell, a rare instance of a love spell carefully effectuated according to the instructions found in magical formularies, closely mirroring the ‘Wondrous Spell for Binding a Lover’. 35 Another unique discovery is collated under our 51 (Oxyrhynchus, 3rd cent. CE): two defixiones by the same hand on lead tablets (51.1, 51.2), found inside a clay vessel, which itself was inscribed with a spell containing an adjuration formula (51.3). One of the earliest attestations of a performative adjuration, a prayer 1.3 Materiality, Location, Manipulation 21 <?page no="22"?> 22 1 Introduction <?page no="23"?> 1.3 Materiality, Location, Manipulation 23 <?page no="24"?> 36 For statistical data involving Latin defixiones, see Sánchez-Natalías (2022: 31-35, n. 249). The most common type of manipulation was folding the tablet (172 tablets in total, esp. from Britain and Gaul), followed by rolling (92 tablets, mostly from Africa, Italia, and Germania). A further 37 tablets were only pierced, 25 folded and pierced, 4 rolled and pierced and 6 tablets exhibited other types of manipulation. 37 For a discussion, see Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 195-196). 38 Blänsdorf (2012). 39 Stroud (2013: 81-157). 40 Tremel (2004: 28-29) provided a detailed overview of the locations for Greek and Latin agonistic curses. for justice from Sakkara (45) dated to the 1st cent. CE, has been preserved on a diminutive wooden tablet. Once a curse tablet was inscribed, it was often ritually manipulated by means of folding, rolling, or piercing with a nail. 36 In the group of defixiones excerpted in our survey, 21 items feature no reported traces of manipulation; amongst those that do, 13 instances show only rolling (predominantly from Egypt and Africa), 9 tablets were only folded, and 6 further lamellae betray traces of piercing alongside folding and/ or rolling—these latter come from Egypt (47, 48, 52, 56), Cyprus (59), and Corinthus in the Greek mainland (36). A particularly violent curse from Cos (37) suggests that the tablet has been put into flames to submit its target, a certain Hermias, to a fiery punishment on the basis of the similia similibus principle. 37 Once the tablet was engraved and (potentially) ritually manipulated, it had to be deposited somewhere. The most typical location for a curse tablet was the resting place of one of those who died an untimely death, since their ghosts (usually called νεκυδαίμονες, ‘corpse-daemons’), once bound to the will of the practitioners, were supposed to execute their wishes. We therefore often find curse tablets deposited in tombs and also amphitheatres as the locations of deadly combat. Also not unusual was the deposition of curses into places connected with water, such as rivers, wells, springs, or baths; often, these were considered places of ritual power—the caches of defixiones found in the sanctuary of Sulis Minerva at Bath and the Fountain of Anna Perenna in Rome are typical examples of this practice. The curse tablets found in the sanctuary of Mater Magna and Isis in Mainz 38 and those discovered in the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore in Corinth 39 provide instances of a sacred place not connected with the element of water. On occasion, curses were also found at places that were linked to the desired effects of the practitioners, such as an amphitheatre or a circus in the case of agonistic defixiones; 40 there is also ample evidence 24 1 Introduction <?page no="25"?> 41 Tacitus, Annales 2.69. 42 Cf. also ter vos adiuro anime [h]uius loci (‘I adjure you three times, spirits of this place’) from our 123. for aggressive magic to have been placed inside the dwelling of a targeted individual. 41 As regards the curse tablets collated in our survey, the specific place of deposition is unknown in 21 cases (mostly in African provinces). In 19 instances, mostly in Northern Africa (15 items), but also in Cyprus (2 items) and Italy (2 items), the defixiones were found in graves and tombs, which is unsurprising, since in these cases the corpse-daemons are often explicitly mentioned as the direct addressees of the adjuration formulae; one may cite examples such as ἐξορκίζω σε, νεκυδαίμ[ων] ἄωρε, ὅστις ποτ’ οὖν εἶ (‘I adjure you, spirit of one untimely dead, whoever you are’) from Carthage (63), closely paralleled by the Latin adiuro te demon quicunque es from Hadrumetum (125). 42 Also in Carthage, several agonistic curses were found on the grounds of an ancient amphitheatre (66, 67, 121-123); for two Greek curses, an aquatic context for the place of deposition may be safely assumed (42, 44), and one Greek defixio comes from the sanctuary complex of Demeter and Kore in Corinth (36). 1.3.2 Epitaphs Funerary inscriptions with a performative adjuration formula, designed almost exclusively to protect the integrity of tombs and graves, were, for the most part, cut into the rock stelae or sarcophagi. On occasion, we find less common material supports—adjurations from Melos (75) and Syros (76) were engraved on the walls; some others, such as 87, were secondarily used as building materials. Further, we find formulae attested on a terracotta plaque (100) and a brick in the form of a tabula ansata (111), both from Asia Minor. A funerary inscription from Sicily (150), dated to the 6th cent. CE, is a dipinto on a rock face, and 154 was engraved into a round mensa. In the group of inscriptions where the material support is specified in detail, marble steles are most common (27 instances in total, often coming from Italy), followed by inscriptions directly on sarcophagi (12 instances) and tituli engraved into limestone (7 instances). In terms of geographical distribution, two pagan epitaphs are attested from Egypt: a metrical inscription dated to the 1st or 2nd cent. CE (114), preserved on a limestone stele, and an elaborated epitaph that is best placed in the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE (115). The largest number of Greek-inscribed pagan funerary tituli are datable to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE; the inscriptions are clustered in Asia Minor (24 instances in total). A sizeable group of earlier epitaphs (starting from the 1.3 Materiality, Location, Manipulation 25 <?page no="26"?> 43 Kotansky (2019: 507). 4th cent. CE), engraved for the most part in marble, are from the region of Italy (22 instances). The most recent excerpted document is that from Ourense (157), dated to the year 936, together with two other Visigothic slate plates (155-156), likely from 7th cent. CE Spain. It is worth noting that the Visigothic material just mentioned consist of documents with a dedicatory, notarial, and sacred nature. Over one half of the excerpted texts exhibit clear Christian markers; occa‐ sionally, we also find Jewish elements and it is likely that texts like those of 87, 91, and 149 were commissioned by Jews. The original location of many epitaphs is unrecoverable due to the destruction and reuse of their material supports (this being the case for 55 texts out of 71 funerary inscriptions in total)—those found in situ were most often found in (or in the vicinity of) graveyards or churches, as is to be expected, since the performative adjuration formulae attested in a funerary context were almost always employed to safeguard the final resting place of the beneficiaries and their families against destruction, looting, or reuse. 1.3.3 Amulets The most varied group of objects containing a performative adjuration formula with the longest diachronic range is apotropaic amulets. For our purposes, an amulet may be defined as ‘a small protective device usually worn on the body to guard against unwanted supernatural influences, such as daemonic attacks and ghostly visitations, or to provide protection and healing from specific diseases and illnesses thought to have a non-medical cause.’ 43 Although Roy Kotansky described in this concise way the amulets of Graeco-Roman Antiquity, the same may be said of the amulets from the mediaeval period excerpted in this survey. Apotropaic objects with adjurations are usually small, often personalized items that contain the name of the wearer, who was to benefit from its curative and/ or apotropaic effects. More often than not, the texts of the amulets were inscribed on thin sheets of various metals, which were further reduced in size (by either folding or rolling) and worn on the beneficiary’s body, usually in a capsula or other diminutive container. In terms of materials used, we find a wide range of supports. As indicated above, adjurations are attested engraved on metals of various rarities, such as gold (3 instances), silver (7 instances), bronze (3 instances), and copper (1 instance). The most commonly used material in our survey is lead (16 instances). We hasten to add that apotropaic amulets on lead supports are typical of the Middle Ages; for (Late) Antiquity, we find only four instances: Greek amulets 26 1 Introduction <?page no="27"?> 44 Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 29, 41). from Achaia, 5th cent. CE (1); Cyprus, 6th cent. CE (23); and Sicily, 7th cent. CE (27) and a Latin uterine amulet from West Deeping, Britain, 4th cent. CE (159). The lead amulets collated and commented on in our corpus, the use of which spanned over one millennium (4th to 14th cent. CE), were, apart from 159 (see above), preserved in regions beyond the range of the Roman Empire during its greatest territorial expansion. About one half of the mediaeval phylacteries with adjurations come from Central Europe (160-165) and the other half from Denmark (166-171). All attested objects served to protect the wearers from illnesses, daemonic incursions, and diabolic interference. In those cases where the exact provenance is known, the amulets were frequently found either directly inside individual graves (161, 162) or in the vicinity of churches and/ or graveyards (160, 163, 166). The practice of folding or rolling the thin sheets of metal on which the apotropaic texts were inscribed remained unchanged in the Middle Ages. In the case of the amulets from Salhausen (161) and Ummendorf (163), the corners of the lead tablets have been perforated to facilitate their wearing by the beneficiaries. 44 Returning to the period of (Late) Antiquity and Greek-inscribed amulets, gold (in the form of a small, thin sheet) is present three times in our corpus: it carries an apotropaic spell against a wandering womb (6), found in Beirut and dated to the 1st cent. BCE to 1st cent. CE, which was folded and found inside of a tiny capsule (also made of gold); a personalized protective spell to benefit one Schybos, son of Marylleina (25), with a Sicilian provenance (5th cent. CE), featuring clear traces of folding; and, lastly, a thin sheet of gold (32), likewise originally folded, possibly from Asia Minor and best dated to the 4th to 5th cent. CE. Silver as the material of choice for apotropaic amulets is attested more frequently than gold (7 times); all instances excerpted in the survey are Greekinscribed and have a chronological range of the 3rd to 5th cent. CE. Two objects have been found in Egypt (10, 12), one in Syria (7), three in Italy (28-30), and a single piece in Sarmatia (31). As is the case with the amulets on gold sheets, the apotropaic spells inscribed on silver lamellae present traces of folding or rolling. By way of example, the amulet from Syria (7) was folded and inserted in a cylindrical container and the phylactery from Capua (28) was rolled and worn inside a bronze cylindrical capsule, as was another amulet from the same region (29). Three Greek amulets employed bronze as their material support and include a phylactery from Asia/ Phrygia (3), dated to the 4th cent. CE; an amulet from 1.3 Materiality, Location, Manipulation 27 <?page no="28"?> 45 This is also the case of a mediaeval amulet from Vester Broby (169): ut non noceatis haec famula(e), h(a)ec sancta portanta ‘that you do not harm this [female] servant, this wearer [of the] holy [amulet] ’. Lycia (5), dated to the 5th cent. CE; and a coaevous protective circular medallion from Sicily (24). Both amulets from Asia Minor were discovered in graves, while 3 was found inside a silver tubular container. Of the objects excerpted in our survey, we found only a single instance of an amulet inscribed on a copper sheet: the lamella from Iudaea (8), dated to the 4th or 5th cent. CE, likely comes from a grave and exhibits traces of rolling, possibly itself a trace of it being worn in a capsule by its beneficiary. In addition to various metals, we also find phylacteria preserved on papyrus (9 instances) and gems (6 instances). The papyrus group is relatively compact—all objects come from Egypt and are datable to the period of ca 4th to 6th cent. CE. More often than not, amulets on papyrus contain longer and more complex apotropaic spells that feature voces magicae and other magical signs, including the omnipresent charaktêres (cf. esp. 11-13, 20). Of the papyrus amulets, two are possibly pagan (14, 19); both were intended to protect the wearers against fever. Another two amulets, both dated to the 5th cent. CE, present Jewish or Judaeo- Christian markers—such as references to the ‘God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob’ (11) or King Solomon (21). Three amulets are clearly Christian (13, 15, 16) and two later phylacteria (20, 22), dated to the 6th cent. CE, are ambiguous, but possibly to be ascribed to the Christian milieu as well. Most of the papyrus amulets contain traces of spatial diminution. The one from Heracleopolis Magna (14), dated to the 3rd to 5th cent. CE, was found folded and attached to a small cylinder wrapped in a red thread, and an unprovenanced papyrus sheet with an apotropaic formula (22) was folded six times, undoubtedly to then be inserted into a container; two other papyri likewise carry traces of folding (19-20). For the most part, the beneficiary’s name is included directly on the amulet itself. The exceptions to this general tendency are a victory charm (11), an amulet miscopied from the magical handbook to ‘protect a certain man or a certain woman’ (13), and two amulets where the beneficiary is denoted in an impersonal way as the ‘wearer’ (15-16) 45 . The purpose of the amulets preserved on papyrus was always apotropaic, with individual spells singling out the most dangerous threats—to wit, 15 and 22 protect the wearer against the incursion of daemons, while others explicitly mention the specific ailments of a fever or migraine (13, 14, 19, 20); one amulet was supposed to guard the beneficiary against poisonous animals (16). Six apotropaic adjurations, all written in Greek, are attested on gems (2, 9, 17-18, 33-34), which may be collectively dated to the 2nd to 3rd cent. CE. As 28 1 Introduction <?page no="29"?> is often the case with magical semiprecious gemstones, there is little indication of their exact provenance. In half of the cases, we possess no indication at all (9, 33-34), while 2 may possibly come from Asia Minor and 17-18 from Egypt. Due to their minuscule size, gems usually contain only short texts and none of the six objects excerpted in our survey is personalized. Of particular interest is a red carnelian (9), once owned by W. Froehner and today preserved by the Bibliothèque nationale de France; the text is unusually long and complex, and the spell copied therein is expressis verbis defined as an ‘adjuration’: Ὁρκισμὸς οὗτός ἐστ(ι) Σαβαὼθ Ἀδωναί, τοῦ μὴ ἐγγίσαι ὅτι Κυρίου θεοῦ Ἰσραήλ (‘This spell/ adjuration involves Sabaôth Adônai. Do not come near, because [the owner] belongs to the Lord, God of Israel’). The apotropaic amulets found in situ point to the common practice of burying the deceased together with his/ her amulet, especially where the protective device has been personalized via inclusion of the beneficiary’s name—one may hypothesize that an amulet that has been personalized, with its curative and protective magical power focused exclusively on one particular individual, would turn out to be ineffective when worn by anybody else (cf., for instance, 7, 12, 31). As indicated above, the practice of burying the dead with their amuletic paraphernalia continued also in the Middle Ages, see 161, 162. The amulets were not designed to protect only individuals, however. In our survey, we excerpt also three phylacteries that were aimed to protect the livelihood of their beneficiaries, usually fields and vineyards, against the onslaught of the elements. These include two Greek amulets—a large marble plaque from Lydia (4), dated to the 5th cent. CE, and a polygonal limestone from Sicily (26), dated to the 5th cent. CE— and one Latin example, an amulet for land protection on a Visigothic slate plate from the Iberian Peninsula (158), dated to the 9th to 10th cent. CE. Phylacteries designed to protect agriculture are often larger than amulets fashioned to be worn on the person of the beneficiary (for instance, the amulet to prevent hailstorms from Lydia measures 68 × 33 cm), and they were most likely placed inside buildings or buried in the very fields they were supposed to protect. A miscopied instruction on the Lydian phylactery provides additional detail as to the location of these protective devices, since it indicates it was to be ‘placed in the three corners of the vineyard’ (τιθὶς ἰς τρῖς γονίας τοῦ ἀνπελõνος). 1.3 Materiality, Location, Manipulation 29 <?page no="30"?> 46 Shakespeare, Macbeth, Act 4, Scene 1, vv. 66-67. 47 Compare our 167: † Coniuro vos, septem sorores [---] / Elffrica (? ), Affricea, Soria, Affoca, Affricala. 48 Braunmuller (1997: 193). 49 Shakespeare, Macbeth, Act 4, Scene 1, vv. 67-78. 50 Shakespeare, Macbeth, Act 4, Scene 1, vv. 120-121. 51 Wills (1995: 63-64) argued that ‘[t]he model for Macbeth’s conjuring speech is the classical speech of Medea best known to Shakespeare in Ovid’s and in Seneca’s versions of it.’ 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax ‘I conjure you by that which you profess, / Howe’er you come to know it, answer me.’ 46 It is with these words that Macbeth, consumed by anxiety and terrified at the prospect of losing his ill-begotten throne, turns to the witches at the beginning of Act 4 in Shakespeare’s eponymous play. The formula that the doomed king employs starts with a verb of adjuration (‘I conjure’), used performatively in the first-person singular, and continues with a direct addressee, meaning the entity or entities that are adjured, here present in the form of the pronoun ‘you’, clearly denoting the Weird Sisters. 47 The formula is then expanded by a mediation syntagma in the guise of the prepositional construction ‘by that which you profess’. The meaning of this sequence in Shakespearean scholarship is often connected to the witches’ superhuman epistemic abilities and taken to mean something like ‘I conjure you by that which you claim to know, whatever the source of your knowledge is’, 48 yet it is more likely that the syntagma designates an entity or entities to which the witches are beholden, be it Hecate or the apparitions. The meaning, then, would be ‘I conjure you by the power of the entity which you honour as your superior’. After all, the Weird Sisters themselves ask Macbeth whether he would prefer to hear the answers ‘from our mouths, / Or from our masters’. 49 Following the prepositional clause, we find the desired effect of the adjuration—a command to the witches to unveil the future (‘answer me’). When the king’s demand to obtain one final assurance (‘shall Banquo’s issue ever / Reign in this kingdom? ’) is met with resistance (‘Seek to know no more’), he adds a sanction: ‘I will be satisfied. Deny me this, / And an eternal curse fall on you’. 50 Despite Shakespeare’s inspiration being primarily literary 51 and not epigraph‐ ical, it is remarkable that we find in a fully formed performative adjuration formula with all its constituent parts in a theatre play written and staged more than a millennium after the flowering of the Mediterranean magical κοινή in which these illocutions bloomed in the hundreds. In what follows, we offer a brief outline of the main building blocks of adjuration formulae, which are 30 1 Introduction <?page no="31"?> 52 Compare the aorist form κατό[ρ]κισα in our 111. 53 By way of example, ἐξορκίζω is used 9 times in 57; ὁρκίζω is used 15 times in 68 and no less than 27 times in 65. then consistently used in the commentary section of the survey. It is hoped that the nomenclature developed and systematically employed here will help establish a common terminological ground that will facilitate the discussion of performative utterances in Graeco-Roman magic and beyond. 1.4.1 Verb of Adjuration We have already established that the verb of adjuration served as the principal criterion that all texts excerpted in this survey had to satisfy (cf. Section 1.1). The required element of performativity dictates that the verb of adjuration is virtually always attested in the first-person singular (most common) or plural (rather rare)—the only two exceptions to this rule in Greek documents are the forms ὥρκωσαν (3rd pers. pl.), attested in a metrical inscription from Tanagra (74), dated to the 5th cent. CE, in which the aorist might have a gnomic, timeless value, with the sense of ‘we have adjured’ (at some point in the past and the adjuration is now valid indefinitely), 52 and ἐξορκίζει (3rd pers. sg.) in an epitaph from Elaioussa Sebaste (105), dated to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE, which forms part of a highly unusual adjuration that lacks both direct addressee and mediation syntagma. In the texts of later Latin epitaphs, the use of the verb coniuro in the 3rd pers. sg. is attested thrice (135, 142, 157); we also find the participle coniurantes (139) and the perfect coiiurabit (= coniuravit), likely with gnomic value (154). The employment of the 3rd pers. sg. in a performative adjuration formula (instead of the prototypical 1st pers. sg.) is due either to an error on the part of the scribe or (much more likely) a self-reference in the third person that builds the adjuration on preexisting syntactic scaffolding without losing its performative force. Since ‘serial’ adjurations occasionally employ the same verb of adjuration dozens of times, 53 a better metric than the sum total of all attestations of any particular verbal form is the number of instances in which at least one particular form is used in any given document type. In the texts written in Greek, comprising 119 entries in our survey, the most commonly used verb of adjuration is ὁρκίζω (used 50 times), followed by ἐξορκίζω (used 39 times) and ἐνορκίζω/ ἐνορκίζομαι (used 21 times). It may be concluded that the unprefixed ὁρκίζω, together with prefixed forms with ἐξand ἐν-, dominates the field, since other verbal forms are much less frequent: compounds with ἐπιare attested five times (7, 18, 33, 35, 103) and compounds with καταtwice (107, 111); we 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 31 <?page no="32"?> also find two forms with a double prefix: προσεξορκίζω (65) and ἐπεξορκίζομεν (94). Adjurations employing a verbal form with the same root but lacking the productive -ίζω suffix are employed seven times in total—we find the unprefixed ὁρκῶ (attested four times, 73, 74, 104, 118) as well as a prefixed form, ἐνορκῶ (attested three times, 96, 98, 99). Of note is the fact that amulets and curse tablets only rarely use verbs other than ὁρκίζω and ἐξορκίζω—we find only two instances of compounds with ἐνand four instances of compounds with ἐπιin the group of 70 excerpted phylacteria and defixiones, notwithstanding a double-prefixed προσεξορκίζω (65). This is in striking contrast with the formulae in a funerary context, where compounds with the prefix ἐνare attested most often: out of 49 Greek tituli excerpted in the survey, almost half of them have ἐνορκίζω/ ἐνορκίζομαι (attested 19 times) or ἐνορκῶ (attested 4 times), compared with 14 instances of ὁρκίζω and 6 instances of ἐξορκίζω. The forms ὁρκῶ/ ἐνορκῶ are attested only in the funerary context, and ἐνορκῶ in particular seems to be geographically conscribed to the region of Galatia in Asia Minor (96, 98, 99). It would be tempting to try to single out specific semantic content for particular forms (such as ‘I cast out, I drive out’ for ἐξορκίζω, as opposed to ‘I invoke, I call upon’ for ὁρκίζω), but the epigraphic material that has been collated in this survey speaks strongly against any such assumption. Notwithstanding a clear preference for forms with the prefix ἐν- (ἐνορκίζω, ἐνορκίζομαι, ἐνορκῶ) in a funerary context, any verb of adjuration may be used to express a wide spectrum of performative functions, ranging from a humble petition to a straightforward command that threatens punishment if the desired effect is not brought about (cf. Section 1.4.5). For instance, the form ἐξορκίζω, far from being a staple for casting out daemons, is routinely used to call them forth (as is often the case in defixiones; cf. 47, 49-52, 55, 57, 60-67, 69) and may even be employed in an invitation to dance—the formula ἐγώ, Kλευπάτρα, ἐξορκίζω σε τὸν Kάβειρον, ἀναγνοὺς ὀρχῆσε (‘I, Cleopatra, adjure you by Kabeiros, read and dance! ’), inscribed on a marble stele in Thessalonica sometime in the 2nd cent. CE, has precious little to do with banishing illness-causing daemons or their being coopted by practitioners of magic to fulfil desires; rather, it is a playful reminder to enjoy the good things in life while they last, kindly provided by Cleopatra, who may no longer delight in such simple pleasures. Even compounds that are rarely attested, such as verbal forms with ἐπι- (five instances), are employed across a variety of different material supports and spanning all three major document types, including a silver apotropaic lamella (7), two magical gems (18, 33), a defixio written on a lead sheet (35), and a funerary inscription (103). 32 1 Introduction <?page no="33"?> 54 Cf., e.g., 138: vos coniur(o) ut ni qui sepoltura mea violet (‘I conjure you that no one should desecrate my tomb’); in this text, the verbs coniuro and adiuro alternate with the same frequency. Funerary inscriptions with performative formulae that employ coniuro as the verb of adjuration are most often attested from Italy (135-139, 141-144, 154). In the documents written in Latin, the verb adiuro is attested in ca two thirds of cases; the remaining instances employ coniuro. Their performative force is at times reinforced by use of semantically neighbouring verbs—we may cite sequences such as adiuro et demando (127-131; frequently used in serial defixiones from Northern Africa) and adiuro/ coniuro et contestor in the texts of mediaeval amulets (167, 171). The verb adiuro is used in all curse tablets excerpted in this survey; coniuro is more typically found in earlier documents, especially Christian epitaphs designed to protect tombs. 54 In the case of amulets, adiuro again takes precedence over coniuro, but some texts combine the two verbs (such as the phylactery for a boy named Tado from Halberstadt, our 162). The texts excerpted in our corpus show that there is little if any semantic difference between adiuro on the one side and coniuro on the other. Each is typically followed by a prepositional mediation syntagma introduced with per (cf. Section 1.4.3) and a subordinate clause with ut/ ne/ non; at times, the desired effect is expressed asyndetically via the subjunctive or imperative (122-123, 126; cf. Section 1.4.4). 1.4.2 Direct Addressee By direct addressee, we understand the entity or entities the petitioner reaches out to in order to fulfil his/ her wishes; syntactically, it is (almost always) the direct object of the verb of adjuration, namely the accusative that follows imme‐ diately after ὁρκίζω/ adiuro and the like. In the Greek material, we occasionally find a construction with the dative, such as ἐνορκίζομαί σοι τὸν Θεὸν τὸ̣ν κτίσαντα τὴν γ̣ῆ̣ν καὶ τοὺς οὐρανούς (‘I adjure you by God who founded the earth and the heavens’; 3) and ἐνορκίσζομαί σοι τὸν Σεβάσστιον ὅρκ{ι}ον (‘I adjure you by the oath of the Emperor’; 79). Whenever the dative is used, the governing verb features the ἐνprefix, which explains the attraction of a different case than the accusative; alternatively, one may interpret the dative as dativus commodi/ incommodi, or even as dativus ethicus. The direct addressee is present in all but a handful of performative adjuration formulae. In about half of these cases, the absence of the category of direct addressee is due to fragmentary nature of the inscription, lacunae, and/ or illegible text (38, 71, 77, 81, 90, 102); we may also include in this group a 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 33 <?page no="34"?> magical gem invoking Arbath Iao and voces magicae (33) on which we find the most concise adjuration formulae imaginable, limited to an isolated ἐπορκίζω (‘I adjure’). The omission of the direct addressee in this case might be due to the limited writing space, but with other magical gems excerpted in the corpus, the direct addressee is present (2, 9, 17, 18, 34), although always expressed via the pronoun ‘you’ (σε), which makes the exact identification of the entity contextdependent. We are left with only six instances in which a direct addressee is omitted: (1) an amulet against fever from the vicinity of Hebron (8), dated to the 4th to 5th cent. CE, in which a verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω) is followed by a prepositional mediation syntagma, introduced with εἰς (in itself very rare); (2) an epitaph from 3rd cent. CE Thessalonica (83) in which Matrona ‘adjures by the Emperor’ (ἐνορκίζομε ‹ἐ›γὼ αὐτὴ ‹ἡ› Ματρώνα τὸν σεβάσ‹μ›ιον ὅρκον); (3) an epitaph from Iconium (91), possibly from the 4th or 5th cent. CE, where the verb of adjuration is followed directly by a non-prepositional mediation syntagma in the sequence ἐνορκιζόμ[ε]θ[α] τὸν παντ[ο]κράτο˹ρ˺α θ(εό)ν (‘We adjure [you? ] by God Almighty’); (4) an idiosyncratic adjuration on an epitaph from Elaioussa Sebaste (105), dated to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE, that, being introduced by a verb of adjuration in the 3rd pers. sg. (ἐξορκίζει), lacks not only a direct addressee, but also a mediation syntagma; (5) a funerary inscription from Dalisandus (107), likewise dated to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE, that has κατορκίσζω δὲ τὴν Σελήνην with the meaning of either ‘I adjure Selene’ (less likely) or ‘I adjure [you? ] by Selene’ (more likely); and, finally, (6) the formula κατό[ρ]κισα διὰ Θεὸν τ[ὸν] ζῶντα (‘I have adjured by the living God’) on a titulus from Themiscyra (111), dated to the 4th or 5th cent. CE, that is unique in more ways than one: the verbal form is the aorist and the verb of adjuration is the exceedingly rare compound κατορκίζω. The entities that serve as the direct addressee of a performative adjuration formula fall into several main categories depending on the type of inscription. Curse tablets and epitaphs form two relatively compact classes of documents: in the case of defixiones, the direct addressees are virtually always either underworld divinities or (most frequently) corpse-daemons; in the case of funerary inscriptions, the direct addressee is either a divine being or (more often) mere humans—either generic passers-by or specific individuals or groups. In the case of amulets, there are two types of direct addressee: illness-causing daemons or the illnesses themselves on the one side and benign supernatural agents that were believed to provide relief from such ailments on the other. Taking a more detailed view of the defixiones, the ‘traditional’ gods of the Graeco-Roman pantheon are adjured as direct addressees on no less than 34 1 Introduction <?page no="35"?> 55 The sequence ‘lord, king of the chthonic gods’ (κύριε, βα‹σι›λεῦ χθονίων θεῶν) from our 54 also likely refers to Hermes. 56 Cf. also ‘lord angels’ in a defixio from Iudaea (44); in a curse from Syria (41), ‘daemons and worthy angels’ are adjured in one breath. 57 Mastrocinque (1998b: 8-10). nine defixiones (35-36, 39, 42, 44, 53-54, 62, 70). Deities associated with the underworld or the night, such as ‘Hermes of the underworld’ (36), 55 Selene (35), and Pluto (70), dominate the list. On occasion, the writers coopt supernatural help from a wide range of divinities—for instance, in our 39, Hecate is adjured alongside Ge, Chthon, and Lethe, and in the so-called ‘Sethian’ curse tablets from Rome (62), which are among the most complex defixiones excerpted in our survey, we find as direct addressees ‘water nymphs’ (with the appellative ‘god‐ desses of the underworld’) and ‘holy angels’, ‘archangels’, 56 and their assistants (πάρεδροι). Of note is the fact that the professional magicians composing these curses extended the adjuration to include prima facie impersonal entities as direct addressees, including ‘holy charaktêres’ (magical signs) and ‘holy vowels’. It is more likely than not that these represented sources of ritual power and their extension to personal entities (for example seven vowels as the planetary gods) 57 is not to be excluded. Despite frequent adjurations of divinities, the restless ghosts of those who died an untimely death (νεκυδαίμονες) are, by some distance, the most frequent direct addressees of performative adjuration formulae attested on our curse tablets (32 instances of the 49 curse texts excerpted in our survey); in the case of Latin defixiones, corpse-daemons are the only entities that are adjured directly. Adjurations of νεκυδαίμονες go hand in hand with the archaeological context of the curse tablets, which were often found in graves and (more rarely) amphitheatres, that is, spaces where the ghosts of people felled by a premature death might be reasonably expected. A defixio from Carthage (123) provides an explicit link between the magical operation and the location, since the adjuration starts with ‘I adjure you three times, spirits of this place’ (ter vos adiuro, anime huius loci). In four instances (all attested from Egypt), corpse-daemons are adjured by their personal names—Euangelos (49), Kames (51), Antinoos (52), and Kleopat‐ rion (55). It is likely that these and not other individuals were chosen precisely because they died either violently or before their time. In most instances, however, the corpse-daemon is not named, but an all-inclusive qualification of the daemon as ‘whoever you are’ is well attested in both the Greek (48, 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 35 <?page no="36"?> 58 In 51, the presence of both the personal name of the corpse-daemon and the generalpurpose appellation ‘daemon, whoever you are’ is puzzling; it is likely to be explained as a mistake on the part of the writer, who copied the generic ‘whoever you are’ from a magical handbook even when the name of the daemon was known. 59 Most of these come from Asia Minor (22 instances), but they are also attested from Macedonia (4 instances), Africa and Greece (2 instances each), and Syria (1 instance). 50-51, 56, 63, 65, 69) 58 and Latin (122, 125, 127-131) material; cf. ἐξορκίζω σε, νεκυδαίμ[ων] ἄωρε, ὅστις ποτ’ οὖν εἶ (63), te adiuro quisquis inferne es demon (122), and adiuro te demon quicunque es (125) as the most typical examples. In Greek, this formula is sometimes extended to explicitly cover both genders, and the sequence then assumes the form of ὁρκίζω σε νέκυς δαίμων, ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ, εἴτε ἄρσης εἴτε θήλια (‘I adjure you, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, whether male or female’; 48). In the largest group of tituli sepulcrales, comprising pagan Greek epitaphs datable to the 2nd and 3rd cent. CE (31 instances), 59 divinities connected with the underworld are frequently adjured (86, 89, 101, 108); in 103, ‘shining Selene’ is adjured together with them, and in two epitaphs from Cilicia (109, 110), we find an all-inclusive formulation adjuring ‘the gods in the heavens and those of the underworld’ (θεοὺς ἐπουρανίους καὶ καταχθονίους). In a particularly interesting group of epitaphs from Galatia (92-99), the god Mên repeatedly appears as the direct addressee of performative funerary adjurations; he is often described as ‘Mên of the underworld’ (Μῆνα καταχθόνιον, cf. 92, 94, 95, 98), but once also as ‘Mên of the underworld as well as the heavenly one’ (Μῆνα καταχθόνιον καὶ οὐράνιον, 97) in an expression parallel to those from Cilicia just mentioned (109, 110). In addition to the underworld divinities, adjured directly in 15 instances, Greek pagan funerary inscriptions turn in almost equal measure to mere humans (14 instances). Fellow mortals are also the direct addressees in most Greek Christian epitaphs (72-78, 85, 100, 113, 116-119), all Latin Christian epitaphs (133-154), and two tituli from the Jewish diaspora, one inscribed in Greek (91) and the other in Hebrew and Latin (149). The only case of a Christian funerary inscription in which the formula features a superhuman entity as a direct addressee is possibly our 77, with ‘God Almighty and our [---] Lord Jesus Christ’. The reading of the sequence ἐ̣νο̣ρ̣κί[ζ]ομε τ̣[ὸν Θ(εὸ)ν τὸν] παντοκρά(τορα) καὶ τὸν ἡμῶν [---] Κ(ύριον) Ἰ(ησοῦν) Χρ(ιστόν) is, however, tentative at best, given the lacuna following the verb of adjuration. In every other instance, the Judaeo-Christian God is invoked in the mediation syntagma (cf. Section 1.4.3), as befits his perceived supreme hierarchical status; if we accept the restored text, him being adjured directly may be explained as a (conscious 36 1 Introduction <?page no="37"?> 60 Typical instances include expressions such as ἐξορκίζω σε (84) and ὁρκίσω ὑμᾶς (113) in Greek and the pronouns te and vos in Latin. or unconscious) adoption of the pagan practice of adjuring gods directly or assuming the omission of a direct addressee, yielding ‘I adjure [you] by God Almighty and our [---] Lord Jesus Christ’. Often, the human direct addressees are denoted only by pronouns, 60 a practice which somewhat complicates their more precise identification and necessitates careful consideration of the broader context of the adjuration in particular and the funerary inscription in general. It may be reasonably assumed that the person or persons denoted by the pronouns are passers-by—compare, for instance, a(d)iuro vos qui legites (150)—or any individual that would conceivably threaten the sanctity of the final resting place of the beneficiaries, be it by damaging the tomb, looting its contents, or placing additional bodies into it (cf. Section 1.4.4 on the desired effect of funerary adjurations). Only rarely do we find adjurations with named individuals as the direct addressees—this is the case with 80, where Allidia Atheno ‘and those who are her heirs’ are adjured; and 103, where the direct addressee is the son of the deceased, Kallistratos. In no less than five instances, a specific Christian community is adjured directly (72, 85, 100, 141, 148); in 114, the adjuration is directed to the ‘fellow companions and comrades in arms’ of the deceased (ἐξορκίζω ἡμᾶς, σύσκηνοι φίλοι καὶ συστρατιῶται). In several cases, the direct addressee is posterity; cf., for instance, adiuro bos omnes post me benturos (‘I adjure you all who will come after me’) in 140 and similar expressions in 74, 82, 84, and 100. On numerous occasions, no direct addressee is attested in the adjuration formula (77, 83, 90, 91, 102, 105, 107, 135, 136, 142, 147, 152, 154, 155). The absence of the direct addressee in these cases is, however, for the most part due to the fragmentary nature of the texts; at times, an error of omission on the part of the writer cannot be excluded. In the group of amulets excerpted in this survey, the desired effect of three phylacteria was the protection of land and fields (4, 26, 158; see further in Section 1.4.4); all others served to protect their wearers from a wide range of perils, from daemonic attacks and diseases (which were often believed to be the work of those very daemons) to misfortune and aggressive magic (the former often believed to be caused by the latter). In several instances, a direct addressee in an apotropaic adjuration formula is omitted (8) or expressed by a generic pronoun (usually σε, ‘you’)—this is most often the case with magical gems, possibly due to the limited writing space (cf. 17 and 18 for the former approach and 33 and 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 37 <?page no="38"?> 61 Similar all-inclusive formulations are attested in 28, 29, and 31. By way of example, in 28, ‘every evil spirit and every illness and every fear-inducing apparition and affliction of life’ occupies the position of direct addressee. 34 for the latter). On occasion, the fragmentary nature of the text does not allow for an unambiguous identification of the direct addressee (24). Notwithstanding the absence of a direct addressee in a few of the instances mentioned above, the direct addressee is attested in most apotropaic adjuration formulae. More often than not, this category is occupied by illness-causing daemons. The ailments they cause are frequently indicated in the inscriptions and include migraines (13, 28, 29) and (most frequently) fever (1, 7, 8, 12, 14, 19); the daemons themselves are sometimes described in greater detail— in 10, the adjuration is directed against ‘every spirit wicked and evil’ (πᾶν πνεῦμα πονηρὸν καὶ κακόν); in 15, ‘unclean spirits who do wrong to the lord’ ([ἀκά]θαρτα πνεύματα, τὸν κύριον κακοῦν[τα]) are targeted; finally, in 30, we find a lengthy catch-them-all formula, in which ‘every spirit causing fever and epilepsy and rabies and the evil eye and violent spiritual incursion and every magical operation’ is adjured. 61 In a handful of amulets, specific ailments or human organs are adjured directly—by way of example, a ‘malicious tumour’ (φῦμα ἄγριων) in 1 or the ‘wandering’ womb in 6, 24, and 159 (the only Latin-inscribed amulet roughly coaevous with the Greek material, datable to the 4th cent. CE); one amulet is intended to protect against ‘every sting of every poisonous animal on the earth’ (ἐξορκίζω πᾶν δῆγμα τοῦ ἰοβόλου θηρίου τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς; 16). Relatively frequently, however, we find adjurations in which the context speaks clearly for a daemon as the direct addressee but the formula employs a generic ‘you’ (9, 19, 20). In the group of amulets collated in our corpus, only two texts directly adjure benign supernatural powers—in 22, the direct addressee is the archangel Michael (ὁρκίζω σε, Μιχαήλ, ἀρχάγγελε γῆς); in 11, this structural category is occupied by thirteen angels of the Lord, but the text is that of a victory charm rather than an apotropaic amulet sensu stricto. The group of Latin mediaeval amulets continue the tradition of adjuring evil entities as direct addressees; in 162, for instance, we read adiuro te alber qui vocaberis diabolus vel satanas (‘I adjure you, Alber, who shall be called Devil or Satan’). Daemons are explicitly mentioned on six amulets (161, 163, 164, 166, 168, 171); the combined mentions of the Devil/ Satan total to the same number, cf. 162, 163, and 165 for the Devil and 160, 162, and 165 for Satan. Phylacteries from Scandinavia, and (to a lesser extent) also from Central Europe, feature elves (also called albis) as direct addressees (162, 164, 165, 166, 168-171). Elves were mysterious (but originally not necessarily evil) beings 38 1 Introduction <?page no="39"?> 62 Cf. Vavřík et al. (2020: 10). from Germanic mythology, known from lead amulets and manuscript charms, sometimes gendered and pluralized as eluos/ eluas, embodiments of a dark power that could harm the amulet’s owner—in most preserved amulets, the elves are thought to cause illnesses and are characterized as daemonic beings; 62 cf., for instance, adiuro vos elvos et elvas et omnes demones (‘I adjure you, elves [masc.] and elves [fem.], and all daemons’; 168). As is the case with the older stratum of Greek amulets, specific ailments are adjured directly alongside those who were believed to cause them, such as in 164, where ‘daemons and elves, and all the infections of all illnesses, and all obstructions’ (demones sive albes et omnes pestes omnium infirmitatum ac omnes interiectiones) are adjured; and ‘pains’ are the direct addressee of 171. Of special note is amulet 167, in which we find ‘seven sisters’ (septem sorores) as the direct addressees. It is likely that these are representations of malevolent spirits of disease; due to the fragmentary nature of the text, only five personal names are preserved. As mentioned above, three phylacteries were intended to protect fields and vineyards. Despite a significantly damaged text, a Greek spell from Lydia to avert hailstorms (4) likely featured a storm-causing daemon as the direct addressee of its adjuration formula; a Greek-inscribed spell with the same purpose from Sicily (26) adjures ‘cloud-drivers’ (τὸς νεφεληλάτας), possibly to be identified with weather-influencing supernatural entities. Finally, a Latininscribed slate plate (158), intended to protect trees, reapers, vineyards, and everything that bears fruit, stands out as one of the best examples for the semantic flexibility of the performatively used verbs ὁρκίζω/ adiuro. In its first adjuration formula—a(d)guro vos omnes patriarcas Micael Grabriel Cecitiel Oriel Rafael Ananiel Marmoniel—benign Christian entities, such as patriarchs and angels, serve as the direct addressees, and adiuro here must surely mean something akin to ‘I adjure you and thereby call you to my aid, protect the land’. In the second adjuration formula of the very same phylactery, however, we find the sequence adiuro te satan [---] ubi non noceas neque arboribus etc.; here, the sense of adiuro is rather close to ‘I adjure you, Satan, and thereby I cast you out, do not harm the trees, etc.’ 1.4.3 Mediation Syntagma We introduce the term mediation syntagma to denote that part of the adjuration formula that (most of the time) follows immediately after the direct addressee (cf. 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 39 <?page no="40"?> 63 Notwithstanding those cases where the preposition is absent due to damage and the fragmentary preservation of the texts; cf. 127, 135, 138-139, 148, 150, and 169. Section 1.4.2) and invokes one or more entities that are hierarchically superior to it. To cite just a single instance for every document type and language tradition, consider the following examples: In the earliest unambiguously attested adjuration formula, a Greek-inscribed golden apotropaic lamella from Beirut (6), dated to the 1st cent. BCE to 1st cent. CE, the womb of the beneficiary is adjured ‘in the name of the unconquerable, living Lord God’ (ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου θεοῦ ζῶντος ἀνικήτου); with a parallel Latin amulet, an inscribed lead lamella from West Deeping (Britain), dated to the 4th cent. CE (159), the restless womb is asked to remain in its place by the power of Iao, Sabaoth, and Adonai (per Iaω et per Sabaω et per Adωnai). In a defixio from Crocodilopolis (49), dated to the 2nd cent. CE, a corpsedaemon (here addressed by a personal name, Euangelos) is adjured by ‘Anubis and Hermes and all the rest down below (scil. deities of the underworld)’ (κατὰ τοῦ Ἀνούβι[δο]ς καὶ τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ [τ]ῶν λοι[πῶν] πάντων κάτω) to ‘attract and bind Sarapias […] to this Herais’; in a roughly coaeval curse tablet from Carthage (123), the ‘spirits of this place’ (scil. those who died violently in the amphitheatre where the lamella was discovered) are tasked with causing the ruin of a handful of gladiators by the power of ‘holy names’ ([per ha]ec sancta nomina), ‘names of necessity’ ([per haec no]mina neces[sitatis]), ‘big Chaos’ (per magnum Caos) and ‘the holy god Mercury of the underworld’ (cogens enim vos sangtus deus Mercurius infe[rnu]s). Finally, adjuration formulae in the funerary context operate on the same principle: in a titulus from Hermopolis Magna (115), dated to the 3rd cent. CE, the passer-by is asked to ‘not efface a single letter of this inscription’ and ‘not remove the stone’ in the name of ‘the gods and the goddesses and the greatest divinities who guard this place’ (θεοὺς καὶ θεὰς καὶ δαίμονα[ς τοὺς μεγ]ίστους τὸν χῶρον κατέχοντας); in a Latin titulus from Rome (133), dated to the year 451, the deceased adjures the posterity not to desecrate the tomb ‘by Christ’ (per C[h]ristum). While Latin inscriptions almost always employ the prepositional form of a mediation syntagma introduced by per (most cases) or, much more rarely, in (140, 154, 156-157, 164, 170), 63 in Greek documents we often find a functionally identical but formally distinct construction in which the verb of adjuration is followed by two accusatives, where the first denotes the direct addressee and the second the mediation itself. Consider the following examples, one for each document type (the mediation syntagma is underlined): 40 1 Introduction <?page no="41"?> (2) [phylacterium]: ἐξορκίζω σε τοὺς ἑπτὰ οὐρανοὺς καὶ τοὺς δύο ἀρχανγέλους […] ‘I adjure you by the seven heavens and the two archangels […]’ (60) [defixio]: ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς (scil. δαίμονες καὶ πνεύματα) τὸ ἅγιον ὄνομ[α τοῦ] Ερηκισι̣φθη […] ‘I adjure you (scil. demons and spirits) by the holy name of Erêkisiphthê […]’ (112) [titulus sepulcralis]: ὁρκίζω σε, μάκαρ, τὸν Πλουτέα καὶ νεκύων Γῆν […] ‘I adjure you, blessed one, by Ploutos and Gê of the dead […]’ In these instances, the construction of the verb of adjuration with a double accusative is relatively straightforward because of the difference in grammatical number—in 2, the direct addressee is in the accusative singular (σε) and the mediation sequence is in the accusative plural (τοὺς ἑπτὰ οὐρανοὺς καὶ τοὺς δύο ἀρχανγέλους); in 60, the direct addressee is in the accusative plural, with the pronoun ὑμᾶς denoting the corpse-daemons, as the text preceding the adjuration proper makes clear, while the mediation syntagma has the accusative singular (τὸ ἅγιον ὄνομα); in 112, the grammatically singular passer-by is adjured by the power of two deities (Ploutos and Gê), and the intervening appellation in the vocative (μάκαρ) makes clear that the pronoun σε cannot be joined with τὸν Πλουτέα. Not all attestations of a non-prepositional mediation syntagma are as unambiguous as the three examples we just discussed. By way of example, here are another three instances of a double accusative following a verb of adjuration (again, one for each document type): (25) [phylacterium]: ὁρκίζω σε τὸν μέγαν θεὸν ζῶ(ν)τα [---] διαφύλαξον Σχύ̣β̣ο̣ν […] ‘I adjure you (by? ) the great living God […] protect Schybos […]’ (43) [defixio]: ἐ̣ξορκίζω ὑμᾶς χαρακτῆρα[ς κατα]κ̣λῖνε ἐπὶ κάκωσιν καὶ ἀε[ικίαν Ἐ]υσέβιν […] ‘I adjure you (by? ) charaktêres to lay low Eusebius […] with suffering and injury […]’ (103) [titulus sepulcralis]: ἐπιορκ[ί]ζω δ̣ὲ (σε? ) τὴν φαίνουσαν Σελήνην κ̣αὶ τοὺς καταχθονίους θεούς ‘I adjure (you by? ) shining Selene and the gods of the underworld […]’ If we focus on cases such as 25 and 43, the line between the direct addressee and the mediation syntagma suddenly becomes blurred. Are we to parse the adjuration formula in 25 as ὁρκίζω σε, τὸν μέγαν θεὸν ζῶ(ν)τα, […] (‘I adjure you, great living God, […]’)? The entire sequence in the accusative would then denote the direct addressee and the mediation syntagma would be considered omitted (as it is, indeed, omitted in many other formulae). Alternatively, are we to construct the expression as ὁρκίζω σε τὸν μέγαν θεὸν ζῶ(ν)τα […] (I 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 41 <?page no="42"?> adjure you by the great living God […]’), that is, to interpret the pronoun in the accusative as the direct addressee and the sequence τὸν μέγαν θεὸν ζῶ(ν)τα as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma that is equivalent to, say, the expression κατὰ τοῦ μεγάλου θεοῦ ζῶντος? If so, what is the pronoun σε denoting, precisely? Numerous parallels collected in this survey make an illnesscausing daemon an excellent candidate, but there is no hard evidence for this interpretation in the text of the amulet itself. The interpretation of ὁρκίζω σε τὸν μέγαν θεὸν ζῶ(ν)τα as ‘I adjure you, (illness-causing daemon), by the great living God’ would seem to be strongly supported by our 31, which not only has ‘the living God’ as the mediation entity in an unambiguous prepositional construction (κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ ζῶ[ν]τος) but also further expands the pronominal direct addressee (ὑμᾶς) as πᾶν πνεῦμα καὶ φάντασμα καὶ πᾶν θηρίον, ‘every spirit and apparition and every beast’. The crucial difference, however, lies in the desired effect—in 25, the addressee of the adjuration is asked to ‘protect Schybos’; in 31, the effect is expressed by an imperative, commanding the evil and/ or potentially dangerous forces to ‘be gone from the soul of this woman’ (ἀποστῆνε ἀπὸ ψυχῆς τῆς γυνα̣[ι]κὸς ταύτης)! In 43, the adjuration formula involves charaktêres, magical symbols inscribed on the curse tablet. Is the sequence ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς χαρακτῆρας to be understood as ‘I adjure you, charaktêres’ or ‘I adjure you by (the power of the) charaktêres (that are inscribed on this tablet)’? There are no straightforward, alwaysapplicable answers to questions such as these—each instance must be considered on a case-by-case basis, and we tried to do just that in the commentary to individual entries in our survey. If there is any takeaway from a close study of multiple adjuration formulae in which the differentiation between direct addressee and mediation syntagma is not unequivocal, it is that scholars more often than not tend to merge the two categories, sometimes unnecessarily and even in cases where a good argument can be made in favour of a construction with a double accusative (see, e.g., our commentary on 20, 65, and 68). The mediator is best understood as an entity that was believed to possess the power to coerce the direct addressee of the adjuration formula to execute the desired effect expressed by the beneficiary of the performative action. As such, we may assume that the mediator is, in the mind of the author of any inscription, hierarchically superior to the direct addressee, which, in and by itself, provides important insights into the magico-religious beliefs of the practitioners. In our survey, we document a considerable variety of mediators, which is to be expected, as the excerpted material covers different inscriptions produced in the span of over one thousand years by variegated socio-religious groups across 42 1 Introduction <?page no="43"?> 64 Cf., e.g., our 8: ὁρκίζω εἰς τὸν ποιήσοντα τοὺς οὐρανοὺς καὶ θεμ̣[ελιώ]σαντα γῆν καὶ ἑδράσαντα θάλ{λ}ασσαν ⟨καὶ⟩ τ̣ὸν πο⟨ι⟩ή[σαντα] πάντα, Ἰάω Σαβαώθ, ‘I adjure by the One who made the heavens and founded earth and established sea ‹and› who made everything, Iao Sabaoth’. A creator god also figures as mediator in 1, 5, 6, 9, and 24. 65 By way of example, cf. 35, 38, 58, 61, 66. 66 Mediation is also often absent from magical gems (33, 34), where its omission may be caused by a lack of writing space. the entire Mediterranean and beyond. In the case of Latin amulets and epitaphs, the religious background is, without exception, Christian; in the case of Latin defixiones, the documents betray the context of the Mediterranean magical κοινή. Oftentimes, especially when the Greek material is considered, the specific religious background of the beneficiary is difficult to identify, particularly in the case of expressions such as ‘god’, ‘living god’, and ‘the great name of god’. By way of example, ‘living god’ may mediate in a Jewish context (7) and a pagan one (111), and the popularity of this mediator may be demonstrated for functionally different objects, such as amulets and curse tablets—in addition to the frequent presence of ‘living god’ as a mediator in Greek apotropaic objects (7, 17, 25, 31), this phrase is also invoked as the mediation entity of choice in a Latin defixio (per deum vivum; 124). Context may provide clues—when an adjuration formula invokes a creator god, it is more likely than not that the religious background of the user is Judaeo-Christian; 64 sometimes, additional textual or visual markers allow us to interpret an adjuration such as ὁρκόζο τὸς νεφ[ελ]ηλάτας κατὰ τοῦ Θ(εο)ῦ (‘I adjure the cloud-drivers by God’; 26) unambiguously—the expression Χ(ριστ)έ τε νίκα at the very end of this spell against hailstorms leaves no doubt as to the identity of the mediating ‘God’. We have already noted that a clear-cut differentiation between the direct ad‐ dressee and the mediator is impossible to establish on purely syntactical grounds (cf., e.g., 42-44); furthermore, a non-negligible proportion of adjurations (43 instances in total) do not present any mediation syntagma at all. Sometimes, this absence is likely due to the fragmentary nature of the inscriptions, 65 but there are unequivocal cases of mediation being omitted (as opposed to it being simply unpreserved)—this is very frequent in pagan inscriptions from Asia Minor (esp. in epitaphs adjuring the god Mên, 92-99, but cf. also 101-103, 105, 109, 110). 66 The correlation of the absence of mediation syntagma with the absence of Jewish or Christian markers in the funerary inscriptions just mentioned is most likely to be explained by the fact that their polytheist beneficiaries were inclined to turn to their gods directly, reflected in the structure of their adjuration formulae [verb of adjuration] + [direct addressee] + [desired effect], as opposed to the prototypical form of [verb of adjuration] + [direct addressee] + [mediation 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 43 <?page no="44"?> 67 In funerary inscriptions, we find two mediators in ten texts, while having three mediators is extremely rare; cf. 106, 115, and 149: adiuro vos per victorias qui inperant item adiuro vos per honores patriarc(h)arum item adiuro vos per ligem quem Dominus dedit Iud(a)eis [---] (‘I adjure you by the victories who rule, and I adjure you by the honour of the patriarchs and I adjure you by the law which the Lord gave to the Jews [---]’). 68 This is especially the case with Greek amulets; close to one-third of those collated in this survey feature more than five mediators (1, 3-5, 7, 12, 15, 23, 27, 30). syntagma] + [desired effect]. On occasion, the presumed mediator does not form part of the adjuration formula proper but stands in prolepsis. If we consider a sequence such as ἐν ὀνόματι Κ(υρίο)υ Θεοῦ τοῦ ΙΣ πα(τρὸς) ἐ{ξ}ξορκίζου σην πᾶν πνεῦμα πονηρόν (‘In the name of the Lord God, Father of Jesus, I adjure you, every evil spirit […]’; 28), it seems obvious enough that Yahweh’s powerful name is invoked to subdue and drive out evil spirits. In about one third of the collated texts (64 instances in total), we find only one entity invoked in the mediation syntagma. This is especially common in the case of funerary inscriptions (31 instances) 67 and contrasts with the texts of many amulets and curse tablets, often prepared by professionals following elaborate spell recipes found in magical handbooks. Those may often contain five or more different mediation syntagmata. 68 One defixio from Hadrumetum contains 14 mediations (68) and a curse tablet from Carthage (65) even 27! The total number of mediation syntagmata in any given adjuration formula is not necessarily equal to the total number of mediators, however. Of the two tablets just mentioned, 68 invokes one and the same entity (God of Israel) using different periphrastic constructions (such as ‘the one who created the heaven and the sea’, ‘the one who separated light from darkness’, ‘the one who breaks apart mountains’, and so on); in contrast, 65 invokes a different superhuman entity in each mediation syntagma (‘Nethmomaö, the god who has given you the gift of sleep […]’, ‘Nachar, the god who is the master of all tales’, ‘Sthombloen, the god who is lord over slumber’, and so on). The mediaeval continuation of the practice of textual performative adjura‐ tions may likewise employ a wealth of mediators—the best example here is probably 162 (Germany, dated to 1142 AD): ‘I adjure you, Alber, who shall be called Devil or Satan by the Father and Son and holy Spirit and by all Angels and Archangels, by the Twelve Apostles and the Twelve Prophets and the 24 Elders and the 264 thousand innocents’ (Adiuro te alb(er) qui [v]ocaberis dia bolus v(e)l sat[anas] p(er) p(atrem) (et) filiu(m) [et] sp(iritu)m s(an)c(tu)m (et) p(er) om(ne)s ang(e)los (et) arca(n)g(e)los p(er) XII aposto los (et) p(er) XII p(ro)phetas (et) p(er) XXIIII senio(re)s (et) p(er) CCLXIIII mil(ia) innocent(i)[um] …). 44 1 Introduction <?page no="45"?> 69 Archangels are often found in the text of an amulet, but they do not appear in the adjuration formula sensu stricto; this is the case for 13, 22, 30, and 161. If we now consider the entities that are invoked in a mediation syntagma, it may be concluded that epitaphs involve simply ‘god’ or ‘gods’—either the deities of the underworld in the case of non-Christian funerary inscriptions (87, 88, 106, 107, 115) or the Judaeo-Christian God (73, 77, 91, 113, 116-119, 141, 152 and all Latin epitaphs). Christ is invoked directly no less than four times (133, 144, 145, 148); the holy Trinity was likewise a popular mediator, attested five times in both Greek and Latin material (85, 100, 116, 136, 143). The ‘glory’ or ‘greatness’ of God is invoked twice (72, 87), as is the Last Judgement (72, 138) and ‘the laws of Christians’ (leges Christianorum, 149, 152). Of particular note are four Greek funerary inscriptions that include, in one way or another, the Emperor in the mediation formula, invoking his ‘oath’ (79, 83, 104) or ‘fortune’ (80). Expressions such as ἐνορκίσζομαί σοι τὸν Σεβάσστιον ὅρκ{ι}ον (‘I adjure you by the oath of the Emperor’; 79) are best understood as a performative process by which any and all potential disturbers of the final resting place of the beneficiary are placed ‘under oath’ and, in case they would contravene the explicit wish of Olympias not to open the tomb, they would be violating the oath and, as such, liable to penalty (consisting of paying 2,500 silver denarii to the treasury and being ‘liable for the charge of impiety’). When it comes to the mediators invoked in Greek and Latin amulets, angels and archangels are a popular choice, attested on 16 apotropaic objects. Angels are often invoked as a collective (usually ἄγγελλοι, but also the Cherubim in 2, 3, 11, 27 and the Seraphim in 11, 20, 24); there are also, however, numerous examples of name-lists, esp. the quartet of Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, and Raphael (1-3, 5, 12). 69 The power of the Gospel is found once in a Greek amulet against daemonic incursion (15); in the case of apotropaia inscribed in Latin, the incipit of the Gospel according to John was particularly popular, but does not form part of the adjuration formula proper (160, 161, 163, 164, 171). As was the case with funerary inscriptions, the holy Trinity is frequently invoked (15, 23), especially in Latin amulets from mediaeval times (162, 164-169, 171). The Seal of Solomon, a potent anti-daemonic device, is invoked twice (10, 27); given the Christian background of many amulets, it is not surprising that we also find various saints (161, 165, 168), prophets (27, 162, 165), the Elders (4, 162), and the Apostles (162) as mediators. Since the mediators were believed to be entities powerful enough to force the direct addressee of the adjuration formula to produce the effects desired by practitioners, it is probably not too surprising that we find one and the 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 45 <?page no="46"?> 70 In what follows, we include only the most frequent mediators; for discussions of idiosyncratic cases, we refer to the commentary. 71 We consider additional higher powers to be entities in the texts of Greek Antiquity (12, 13, 16, 22, 26, 28, 29, 30 and especially mediaeval Latin amulets 160-171); see Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022: 188-189). 72 We may also consider depictions of daemons in Latin and Greek curse texts as additional powers (37, 47, 55, 62, 125-128, 130-131); cf. Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 195-197). same superhuman being invoked on objects of both apotropaic and aggressive magic. 70 Especially numerous are various Greek designations for Yahweh, such as Iao (8, 11, 30, 47, 57, 64, 65, 68, 125, 127, 129-131, 159). Two related names, Sabaoth and Adonai, are attested almost exclusively on amulets (cf. 4, 5, 7-9, 11-13, 22, 30, 32, 159 for the former and 12, 13, 30, 32, 160, 163 for the latter), as their presence in the mediation syntagmata of defixiones is very limited (Sabaoth in 65, Adonai in 64). The full triad of Iao, Sabaoth, Adonai is attested three times, twice on amulets (30, 159) and once on a curse tablet (64). The other usual mediators invoked in mediation formulae of both apotropaic and aggressive magic are Solomon, the daemon-master (amulets: 5, 12, 21; defixio: 65), and Abrasax (amulets: 3, 5, 12; curses: 48, 50-52, 57). Defixiones seem to exclusively involve invocations of ‘frightful and dreadful names’ (48, 50-52); voces magicae in general are attested mostly in the texts of the curse tablets (36, 40, 47, 48, 50-52, 55, 56, 60, 63, 65, 68, 128-132) and, less frequently, also in the mediation syntagmata of amulets (7, 10, 12). Necessity or Ἀνάγκη is invoked four times in defixiones (41, 57, 122, 123; in 41 and 122 together with the associated magical formula Maskeli Maskelô); to these, we must add the ‘mighty name of Anankê’, invoked in 36. Ἀνάγκη is also employed as the mediator in an amulet (19), in this case coupled with the adjective ‘bitter’ (κατὰ τῆς πικρᾶς Ἀνά‹γ›κης) and, again, followed by the Maskeli Maskelô formula. Another entity well-known from magical papyri is Semeseilam, invoked in defixiones (44, 54, 64, 65); the Latin serial curses from Hadrumetum (125-131) also consistently turn to the ‘highest god of sea and air’ in their mediations. Especially in the texts of amulets 71 , but also defixiones  72 , additional higher powers appear, which mostly stand at the beginning and end of the text independently and are only loosely attached to the adjuration formula. 46 1 Introduction <?page no="47"?> 73 Cf., e.g., ἀποτραπῆναι ἀπ̣[ὸ] τ̣ρ̣αυματίου (3); μένειν ἐπὶ τῷ τόπῳ Ἴψης (6); ἐξελθεῖν (10); μὴ ἅψασθαι τῆς φ[ορού]σης τὸν ὁρκισμὸν τοῦτον (30); ἀποστῆνε (= ἀποστῆναι) (31); κατακλῖνε (= κατακλῖναι) (43); ἄξαι καὶ καταδῆσαι (49); συμπαρασταθῆναι (51); ἀγαγεῖν καὶ ζεῦξαι (68); μηδενεὶ συνχωρῆσαι ἀνασκευάσαι τὸ μνῆμα τοῦτο (72); μηκέτι τόνδε λάαν κεινεῖν τινα μηδὲ σαλεύειν (74); μηδένα ἕτερ̣ον τεθῆναι (77); εὐσεβεῖν τὸν τόπον (78); μὴ ἄλλον τινὰ τεθῆνε (= τεθῆναι) (83); μὴ συνχωρῆσε (= συνχωρῆσαι) ἕτερόν τινα τοῦ λοιποῦ τεθῆνε (= τεθῆναι) (85); μηδένα ἀδικῆσαι τὸ μνημῖον […] μηδὲ ἄλλον τινὰ τεθῆναι (87); μηδένα ἕτερον τεθῆναι (89); μὴ ἐξῖναί τινι πωλῆσαι […] μήτε ἀγοράζειν (93); μηκέτι μηδίνα τεθ̣ῆνε (= τεθῆναι) (94); εἰς τοῦτο μνημεῖον μηδένα εἰσελθεῖν (95); μηδένα ἕτερον ἐπεισενεχθῆναι (96); ἄλλον μὴ εἰσενεχθῆναι (101); μηδένα τίθεσθαι (103); μηδένα ἔξωθεν […] ἐναποθέσθαι (104); μήτε ἐπενβαλεῖν […] μήτε πρᾶσιν ποιήσασθαί […] μόνον τεθῆναι Ἑρμᾶν (106); μήτε ἀνοῖξαι μήτε θιγεῖν (110); μή μου θιγεῖν (112); μήτε […] ἀφανίσαι […] μήτε ἀφελεῖν (115); μηδένα αὐτὰς σκῦλέ (= σκύλλαι) ποτε (118). 74 By way of example, cf. ἔξελθε, ἄπελθε (1); περισφραγίσετε (4); διαφύλαξον Ἀλεξάνδραν […] φύγετε ἀπ⟨ὸ⟩ Ἀλεξάνδρας (7); ἀπόστηθι (12); ἀποθεραπεύσατε (13); ἀναχωρήσατε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ (15); στάθητι ἐ̣π̣ὶ̣ τ̣ό̣που (16); διαφύλαξον (25); ῥύσσασ̣θε […] ἀποὺ θυμοῦ ὕλης (26); φύγε […] φυγαδεύθητι (27); φύλαξον Συντύχην (30); διαφύλαττε τὸν φοροῦντα (32); ποιήσατε Ἑρμίαν Πιθιάδος ἀγρυπνῖν (37); ποιήσατέ μοι κατάδικον Μακρῖνον ἡττώμενον νεικώμενον (39); κρᾶξον εἰς τὸν Ἅδην (45); κατάσχετε τὴν φιλίαν Ἀννιανοῦ (46); διακόνησόν μοι (47); συνπαράστατε τῷ δαίμονι τούτῳ (48); ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτόν (51); ἄξον {τε} τὴν Τερηου⟨ν⟩, ἣν ἔτεκεν Απια, πρὸς ἐμαί (55); κατάσχεται (= κατάσχετε) (56); παραλάβετε τοῦ Ἀρίστωνος κὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐ[τοῦ Ἀρ]ίστωναν τὸν θυμόν (59); συνεργήσητε, συνκατήσχητε, ἐπικατήσχητε (62); κατάδησον τοὺς ἵππους (63); βασάνισον αὐτῶν τὴν διανοίαν […] ἀπόκνισον αὐτῶν τὰ ὄμματα (65); κατάθηται (76); τὸν τάφον κοσμήσατε (100). 75 Infrequent attestations in the domain of epitaphs include our 75 (μή τίς ποτε τολμῇ ἐνθάδε τινὰ καταθέσθε) and 115 (μή τις παράξενα τοῦ γέ[μο]υ μου ἐ‹φ›ισθῇ). 1.4.4 Desired Effect In the Greek texts, the desired effect is expressed through a variety of means—we usually find either a dynamic infinitive 73 or an imperative. 74 More rarely, we find clauses introduced by the conjunction ἵνα (and routinely followed by the subjunctive): out of 19 such unambiguous cases, only one instance is attested in a funerary context (113); all others are found in apotropaic amulets (6, 7, 11, 16, 20) and, most frequently, curse tablets (39, 41, 46-48, 53, 57, 62-65, 66, 68), especially from Egypt and Africa (Hadrumetum, Carthage). A negative command in the form of a prohibitive subjunctive is likewise the domain of phylacteria and defixiones (1, 9, 15, 16, 22, 32, 45, 48, 51-53). 75 Positive commands are rare: one may cite φωβήθητε τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ (12) and κολλήσῃ αὑτῆς [τ]ὰ χίλη εἰς τὰ χίλη μου (55); the attestation of a volitive optative is unique (ἐπιλάθοιτο Ἀννιανὸς τῆς ἰ[δ]ίας μνήμης; 46). The use of one syntactic structure over another is likely the result of the practitioners’ own preferences, as there is no pattern according to which one 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 47 <?page no="48"?> 76 A magical set consisting of two lead tablets and one inscribed vessel (our 51) even combines three different syntactic means to command the corpse-daemons—dynamic infinitives (e.g. συμπαρασταθῆναι in the command to the spirits of the dead to ‘assist’ the chosen corpse-daemon), prohibitive subjunctives (μή μου παρακούσῃς), and imperatives (ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτόν). type of epigraphic document (or a particular class of desired effects) could be correlated with a particular syntactic element, with one important exception: funerary inscriptions generally seem to prefer the use of the infinitive, much more so than apotropaic amulets and (especially) curse tablets, where a direct command to the corpse-daemon is often effectuated by means of an imperative. A combination of two distinct syntactic elements expressing the desired effect is very common; 76 indeed, on a defixio from Crocodilopolis, dated to the 2nd cent. CE (49), we find the very same effects expressed by both dynamic infinitives (ἄξαι καὶ καταδῆσαι) and imperatives (ἄξον καὶ κα[τάδησ]ον). The same observation is true for a curse tablet from Hadrumetum (68), dated to the 3rd cent. CE, which uses both dynamic infinitives (ἀγαγεῖν καὶ ζεῦξαι τὸν Οὐρβανόν) and imperatives (ἄξον ζεῦξον τὸν Οὐρβανόν) to bind Urbanus, the target of this love spell, and bring him to Domitiana, the beneficiary thereof. In Latin inscriptions, the desired effects are usually expressed using a subordinate clause. In the case of defixiones, the verb of adjuration (always adiuro; cf. Section 1.4.1) is usually followed by a purpose clause with ut—such is the case, for instance, for an agonistic spell from Hadrumetum (125): adiuro te demon quicunque es et demando tibi ex (h)anc (h)ora ex (h)anc die ex (h)oc momento ut equos prasini et albi crucies ocidas (‘I adjure you, daemon, whoever you are, and I command you, from this hour on, from this day on, from this moment on, to torment and kill the horses of the green and white [teams]’). Prohibitive clauses (with ne or ut non) are attested especially for love spells, which often feature numerous restrictions that are applied to the victim of the curse. For instance, in an ἀγωγή from the same region (124), in which a certain Septima tries to put a spell on Sextilius, we read adiuro […] ut, ex qua hora hoc composuero, non dormiat Sextilius, Dionysiae filius, uratur furens, non dormiat neque sedeat neque loquatur (‘I adjure […] from the moment I put this tablet [into the grave], may Sextilius, son of Dionysia, not sleep, may he burn [with passion] in frenzy, may he not sleep, nor sit, nor speak’). Negative prohibitive clauses with ne/ ut non following the verb of adjuration are also typical for funerary inscriptions, where the prohibition almost always concerns damage, looting, and/ or the reuse of tombs; cf., for example, adiuro te per Chr(istu)m ne aperias locum istum (‘I adjure you by Christ that you may not to open this place [scil. tomb].)’ from our 145. Negative prohibitive clauses are also 48 1 Introduction <?page no="49"?> 77 When classifying defixiones according to their context and/ or effect, we employ the terminology that has been in use ever since Audollent’s opus magnum on the topic (1904). Agonistic curses are aggressive spells aimed at competitors in an amphitheatre and serve to prevent victory by specific gladiators or charioteers (the latter are often cursed together with their horses). Juridical curses targeted the opposing party in court cases, often with the effect of impeding their capacity for speech. Amatory curses may be simple love spells, aimed to attract the target to the beneficiary; whenever the love interest is in a formal or informal relationship, the curse contains also elements of a separation spell. For Audollent’s category defixiones in fures, we employ the term prayers for justice, introduced by Versnel (1991); lastly, commercial curses were used to boost one’s own business, often at the expense of the competition. Whenever the context of a defixio escapes clear delineation, we use the term non-specific curse, suggested by Kropp (2008a: 180-186). For a detailed discussion of curse types, cf. also Faraone (1999: 15-29), Urbanová (2018: 18-26), and Sánchez Natalías (2022: 53-61). 78 The classification of 46 as a love spell is not entirely certain, as it combines elements of amatory curses with juridical ones. attested in most Latin mediaeval texts, except for damaged ones, such as 163. For instance, the signature formula of the amulets from Denmark (166-169) runs as follows (166): adiuro eluos uel eluas aut demones per patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum ut non noceatis huic famulo dei Nicholao (‘I adjure you, elves [masc.] or elves [fem.] and daemons, by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, that you may not harm this [male] servant of God Nicholas’). The prevalence of positive purpose clauses in the case of curse tablets and negative clauses in the case of funerary inscriptions and amulets is a direct consequence of the specific desired effects which were to be obtained via performative adjuration formulae. In the case of defixiones, the corpse-daemons are, more often than not, asked to do something (e.g. muzzle opponents in a court case, destroy the business of competitors, break the horses and chariots of the opposing team, fetch a love interest); in contrast, in the texts of epitaphs and phylacteries, the direct addressees of the adjuration formulae are asked not to do something (e.g. not to loot, damage, or reuse tombs and sarcophagi in the former case and not to inflict illness, misfortune, or daemonic possession in the case of the latter). If we now turn to the actual wishes and demands of the practitioners employing the adjuration formulae, we find—by some distance—the greatest diversity of desired effects in the case of curse tablets. 77 Generally speaking, the primary effect of a defixio is to restrain, harm, or manipulate the target, while its specific nature is modulated by the context of the curse. Love spells employing a performative adjuration formula are attested 14 times in our survey (46, 47-52, 54-57, 68, 120, 124, 132); 78 to these, we may add a separation spell (60) in which a certain Valeria Quadratilla is handed over to the gods of the underworld 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 49 <?page no="50"?> 79 Regarding this term, cf. Gordon (1999: 239-277), Versnel (1998: 217), and Urbanová (2018: 213-217). 80 Cf. 148: ‘[…] so that this tomb should never be violated, but conserved until the end of the world, so that I could return to life without any hindrance […]’ (ut hunc sepulcrum nunquam ullo tempore violetur sed co(n)servet(ur) usque ad finem mundi ut pos(s)im sine impedimento in vita redire). by her own husband, Vitruvius Felix, and also 36, which showcases rivalry in love. Spells in an amatory context were commonly used by both genders; in the documentation collated in our corpus, men are the beneficiaries in 11 cases (46-48, 50-52, 55, 57, 60, 120, 132), women in 5 cases (36, 49, 54, 68, 124). Three curses suggest homosexual relationships—two between women (49, 54) and one between men (46). Agonistic curses are attested roughly as many times as love spells (62- 67, 121-123, 125-131); their targets are gladiators (66, 67, 121-123) and charioteers, often cursed together with their horses (62-65, 124-131). Except for 62 (from Rome), all agonistic curses, both Greek and Latin, come from Carthage or Hadrumetum. Other types of curses are present more rarely, and only in the Greek material, as the Latin defixiones collated in this survey belong exclusively to the category of either love spells or agonistic curses. On a tablet from Ammaedara, we find a prayer for justice in which Vitalinus commands the daemon to visit the target of the spell (likely a thief, possibly a creditor) and order them to ‘return to Vitalianus one hundred denarii and [his] clothes’ (69). Serial curses from Amathous (59) and isolated examples from Egypt (53) and Asia Minor (39) belong to the juridical context; two curses from Syria aim to improve the commercial business of their beneficiaries (42, 44), and 56 represents a rare instance of a performative adjuration being used in an anger-restraining spell. An ‘anatomical curse’ 79 (35) and three spells that aim to cause fever in the target (43, 61, 70) may be classified as non-specific curses. In the case of funerary inscriptions, the desired effect is almost always the same, irrespective of the religious convictions of the beneficiaries. Whether Christian, Jewish, or pagan, the deceased and their close family wish to preserve the sanctity of their final resting place—even until the end of the world, as one Christian epitaph from Italy would have it. 80 In 28 instances, the protection of the tomb consists in preventing any subsequent burials. This is the case in a rather compact group of no less than 14 epitaphs from Asia Minor; cf., for example, 101: ‘I adjure those in the underworld, that after the end of my (life) and that of my wife, no other (bodies) shall be interred (here)’ (κα[ὶ] ἐνορκίσζω τοὺς καταχθονίους μετὰ τὴν ἰδίαν τελευτὴν καὶ τῆς γυναικός μου ἄλλον μὴ 50 1 Introduction <?page no="51"?> 81 For similar expressions, cf. 75-77, 86. 82 Cf. also 87 and 96. 83 Relief is sought from injuries (3), afflictions of the eyes (13) or womb (6, 24, 159), and, most frequently, fevers and migraines (13, 19, 20, 28, 29). εἰσενεχθῆναι) 81 and ‘I conjure you that no one be laid upon him [scil. the deceased]’ (vos coniuro [ne] quis (s)uper ipsum ponatur) from 137. On occasion, close family obtains explicit permission to use the tomb; by way of example, this is the case with 109, where a married couple commissions the tomb for their parents and for themselves, and adjures the ‘heavenly gods and those in the underworld’ to prevent any future burials, ‘with the exception of (our) child Kaikas and son-in-law Moas’ (μέχρει τέκνου Καικα καὶ γαμβροῦ Μόου). 82 In addition to preventive measures against the reuse of the tomb, we often find in the performative adjuration formulae in a funerary context wishes to keep the tomb closed and not to disturb the remains that lie therein (71, 73, 79, 80, 95); further, one of the more commonly attested desired effects is an aim to preserve the physical integrity of the tomb by preventing damage and/ or destruction (cf., e.g., 72, 94, 99, 138-143); often the effects of preventing reuse, opening, and damage may be all intended in a general expression such as coniuro vos sa[cerdot]es per deum ut [hanc s]epulturam [meam] null(us) violet (‘I conjure you priests by God that no one should violate my tomb’, 141). In one instance (93), the beneficiaries aim to prevent the selling of the tomb, but the desired effect is the very same, since its purchase by another individual would undoubtedly entail its reuse. Turning now to the group of apotropaic amulets excerpted in this survey, it may be concluded that the primary desired effect of their users is, somewhat unsurprisingly, protection from all conceivable evils and ills. In three instances (4, 26, 158), the nominal subjects of protection are fields and vineyards; in all other cases, the apotropaic effect is intended to benefit the amulet’s wearer. Sometimes, the exact nature of the forces from which the amulet was believed to protect is left vague; such is, for example, the case with 2, with a generic σῶσον τὸν φοροῦντα (‘save the bearer’) as a desired effect. More frequently, however, the adjurations specify the dangers that they are supposed to neutralize—sometimes, these are daemons, evil spirits, or apparitions tout court (9, 32), but more often than not, the daemons are targeted in their capacity as illness-causing entities. 83 Although the general apotropaic function is shared by all amulets, the details of the language employed suggest that the protection is sought in cases where either (a) the individual is already stricken by some affliction or (b) a specific affliction is to be prevented. The former are therefore curative in nature and 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 51 <?page no="52"?> 84 Compare also 166-169 and 171. react to the existing condition—in 5, for instance, the amulet is to ‘release the living (scil. wearer) from the (demon? ) that holds him’ (ἀ̣[λλ]αξαι τὸν ζο͂ντα ἀπ̣ὸ τ[οῦ] συνέλοντος); the latter are prophylactic and aim to stave off any future daemonic attacks—in 32, one Leontios is to be protected against ‘all daemons and magical operations and binding spells and every scheming of the adversary’ (ἀπὸ πάντων δαιμονίων καὶ φαρμάκων καὶ καταδέσμων καὶ πάντων κινδύνων καὶ ἐπιβουλῶν τοῦ ἀντικειμένου). Another subtle difference lies in the very syntax of the formula. If the direct addressee is a benign supernatural entity, the sequence with the desired effect uses verbs of protection; if, on the other hand, the direct addressee is a daemon, the desired effect employs verbs such as ‘cast out’, ‘drive out’, ‘come out of ’. Compare, for instance, the sequence ὁρκίζω σε τὸν ἐπάνω τ⟨οῦ⟩ οὐρανοῦ Σαβαωθ τὸν ἐλθό⟨ν⟩τα ἐπάνω τοῦ Ελαωθ τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ Χθοθαι, διαφύλαξον Ἀλεξάνδραν (‘I adjure you by the one above the heaven, Sabaoth, who comes above Elaoth, above Chthothai: Protect Alexandra […]’; 7) with ἐσκορκίζω πᾶν πνεῦμα πονηρὸν καὶ κακόν […] ἐξελθεῖν ἀπὸ Ἀλλοῦτος (‘I adjure every spirit wicked and evil […] to come out of Allous’; 10). The desired effect is the same, but it may be realized by either appealing directly to the apotropaic powers or targeting the evil forces outright (in which case the protection-granting entities are invoked indirectly in the mediation syntagma). In the case of Latin mediaeval amulets, the desired effect also usually aims to neutralize the power of the daemons or other evil forces to harm the wearer; in 164, for instance, we find the typical sequence ut n(on) noceatis famulo d(e)i (‘that you may not harm this [male] servant of God’), strengthened by another apotropaic formula: Ecce cruce(m) † d(omi)ni fugite, partes adv(er)s(ae) (‘See the Cross of Christ! Flee, you hostile forces! ’ (cf. also 166 and 167). In cases where specific ailments are mentioned, the beneficiaries of the mediaeval apotropaic amulets repeatedly sought protection of the eyes, head, and joints; cf., for example, 166: ut non noceatis huic famulo dei Nicholao in oculis nec in capite neque in ulla compagine membrorum (‘that you may not harm this [male] servant of God, Nicholas, in the eyes nor in the head nor in any joint of his limbs’). 84 1.4.5 Sanction/ Reward The final component of several dozen adjuration formulae collated in our survey is a statement of a sanction for failing to bring about the desired effects expressed by the beneficiary or a reward for their successful execution. An explicit sanction 52 1 Introduction <?page no="53"?> or reward is never threatened or promised in the apotropaic texts of amulets and phylacteries, but we find them in defixiones and funerary inscriptions. An explicit statement of a reward and/ or sanction is attested for four Greek defixiones, three from Egypt—Crocodilopolis (48), Antinoopolis (52), and Ly‐ copolis (57)—and one from Ammaedaera in the province of Africa Proconsularis (69). Of the three love spells from Egypt, two employ similar expressions throughout and both also promise to set the corpse-daemon ‘free’ (ἀπολύσω σε in 48 and 52). The underlying notion here is undoubtedly that the νεκυδαίμων is bound by the very adjuration that, in its last instance, promises liberty in exchange for accomplishing the role of a supernatural pimp. The love spell from Lycopolis (57) adopts the carrot-and-stick approach and offers the corpse-daemons that are adjured both the threat of a sanction of positively apocalyptic proportions (‘the sun will not sink below the earth, and neither Hades nor the cosmos will exist’) and a reward that promises (as was the case in 48 and 52) relief and liberty. The same choice has been given a corpse-daemon adjured in a prayer for justice from Ammaedara (69)—if he cooperates and executes the wishes of the beneficiary, he is promised truly regal recompense (‘I will anoint you with myrrh and I will crown you and I will sacrifice to you’); should the daemon fail, however, he is threatened with being ground (? ) in a ‘lead mortar’ and being struck with a ‘Christ’s thorn’. Of all the Latin defixiones collated in this survey, an explicit reward/ sanction is attested only once, in a love spell from Hadrumetum (124). The sanction employed in this ἀγωγή is unique in that it uses a historiola that effectively doubles as a threat to the νεκυδαίμων (‘corpse-daemon’) should he fail to obey the practitioner: si minus, descendo in adytus Osyris et dissolvam τὴν ταφὴν et mittam ut a fulmine feratur; ego enim sum magnus decanus dei, magni dei AXRAMMAXALALA etc. (‘If not, I will descend into the shrine [grave] of Osiris, open his grave and throw him [into the river], so that he will be carried away by the current; because I am the great decanus of a god, the mighty god [voces]’). The sanction/ reward category is, however, mostly the domain of funerary inscriptions, where the desired effect for the beneficiary in all but a handful of cases consists in preserving the sanctity of a tomb or sarcophagus. We find numerous attested examples in both the Greek and Latin traditions, and these come mainly in three different guises: monetary sanctions, legal sanctions, and divine sanctions. Monetary sanctions are relatively straightforward and involve paying a set sum of money to the treasury of (usually) one or (rarely) more institutions, both secular and religious (79, 80, 83, 94, 99, 102, 106, 149, 152). For instance, a funerary inscription on a sarcophagus from Elaioussa Sebaste (Cilicia; 106) divides the sanction between three entities, namely (a) 1.4 Structure, Function, Syntax 53 <?page no="54"?> 85 A similar self-referential expression is employed in the sanction attested in epitaph 136: qui post hanc coniurationem presumserit anathema habeat de Iuda (‘If he dared to do so after this conjuration, he shall suffer the anathema of Judas’). the treasury of Selene, (b) the imperial treasury, and (c) the city of Sebaste itself. The penalties range from 2,500 denarii (79) to 15,000 denarii (83), but territorial differences, coupled with a chronological range of several centuries, make any direct comparison difficult. We may only highlight the fact that the Greek epitaphs with monetary sanctions are likely pagan and chronologically clustered within the 2nd and 3rd cent. CE. Legal sanctions threaten wrongdoers with becoming liable for a specific charge—in a 79, the charge is ‘impiety’ (ὑφέξι λόγον ἀσεβείας), in 89, ‘graverobbing’ (ἔνοχος ἔστω τυμβωρυχίᾳ). We class as divine sanctions those that either threaten a punishment that involves scriptural (Christian) parallels or (mostly pagan) warnings that the wrongdoers will incur the wrath or anger of specific divinities. In the former category, we find several references to the Final Judgment (73, 74, 116, 119, 139, 142, 143), the inglorious fate of Judas (135, 136, 139, 143, 146), the leprosy of Naaman (136), or a curse echoing Psalm 108(109) (140). The latter group includes, for instance, our 99, where ‘the wrath of Mên’ hangs over the heads of those who would dare to damage the funerary stele (assuming we accept the sizeable editorial restitution); a similar fate is promised in 109, where repeated burials are punished by ‘the wrath of everything divine and the abominable Furies’ (ἕξει πάντα τὰ θεῖα κεχολωμένα καὶ τὰς στυγερὰς Ἐρεινύας). With a handful of epitaphs, we find inventive sanctions involving children— these include periphrastic capital punishment (‘may his/ her children be left behind as orphans’; 101), a rather gruesome sanction of gastronomic nature (‘shall devour the liver of his/ her own child’; 109), and a threat of familiar anhedonia (‘let them have no delight in their children and their life’; 110). A general-purpose admonishment ‘these are curses’ (αἵδε ἀραί, 108) provides an explicit link between the use performative adjuration formulae in defixiones and funerary inscriptions; 85 an unusual adjuration from Themiscyra lets poten‐ tial wrongdoers know that the beneficiary has ‘adjured by the living God’ (κατό[ρ]κισα διὰ Θεὸν τ[ὸν] ζῶντα; 111). A rare instance of both sanction and reward is attested in 115, where the call is to let ‘the one who heeds this adjuration enjoy the good things in life’ and ‘the one who would disregard it’ to suffer ‘the opposite’. On occasion, two sanctions may be combined to reinforce their effect (e.g. monetary plus legal: 79; monetary plus divine: 99). 54 1 Introduction <?page no="55"?> 2 Greek Phylacteria J. Franek 1 Exorcism of a Malign Tumour Amorgos (Achaia), s. V-VI, ed. Kiourtzian (2000: 32-40) A: [Ὁρκίζω σέ φῦμα ἄγριον, κατὰ τὴν σήμερον ἡμ]έρα[ν καὶ τὸν Κύριον τὸν ἐξερευν]ο͂ ντα τὴν Ἰερουσαλὴμ (5) μετὰ λύχνου κὲ ἀποκτήναντα τὸν δωδεκακέφαλον δράκοντα, διὰ (10) Μιχαεὶλ κὲ Γαβριεὶλ τῶν ἁγίων αὐτοῦ ἀρχαγγέλων, ἔξελθε (15) κὲ μὴ ἀδικί(σ)ις μηδὲ τὸν ὡρκίζοντα μηδὲ τὸν ὡρκιζόμενον. Ὡρκίζο σέ, φῦμα ἄγριων, (20) κατὰ τὸν μετρίσαντα τὸν οὐρανὸν σπιθαμὶν κὲ τὴν γῆν δρακίν, κατέχοντα τὴν οἰκουμένην ὡσὶ (25) καμάραν, ἔξελθε κὲ μὴ ἀδικήσις μηδὲ τὸν ὡρκιζόμενον μηδὲ τὸν φοροῦντα (30) τὸν ἀφορκισμόν. Ὡρκίζο σε, φῦμα ἄγριων, κατὰ τὸ ὑπ[ε]ρα[ληθ]ὲς [ὄν]ο[μ]α, ἄπελθε κὲ μὴ (35) ἀδικήσις μηδὲ τὸν ὡρκίζοντα μηδὲ τὸν ὡρκιζόμενον. Ἐξορκίζο σέ, ὡρκίζο σέ [---]. B: (40) Μιχαὴλ Γαβριὴλ Οὐριεὶλ Ῥαφαὴλ τοῦ το͂ν [ἀΰ]λων δυνάμεων, [---] ἰσπεταμ(έ)νις (45) κρυβομένις τῖς μικρῖς παραφυᾶδος. Ὡρκίζο σέ, αἰξορκίζο σέ, φῦμα ἄγριων [κατὰ τὸ ? ] (50) μέγα ὤνωμα [τ]οῦ Θ(εο)ῦ, ἔξελθε [καὶ] μὴ ἀδηκίσις μηδὲ τὸν ὁρκίζοντα μηδὲ τὸν (55) ὁρκιζόμενον. Ὡρκίζο σέ, ἐξορκίζο σέ, φῦμα ἄγριον, κατὰ τὸν κατελθόντα (60) ‹τὰ› κάτω [καὶ] τρίτ[ῃ ἡμέρᾳ ἀναστάντα] [---] ἐξελθε κὲ μὴ ἀδικίσις μηδὲ (65) τὸν ὡρκίζοντα μηδὲ τὸν φοροῦντα [τὸν ἀφορκισμὸν ? ] ἀλλὰ ἄπελθε ἐκ τοῦ δούλου τοῦ Θ(εο)ῦ - ἐκ τῆς (70) δούλης τοῦ Θ(εο)ῦ - τὸν ἀφορκιζόμενον κὲ τὸν φοροῦντα νεανία[ν] (? ) [---]. A: I adjure you, malicious tumour, by the present day and by the Lord, who searched Jerusalem with a lamp, and who killed the dragon with twelve heads, through Michael and Gabriel, his holy Archangels, go away, and do no harm to the exorcist and to the exorcised. I adjure you, malicious tumour, by the one who meted out heaven with the span, and comprehended the earth between his fingers, and stretched out the heavens as a curtain, go away and do no harm to the exorcist and the wearer of this charm. I adjure you, evil tumour by the most veracious name, go away and do no harm to the exorcist and the exorcised. I exorcise you, I adjure you [---]. B: [---] of Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael, and (of the creator? ) of the immaterial powers [---] of the small off-shoot, which sneaks into (? ) and remains concealed. <?page no="56"?> 86 Homolle (1901: 453-454) argued that the tablet originated in the Syropalestinian region; Kiourtzian (2000: 39) did not discard this hypothesis, but rather saw the amulet as belonging to ‘local production’. 87 Kiourtzian (2000: 32). 88 Nowakowski in CSLA E01296. 89 For an alternative reading, cf. esp. Homolle (1901: 432). 90 Since there are two larger lacunae attested, with ca 15 and 12 lines, it must be assumed that the number of adjurations was even greater. 91 One may compare, e.g., νοσεῖ μὲν νόσον ἀγρίαν (Sophocles, Phil. 173). Further parallels from hagiographical literature were supplied by Kiourtzian (2000: 36). 92 Zephaniah 1: 12; Isaiah 40: 12; 40: 22. I adjure you, I exorcise you, malicious tumour, [by the] great name of God, go away [and] do no harm to the exorcist and to the exorcised. I adjure you, I exorcise you, malicious tumour, by the one who descended and [rose] on the third day [---] go away and do no harm to the exorcist and to the wearer of this charm but go away from the (male) servant of God, from the (female) servant of God, the exorcised young wearer [---]. (transl. P. Nowakowski, modified) Bibliography: Homolle (1901); Grégoire (1922: 63-64, No. 210ter); Leclercq (1924: 1796-1799); Halkin (1953: 340); Kiourtzian (1998: 371-372); Kiourtzian (2000: 32-40); SEG L, 818; CSLA E01296 Commentary: An inscription on an opisthographic lead tablet (ca 21 × 5 cm), found in 1899 near Arkesine (Amorgos), today lost. 86 The atypical use of lead as the material support for an amulet with an explicitly stated apotropaic function was likely due to its availability, as compared with phylacteries made from gold or silver. Palaeographical considerations enable dating to the 5th to 6th cent. CE; 87 P. Nowakowski extended the range up to the 8th cent. CE. 88 The text of the amulet consists in its entirety of adjuration formulae. If we accept G. Kiourtzian’s reconstruction of the first five lines, which remain highly conjectural, 89 the sequence consists of no less than six adjuration formulae. 90 Introduced by a verb of adjuration in three different guises (ὡρκίζο, ἐξορκίζο, αἰξορκίζο), the direct addressee of all of the formulae is a ‘malicious tumour’ (φῦμα ἄγριον, lit. ‘wild’ or ‘savage’). 91 The mediation syntagma employs two dif‐ ferent prepositions, κατά and δία, to call upon Jesus Christ and the archangels. Some members of the angelic host are explicitly named (Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael); Christ, on the other hand, is referenced only indirectly via scriptural parallels, 92 but the identity of the one who ‘descended and rose on the third day’ is beyond doubt. The ‘most veracious name’ (τὸ ὑπεραληθὲς ὄνομα) and the ‘great name of God’ (μέγα ὤνωμα τοῦ Θεοῦ) are likely periphrases for Yahweh (and, by the 5th or 6th cent. CE, for Christ himself). The desired effect is to cause 56 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="57"?> 93 Above and beyond the widespread simple mistakes of failing to choose the correct gender or insert the beneficiary’s name, writers sometimes included detailed instruc‐ tions on how to fashion the amulets found in the manuals; cf., e.g., Bonner/ Youtie (1953); Kotansky/ Spier (1995); Franek (2023). 94 Regarding the ‘seven heavens’, see the discussion in Kotansky (1995a: 149-150), Mihálykó (2015: 196), and Love (2016: 197-198). the tumour to ‘depart’ and thus ‘do no harm’; the beneficiary’s wish is realized syntactically through imperatives (ἔξελθε, ἄπελθε) and a negative command expressed by the subjunctive of prohibition (μὴ ἀδικίσις = μὴ ἀδικήσῃς). The formula is noteworthy for two reasons. First, it is the only instance in our corpus of an adjuration that is intended to protect not only the primary beneficiary, namely the ‘wearer’ (scil. of the amulet, τὸν φοροῦντα) or ‘the one who is being exorcised’ (τὸν ὡρκιζόμενον), but also the person who is performing the exorcism (τὸν ὡρκίζοντα). Second, the prima facie confusing expression at the very end of the text, ‘go away from the (male) servant of God, from the (female) servant of God’ (ἄπελθε ἐκ τοῦ δούλου τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκ τῆς δούλης τοῦ Θεοῦ), likely betrays an oversight on the part of the writer, who failed to implement the instructions to chose the correct form (namely either τοῦ δούλου or τῆς δούλης) for the adjuration depending on the gender of the beneficiary. Mistakes like these, far from uncommon in the magical texts of Late Antiquity, likely indicate that the formula was copied from a magical handbook. 93 2 Exorcism on a Magical Gem Asia/ Phrygia, s. II-III, ed. Kotansky (1995a) Ἐξορκίζω σε τοὺς ἑπτὰ οὐρανοὺς καὶ τοὺς δύο ἀρχανγέλους καὶ τὸ {με} μέγα ὄνομα Χερουβί⟨ν⟩· Ἰάω, σῶσον τὸν φοροῦντα. I adjure you by the seven heavens and the two archangels and the great name and the Cherubim. Iao, save the bearer! (transl. R. Kotansky, modified) Bibliography: Kotansky (1995a); Michel (2004: 288, No. 28.2.a); Nicolotti (2011: 75-76, n. 213); Mihálykó (2015: 196); Love (2016: 197-198); SEG XLV, 2197 Commentary: An inscription on a magical gem—an oval blue chalcedony, painted white (3.7 × 2.9 cm). Reportedly from ‘Asia Minor’, currently in a private collection (London); datable to the 2nd to the early 3rd cent. CE. Τhe formula, introduced by a verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω, here in the sense of ‘I cast you out’ or ‘I exorcise you’), has the pronoun ‘you’ (σε) as its direct addressee, undoubtedly referencing an unnamed and further unspecified evil spirit. The non-prepositional mediation syntagma invokes ‘seven heavens’, 94 2 Greek Phylacteria 57 <?page no="58"?> 95 Kotansky (1995a: 151). 96 Aydaş (2004: 124) dated the inscription to the ‘early Christian period’. ‘two archangels’ (likely Gabriel and Raphael), 95 the ‘great name’ (possibly the ineffable name of the Jewish God), and a collective of angels (‘Cherubim’) to protect the amulet wearer against any potential source of illness or misfortune. The desired effect of the adjuration, while not forming part of the formula sensu stricto, is spelled out at the very end of the inscription (‘protect the wearer’). R. Kotansky in his editio princeps argued persuasively that the formula was drawn from liturgical stock and adapted for use as an apotropaic device. 3 Amulet against Injuries Hierapolis (Asia/ Phrygia), s. III-V, ed. Aydaş (2004: 124) Ἐνορκίζομαί σοι τὸν Θεὸν τὸ̣ν κτίσαντα τὴν γ̣ῆ̣ν καὶ τοὺς οὐρανούς, ἐνορ‐ κίζομαί σοι τοὺς ἀγγέλους Χ̣ερουβειν, ἄνω ἁρμονίαν, Μιχαηλ, Ρ̣α̣φ̣αηλ, Ἀβρασαξ [---] ἀποτραπῆναι ἀπ̣[ὸ] τ̣ρ̣αυματίου. I adjure you by God who founded the earth and the heavens, I adjure you by the angels, Cherubim, (the) harmony (above? ), Michael, Raphael, Abrasax [---] to be averted from injury. (transl. M. Aydaş) Bibliography: Aydaş (2004); Huttner (2012: 25-26); EBGR (2004: 245, No. 11); SEG LIV, 1344; ICG 930 Commentary: A bronze lamella (8.2 × 4.1 cm), found folded in a silver tubular container in a tomb north of ancient Hierapolis. The amulet is datable to the late 3rd to 4th cent. CE; 96 currently preserved in the Denizli Museum (Turkey). The inscription joins two adjuration formulae with a single desired effect. The verb of adjuration (ἐνορκίζομαι) is relatively rare, since it combines a prefixed form with the mediopassive voice; the expression ἐνορκίζομαί σοι may be seen as functionally equivalent to the more common (ἐξ)ορκίζω σε. The direct addressee, identified only via the pronoun ‘you’ (σοι), remains elusive. It must be assumed that the pronoun points to any entity that can cause an injury from which the adjuration is supposed to protect the wearer. The non-prepositional mediation syntagma invokes God in his capacity as the Creator, alongside angels (the Cherubim, Michael, Raphael), divine harmony, and Abrasax, a mainstay figure in the magical κοινή of the ancient Mediter‐ ranean world. The desired effect, realized syntactically through a dynamic infinitive (ἀποτραπῆναι), is to avert even the slightest injury (τραυμάτιον) from the beneficiary of the phylactery. J. Mylonopoulos argued that the ‘reference 58 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="59"?> 97 EBGR (2004: 245). 98 Huttner (2012: 25-26). to Abrasax makes its attribution to a Christian doubtful’, 97 but there is little reason to believe that lay Christians in 3rd or 4th cent. CE Hierapolis were as theologically correct as their clergy or modern scholars would have liked them to be. Quite to the contrary, one is invited to recognize in the amulet, as U. Huttner did, 98 evidence for the happy co-existence of Jewish, Christian, and ‘pagan’ strata of religious/ magical elements. 4 Phylactery against a Hailstorm Philadelphia and surroundings (Lydia), s. IV-VI, ed. Petzl (2007: 166-168, No.-1659) [ἐξορκισμὸς εἰς ἀποστρο]φὴν χαλάζης· [ὁρκίζω σε δαίμονα ἀέ]ρος ταρασσομέ[νου αἰφνιδίως ἐφιστάμενον, ὅτε] βροντᾷ κὲ ἀστρά[πτει, καὶ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ χάλαζα]ν ἐκπένποντα· (5) ὁρ[κίζω σε δαίμονα --ἐπ’ ὀ]νόματος ὠοῦ ἀρ̣ σ[ενικοῦ ὄρνιθος· ὁρκίζω σ]ε καμινόστομον [δαίμονα ---, ἐλθὲ] ἔξ(ω)θεν τ(ῶ)ν ὅρ(ω)ν [Ἐννάτου κώμη]ς· ὁρκίζ(ω) σε κατὰ τὴ[ν δύναμιν τοῦ θεοῦ Σα]β̣ αὸθ κὲ τοῦ θρόνου Κ(υρίο)υ, (10) [ἐλθὲ ἔξωθεν τῶν ὅρων Ἐνν]άτου κ(ώ)μης· ὁρκίζ(ω) σε νε[ο--κατὰ ---]Η̣ τὸν πρεσβύτ̣ ερον κὲ τὸν [---], ἐλθὲ ἔξ(ω)θεν τ(ῶ)ν ὅρ(ω)ν Ἐνν̣ ά̣ [του κώμης· ὁρκίζω] σ̣ ε̣ κατὰ τ‹ὸν› Οὐφρι̣ διὴλ̣ κὲ τὸν̣ [---]· ὁρκίζ(ω) σε (15) νεο̣ [--κατὰ τὰ στοιχεῖα α] ε η ι ο υ ω ΠΑΝ̣ [---] [---]Ο̣ ΗΑ[--ἐλθὲ ἔξωθεν τῶν ὅρων] Ἐν[ν]άτου κ(ώ)μης· [--ἀρχάγγελοι Ῥ]αφαήλ, Ῥαγο‹υ›ήλ, Ἰσ̣ σταή[λ], [Ἀγαθ]οήλ, περισφραγίσετε (20) [---]IϹ Ἐν[ν]άτου [κ](ώ)μης. [Adjuration to avert] hailstorm. [I adjure you, the demon who suddenly stands on] the seething air, when it thunders and lightning flashes, and sends down [hail]. I adjure [you, demon,] by the name of the [male bird’s] egg. [I adjure] you, [demon] with the flaming mouth. [Leave] the boundaries of the [village of the Ninth (Mile)]. I adjure you by [the power of God Sab]aoth and of the throne of the Lord. [Leave the boundaries of the] village [of the Nin]th (Mile). I adjure you [--] by the (Twenty-four? ) Elders (of the Book of Revelation? ) and the [---]. Leave the boundaries of the [village of the] Nin[th (Mile)]. I adjure] you by Ouphridiel and [---]. I adjure you [--by the letters a] e ē i o u ō [--leave the boundaries of the] village of the Ninth (Mile). [Archangels: ] Raphael, Ragouel, Istrael, [Agath]oel, seal [---] around the village of the Ninth (Mile). (transl. P. Nowakowski/ E. Rizos, modified) Bibliography: Papadopoulos-Kerameus (1881: 272, No. 20); Cumont (1895: 289, No. 122); Grégoire (1922: 124-125, No. 341ter); Robert/ Robert (1950: 63, n. 2); 2 Greek Phylacteria 59 <?page no="60"?> 99 Nowakowski in CSLA E00798. 100 Petzl (2007: 166). 101 An uncommon expression, to say the least, with a difficult meaning. An analogue is, however, attested in the magical literature; cf. PGM XII, 110. 102 Nowakowski in CSLA E00798. 103 Grégoire (1922: 124). Halkin (1953: 82); Kotansky (1994: 49); Nieto (1997: 296); Petzl (2007: 166-168, No.-1659); Maltomini (2008: 176, No.-17); CSLA E00798 Commentary: An inscription on a marble plaque (68 × 33 cm), broken into two pieces. Found in Tepeköy, a village located ca 8 km to the northeast of Alaşehir (Turkey), likely identified with ancient Philadelphia. Last seen in a private collection in Kula by J. Keil and A. von Premerstein, current whereabouts unknown. P. Nowakowski dated the text cautiously to the 4th to 8th cent. CE; 99 G. Petzl simply referred to the ‘Christian’ period as the date of origin. 100 Assessment of the adjuration formula is vitiated by the state of preservation, which leaves much to be desired. The verb of adjuration is consistently ὁρκίζω throughout, and the text is arranged as a continuous series of incantations to protect the fields from the onslaught of the elements. The name of the direct addressee is never mentioned, but a conjectured δαίμων is a likely candidate, especially in light of the securely preserved adjective καμινόστομος (‘of the flaming mouth’). A mediation syntagma is present in prepositional form (κατά is attested, ἐπί was supplied by editors to match the genitive ὀνόματος). The expression ὁρκίζω σε νεο̣ [---] is attested twice, unfortunately damaged in both instances. The mutilated νεο̣ [---] may be interpreted as referring to the daemon (thus further developing the pronoun σε) or as the beginning of a non-prepositional mediation syntagma. Among the elements that are interpretable and not overtly dependent on conjecture, the daemon causing hailstorms is neutralized by invocations of the ‘name of the bird’s egg’, 101 the ‘power of God Sabaoth’, the ‘throne of the Lord’, and the angel Ouphridiel. P. Nowakowski’s interpretation of τὸν πρεσβύτ̣ερον as ‘by the (Twenty-four? ) Elders (of the Book of Revelation? )’ is complicated by the singular form of the substantivized adjective. 102 The vowel series invoked in the text is a common magical device, but its inclusion in the mediation syntagma is doubtful; the same may be said for the names of the angels Raphael, Ragouel, Istrael, and Agathoel, to whom the imperative περισφραγίσετε is addressed. The desired effect of the adjuration formula, repeated several times, is to keep the hail-causing daemon at bay. The expression may be restored as ἐλθὲ ἔξωθεν τῶν ὅρων Ἐννάτου κώμης—proposed by H. Grégoire 103 and (somewhat 60 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="61"?> 104 Petzl (2007: 167). 105 Kotansky (1994: 46-52, No.-11). 106 Nieto (1997, esp.-267-273). 107 Maltomini (2008). 108 For a detailed description of the sarcophagus, cf. Demargne (1974: 104-107). begrudgingly) accepted by G. Petzl 104 —the name ‘village of the Ninth Mile’ (κώμη Ἐννάτου) likely indicated the distance of the settlement from the urban centre of Philadelphia (see above). Unlike most of the phylacteries excerpted in this section of our corpus, the inscription does not fall within the category of ‘wearables’ and is intended to protect not a person but fields. Incantations used to prevent hailstorms are well-attested in the Graeco-Roman world—in addition to another Greek entry in our corpus (26), one may adduce two 2nd cent. CE bronze amulets from Southern France, expertly edited by R. Kotansky. 105 Further examples were collated by F. J. Fernández Nieto 106 and, more recently, F. Maltomini; 107 our 158 presents Latin-inscribed amulet for land protection. 5 Phylactery for Epiphanios, Son of Anastasia Xanthus (Lycia), s. IV-VI, ed. Jordan/ Kotansky (1996: 167-171, No.-2) ☩ Κ(ύρι)ε, βοήθι το͂ φορο͂ντι {φοροῦντι}, ὅν ἔτεκε Ἀναστασίαν, Ἐπυφάνιον. Ὁρκίζω{υ} (5) ὑμᾶς, Σολομῶνα, τὸν μέγα ἄγγελον Μιχαηλ, Γαβριηλ, Ουριηλ, Ραφαηλ. Ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς Αβραξα. (10) Ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς ἁβραϊστὶ Φθα̣ω̣βαραω Σαβαωθ. Ἐπυφάνιον. Α̣Ρ [---] Ὁρκίζο σαι τὸν μέγα θ(εὸ)ν Αβρααμ, Αδω Αδωναη (25) Αγελεοον Σκιριαζου [---] υιεοιεβετ̣τ̣ [---] ἀλ‹λ›ὰ̣ ἀ̣[λλ]αξαι (30) τὸν ζο͂ντα {τα} ἀπ̣ὸ τ[οῦ] συνέλοντος [---] Ιαω Ιαια [---]. Lord, help the bearer, Epiphanios, whom Anastasia bore. I adjure you by Solomon, the great angel Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael. I adjure you by Abrasax. I adjure you in Hebrew, ‘Phthaôbaraô’, by Sabaoth. Epiphanios. [---] I adjure you by the great god of Abraham, Ado Adônai Ageleoon Skiriaxou (charaktêres), release the living (or bearer? ) from the (demon? ) that holds him (? ) [---] Iaô Iaia. (transl. D. Jordan/ R. Kotansky) Bibliography: Demargne (1974: 104-107); Jordan/ Kotansky (1996: 167-171, No.-2); SEG XLVI, 1726 Commentary: An inscription on an opisthographic rectangular bronze lamella (20.6 × 5 cm) found at Xanthos, in front of a reused Hellenistic sarcophagus, 108 today in the Museum of Antalya. In addition to the text printed above, the phylactery displays numerous charaktêres and a crude engraving of the upper half of a human figure with lifted arms, likely represented as praying or invoking 2 Greek Phylacteria 61 <?page no="62"?> 109 Matantséva (1994). 110 Jordan/ Kotansky (1996: 170). 111 DT 41. 112 PGM III, 119; V, 473; XIII, 80. the apotropaic powers explicitly mentioned in the text. Side B features a handful of scattered letters, charaktêres, and several engraved fishes, likely a Christian marker. The formula consists of four adjurations, all introduced by the verb ὁρκίζω (once spelled ὁρκίζο). The direct addressee is not named, but referred to by means of pronouns. Of interest is the oscillation between the plural (ὑμᾶς) and singular (σαι = σε); both very likely denote daemons. A mediation syntagma is present in non-prepositional form and turns to a wide variety of protective figures, including Solomon; the angels Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, and Raphael; Abrasax; and Yahweh, alluded to as ‘Sabaoth’ and ‘the great god of Abraham’. The desired effect is spelled out twice: prefacing the series of adjurations, the ‘Lord’ is asked to ‘protect the wearer’—a common illocution found esp. on coaevous bronze medallions. 109 The expression ‘release the living (or: the bearer) from the (daemon) that holds (him)’ (ἀ̣[λλ]αξαι τὸν ζο͂ντα [a mistake for φορο͂ντα? ] ἀπ̣ὸ τ[οῦ] συνέλοντος [scil. δαίμονος])’ is to be understood func‐ tionally as the desired effect of the adjuration formulae proper; syntactically, a dynamic infinitive is employed. A notable item is the expressed intention of the beneficiary and/ or the magical professional to invoke the daemon-banishing entities ‘in Hebrew’ (ἁβραϊστί). As D. Jordan and R. Kotansky pointed out, ‘the “Hebrew” in the present adjuration, Φθα̣ω̣βαραω (α̣ or ω̣; ω̣ or α̣), is probably a corruption of the vocable θωβαρραβαυ or -βωθ, common in magical texts’. 110 Bilingualism in the magical practices of the ancient Mediterranean is well-attested, with Greek texts often employing Hebrew and Latin texts using Greek (or, at times, the Greek alphabet). It is quite rare, however, to see the language switching be consciously and explicitly acknowledged. The verbatim profession of practicing magic ‘in Hebrew’ or ‘in the Hebrew fashion’ may be found on, in addition to 12, curse tablets 111 and magical papyri. 112 6 Amulet to Cure or Prevent a Wandering Womb Berytus and surroundings (Syria), s. I a -I p , ed. Kotansky (1994: 265-269, No.-51) Ἐξορκίζω σε, μήτρα Ἴψας, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἴψα, ἵνα μήποτε καταλείψης τὸν τόπον σου, ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου θεοῦ ζῶντος ἀνικήτου, μένειν ἐπὶ τῷ τόπῳ Ἴψης, ἣ̣ν ἔ⟨τ⟩εκεν ἼΨα̣. 62 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="63"?> 113 Kotansky (1994: 266). 114 Faraone (2011: 19). For a unique Latin-inscribed amulet with the same purpose, cf. our 159. 115 The literature on the subject is extensive; see esp. Barb (1953); Ritner (1984); Aubert (1989); Faraone (2003); Faraone (2011). 116 Spier (1993); more recently Björklund (2016). 117 Barb (1959: 370). I adjure you, O womb of Ipsa whom Ipsa bore - in order that you never abandon your spot - in the name of the unconquerable, living Lord God (to) remain at your spot, (that of) Ipsa whom Ipsa bore. (transl. R. Kotansky) Bibliography: Leclercq (1924: 1795-1796); Aubert (1989: 424, n. 5); Kotansky (1994: 265-269, No. 51); Veltri (1996: 37-39); Faraone (2003: 192-193); Faraone (2011: 19); SEG LIII, 1803 Commentary: An opisthographic inscription on a small golden lamella (2.8 × 2.3 cm), found inside a golden capsule near Beirut, today in the collection of the Cabinet des Médailles, Bibliothèque nationale de France (Paris). This amulet represents one of the earliest testimonies of the performative use of the apotro‐ paic adjuration formula on objects of practical magic; R. Kotansky placed the date of origin between the 1st cent. BCE and the 1st cent. CE on palaeographical grounds. 113 C. Faraone considered the adjuration to be the ‘earliest evidence for a magical spell used to control the movement of a womb’. 114 The formula consists of a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω); the direct addressee is referred to not only by way of a pronoun (σε), as is customary, but also by a noun, μήτρα (‘womb’). While it may be strange for modern readers to witness the exorcism of the spell caster’s own womb, amulets against a wandering uterus were common in Graeco-Roman Antiquity, 115 and the tradition continued well into later Byzantine times. 116 The womb is here taken not as a simple biological organ, but rather as the ‘roaming, evil Hystera, which according to ancient belief was thought responsible for all kinds of pain affecting bowels, stomach, heart, chest, and even suffocation’. 117 A mediation clause is present in prepositional form, introduced by the less common ἐπί and invoking the ‘name of the unconquerable, living Lord God’, likely Yahweh of the Jewish scriptures. The desired effect, intended to keep the womb in its place and thus prevent all manner of illnesses affecting the bowels and/ or the thoracic area, is stated explicitly twice; first, by means of a negative command with the subjunctive of prohibition (ἵνα μήποτε καταλείψης τὸν τόπον σου); and second, using a dynamic infinitive (μένειν ἐπὶ τῷ τόπῳ Ἴψης). 2 Greek Phylacteria 63 <?page no="64"?> 118 Leclercq (1924: 1796). 119 Kotansky (1994: 267-268). Earlier readings of the amulet, reprinted by H. Leclercq in 1924, are to be discarded. 118 The expression ‘NN, whom NN bore’, is part of the common inventory of ancient Mediterranean magic as a preferred way of identifying individuals. It is, however, slightly suspicious that the name of both the mother and the daughter should be the same. R. Kotansky argued convincingly that the Greek Ἴψα is to be understood as a transcription of the Latin ipsa  119 (and, as such, a functional equivalent to the Greek δεῖνα found in magical formularies). The formula in its present state is therefore defective as the writer apparently forgot to insert the actual name of the beneficiary (and her mother) into the adjuration text. 7 Phylactery for Alexandra, Daughter of Zoe Berytus (Syria), s. IV-V, ed. Jordan (1991) Ὁρκίζω σε τὸν ἐπάνω τ⟨οῦ⟩ οὐρανοῦ Σαβαωθ τὸν ἐλθό⟨ν⟩τα ἐπάνω τοῦ Ελαωθ (5) τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ Χθοθαι, διαφύλαξον Ἀλεξάνδραν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ζοή, ἀπὸ παντὸς δέμονος καὶ πασῆς ἀνάγκη⟨ς⟩ δενόμων (sic) (10) καὶ ἀπὸ δεμονίων καὶ φαρμάκων καὶ καταδέσμων. [---] Ἐπ⟨ι⟩ορκίζω σε τὸν (80) ζο͂ντα θεὸν ἐν Ζαα̣ρα̣βεμ Να̣μαδων Ζ̣αμαδων, τὸν ἀστράπτοντα καὶ βρο⟨ν⟩τοῦ⟨ν⟩τα Εβι̣ε̣μαθαλζερ̣ω ῥάβδον κα⟨ι⟩νὸν (85) τὸν πατήσαντα τὸν ΘEϹTA, τὸν Ειβραδ̣ιβας βαρβλιοις Ειψαθω̣αθαριαθ Φελχα̣φιαων, ὃν ⟨e.g. φρίσσι⟩ πάντα τὰ ἀρεν̣ικὰ (90) καὶ πάντα τὰ φοβερὰ καταδέσματα· φύγετε ἀπ⟨ὸ⟩ Ἀλεξάνδρας, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ζοή, ὑποκάτω τῶν πηγῶν καὶ τῆς ἀβύσσου Μ̣[---]εωθ, (95) ἵνα μὴ βλάπτητε μήτε μολύνητε ἢ φαρμακώση̣τε αὐτὴ⟨ν⟩ μήτε ἀπὸ φιλήματος μήτε ἀπὸ ἀσπασμοῦ μήτε ⟨ἀπὸ⟩ ἀπαντῆ⟨ς⟩, (100) μήτε ἐν βρόσι μήτε ἐνπόσι, μήτε ἐπὶ κύτη̣ς μήτε ἐν συνουσιασμῷ, μήτε ἀπὸ ὀφθλαμοῦ (sic) μήτε τῷ ἱματίῳ, μήτε προσευχομένη⟨ν⟩ μή[τ]ε (105) ἐν ὁδῷ, μήτε ἐπὶ ξένης, μήτε ἐν ποταμίῳ ἐμβάσι μήτε ἐν βαλαν[ί]ῳ. I adjure you by the one above the heaven, Sabaoth, who comes above Elaoth, above Chthothai: Protect Alexandra, whom Zoe bore, from every demon and every compulsion of demons and from demonic (forces? ) and magical drugs and binding-spells. [---] I adjure you by the Living God in Zaarabem, Namadon Zamadon, the one who sends lightning and thunder, Ebiemathalzero, the new (? ) rod that treads on Thesta, —? —, Eipsathoathariath Phelchaphiaon, at whom all the male and all the fearful binding-spells shudder: flee from Alexandra, whom Zoe bore, to below the springs and the abyss of (? ) M[---]eoth, lest you harm or 64 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="65"?> 120 Héron de Villefosse (1909: 287). 121 Bonner (1950: 101, ‘[s]he begins by adjuring him who is above the heaven, Sabaoth’). 122 Jordan (1991: 66, ‘I adjure you the one above the heaven, Sabaoth’). 123 Gager (1992: 233, ‘I invoke you Sabaôth who are upon/ above the heavens’). 124 Merkelbach (1996: 83, ‘Ich rufe dich an, der du über dem Himmel bist, Sabaoth’). 125 This reading has been cautiously put forward by Kotansky (1994: 280; see also his discussion at 281-282), translating the text as ‘I adjure you (by? ) the one above heaven, Sabaôth’. defile her or use magical drugs on her—from a kiss or an embrace or a greeting, in food or drink, in bed or intercourse, by the Evil Eye or a piece of clothing, as she is praying (? ) either in the street or abroad, or in entering a river or a bath. (transl. D. Jordan, modified) Bibliography: Héron de Villefosse (1909: 287-295); Bonner (1950: 101-102); Jordan (1991); Gager (1992: 232-234, No. 125); Kotansky (1994: 270-300, No. 52); Merkelbach (1996: 81-87, No. VII); SEG XLI, 1530 Commentary: An inscription of considerable length (121 lines in total, written unilaterally), preserved on a thin, narrow silver lamella (3 × 37.5 cm); originally folded and inserted into a bronze cylindrical container, of which several frag‐ ments have been found. 120 Found in a tomb at Beirut, acquired by the Musée du Louvre in 1900. Palaeographic considerations invite a dating to the 4th cent. CE. The text presents two distinct adjuration formulae, introduced by ὁρκίζω and ἐπ⟨ι⟩ορκίζω. The direct addressee of the verb is, as customary, a pronoun (here σε in both instances). The communis opinio, shared by the likes of C. Bonner, 121 D. Jordan, 122 J. Gager, 123 and R. Merkelbach, 124 has identified the direct addressee of the first adjuration as ‘the one above the heaven, Sabaoth’ (τὸν ἐπάνω τ⟨οῦ⟩ οὐρανοῦ Σαβαωθ), in the sense of ‘I adjure you, the one above the heaven, Sabaoth, etc.’. Given the evidence provided by the materials excerpted in this corpus, it is equally possible that ‘the one above the heaven, Sabaoth’ forms part of a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, while the ‘you’ (direct addressee) refers to daemons, which are explicitly mentioned in the text. 125 This interpretation is complicated by the imperative expressing the desired effect (διαφύλαξον Ἀλεξάνδραν [---] ἀπὸ παντὸς δέμονος κτλ.); the protective agent commanded here is surely either a favourably attuned divine being or the amulet itself. In the second adjuration, the mediation syntagma involves the same Judaeo-Christian God, this time described by the appellation ‘Living God’ and characterized by toponymy (‘in Zaarabem’, etc.), power over the elements (‘the one who sends lighting and thunder’), voces magicae (‘Ebiemathalzero’, etc.), and his function as an antidote against ‘all the fearful binding-spells’. 2 Greek Phylacteria 65 <?page no="66"?> 126 See the detailed commentary and discussion in Kotansky (1994: 270-276). The desired effect is spelled out clearly: the amulet should protect Alexandra from daemons, daemonic compulsions, magical drugs, and binding spells (as per the first adjuration); the second adjuration has the imperative φύγετε ἀπ⟨ὸ⟩ Ἀλεξάνδρας (‘flee from Alexandra’), resolved into a series of prohibitions (ἵνα μὴ βλάπτητε μήτε μολύνητε ἢ φαρμακώση̣τε αὐτὴ⟨ν⟩). Elsewhere in the text, protection is sought against ‘dizziness’, (σκοτοδινίας, ll. 76-77), ‘every suffering and every madness’ (ἀπὸ παντὸς πάθους καὶ ἀπὸ πάσης μανίας, ll. 77-79), ‘every demonic (force), male and female’ (ἀπὸ παντὸς δεμονίου ἀρενικοῦ καὶ θηλικοῦ, ll. 111-113), and ‘every disturbance of demons diurnal or nocturnal’ (καὶ ἀπὸ πάσης ὀχλήσεως δεμόνων νυκτηρίνων καὶ ἡμερινῶν, ll. 114-116). In addition to the adjuration formulae printed here, the text of the spell features a long list of the ‘angelic hierarchy’, invoked individually by means of the verb ἐπικαλοῦμαι (ll. 13-78) in the form of ‘I invoke the one sitting upon the first heaven, Marmarioth. I invoke the one sitting upon the second heaven, Uriel.’ etc. Important parallels to these invocations including the expression ‘NN (sitting) upon the NN’ are found in 9, 11, 32, and 68. 126 The spell ends with an invocation of the ‘One God and his Christ’ (εἷς θεὸς καὶ Χριστὲ̣ [αὐ]τοῦ, βoήθι̣ Ἀλεξάνδραν, ll. 120-121). 8 Amulet for Casius, Son of ‘Metradotion’ Hebron and surroundings (Iudaea), s. IV-V, ed. Kotansky (1991) […] (5) Ἅγιος κύριος· αὑτὸς ὁ θεὸς ὁ ἐν τῷ α̣[ὑ]τοῦ λόγῳ κτίσας τὰ πάντα, ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ λόγῳ δωρήσε ὑγίαν, σωτηρίαν παντὸς τοῦ σώματος Κασίου οὗ ἔτεκεν Μητραδώτιον· καὶ ἔστω ἀνάπαυσις παντὸς πόνου καὶ ἡσυχί[α], (10) καὶ ἔστω ἀποσβ̣ῆναι ἐξ αὐτοῦ ὁ πυρετός, κ[αὶ] ὁ μέγας καὶ ὁ λεπτός· καὶ κ(ατὰ) ὀνομ̣ ⟨ά⟩τω̣ν, κ[αὶ] τῶν ἀποκρύφων αὐτοῦ καὶ καλῶν αὐτοῦ, ὁρκίζω εἰς τὸν ποιήσοντα τοὺς οὐρανοὺς καὶ θεμ̣[ελιώ]σαντα γῆν καὶ ἑδράσαντα θάλ{λ}ασσαν ⟨καὶ⟩ τ̣ὸν πο⟨ι⟩ή[σαντα] (15) πάντα, Ἰάω Σαβαώθ. […] Holy (is the) Lord! The God himself who by his (own) Word created all things, shall, by the same word, grant health [and] salvation for the whole body of Casius whom ‘given-by-the-womb’ (Metradotion) bore. And let there be cessation from every pain, and rest. And let the fever be extinguished from him, [both] the great and the slight. And by (the) names, [both] his hidden and his excellent, I adjure by the One who made the heavens and founded earth and established sea ‹and› who made everything, Iao Sabaoth. (transl. R. Kotansky) 66 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="67"?> 127 Kotansky (1991: 81). 128 Hezser (2001: 441-442). 129 For additional parallels to the mediation syntagma introduced by εἰς, cf. Kotansky (1994: 324). 130 Kotansky (1991: 85). Bibliography: Kotansky (1991); Kotansky (1994: 312-325, No. 56); Veltri (1996: 39-40); Hezser (2001: 441-442); SEG XLI, 1553 Commentary: An amulet in the form of a copper lamella (4.3 × 7.8 cm) inscribed with Hebrew and Greek text; clear signs are present of the thin sheet of metal having been originally rolled up in a capsule. Found at modern Kh. Muṣliḥ (ca 1 km east of the ancient city of Hebron) and currently preserved with the Israel Antiquities Authority, the phylactery likely ‘belonged to one of the unexcavated tombs in the area’. 127 Palaeographically datable to the 4th or 5th cent. CE. Following the invocations of Yahweh in Hebrew (ll. 1-4), which may point to the owner’s Jewish identity, 128 the Greek text starts with an acclamation of the holiness of the One God and continues with the stated purpose of the magical implement, namely to ‘grant health and salvation’ to the beneficiary, Casius. The adjuration formula exhibits several peculiarities. It does not begin with the verb of adjuration, as is customary, but rather with a mediation syntagma in protasis, κ(ατὰ) ὀνομ̣ ⟨ά⟩τω̣ν, κ[αὶ] τῶν ἀποκρύφων αὐτοῦ καὶ καλῶν αὐτοῦ (‘by (the) names, [both] his hidden and his excellent’). The verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω) follows, but the direct addressee (syntactically the object of the verb) is omitted; the sequence continues with another prepositional mediation syntagma, introduced by εἰς (‘I adjure by the One who made the heavens and founded earth and established sea ‹and› who made everything, Iao Sabaoth’). 129 The desired effect is present (see above), but not as part of the adjuration formula proper. The matronymic Μητραδώτιον is, according to R. Kotansky, merely a placeholder, and not the actual name of Casius’ mother. This may suggest that ‘the scribe copied the formula carelessly from his handbook, or that Casius indeed did not know his natural mother’s name, and was possibly an orphan’. 130 9 Exorcism on a Magical Gem Acquired in Constantinople, s. II-III, ed. Mastrocinque (2014: 234-236, No. 667) Ἐξορκίζω σε θεὸν τὸν μέγαν Βαρβαθ Ἰηαὼθ τὸν Σαβαώθ, θεὸν τὸν καθήμενον ἐπάνω τοῦ ὄρους παλαμναίου, θεὸν τὸν καθήμενον ἐπάνω τοῦ βάτου, θεὸν τὸν καθήμενον ἐπάνω τοῦ Χερουβί· αὐτός ἐστι παντοκράτωρ. Λέγει σοι πά⟨ν⟩τα, ἐάν καὶ συνά⟨ν⟩τημα, Μαρμαραυὼθ Ἰηαώθ. Ὁρκισμὸς οὗτός ἐστ(ι) Σαβαὼθ 2 Greek Phylacteria 67 <?page no="68"?> 131 Gager (1992: 236). 132 Mastrocinque (2014: 235). Ἀδωναί, τοῦ μὴ ἐγγίσαι ὅτι Κυρίου θεοῦ Ἰσραὴλ Ἀκραμμαχαμαρει Βρασαου Ἀβραβλαιν. Ἐξορκίζω θεὸν Ἐναθιάω Φαβαθαλλον Βαβλαια Ἰάω Θαλαχ Ερου Ῥωσαρ Βὼς Θωύθ, μὴ παρακούσῃς τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ θεοῦ. I adjure you by the great god Barbath Iêaôth Sabaôth, god seated upon the mountain of violence, god seated above the bramble, god seated on the Cherubi(m). He is the all-powerful one. He tells you (about? ) everything, even about an unfortunate encounter (with the demon? ), Marmarauôth Iêaôth. This spell involves Sabaôth Adônai. Do not come near, because (the owner) belongs to the Lord, God of Israel. Akrammachamarei Brasau Abrablain. I adjure you by god Enathiaô Phabathallon Bablaia Iaô Thalach Erou Rhôsar Bôs Thouth, do not disobey the name of god! (transl. J. Gager, modified) Bibliography: Delatte/ Derchain (1964: 316-317, No. 460); Robert (1981: 6-27); Gager (1992: 234-236); Michel (2004: 289, No. 28.2.a); Mastrocinque (2014: 234- 235, No.-677); SEG XXXI, 1594; CBd 3909 Commentary: An inscription on both faces, as well as the side, of a red carnelian (2 × 1.3 cm), acquired by W. Froehner in Constantinople in 1909, today in the Cabinet des Médailles, Bibliothèque nationale de France (Paris). Undated by the editor and other commentators; the 4th cent. CE is a likely terminus ante quem. The text contains two separate adjuration formulae and a non-performative interjection, ὁρκισμὸς οὗτός ἐστ(ι) Σαβαὼθ Ἀδωναί. J. Gager, 131 following A. Delatte and P. Derchain, translated it as ‘[t]his spell is from Sabaôth Adônai’; A. Mastrocinque preferred ‘[c]et exorcisme est celui au nom de Sabaôth Adônai’ and correctly pointed out that this explanatory statement (together with a reference to συνά⟨ν⟩τημα, i.e. an encounter with the daemon) was erroneously copied from a magical handbook. 132 The first performative adjuration formula, introduced by ἐξορκίζω, has the usual ‘you’ (σε) as the direct addressee, undoubtedly denoting any daemon that would dare to disturb the well-being and health of the beneficiary. The nonprepositional mediation syntagma involves the assistance of Yahweh, invoked here by his magical name Barbath Iêaôth Sabaôth and by means of three periphrastic expressions—‘god seated upon the mountain of violence’, ‘god seated above the bramble’, and ‘god seated on the Cherubim’. In his excellent commentary on this piece, L. Robert argued that the first locution alludes to the sacrifice of Isaac and the second to Yahweh appearing in the guise of a burning 68 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="69"?> 133 Robert (1981: 12-18). 134 Cf. Psalms 79: 2 (῾Ο ποιμαίνων τὸν Ισραηλ, πρόσχες, ὁ ὁδηγῶν ὡσεὶ πρόβατα τὸν Ιωσηφ, ὁ καθήμενος ἐπὶ τῶν χερουβιν, ἐμφάνηθι) and Daniel 3: 55 (εὐλογητὸς εἶ, ὁ βλέπων ἀβύσσους καθήμενος ἐπὶ χερουβιμ, καὶ αἰνετὸς καὶ δεδοξασμένος εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας). 135 Cf. also PGM VII, 634. Additional material has been surveyed by Robert (1981: 8-12). 136 As pointed out by Robert (1981: 18-20), the adoption of the verb ἐγγίζειν here is likely motivated by its use in Psalm 90: 7 (πεσεῖται ἐκ τοῦ κλίτους σου χιλιὰς καὶ μυριὰς ἐκ δεξιῶν σου, πρὸς σὲ δὲ οὐκ ἐγγιεῖ), an apotropaic psalm par excellence. 137 Gager (1992: 235). bush. 133 The last expression, ‘god seated on the Cherubim’, possibly echoes the Psalms and Daniel. 134 The syntagma in the form of ‘NN seated upon the NN’ (δεῖνα καθήμενος ἐπάνω τοῦ δεῖνα) is also well-attested in magical invocations; compare our commentary on 7. 135 The second adjuration formula, also introduced by ἐξορκίζω, omits the direct addressee and continues with a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, invoking a series of voces magicae, in which the name Iao (for Yahweh) and at least three decans are recognizable. The desired effect is explicitly stated twice; syntactically, it is realized via a dynamic infinitive (μὴ ἐγγίσαι, ‘do not come near’) 136 and a negative command with a prohibitive subjunctive (μὴ παρακούσῃς τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ θεοῦ), the double negative of ‘do not disobey’ translating to a strong positive command (‘obey the name of God! ’). The presence of these prohibitions makes clear that the direct addressee of the adjuration formulae cannot be Yahweh, since it would be futile to command the deity to ‘keep away’ and ‘obey’. The proper reading is, therefore, not ‘I invoke you, god, great Barbath Iêaôth Sabaôth’, as J. Gager would have it, 137 but rather ‘I exorcise you (scil. daemon), by the great god Barbath Iêaôth Sabaôth’. 10 Phylactery for Allous, Daughter of Annis Acquired in Oxyrhynchus (Aegyptus), s. III-IV, ed. Jordan/ Kotansky (1997) Ἐσκορκίζω πᾶν πνεῦμα πονηρὸν καὶ κακόν, κατὰ τοῦ μεγάλου ὑψίστου θεοῦ τοῦ κτίσαντον̣ τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ τὰς θάλασσας (5) καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἐξελθεῖν ἀπὸ Ἀλλοῦτος, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἄννις, τῆς ἐχούσης τὴν σφραγῖδα τοῦ Σολομῶνος, ἐν τῇ σήμερον ἡμέρᾳ, ἐν τῇ ἄρτι ὤρᾳ, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ— φυνζω (= ὁρκίζω) σε (10), πνεῦαλα (= πνεῦμα) τὸ συνέχον τόσκιν οὐ ῥάδιαν, Αλφανασσα Μαρωχ Ιεωχ Iαθ Φροναμον Ιαω Σηθ Iμ̣ααμ Φρει Φιμακεραυιανιηρ Βριμμεσον Κιομμα Πανιαμι (15) Βαρφαραλαξ Οζομο· Τί θλείβεις τὴν Ἀλλοῦν, μηδέν σοι ἄδικον ποιήσασαν; Σφραγῖδος Σολομõνος ἐν ⟨μ⟩έσῳ τὰ δαιμόνια. I adjure every spirit wicked and evil by the great God most high who created heaven and earth and the seas and all things in them, to come out of Allous, 2 Greek Phylacteria 69 <?page no="70"?> 138 Jordan/ Kotansky (1997: 61). 139 This seems to be the preferred reading of the editors; cf. Jordan/ Kotansky (1997: 63, ‘[---] presumably the vocables through at least Βαρφαραλαξ stood in the model as names of powers invoked to counteract or to control that spirit [---]’). whom Annis bore, the holder of the Seal of Solomon, on the present day, in the very hour - Now! Now! Immediately! Immediately! I adjure you, spirit containing poison not easy (to bear? ), (in the name of) Alphanassa Marôch Ieôch Iaô Phronamon Iaô Seth Imaam Phrei Phimakerauianiêr Brimmeson Kiomma Paniami Barpharalax Ozomo. Why are you troubling Allous, who has done you no wrong? In the middle of the Seal of Solomon, the demons. (transl. R. Kotansky/ D. Jordan) Bibliography: Jordan/ Kotansky (1997); SEG XLVII, 2152 Commentary: A phylactery in the form of a small rectangular silver lamella (5.5-×-7.3 cm). Currently part of the collections of the Papyrussammlung at the University of Cologne; the in-house inventory prepared by D. Wortmann stated that the tablet comes from Oxyrhynchus, which may be either the location of the find or (more probably) the place of acquisition. Dated by the editors to the 3rd or 4th cent. CE. The text exhibits two adjuration formulae. The first, introduced by ἐσκορκίζω (misspelled ἐξορκίζω), has ‘every spirit wicked and evil’ as its direct addressee. The prepositional mediation syntagma involves a Creator God; the desired effect, expressed via a dynamic infinitive, is for the aforementioned daemonic forces to ‘come out’ (ἐξελθεῖν) of the beneficiary. The second adjuration formula begins with φυνζω and confirms that the copyist was no stranger to scribal errors and misspellings. As D. Jordan and R. Kotansky remarked, ‘ORKIZWCEΠΝΕΥΜΑ stood in his model, a cursive OP (perhaps rather squeezed) being miscopied as Φ, ΚΙ as ΥΝ, and M as Aλ’; 138 the sequence is therefore to be interpreted as ὁρκίζω σε, πνεῦμα τὸ συνέχον τόσκιν οὐ ῥάδιαν. The direct addressee is yet again the daemon, doubly referred to via a pronoun (‘you’) and an expression that further specified his nature as the ‘spirit containing poison that is difficult to bear or heal’. The voces magicae that follow immediately after the direct addressee may be interpreted as constituent parts of a non-prepositional mediation syntagma (‘I adjure you, spirit, by Alphanassa Marôch Ieôch, etc.’). 139 It is equally likely, however, that they are syntactically unconnected to the adjuration formula proper and function as standalone powerful names as this practice is well-attested in ancient Mediterranean magic and the mediation syntagma in the first formula is prepositional (introduced by κατά). 70 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="71"?> 140 Jordan/ Kotansky (1997: 64-67). The expression of urgency (ἐν τῇ σήμερον ἡμέρᾳ, ἐν τῇ ἄρτι ὤρᾳ, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ) is highly formulaic and present, in addition to phylacteries, also on curse tablets. The ‘Seal of Solomon’, a common magical implement of the time, is mentioned twice in the spell text. In the first adjuration, the beneficiary is identified as ‘the holder of the Seal of Solomon’ (τῆς ἐχούσης τὴν σφραγῖδα τοῦ Σολομῶνος), likely to lessen the appetite of daemons to attack Allous, given the apotropaic power that the seal was believed to harbour. Following the second adjuration, we find a curious phrase: ‘in the middle of the Seal of Solomon, the demons’ (Σφραγῖδος Σολομoνος ἐν ⟨μ⟩έσῳ τὰ δαιμόνια). More likely than not, this is an instruction for the amulet’s preparation, erroneously copied from the magical formulary. In addition to the text, the phylactery also displays a crudely drawn ouroboros (possibly to be identified with the seal); it does not, however, enclose (and thus neutralize) the daemons, but rather four charaktêres (magical signs) that, according to the editors, represent the Palaeo- Hebrew Tetragrammaton. 140 In light of the numerous mistakes by the copyist, this incongruence is probably not too surprising. 11 Victory Charm for Paulus Julianus Oxyrhynchus (Aegyptus), s. V, ed. PGM P XXXV Ἐπικαλοῦμαι σε, ὁ καθήμενος ἐπὶ τῆς ἀβύσ‹σ›ου, Βυθαθ, ἐπικαλοῦμαι καὶ τὸν καθήμενον ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ οὐρανῷ, Μαρμαρ, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, ὁ καθήμενος ἐν τῷ βʹ οὐρανῷ, Ῥαφαήλ, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, ὁ καθήμενος ἐν τῷ γʹ οὐρανῷ, Σουριήλ, (5) ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, ὁ καθήμενος ἐν τῷ δʹ οὐρανῷ, Ἰφιαφ, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, ὁ καθήμενος ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ εʹ, Πιτιήλ, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, τὸν ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ ‹ϛʹ›, Μουριαθα. ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, ὁ καθήμενος ἐπὶ τοῦ χιόνος, Τελζη, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, Ἐδανώθ, τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσ‹σ›ης, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, Σαεσεχέλ, τὸ‹ν› ἐπὶ τῶν δρακόντων, (10) ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, Ταβιυμ, ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν ποταμῶν, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, Βιμαδαμ, ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, Χαδραουν, ὁ καθήμενος ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ Χαδραλλου, μέσον τῶν δύο Χερουβὶ‹ν› καὶ Σαραφὶν ὑμνολογού‹ν›των τὸν κύριόν σε πάση‹ς› στρατιᾶς τῆς ὑπὸ τὸν ο‹ὐ›ρανόν. ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς πάντας κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ Ἀβρὰμ καὶ Ἰσακὰ καὶ Ἰαχώβ, ἵνα μου ὑπακούσητε ‹τε›λέως παλάμῃ, πᾶς τελέως ἀκούων, καὶ παραμείν[ητέ] (15) [μ]οι καὶ δώσητέ μοι χάριταν καὶ δυναμίαν καὶ νίκην καὶ ἰσ(χὺν) ἔ‹μ›π‹ρ›οσθεν πά‹ν›των, ἀνδρῶν μικρῶν καὶ μεγάλων, ὡς καὶ μονομάχων καὶ στρατιω‹τῶ›ν καὶ παγανῶν καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ κορασίων καὶ παιδίων κα‹ὶ› πά‹ν›των, ταχὺ ταχύ, διὰ τὴν δύναμιν τοῦ Ἰάω καὶ τὴ‹ν› ἰσχὺν τοῦ Σαβαὼθ καὶ τὸ ἔνδυμα (20) τ‹ο›ῦ Ἐλωὲ καὶ τὸ κράτος τοῦ Ἀδωναὶ καὶ τὸν στέφανον τοῦ Ἀδωναί. δότε κἀμοὶ χάριτα κα‹ὶ› νίκην 2 Greek Phylacteria 71 <?page no="72"?> ἔ‹μ›προσθεν πάντων, ὡς τἀγαθὰ δορήματα ἐχαρίσου τῷ Ἀλβαναθαναλβα καὶ Ἀκραμαχαμαρι, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο οὖν παρακαλῶ καὶ ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς, ἵνα δότε χάριν καὶ νίκην καὶ δύναμιν καὶ πνεῦμα, (25) κοιρ[ά]νου διαδηματωφόρου τρίτο‹υ› χαρίτησίν μου, ταχὺ ‹ταχύ›, ὅτι ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς Ἰάω, Σαβαώθ, αω, Σαβαώθ, ω, Σαβαώθ, Σαβαώθ, α, αβαωθ, βαωθ, αωθ, ωθ, θ. Left Column: (30) παρὰ τὰ π‹ν›εύματα τὰ ἐναντίου ἴδ’ ἐπὶ φνεύματα (35) τῆς κοσμήσεος [καὶ] ὑψωσίας. ἐπικαλοῦ ἐπικαλοῦμαι κὰ παρακαλῶ καὶ ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς, ἵνα μου πᾶγ κήλευμα ὑπακούσητε ἀπαραβάτως, χαρίτησίν μου, κυράν(ου) [διαδημα]τωφόρου (40) τρίτου, Σαβάθ. Right Column: (35) ἐξο‹ρ›κίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ τοῦ Σαραχαήλ, τοῦ Βιλιάμ, κὰ τοῦ ποιήσαντος τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ πά‹ν›τα κατ’ α[ὐ]τῆς [---]ν καὶ βι̣ο̣[---]. I call upon you, who sit over the Abyss, BYTHATH; I also call upon the one who sits in the first heaven, MARMAR; I call upon you, who sit in the 2nd heaven RAPHAEL; I call upon you, who sit in the 3rd heaven, SOURIEL; I call upon you, who sit in the 4th heaven, IPHIAPH; I call upon you, who sit in the 5th heaven, PITIEL; I call upon you, who sit in the [6th] heaven, MOURIATHA. I call upon you, who sit over the snow, TELZE; I call upon you, EDANOTH, who sit over the sea; I call upon you, SAESECHEL, who sit over the serpents; I call upon you, TABIYM, who sit over the rivers; I call upon you, BIMADAM; I call upon you, CHADRAOUN, who sit in the midst of CHAUKALLOU, in between the two cherubim and seraphim, as they praise you, the lord of the whole host which is under heaven. I adjure you all by the god of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; that you obey my authority completely, each one of you obeying perfectly, and that you stay beside me and give me favor, influence, victory, and strength, before all, small men and great, as well as gladiators, soldiers, civilians, women, girls, boys, and everybody, quickly, quickly, because of the power of IAÔ, the strength of SABAÔTH, the clothing of ELOÊ, the might of ADÔNAI, and the crown ADÔNAI. Grant also to me favor and victory before all, as you have given good gifts to ALBANATHANALBA and AKRAMACHAMARI; and this is why, then, I exhort and I adjure you that you give favor, victory, power, and spirit on behalf of me, the three-crownbearing ruler, quickly, [quickly,] because I adjure you, IAÔ SABAÔTH AÔ SABAÔTH Ô SABAÔTH SABAÔTH A ABAÔTH BAÔTH AÔTH ÔTH TH. Left Column: Look above the spirits of the opponent toward the spiris of dignity [and] exaltation. I call upon and I exhort and I adjure you that you obey unfailingly my every command, for my sake, the three [crown]bearing one, SABATH. Right Column: I adjure you by the god of SARACHAEL, of BILIAM, and by the god who made heaven and earth and everything in it. (transl. R. Hock, modified) 72 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="73"?> 141 Cammelli in Vitelli (1912: 69). 142 Preisendanz in PGM P XXXV (p.-160). 143 For a detailed comparison of these three texts, cf. Gelzer/ Lurje/ Schäublin (1999). Bibliography: Cammelli in Vitelli (1912: 69-71, No. 29); Betz (1986: 268-269); Gelzer/ Lurje/ Schäublin (1999: 23-38, No. 3 and passim); Jordan (2000c: 127-129); Zellmann-Rohrer (2015: 189); PGM P XXXV; KYP M769 Commentary: An inscription on a papyrus sheet (20 × 12 cm) from Oxyrhynchus, preserved today at the Istituto Papirologico “Girolamo Vitelli” at the University of Florence. Under the central portion of the text (ll. 1-29) are seven magical symbols, including a charaktêr in the shape of an eight-pointed star with circular finials. Below, we find a crude drawing of three heads; to the left of the first head and to the right of the third head are two additional columns of text (printed above); between the first and the second head, an inscription reading Παῦλος Ἰουλιανός. Dated to the 4th cent. CE by its first editor 141 and to the 5th cent. CE by K. Preisendanz, 142 the piece exhibits significant parallels to two other magical amulets—a silver phylactery from Beirut (7) and the so-called Lamella Bernensis (32). 143 The text contains five performative adjuration formulae, three in the central part of the text and one each in the small columns of text under the magical signs. In the opening section (ll. 1-13), thirteen angels of the Lord are invoked (the verb ἐπικαλοῦμαι is used); the text continues with an adjuration formula, introduced (like all of the remaining formulae) with a prefixed ἐξορκίζω. The direct addressee is also the same for each of the five adjurations—the pronoun ὑμᾶς (‘you’, pl.) surely denotes the angels. The mediation syntagma is omitted in the second and the fourth adjurations; in the first, third, and fifth adjurations, the mediator is the God of Israel, invoked under different guises. The first and the last mediation syntagmata are attested in prepositional form (κατά + genitive) and invoke the ‘the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob’ (κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ Ἀβρὰμ καὶ Ἰσακὰ καὶ Ἰαχώβ) and ‘the God who made heaven and earth and everything in it’ (τοῦ ποιήσαντος τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν γῆν καὶ πά‹ν›τα κατ’ αὐτῆς). In the third adjuration formula, the verb of adjuration and the direct addressee are followed by the expression Ἰάω Σαβαώθ. This configuration allows for two different interpretations—either we take it to be an independent part of the magical spell (a vanishing act of sorts, since the name Sabaoth is progressively shortened), or we understand it as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, which would yield the sequence ‘I adjure you (scil. angels) by Iao Sabaoth, etc.’. The desired effects are expressed by means of a series of final clauses with subjunctives (ἵνα μου ὑπακούσητε τελέως παλάμῃ; ἵνα δότε χάριν καὶ νίκην 2 Greek Phylacteria 73 <?page no="74"?> 144 Gelzer/ Lurje/ Schäublin (1999: 38). 145 Kotansky/ Naveh/ Shaked (1992: 5). καὶ δύναμιν καὶ πνεῦμα κτλ.); the form δότε is either a stray imperative or, more likely, stands for δῶτε. 144 The sequence ἐπικαλοῦμαι κὰ παρακαλῶ καὶ ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς (‘I call upon and I exhort and I adjure you’, ll. 32-34) demonstrates the close semantic proximity of the three principal verbs most commonly used in invocations and adjurations. 12 Phylactery for John, Son of Benenata Amarna (Aegyptus), s. V, ed. Kotansky/ Naveh/ Shaked (1992) [---] ἐξορκίζο σε, οωκ̣ παυ̣ινσασυρμ̣ι π̣αν̣τ̣α ιαω̣ Υ̣Χ Σεσενγε̣[ν]βαρφρανγης Ἀγραμαχαμαρη καρθα Ἰαὼθ Σαβαὼθ Ἀδωναί ια ια ια Ἀβραξας Μιχαήλ, Γαβριήλ, κύριε ἐν [Aramaic text] σουμαρθα Ἀβραωθ ια ω (35) οιστρη̣ ια υυε̣ι̣ δδυυνειαι ι υυ υυυυυυβ νοοχα ηε Επιαφ [---] λατρονα θηισαβπατ [Aramaic text]. ἀπόστηθι, ἐχσορκήζω σε κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος Ἀδωναὶ Ἐλουε Σαβαώθ, τοῦ καθημένου ἐν τοῦ θρώνου δόξῃ καὶ βασιλεύ⟨ο⟩ντος καὶ ὑ ἄνγελοι ἳ στήκουσιν ἀνάμεσον το͂ν ο⟨ὐ⟩ράνōν, ἀπό̣σ̣τ̣η̣θι καὶ φωβήθητε τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ. [---] I adjure you Oôk Pauin Sasyrmi all (? ), Iaô, Ych Sesengenbarpharangês Agramachamarê Kartha, Iaôth Sabaôth Adônai, Ia Ia Ia Ia, Abrasax Michael, Gabriel, O lord in (the name of ? ) Kerubiel. Soumartha Abraôth Ia Ô Oistrê Ia Yyei Ddyyneiai I Yy Yyyyyyb Noocha Êe Epiaph [---] Latrona Thêisabpat, Solomon, be gone! I adjure you in the name of Adônai Eloue Sabaôth who sits in the glory of the throne and reigns—even the angels who stand in the midst of the heavens, be gone and fear his name! (transl. R. Kotansky/ J. Naveh/ S. Shaked, modified) Bibliography: Kotansky/ Naveh/ Shaked (1992); SEG XLII, 1582 Commentary: A silver lamella (12 × 6 cm) with a bilingual Aramaic-Greek exorcism; traces of folding suggest that the tablet was compressed to the size of a square measuring ca 1.5 × 1.5 cm and worn in a dedicated container by the beneficiary. Today in the Ashmolean Museum (Oxford), reportedly found in modern Tell el-Amarna (ancient Amarna, ca 20 km south of Antinoopolis), with the editors noting that ‘a late Roman cemetery identified at the re-settled site of Tell-el Amarna seems the most likely find-spot for this amulet’. 145 The Greek letter-forms are consistent with the 5th cent. CE dating. Two separate adjuration formulae are attested; the first is introduced by ἑξορκίζο, immediately followed by a direct addressee ‘you’ (σε), clearly denoting a daemonic entity that might endanger the beneficiary. The text continues 74 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="75"?> 146 Kotansky/ Naveh/ Shaked (1992: 22). with a long list of voces magicae, among which we may individuate the logos Sesengenbarpharangês, known from other magical implements (especially defixiones; cf. 30, 40, 44, 48, 50, 51, and 54), as well as Greek names for Yahweh (Iao, Sabaoth, Adonai), angels (Michael, Gabriel), and other anti-daemonic forces (Abraxas, Solomon). This section is best understood as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, with the sense of ‘I exorcise you, (daemon, in the name of) Yahweh, his angels, Abrasax, Solomon, and other powerful names’. The editors printed ἀπόστηθι (‘be gone’) at l. 36 as a protasis to the second adjuration (‘a new sentence begins with the imperative directed against the afflicting demon’). 146 Given the relatively rigid structure of the formula in general, however, it is more likely that the imperative expresses the desired effect of the first adjuration. The second adjuration formula starts with the garbled ἐχσορκήζω (= ἐξορκίζω), followed by the direct addressee (‘you’, denoting the daemon or evil spirit). A mediation syntagma is present in prepositional form, introduced by κατά and invoking the power of the name of God (κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος Ἀδωναὶ Ἐλουε Σαβαώθ); the desired effect from the first adjuration is reprised (ἀπόστηθι) and extended with a subjunctive command (‘fear his name’, φωβήθητε τὸ ὄνομα αὐτοῦ). The two adjuration formulae just discussed come at the close of a spell of considerable complexity. They are preceded by a Greek text (ll. 1-6a), replete with charaktêres, a ‘winged’ arrangement of vowel-series, and voces magicae, among which the usual Greek names for Yahweh (Iao, Sabaoth, Adonai) and the names of angels (Gabriel, Raphael) are discernible. The apotropaic inscription continues with Aramaic text (ll. 7-29), only to switch back to Greek at l. 29. In this section, immediately preceding the two formulae we printed, a plea for protection from daemonic incursions on behalf of the beneficiary, one John, son of Benenata, is repeated (φυλάξ⟨α⟩τε τὸν Ἰωάνην ὣν ἔτεκεν μήτηρ Βενενάτα ἀπὸ πάντον δεμόνον ἀπαντήματος, ll. 31-32). Of interest is the explicit acknowledgement that ‘the phylactery itself is in Aramaic’ (αὐτὸ τὸ φυλακτήριον αἰβραϊστὶ, l. 30), analogical to the use of the sequence ‘I adjure you in Hebrew’ (ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς ἁβραϊστί) in 5. 13 Amulet against Eye-disease Heliopolis and surroundings (Aegyptus), s. V-VI, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 90-96, No.-32) [---]αντυ̣ω..ρ̣[---]ε̣ν̣ια εἰς τή̣ ἂν θέλις. ἅγιος ἅγιος ἅγιος .η̣ρ̣[---] τ̣όνδε εἲ τήνδε [---]ο̣ρθω[---]ο̣ς̣ ὁρκίζο σε τὸν Τουμ̣η̣ηλ Ηλ, ὁς ὁρκίζο σε, ῥεῦ̣μ̣α̣ [---] 2 Greek Phylacteria 75 <?page no="76"?> 147 Maltomini (1982: 150). 148 Maltomini (1982: 151). 149 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 90). ατ̣[---]α̣λεντ..ου̣.υ̣κ̣κ̣ατα (5) π̣α̣χ̣ὺ̣ ἤ̣τ̣ε̣ λ̣επτὸν ἤτε ἁρμυρ̣ὸ[ν] ἤτε δρυμύτατον̣, ὁ̣ρκίζο σε κατὰ τ̣ο̃ν λε̣γ̣ό̣ντον· ἅγιος ἅγιος ἅγιος [κ(ύριο)]ς Σαβαωθ ὁ θ(εό)ς, ὁ̣ θ̣(εὸ)ς̣ Αδοναει Αοθ, ἀ̣π̣ο̣θ̣ε̣ραπεύσατε ὀφθαλμοὺ[ς] ἀπὸ ἡμι̣κ̣ράνου κ̣α̣ὶ παντύου ῥεύματ̣ο̣ς α̣ὐ̣τ̣ο̣ ̃ν. ὁ γὰρ κύριος ἡμο̃ν ἐδ̣[ι]όκεντο̣ ἀπὸ το̃ν Ἰουδέον καὶ ἔλθ̣ε̣ν̣ εἰς τὸν Εὐφράτιν ποταμ[ὸ]ν καὶ ἔπιξεν τὶν ῥάβδον αὐτοῦ καὶ (10) ἔ̣σ̣τ̣η̣ τὸ ὕδρο· καὶ σύ, ῥεῦμα, στ̣ῆ̣[θι] ὀ̣ν̣[ό]μ̣ατι{ν̣} κ̣(υρίο)υ̣ ἡ̣μ̣ο̣ ̃ν̣ τοῦ σ̣τ̣αυρεθέντος ἀ̣π̣ὸ̣ κεφαλῖς μέχρι ὀνύχο̣ν̣ [---]ν̣εε Μιχαηλ, Γαβριηλ, Ουρηηλ, Ραφαηλ, λῦε, λῦε πόνους, λῦε, ἤδ̣[η] ἤ̣δη, ταχ̣ύ̣. [---] for what you wish. Holy, holy, holy, protect (? ) a certain man or a certain woman [---] I adjure you by Toumêêl Êl, for I adjure you, discharge [---] thick or thin or salty or very bitter, I adjure you by those who say ‘Holy, holy, holy is the Lord Sabaoth the God, the God Adonai Aoth,’ heal the eyes from migraine and every sort of discharge from them. For our Lord was pursued by the Jews, and he came to the Euphrates river and stuck in his staff, and the water stood still. Also you, discharge, stand still from head to toe-nails in the name of our Lord, who was crucified [---] Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael, undo, undo the pains, undo, now now, quickly. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Maltomini (1982); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 90-96, No. 32); KYP M866 Commentary: An inscription on one side of a papyrus sheet (17.4 × 5.5 cm); in addition to the text, there are several charaktêres inserted in lines 2, 3, and 12. Originally acquired by C. Schmidt in Cairo in 1937 and reportedly from Fustat (possibly coextensive with ancient Heliopolis and its surroundings), 147 it is now part of the Papyrus Collection at the University of Heidelberg. The script is consistent with a 5th or 6th cent. CE dating. F. Maltomini in his editio princeps rightly pointed out that expressions such as εἰς τή̣ ἂν θέλις (‘for what you wish’) and τ̣όνδε εἲ τήνδε (‘him or her’) suggest that the text is a formulary. 148 The papyrus has, however, been ‘folded six times vertically and twice (? ) horizontally’, 149 a clear mark of it being used as an individual apotropaic device. The most likely explanation is that the prescription on how to prepare the amulet has been copied in full, failing to follow the instructions. The text of the protective spell features three adjuration formulae, all introduced by a simple, unprefixed ὁρκίζω. The direct addressee is the specific illness that the amulet aims to cure or prevent, namely ‘discharge’ (ῥεῦμα)—the 76 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="77"?> 150 Regarding this historiola, see esp. Maltomini (1982: 151-156). 151 Preisendanz in PGM XVIIIb (p.-140-141). 152 Such ‘vanishing acts’ are discussed in detail by Faraone (2012). second adjuration makes this explicit (ὁρκίζο σε, ῥεῦμα), while the first and the third employ only the pronoun ‘you’ (σε). The accusative τὸν Τουμηηλ Ηλ in the first adjuration is best understood as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma invoking the angel Toumiel and Jahweh. A mediation syntagma is also present in the third adjuration formula, although here in prepositional form, introduced by κατά and referencing the power of the trishagion. The desired effect, expressed by means of an imperative (ἀποθεραπεύσατε), is to ‘heal the eyes from migraine and every sort of discharge from them’. To supplement the efficacy of the adjuration formulae, the spell includes also a historiola based on the principle of similia similibus: just as Jesus stopped the waters of Euphrates, so shall this amulet stop the discharge. 150 14 Amulet for Dionysus Heracleopolis Magna (Aegyptus), s. III-V, ed. PGM XVIIIb Ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀνόματος θεραπεῦσαι Διονύσιον ἤτοι Ἆνυς, ὃν ἔτεκεν Ἡρακλία, ἀπὸ πα[ν]τὸς ῥίγου‹ς› καὶ πυρετοῦ ἢ το[ῦ] κα‹θ›ημερινοῦ ἢ μίαν παρὰ μίαν νυκτερινοῦ τε καὶ ἡμερι‹νοῦ› ἢ τετρ‹α›δ‹ί›ο‹υ›, ‹ἤ›δη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. I adjure you by the sacred name to heal Dionysius, also called Anys, whom Heraklia bore, from every shivering fit and fever, whether daily or intermittent, by night or day, or quartan fever, immediately, immediately, quickly, quickly. (trans. J. Scarborough, modified) Bibliography: Betz (1986: 255); PGM XVIIIb Commentary: An inscription on a papyrus sheet (dimensions not given), found folded and attached to a small cylinder (ca 2 × 1 cm), wrapped by a red thread. 151 The text we printed runs circularly around a ‘vanishing’ formation composed of the word Γοργωφωνας, which is progressively shortened by removing the first letter, thus assuming the form of an inverted triangle. 152 From Heracleopolis Magna, now destroyed; the script is consistent with a 3rd to 5th cent. CE dating. The performative formula is introduced by a prefixed ἐξορκίζω, followed by a direct addressee in the form of the pronoun ὑμᾶς (‘you’, pl.), most likely denoting daemons capable of causing fever. The mediation syntagma is present in prepositional form. Introduced by a prototypical κατά, the ‘sacred name’ 2 Greek Phylacteria 77 <?page no="78"?> 153 Scarborough in Betz (1986: 255) suggested that Γοργωφωνας ‘may refer to the epithet of Athena, “Gorgo-slayer”’, but this remains speculative at best. (possibly referring to the word Γοργωφωνας, see above) 153 is invoked to protect the beneficiary from daemonic incursions. The desired effect is expressed by a dynamic infinitive (θεραπεῦσαι) and aims to bestow protection against fever on the beneficiary. As is usual in phylacteries against this particular ailment, we find a mention of a ‘shivering fit’ (ῥῖγος) in addition to the fever proper, an expletive enumeration of different types of fever, and the terminating sequence ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ (‘immediately, immediately, quickly, quickly’), which conveys a sense of urgency. 15 Amulet against Daemonic Incursion Crocodilopolis/ Arsinoe (Aegyptus), s. VI, ed. PGM P 10 [ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῶν τεσσάρων εὐαγγ]ελίων τοῦ υἱο[ῦ (10) ἢ τριταῖο]ν ἢ τεταρταῖον ἢ [--- ---]διδων δὲ πυρετῶ[ν ---] ἀναχώρησον ἀπὸ τοῦ [δεῖνα, φοροῦντος τὸ θεοφυ]λακτὸν (5) τοῦτο, ὅτι πρ[οστάσσει σοι ὁ] θεὸς τοῦ Ἰστραήλ, ὃ[ν οἱ ἄγγελοι εὐλ]ογοῦσι καὶ ἄνθρωποι δ[εδίασι καὶ πᾶν] πνεῦμα φρίττον. πάλι[ν --δαιμόν]ιον, οὗ τὸ ὄνομα σμ[--- ---]οραν (10) καὶ φοραν[--- ---]το ἔχων πόδας λύ[κου, τοῦ δὲ] βατράχου τὴν κε[φαλήν ---] ὁρκίζω αὐτὸ τοὺ[ς ἑπτὰ κύκλους] τοῦ οὐρανοῦ· τὸν πρῶ[τον ---,] (15) τὸν δεύτερον ὑακ[ίνθινον, τὸν τρίτον] ἀδαμάντινον, τὸν [τέταρτον] μαλάκηκτον, τὸν πέμ[πτον ---,] τὸν ἕκτον χρυσίτην, τ[ὸν ἕβδομον] ἐλεφάντινον. ὁρκίζω [ὑμᾶς, ἀκά]θαρτα (20) πνεύματα, τὸν κύριον κακοῦν[τα·] μὴ ἀδικήσητε τὸν φοροῦντα τοὺς ὁρκισμοὺς τούτους, ἀναχωρήσατε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ, μὴ ὑποκρύητε ἐν τῇ γῇ ταύτῃ, μὴ ὑπὸ (25) κλίνην, μὴ ὑπὸ θυρίδαν, μὴ ὑπὸ θύραν, μὴ ὑπὸ δοκούς, μὴ ὑπὸ σκεῦος, μὴ ὑπὸ βόθυνον κάμψητε. ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς, ἅτι[να] ὠμόσατε ἐπὶ Σολομῶνος· μὴ ἀδικήσητε (30) ἄνθρωπον, μὴ ἐν πυρί, μὴ [ἐν ὕδατι κακ]ὸν ποιήσητε, τῷ ὅρκῳ φοβηθέντα τὸ ἀμὴν καὶ τὸ ἀλληλούϊα καὶ τὸ εὐαγγέλιον τοῦ κυρίου, ὃς ἔπαθεν δι’ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. καὶ νῦν ὁρκίζω, (35) ὅσα ἐστὶν πνεύματα ἢ κλαίοντα ἢ γελῶντα φοβερ[ὰ ἢ] ποιοῦντα τὸν ἄνθρωπον δυσόνει[ρον] ἢ ἔκθαμβ[ον,] ἢ ἀμαυρίαν ποιοῦντα ἢ ἀλλοιωσύνην φρενῶν ἢ ὑπ[ο]κλοπὴν (40) καὶ ἐν ὕπνῳ καὶ δίχ[α] ὕπνου. ὁρκίζω αὐτὰ τὸν πατέρα κα[ὶ υἱὸ]ν καὶ ἅγιον [πνεῦμα] καὶ τοὺς ἁγίους ἀγγέλ[ους] τοὺς [ἑσ]τῶτας ἐνώπιον τῆ[ς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν] ἀναχωρῆσαι ἀπὸ το[ῦ φοροῦντος] (45) τοὺς φοβεροὺς κ[αὶ ἁγίους] τοὺς φοβεροὺς κ[αὶ ἁγίους ὅρκ]ους, ὅτι κύριος Ἰησοῦς [κελεύει ---]. [I adjure you by the four] gospels of the son [[---], whether a tertian fever] or a quartan fever or [---] fevers [---]. Depart from [N., who wears] this [divine] 78 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="79"?> 154 Preisendanz in PGM P 10 (p.-10). 155 Wessely (1893: 65); he is followed by De Bruyn (2015a: 127, n. 147). protector, because the one who [commands you is the] god of Israel, whom [the angels] bless and people [fear and every] spirit dreads. Again [---] demon, whose name [---], I who has feet of a [wolf but] the [head of] a frog [---]. I adjure it by the [seven circles] of heaven: the first [---], the second of [aquamarine, the third] of steel, the [fourth] of malachite, the fifth [---], the sixth like gold, the [seventh] of ivory. I adjure [you], I unclean spirits, who do wrong to the lord: Do not injure the one who wears these adjurations. Depart from him. Do not hide down here in the ground; do not lurk under a bed, nor under a window, nor under a door, nor under beams, nor under utensils, nor below a pit. I adjure all of you who have sworn before Solomon: Do not injure a person, do not cause harm with fire or [with water], but through the oath be fearful of the Amen and the Alleluia and the gospel of the lord, who suffered for the sake of us people. And now I adjure all of you spirits who weep, or laugh frightfully, [or] make a person have bad dreams or terror, or make eyesight dim, or teach confusion or guile of mind in sleep and out of sleep. I adjure them by the father and [the son] and the holy [spirit], and the holy angels who stand before [our lady], to depart from the one who [wears] the fearful [and holy] statements of [oath], because the lord Jesus [commands ---]. (transl. M. Meyer) Bibliography: Wessely (1893: 65-67); Meyer/ Smith (1994: 44-45, No. 20); Ko‐ tansky (1995a: 150); Kotansky (1995b: 270-271); De Bruyn/ Dijkstra (2011: 188- 189, No. 27); De Bruyn (2015a: 127, n. 147); Maltomini (2018: 121); Bazzana (2020: 233, n. 6); Zellmann-Rohrer (2022: 76); PGM P 10; KYP M431 Commentary: An inscription on two fragments of a papyrus sheet (30.5 × 12.5 cm), found at Arsinoe/ Crocodilopolis and preserved today in the Austrian National Library. K. Preisendanz proposed a 6th cent. CE dating, 154 which is to be preferred to the 4th cent. CE dating advocated by the author of the editio princeps, K. Wessely. 155 The spell contains six adjuration formulae; the first adjuration is, however, entirely dependent on Preisendanz’s handling of the lacuna and is therefore best put aside. The remaining five adjurations are all introduced by a simple, unprefixed ὁρκίζω. The direct addressee of the adjuration is a collective of illness-causing daemons, designated in various ways. First, we find the usual sequence of the verb of adjuration + a pronoun (‘I adjure you’); the constructions attested in the text are quite rare in that they oscillate between singular and plural as well as between masculine and neuter genders (cf. αὐτό vs. αὐτά vs. ὑμᾶς). 2 Greek Phylacteria 79 <?page no="80"?> 156 As Bazzana (2020: 64) pointed out, the designation of the spirits as ‘unclean’ is remarkably rare, esp. in light of a Markan precedent. 157 Regarding the Solomonic background of this spell, cf. Kotansky (1995b: 270-271) and Zellmann-Rohrer (2022: 76). 158 Kotansky (1995b: 270). 159 For the regular trinitarian sequence on amulets, cf. De Bruyn (2017: 331, n. 86). Second, the daemons are described as ‘unclean spirits who do wrong to the lord’ (ἀκάθαρτα πνεύματα τὸν κύριον κακοῦντα) 156 and ‘all of you who have sworn before Solomon’ (ἅτινα ὠμόσατε ἐπὶ Σολομῶνος) and, finally, designated according to the specific type of ailment they cause, as those who ‘make a person have bad dreams or terror, or make eyesight dim, or teach confusion or guile of mind in sleep and out of sleep’, etc. The reference to Solomon and the stated connection between a daemon and an illness point to the Testament of Solomon as a possible source informing this particular spell. 157 A mediation syntagma is present only in the second and the sixth adjurations. The former is, unfortunately, somewhat dependant on Preisendanz’s restoration and would see the daemon exorcised by the power of the ‘seven circles’ of heaven. Their enumeration in the text that follows makes the suggestion likely; one might as well propose the ‘seven thrones’ of heaven (ἑπτὰ θρόνους), 158 which appear in the mediation syntagma of an amatory curse from Lycopolis, dated to the 5th cent. CE (57). The latter formula invokes in its mediation syntagma the Trinity and the ‘holy angels’—the invocation of the Father, the Son, and the holy Spirit is attested on both Greek and Latin amulets (23, 158, 160- 169, 171), 159 as well as in several epitaphs (85, 100, 116, 135-136); invocations of angels are well-attested across all three epigraphic categories collated in this corpus, including curse tablets (41, 44, 62), Latin epitaphs (140), and Latin amulets (162, 165, 171). The desired effects are expressed by a combination of prohibitive subjunctives and imperatives (cf., e.g., μὴ ἀδικήσητε τὸν φοροῦντα τοὺς ὁρκισμοὺς τούτους, ἀναχωρήσατε ἀπ’ αὐτοῦ κτλ.), designed to protect the wearer against daemonic attacks. 16 Amulet against Poisonous Animals Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. VI-VII, ed. Römer (2009) [---] καὶ Υἱ[ο]ῦ καὶ ἁγί[ο]υ [Πνεύμα]τ̣[ος κα]ὶ τῆς δεσποίνης ἡμῶν, τῆς παναγίας θεοτόκου καὶ ἀειπαρθένου Μαρίας καὶ ἁγιωτάτου καὶ προδρόμου Ἰωάννου τοῦ βαπτισ[τ]οῦ, καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου καὶ θεολόγου Ἰωάννου τοῦ εὐαγγελιστοῦ, καὶ τῶν ἁγίων πατέρων ἡμῶν ἀποστόλων καὶ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων· ἐξορκίζω πᾶν δῆγμα τοῦ (5) ἰοβόλου θηρίου τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ σωτῆ(ρος) ἡμῶν Ἰη(σο)ῦ Χρ(ιστο)ῦ {του σωτηρος ημων ιηυ χρυ}. 80 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="81"?> 160 Wessely (1893: 69) dated the papyrus to the 6th cent. CE; Preisendanz in PGM P 12 (p. 219) and Maltomini (2007: 168) to the 6th or 7th cent. CE; Römer (2009: 209) to the 7th cent. CE (or even later). 161 Preisendanz (in PGM P 12, p. 219) bills the papyrus as ‘Amulett gegen Gebärmutter‐ schmerzen’. 162 Maltomini (2007). 163 Römer (2009). Διὰ τοῦ ἐλαίου τούτου ἐ̣κ̣χρίω τὸν τόπον τοῦτον, ὅπου ἔτυχας, ἵνα στάθητι ἐ̣π̣ὶ̣ τ̣ό̣που καὶ μὴ ἀναδρά[μῃς] ἢ ἐπὶ τὴ‹ν› καρδίαν̣ ἢ ἐπὶ τὴν κεφαλὴ‹ν› ἢ ἐπὶ τὴν βόλβ[α]ν{α}, ἀλλὰ (10) στάθητι, ἐφ’ ᾧ τὸν ἰόν σου ‹ ›, καὶ ἄπονος μείνῃ ὁ ἄνθρωπος διὰ τὸ πανάγιον καὶ [---] ὄνομα τοῦ παντοκ̣[ρ]ά̣[τ]ο̣ρ̣[ος ---] Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, τοῦ [---]. [In the name of the Father] and the Son and the holy [Spirit, and] our Lady the all-holy mother of god and ever-virgin Mary, and the most saintly forerunner John the Baptist, and the theologian St. John the evangelist, and our saintly fathers the apostles, and all the saints! I adjure every sting of [every] poisonous animal on the earth, by God and Jesus Christ our savior. Through this oil I anoint the place where you penetrated, so that you stay in that place. Do not spread either to the heart or to the head or to the vulva, but stay where ‹you injected› your poison, and may the person remain free of distress through the all-holy and [---] name of the almighty [---] Jesus Christ of the [---]. (transl. M. Meyer, modified) Bibliography: Wessely (1893: 68-69); Meyer/ Smith (1994: 41, No. 17); Maltomini (2007); Römer (2009); De Bruyn/ Dijkstra (2011: 188-189, No. 29); De Bruyn (2015b: 77); PGM P 12 Commentary: An inscription on one side of a papyrus sheet (13.4 × 19.6 cm) of unknown exact provenance but most likely from Egypt. Preserved today at the Papyrus Collection of the Austrian National Library and dated to the 6th or 7th cent. CE. 160 Several features of the spell suggested to earlier scholars that the papyrus might have served as an apotropaic device against a wandering womb. 161 More recent appraisal of the text, courtesy of F. Maltomini, 162 showed beyond reasonable doubt that the amulet has been used to alleviate conditions resulting from being stung by poisonous animals. C. Römer confirmed Malto‐ mini’s reading and identified the spell (on the basis of another Viennese papyrus) as a ‘prayer’ (εὐχή) attributed to Saint Severus, patriarch of Antioch. 163 The spell features a single adjuration formula. Introduced by a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω), here clearly with the sense of ‘I cast out’, ‘I drive out’, ‘I exorcise’, the direct addressee is ‘every sting of [every] poisonous animal on the 2 Greek Phylacteria 81 <?page no="82"?> 164 Regarding the sequence Ἰανοχ, Τεπιαχ, Μηνεύς, see esp. Mastrocinque (1998a: 109- 117), who interpreted the names as Ἀνοχ Τεπιαχ Μηνεύς: ‘Ανοχ significa, in copto, “io”, “io sono”; Tepiach è, comme vedremo, il nome di uno dei Decani della Bilancia, Μηνεύς è uno dei nomi di Helios’. We see no reason to read Ἰανοχ (preserved both here and in 18) as {ι}Ἀνοχ. 165 Bonner (1950: 301) noted that the ‘η of χηευε lies on its side and may be a charaktêr rather than a letter of the ordinary alphabet’. earth’, in other words the part of the animal that presents an immediate danger to the beneficiary. A mediation syntagma is attested in prepositional form; the protection against poison is secured by invocation of God, ‘our saviour Jesus Christ’. The desired effect is to stop the spread of the poison; syntactically, we find imperatives (στάθητι) and prohibitive subjunctives (μὴ ἀναδράμῃς). 17 Magical Gem Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. II-IV, ed. Bonner (1950: 301, No. 288, modified) Ἰα{α}νοχ, Τεπιαχ, Μηνεύς, {εε}ἐξορκίζω σε μέγαν θεὸν χηευε τὸν ζῶντα{ω}. Ianoch, Tepiach, Meneus, I adjure you by the great living God. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Bonner (1950: 301, No. 288); Mastrocinque (1998a: 109); Michel (2004: 289; 28.2.b.4); CBd 1467 Commentary: An inscription on one side of an unidentified stone yellow to orange in colour (diam. 1.6 cm). Acquired in Cairo and today preserved in collections of the Kelsey Museum of Archaeology at the University of Michigan. May likely be dated to the imperial period. The formula opens with three voces magicae, Ἰανοχ, Τεπιαχ, Μηνεύς, likely invoking ἀγαθοδαίμονες (cf. 18 below for an identical arrangement). 164 The adjuration formula proper, ἐξορκίζω σε μέγαν θεὸν χηευε τὸν ζῶντα, is complicated by the intervening χηευε, which eludes any precise interpretation. 165 It is, however, quite likely that the concluding τὸν ζῶντα is to be connected to μέγαν θεόν, thus yielding ‘I adjure you by the great living God’. A prefixed ἐξορκίζω is employed as the verb of adjuration, followed by the construction of a double accusative: the first accusative (σε) is to be understood as the direct addressee, with the pronoun probably denoting evil daemons; the second accusative (μέγαν θεὸν τὸν ζῶντα) functions as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma. The sense of the adjuration, then, is likely that of ‘I cast you, (daemon), out, by (the power of) the great living God’. 82 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="83"?> 166 Bonner (1950: 301). 18 Magical Gem Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. II-IV, ed. Bonner (1950: 301, No. 290, modified) Ἰανοχ, Τεπιαχ, Μηνεύς, ἐφορκίζω σ‹ε›, ὁ ὤν{μ}. Ianoch, Tepiach, Meneus, I adjure you, who is. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Bonner (1950: 301, No. 290); Mastrocinque (1998a: 110); Michel (2004: 289; 28.2.b.3); CBd 1469 Commentary: An inscription on one side of a reddish-yellow, oval-shaped carnelian (1.7 × 1.3 cm); the text is framed by an ouroboros, which is engraved on the outer edge of the gem. On the other side is the uninterpretable, ‘mostly retrograde’ sequence of letters αβοπτροψαεψι. 166 Possibly from Egypt, today at the Kelsey Museum of Art at the University of Michigan; may likely be dated to the imperial period. The formula opens with the trinitarian invocation Ἰανοχ, Τεπιαχ, Μηνεύς, as is the case with 17 (see above). The adjuration proper opens with a prefixed verb of adjuration (the relatively rare ἐφορκίζω) and is followed by a direct addressee (σε) and the expression ὁ ὤν, which might be understood as an allusion to Exodus 3: 14, thus referring to Yahweh. Both 17 and 18 omit an explicit statement of the desired effect, but their use as general-purpose apotropaic amulets is not in doubt. 19 Phylactery for Ammon Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. III-IV, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 33-34, No.-12) φηγ γη βαλοχρα θαμρα Ζαραχθω ἐξορκίδω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῆς πικρᾶς Ἀνά‹γ›κης Μασκελι Μασκελω Φνουκενταβαωθ ορεοβαζαγαρ ῥηζίχθω ἱππόχθων (5) πυριπηγανυξ· ἀπάλ‹λ›αξον Ἄμμων τοῦ ἔχον‹τος› αὐτὸν πυρετὸν καὶ ῥίγους, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ, ἐν τῇ σήμερον. Phêg gê balochra tharma Zarachthô, I adjure you by bitter Necessity, Maskeli Maskelô Phoukenatabaôth oreobazagar rhêzichthô hippochthôn pyripêganyx. De‐ liver Ammon of the fever and shivering that possess him, now now, quickly quickly, on the present day. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Daniel (1977: 153-154, No. 3); Ritoók (1978); Betz (1986: 314); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 33-34, No.-12); CBd 9 2 Greek Phylacteria 83 <?page no="84"?> 167 See esp. the detailed discussion in Ritoók (1978: 434-442). 168 An excellent, if somewhat dated, overview of the invocations of Ananke in Greek magical texts may be found in Schreckenberg (1964: 135-145). Commentary: A protective spell on a small rectangular papyrus sheet (5.6 × 13 cm). Unprovenanced, originally in the private collection of Dr E. Gaál, today in the Classical Collection of the Museum of Fine Arts in Budapest. The papyrus was folded thrice horizontally and twice vertically to facilitate wearing, possibly in a container. The writing is consistent with a late 3rd or 4th cent. CE dating. The apotropaic spell features a large variety of voces magicae, including the Maskeli-Maskelô logos that is well attested on other magical paraphernalia. 167 The adjuration formula proper is introduced with a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίδω), followed by a direct addressee (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’) and a prepositional me‐ diation syntagma invoking ‘bitter Necessity’ (πικρᾶς Ἀνά‹γ›κης). The pronoun ὑμᾶς likely refers to the daemons capable of causing fever (see below). The invocation of ‘Ananke’ or ‘Necessity’ has numerous parallels in both Latin and Greek amulets and curse tablets (cf., e.g., 36, 41, 57, 65, 120, 122-123). 168 After the Maskeli-Maskelô logos, we find the desired effect of the amulet, which is to protect its wearer, Ammon, against ‘fever and shivering’. These two expressions are often found side by side in amulets designed to prevent or combat fever, as are the concluding words conveying a sense of urgency (ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ). 20 Amulet for Amatis, Daughter of Adone Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. VI, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 49-52, No.-19) Δαμναμενευϲ Ακραμαχαμαρι (5) θ̣ησ̣ααρ̣σας .α.μ.ας θυ (10) αφα̣ν̣θ[.]α̣βρα αμαρχεθυ χαυθυβακ αθβιπ̣.ω..ς [---]. ἐξορκίζω ἡμᾶ̣ς̣ (15) τοὺς [---]α̣κ---ους χαρακ̣[τῆρας] ἵ̣να̣ θεραπεύσ̣η̣τ̣ε̣ τὴν Ἀμ̣ᾶτις, θηγάτηρ Ἀδώνη̣, ἀπὸ̣ πάθους, ῥῖγγο̣ς̣ περετοῦ̣{ς} τριτε̃ον, τεταρτε̃ον, (20) μίαν παρὰ μίαν, εἰς ὃν πάντα χρόνον αὐτῆς. ὁ καθήμενος ἐπὶ Χερουβιν καὶ Σεραπειν, θεραπεύσατε τὴν Ἀμᾶτις, θηγάτηρ (25) Ἀδώνη, ἀπὸ πάθους, ῥῖγγος, πυρετοῦ τριτε̃ο̣ν̣, {τριτε̃ον} τεταρτε̃ον, μ̣ί̣αν παρὰ μίαν, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. Damnameneus, Akramachamari. Thêsaaras [---] thy aphanth [---] abra amarchethy chautybak athbip [---] I adjure you [---] by signs, so that you heal Amatis, daughter of Adone, from suffering, shivering, fever, tertian, quartan, every-other-day, for all of her lifetime. You who sit over the Cherubim and Seraphim, heal Amatis, daughter of Adone, from suffering, shivering, fever, tertian, quartan, every-other-day, now now, quickly quickly. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini, modified) 84 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="85"?> 169 Brashear (1984: 65). 170 Schwartz/ Wagner (1975: 70). 171 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 49). 172 Cf. Robert (1981: 12). 173 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 50). 174 Cf. our 30 and esp. Faraone (2010: 97-100). Bibliography: Schwartz/ Wagner (1975: 70-72, No. 50); Robert (1981: 12); Bra‐ shear (1984: 65-66, No.-7); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 49-52, No.-19) Commentary: An inscription on both sides of a diminutive papyrus sheet (5.5 × 14.5 cm) of unknown provenance, today housed at the Institut français d’archéologie orientale in Cairo. Above the text, we find ‘a headless, armless, hour-glass-shaped figure with two wavy, serpentine legs’, 169 surrounded by charaktêres. Clear traces of folding (eleven times horizontally and three times vertically) suggest that the papyrus was worn on the body of the beneficiary, possibly in a capsule. The authors of the editio princeps dated the piece to the 4th or 5th cent. CE; 170 a later dating (6th cent. CE) has been proposed by R. Daniel and F. Maltomini. 171 Despite some hesitation on the part of J. Schwartz and G. Wagner, the papyrus is very obviously an amulet. 172 Following a series of voces magicae in the opening section of the protec‐ tive spell, which is, unfortunately, damaged, a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω) introduces the performative formula. The basic sequence may be reconstructed as ἐξορκίζω ἡμᾶς τοὺς [---] χαρακτῆρας; the lacuna between τούς and χαρακτῆρας likely contained an adjective qualifying the substantive. R. Daniel and F. Maltomini translated the formula (with little commentary) as ‘I conjure you [---] signs’, 173 taking both the pronoun ‘you’ (ἡμᾶς, standing for ὑμᾶς) and the accusative χαρακτῆρας as direct addressees. It is, however, equally possible that ἡμᾶς refers to the preceding voces magicae, which are to be understood as names designating powerful super‐ human entities capable of safeguarding the beneficiary against illness (such as Damnameneus, known from a number of other magical texts). 174 In this reading, the double accusative may be interpreted as a combination of a direct addressee and a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, and would translate to ‘I adjure you, Damnameneus et al., by (the power of) these charaktêres’. The desired effect of this phylactery is to protect Amatis from ‘suffering, shivering, and fever’; syntactically, we find a rare attestation of a purpose clause (ἵνα θεραπεύσητε), as opposed to the much more frequent dynamic infinitives or hortatory subjunctives. 2 Greek Phylacteria 85 <?page no="86"?> 175 Naldini (1970: 281, ‘il foglietto era stato piegato più volte in senso orrizontale e verticale — e questo ha facilitato la rottura —, in modo da poter essere agevolmente portato addosso quale « filatterio »’). 176 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 67). 177 Naldini (1970: 281). 21 Fragment of a Solomonic Exorcism Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. V, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 67-69, No.-24) A: [---].σον ὁρ̣κίζω σε, πνεῦμα̣ [---].γ̣μους ἐν τῇ σχιᾷ καὶ [---].αν̣.. ὁ̣ρκίζω σε κατὰ̣ [---]ωρος̣ καὶ Σολομων[---]. καὶ ε.[---]. κεσσ̣ [—]. B: [---].λ.βε̣ν̣ π̣ά̣ν̣τ̣α̣ τ̣ὰ̣ [δα]ι̣μόν[ια ---].λουαν λάκκον καὶ δήσας χα.[---] ἔθετο ὅρκον κατὰ το̣ῦ θ(εο)ῦ τοῦ π̣[---] καὶ Σολομῶνα τὸν βασιλέ̣α [---] ὑμᾶς μήτε βλά̣ψῃς τὴν δού[λην] ἀπὸ τ̣οῦ πλάσματος θ(εο)ῦ̣ [---]. A: I adjure you, spirit [---] in the shadow and [---] I adjure you by [---] and Solomon [---] he seized all the demons [---] vessel (? ) and having bound brazen (? ) [---] he B: made a sworn covenant by God (Almighty? ) [---] and Solomon the king [---] you and do not harm the maidservant of God (? ) [---] away from the creature of God [---]. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Naldini (1970); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 67-69, No. 24); Busch (2018: 418) Commentary: An inscription on two fragments of a papyrus sheet, with Frag‐ ment A measuring 5.7 × 5.6 cm and Fragment B 9.3 × 6.3 cm. Unprovenanced, today preserved in the Istituto Papirologico “Girolamo Vitelli” at the University of Florence. The fragments bear traces of folding, 175 as is usual with personal phylacteria, which were compressed into smaller sizes to be worn in dedicated minute containers on the bodies of the beneficiaries. The script is consistent with the 5th cent. CE, 176 with M. Naldini arguing for the second half, rather than the first. 177 Interpretation of the text is difficult due to its fragmentary nature. A minimum of two adjuration formulae may be established: The first sequence is limited to ὁρκίζω σε, πνεῦμα: a simple verb of adjuration followed by a direct addressee expressed by a pronoun and the substantive, both referencing an evil daemon that is being exorcised. The second sequence, ὁρκίζω σε κατὰ [---]ωρος καὶ Σολομων[---], features a repetition of the same verb of adjuration and the pronoun ‘you’ (σε), denoting an evil daemon and functioning as the direct ad‐ dressee. The adjuration formula here undoubtedly continued with a prepositional mediation syntagma introduced by κατά; unfortunately, the first entity that is invoked is lost to the lacuna. The second one, however, is none other than 86 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="87"?> 178 Iafrate (2019: 60-79) provided ample material for this facet of Solomonic magic. 179 Busch (2018: 418, ‘eine direkte Bezugnahme auf Test. Sal. 18, 20 [Rez. AB]’). Solomon, whose reputation as a master over daemons makes his inclusion here unsurprising. The reference to ‘vessels’ and ‘bronze’, however disjointed, seems to point to a historiola that draws on a tradition according to which the great Jewish king trapped the daemons in these magical implements. 178 The expression ἔθετο ὅρκον κατὰ τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ (‘he made a sworn covenant by God’) also betrays the considerable influence of parabiblical narratives describing Solomon’s magical powers; P. Busch made a persuasive case that the fragment draws directly on Testamentum Salomonis. 179 The sequence [---] ὑμᾶς μήτε βλάψῃς τὴν δού[λην] surely captures the desired effect of the spell; the lacuna before ὑμᾶς might have originally contained a verb of adjuration, with the sense of ‘I adjure you (scil. daemons), do not harm the maidservant of God’. 22 Amulet for Taiolles, Daughter of Isidoros Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. V-VI, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 78-82, No. 29) ☩ προσ[---] [---]ρε.ο̣ .γ̣ ω̣ β̣ α̣ .σ..μ̣ ω̣ .νουσηα̣ .ε̣ ι̣ ε̣ γ̣ ε̣ [---].ο̣ σαρκ[---]αυσε ῥυγοπύρετον, ὁρκίζω σε, Μιχαηλ̣ , ἀρχάγγελε γ̣ ῆς, καθημερινὸν ἢ νυκτερινὸν (5) ἢ τεταρτε̃ ον· τὸν παντοκράτορα Σαβαωθ, μηκέτι ἅψῃ τῇ ψυχῇ τοῦ φοροῦντος μηδὲ παντὸς τοῦ σώματοϲ αὐτοῦ· ὁρκίζω σε καὶ νεκρούς, ἀπαλλάξ̣ ‹ατε› Ταιόλλης Ἰσιδόρ̣ ου π̣ .β̣ ων[---] [---] (10) ὁ κατικο̃ ν ἐν βοηθίᾳ τοῦ ὑψίστου ἐ‵ν′ σκέπι τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ αὐλ[ι]στήσετε. ἐρῖτοῦ θ(εο)ῦ καὶ καταφυγή μου καὶ βοηθώς μου, ἐλπίδω ἐφ’ αὐτών. πατὴρ ὑμῶν ‹ὁ› ἐν τῆς οὐρανῆς, ἁγιασθ̣ ήτω τὼ θέλημά σου, τὼν (15) ἄρτον ὑμῶν τὼν ἐπιούσιων. ἅγιος ἅγιος κ(ύριο)ς Σαβαωθ, πλήρις οὐρανὸς καὶ γῆ κης ἁγία̣ ‹ς› σο‹υ› δόξης. ανιααδαι̣ ι̣ α, Μιγαηλ, τὼν κ(ύριο)ν Αβραμ, Ισακ, Ιακωβ, Ελωει, Ελε, Σαβαωθ, (20) Ωηλ. ☩ [---] fever with shivering - I adjure you, Michael, archangel of the earth - quotidian or nocturnal or quartan; by the almighty Sabaoth, no longer fasten (the illness? ) to the soul of the wearer (of this amulet) nor to his whole body. I adjure you and the dead, depart from Taiolles, daughter of Isidoros, [---] ‘He who dwells in the help of the Highest will reside in the shelter of the God of heaven. He will say to God ‹ › and my refuge ‹ › and my helper, I put my trust in him.’ ‘Our father who art in heaven, hallowed ‹ › thy will, ‹ › our daily bread.’ ‘Holy holy Lord Sabaoth: heaven and earth are full of your holy glory.’ Aniaadaiia, Michael, the Lord of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, Elôei, Ele, Sabaoth, Ôel. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini, modified) 2 Greek Phylacteria 87 <?page no="88"?> 180 Kase (1936: 102). 181 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 78). 182 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 80). Bibliography: Kase (1936: 102-103, No. 107); Betz (1986: 300); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 78-82, No.-29) Commentary: A protective spell on a papyrus sheet (13 × 15.5 cm); unprove‐ nanced, today in the Papyrus Collection of the Princeton University Library. The sheet has been folded six times vertically and once horizontally, presumably to fit into a container in which the amulet was worn on the body of the beneficiary. E. Kase in his editio princeps dated the papyrus to the 4th or 5th cent. CE; 180 a slightly later dating of the 5th or 6th cent. CE is, however, more likely. 181 The text features two adjuration formulae, both introduced by a simple ὁρκίζω. The first sequence is complicated by the intervening καθημερινὸν ἢ νυκτερινὸν ἢ τεταρτε̃ον (‘quotidian or nocturnal or quartan’), which is to be connected with ῥυγοπύρετον (‘fever with shivering’). The adjuration formula may then be reconstructed as ὁρκίζω σε, Μιχαηλ, ἀρχάγγελε γῆς, τὸν παντοκράτορα Σαβαωθ, μηκέτι ἅψῃ κτλ. (‘I adjure you, Michael, archangel of the earth, by the almighty Sabaoth, no longer fasten, etc.’). The pronoun σε and the vocative denote the same direct addressee, Archangel Michael, whose help is sought in the name of God Almighty; the accusative τὸν παντοκράτορα Σαβαωθ is best taken as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma. The desired effect is expressed by means of a prohibitive subjunctive (μηκέτι ἅψῃ). The second adjuration formula is more concise: following the verb of adjura‐ tion, we find the direct addressee, ‘you and the dead’ (σε καὶ νεκρούς), followed by the desired effect in the imperative mood (ἀπαλλάξ̣‹ατε› Ταιόλλης). R. Daniel and F. Maltomini understood this sequence as ‘I adjure you and the dead, deliver Taiolles’, noting that ‘the invocation of the dead on the part of a Christian is noteworthy, especially in light of the often-discussed relationship between pagan and Christian cults of the dead’. 182 Given the syntactic idiosyncrasies of the text, however, one may also consider an alternative interpretation, which would yield something akin to ‘I cast you and the dead (scil. the fever-causing daemons) out, depart from Taiolles! ’. Following the adjuration formulae, the protective spell employs three scriptural loci classici of apotropaic magic, namely the incipits of Psalm 90 and the Lord’s Prayer (Matthew 6: 9-11) as well as the trishagion (drawing on Isaiah 6: 3). As R. Kotansky observed, ‘the character of the spell shows it is syncretistic rather than distinctively Christian’, as the 88 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="89"?> 183 Kotansky in Betz (1986: 300). Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 78) considered the papyrus ‘a conventionally Christian charm’. 184 Emendation by E. Rizos in CSLA E01318. 185 Giannobile (2004: 727). ‘incoherent manner by which the verses are quoted suggests that the writer was ignorant of their context and meaning’. 183 23 Phylactery for John Trikomon (Cyprus), s. VII-VIII, ed. Giannobile (2004) [---] (30) ἐξορκισμὸς τοῦ ἀρχαγγέλου πρὸς τὰς γηλοδας· ἐ[ξο]ρ̣κ[ίζω ---] κατὰ τοῦ παντοκράτορος θ(εο)ῦ καὶ εἰς τὸ κατὰ πε[---] [---]ματο[---] [---]ηα στηρηο, ἐξορκίζω ἡσᾶς τὸν στραμ̣οτα κε βεχο̣[— ἐξορ]κίζω ἡσᾶς τοὺς γ` ἀγγέλοντα [---] κατὰ Ενοχ καὶ Ηληα καὶ Ησ[αηα? —]ος κατὰ πάντων ε[---] [---]π̣ατας ἐξο(ρκίζω) ἡ(σ)ᾶς τοὺς αποκτηνο[---] [---]ο (35) δηαβολ[---] [---]ατενατ ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς ἀπολυόμενα κατὰ τ̣[---] [---]ο, ἐ̣ξορκίζω ἡ(σ)ᾶς τοὺς δ` στύλους τοὺς ἀδαμαντίνους τοὺς [βασ]τάξοντας 184 τὸ ὑποπόδιον τοῦ δεσπότου θ(εο)ῦ ὑμνοῦντας καὶ λέγοντας· ἅγιος ἅγιος ἅγιος Κ(ύρι)ε Σαβαωθ καὶ ὢν δέσποτα ῥῦσαι τὸν δοῦλόν σου Ἰωάννην ἀπὸ τοῦ πονηροῦ καὶ ἀκαθ[ά]ρτου (40) πνεύματος καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν γηλωδῶν καὶ ἀπὸ πάσης δι̣αβολικῆς φαντασίας ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου πνεύματος. [---]. [---] Exorcism of the archangel against Gyllou and her kin. I adjure (you) by God Almighty and by the [---], I adjure you by [---], I adjure you by three angels [---], by Enoch and Elia and Isaiah [---], by all [---], I adjure you by [---] released from the earth [---], I adjure you by four adamantine pillars, by (angels? ) supporting the footstool of God the Ruler, singing and saying: ‘Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord of Hosts’, and since you are the Ruler, rescue your servant John from every evil and unclean spirit and from Gyllou and her kin and from all daemonic phantoms in the name of the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit. [---] (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Giannobile (2004); Giannobile/ Jordan (2006: 84, No. 13); Patera (2006/ 2007: 315); Patera (2015: 316); Nowakowski (2023: 190); SEG LIV, 1564; CSLA E01318 Commentary: An opisthographic lead lamella (21.5 × 14.9 cm) unearthed in the area of Trikomon (southwestern Cyprus) during excavations of a Palaeo- Christian basilica in the 1930s; today housed in the Cyprus Archaeological Museum in Nicosia. 185 The tablet, surviving in five fragments, was originally folded, as evidenced by both horizontal and vertical breaks. Lead is not the 2 Greek Phylacteria 89 <?page no="90"?> 186 For an exhaustive discussion of Gyllou, cf. Patera (2015: 145-248; regarding the episode with Archangel Michael, see esp.-164-171). typical material of choice for phylacteries and was likely used for economic considerations (lead as a byproduct of silver purification is cheap and easy to acquire). Palaeographic considerations and its contents are consistent with a 7th to early 8th cent. CE dating. The spell includes no fewer than five adjuration formulae, all introduced by ἐξορκίζω. Unfortunately, the state of preservation presents significant challenges for interpretation; the direct addressee is always ἡσᾶς (= ὑμᾶς), denoting the daemoness Gyllou in particular and ‘every evil and unclean spirit’ in general. Mediation syntagmata are present in both prepositional and nonprepositional forms; the entities invoked to protect the beneficiary include the Judaeo-Christian God, his angels (notably Michael, the protagonist of the historiola preceding the adjuration formulae, but also Uriel and Raphael), and four adamantine pillars, supporting the footstool of God and singing praises to him (since it is difficult to imagine pillars ‘singing’, it is likely that the music is emitted by the aforementioned angels). The desired effect, expressed by means of a dynamic infinitive (ῥῦσαι), is to ‘rescue your servant John from every evil and unclean spirit and from Gyllou and her kin and from all daemonic phantoms’. The adjurations follow a lengthy historiola (ll. 2-30) which recounts a story of a meeting between Archangel Michael and the many-named daemoness Abyzou (one of the monikers of Gyllou): during this encounter, Michael asks where Abyzou is heading, to which the daemoness replies with a list of many ways in which she pesters humanity, esp. mothers and their newborn children. Being forced by Michael to reveal the means to neutralize her pernicious dealings, she replies that one must know (and write down) all of her names, which immediately follow and acquire performative force for the magical practitioner and/ or the beneficiary of the apotropaic amulet. 186 24 Amulet against a Wandering Womb Gela and surroundings (Sicilia), s. V-VI, ed. Mastrocinque (2005a) B: [---] μιτρῶν ἣ ε[--ὑστέρα μελάν]η ἀ⟨μαυρ⟩ομένι, ὁς Π̣ ̣[---] [---]κουμένι ὁς (λέων) βρυ⟨χᾶ⟩[σαι ---]α̣κρωρη, ὁρκίζω σε τὸ[ν θεὸν τῶν ---]α̣θνωντ πάντο̣[---] [---]ων τρέμο[υσιν ---]ινο A: [ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν κτίσαντα τοὺς] Χ̣ερουβὶν (καὶ) Σερα[φίν --ἅ]γιος ἅγιος ἅγιος Κ̣[ύριος Σαβαώθ, πλήρης πᾶσα ἡ γῆ αὐ]τοῦ δόξης· ὁρκίζω σε τ̣ὸ̣[ν 90 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="91"?> 187 The only other apotropaic use of the Greek trishagion in Sicily is attested on a cover slab of a tomb; cf. Wilson (2010: 144-146) and esp. Wilson (2013). 188 Manganaro (1994a: 491). 189 Proposed by Manganaro (1994a: 490); expanded by Mastrocinque (2005a: 168-169), who identified in the text rudiments of a simile-formula involving ‘black, blackening womb’, well-known from other amulets. Giannobile (2002: 190) preferred to read λ̣ίτρων instead of μιτρῶν, emended to [δου]λίτρων. Κύριον τοῦ οὐραν]οῦ (καὶ) τῆς δουλίτρας το[ῦ Θεοῦ --κορ]υφῆς τριχῶν (καὶ) ἄκρο(υ). B: [---] of uteri or [---] (uterus black), blackening, just like [---] roar like (a lion) [---] I adjure you by the (God of the) [---] all [---] tremble [---]. A: (I adjure you by the God who created) Cherubim and Seraphim. Holy, holy, holy is the L(ord of Hosts; the whole earth is full of) his glory. I adjure you by (the Lord of the Heaven) and the servant of (God) [---] from the top of hair and the head [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Manganaro (1994a: 488-491); Giannobile (2002: 189-191, No.-22); Mastrocinque (2005a); SEG XLIV, 752; SEG LV, 1009 Commentary: A fragment of an opisthographic bronze disc (4.3 × 3.5 cm), found in the vicinity of the Sicilian town of Gela; today in a private collection. The form of the inscribed bronze medallion, as well as its contents and palaeographical considerations, make dating to the 5th or 6th cent. CE likely. The adjuration formula was present at least twice in the original text; unfortunately, the state of preservation does not allow for any interpretation going beyond the verb of adjuration and the direct addressee (ὁρκίζω σε). The article in the accusative masculine form (τόν) suggests that a non-prepositional mediation syntagma followed. Already G. Manganaro in his editio princeps observed that the mentions of the Cherubim and Seraphim, together with the trishagion, 187 identify the bronze disc safely as an apotropaic magical implement. 188 If the interpretation of μιτρῶν as μητρῶν is accepted, 189 as we think it should be, the amulet is to be classed with other iatromagical objects designed to prevent undue peregrinations of the womb in a woman’s body; another example of uterine magic in our corpus is provided by 6 and 159. 25 Apotropaic Lamella for Schybos, Son of Marylleina Dianae Fons (Sicilia), s. V, ed. Bevilacqua/ de Romanis (2003) ὁρκίζω σε τὸν μέγαν θεὸν ζῶ(ν)τα, τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ θεοῦ Σαβαω τὸν Ιαω, τὸν ἐπάνω (5) τοῦ Ιαω τὸν Ελοεον, τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ Ελοεου τὸν Ελαν, τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ 2 Greek Phylacteria 91 <?page no="92"?> 190 Bevilacqua/ de Romanis (2003: 394). 191 We adopt improvements proposed by Jordan (2000b) and SEG L, 1014. Ελαν τὸν Μαρμαριω, τὸν (10) ἐπάνω τοῦ Μαρμαριω τὸν Ιακοβα, τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ Ιαβοχ τὸν Ων̣[.]α· διαφύλαξον Σχύ̣β̣ο̣ν (15) ὃν ἔτεκ̣εν Μαρυλλε̣[ῖ]να. I adjure you by the great living God, the one above the God Sabaôth, Iaô, the one above the Iaô, Eloeon, the one above the Eloeon, Elan, the one above the Elan, Marmariô, the one above the Marmariô, Iakoba, the one above the Iaboth, Ôn[.]a, protect Schybos, whom Marylleina bore! (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Bevilacqua/ de Romanis (2003); AE (2004, No. 661); EBGR (2006: 217, No.-12); SEG LIII, 990; SEG LV, 1006bis Commentary: A well-preserved golden lamella (3.5 × 2.8 cm) with traces of folding, likely worn in a capsule on the beneficiary’s body; each line of the inscription fits neatly between the lines resulting from folding. The amulet was found during excavations of the baths at Via E. Calogero in modern Comiso; its contents and palaeographic considerations are consistent with a 5th cent. CE dating. The text consists of a single adjuration formula, introduced by ὁρκίζω; the direct addressee is the usual ‘you’ (σε). It is customary for the pronoun to denote an evil daemon causing illness and misfortune; the case of this amulet is, however, far from clear. 190 It is entirely possible to read the pronoun as referring to the ‘great living God’, and so ‘I adjure you, great living God[---]’. It is also possible, and perhaps slightly more likely, to take the pronoun to denote the daemon and interpret the second accusative as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, namely ‘I adjure you, (daemon), by the great living God[---]’. The problem with the latter solution is that the desired effect, realized syntactically by the imperative διαφύλαξον, is clearly to be taken together with the ‘great living God’—it is this divinity that is asked to protect the beneficiary, not the daemon. The presence of the divine hierarchy, expressed by the repeated use of the adverb ἐπάνω (‘above, upon’), suggests that the practitioner fashioning this apotropaic device drew on sources (at least in part) similar to the ones that were employed to prepare the amulet from Beirut (7) and the ‘Lamella Bernensis’ (32). 26 Phylactery against a Hailstorm Neaition/ Notion (Sicilia), s. V-VI, ed. Bevilacqua/ Giannobile (2000) 191 [---] Β: Πρὸς χαλαζοκου[πί]αν· κὲ τιθὶς ἰς τρῖς γονίας τοῦ ἀνπελõνος [---] Μιχαὴλ Γαβριὴλ (5) Οὐριὴλ Ῥαφαὴλ Ἰαωα το[ῦ Θ(εο)]ῦ τερισαν αὐτοῦ τος [--- 92 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="93"?> 192 Possibly a corruption of Ἰαω, so already Manganaro (1963: 59). 193 Bucaria (1996: 93). 194 Bevilacqua/ Giannobile (2000: 138-139). 195 Following Jordan (2000b: 148). 196 Graf (2015: 289) identified the cloud-riders directly with hailstorms. 197 Johnston (1992). σ]τερέουμ[α] τοῦ οὐρανοῦ [---] κειμις ὁρκόζο τὸς νεφ[ελ]ηλάτας κατὰ (10) τοῦ Θ(εο)ῦ· μὶ χαλαζοκουπίσιτε {σ} τὸν ἀνπελõνα τοῦ Κυριακοῦ Ζ{ζ}οσίμου ῥύσσασ̣θε αὐτοῦ ἡμέρας κὲ νυκτὸς αὐτοῦ ἀποὺ θυμοῦ ὕλης (15) αὐτοῦ Χ(ριστ)έ τε νίκα Χ(ριστ)έ [τε β]οήθη τοῦ ἀνπέ[λõνος] το[ῦ] Κυριακοῦ. [---] B: Against damage caused by hail, (to be? ) placed in the three corners of a vineyard [---] Michael, Gabriel, Uriel, Raphael, Iaôa  192 of God [---] his [---] firmament of heaven [---] I adjure the cloud-drivers by God, do not cause hail damage to the vineyard of Kyriakos, son of Zosimos. Protect it during all its days and nights from the wrath of the elements, his (vineyard). Christ is victorious; Christ, help the vineyard of Kyriakos. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Manganaro (1963: 57-67); Manganaro (1994a: 495-497); Bucaria (1996: 93-94); Bevilacqua/ Giannobile (2000); Mastrocinque (2004: 815-817); Maltomini (2008: 173-174, No.-8); Graf (2015: 289); SEG L, 1014 Commentary: An opisthographic inscription on polygonal limestone (27.8- 23.5 × 17 cm), found in the vicinity of modern Noto (Sicily) on Mt. Alveria in 1940, currently in the Museo Archeologico Comunale. 193 A stone with an almost identical inscription (lacking the adjuration formula, however), found in Modica (Sicily), 194 suggests serial production of these hailstorm-preventing phylacteries. The apotropaic stone may be safely dated to the 5th or the first half of the 6th cent. CE. Side A of the stone, which we do not print, is focused on the fertility of the lands and abundant harvests, while Side B is designed to ward off hail from the vineyard. The adjuration formula is structurally straightforward: 195 introduced by ὁρκόζο (= ὁρκίζω), the direct addressees (‘the cloud-drivers’) are constrained by the power of the Christian God; syntactically, the mediation is realized by a prepositional syntagma (κατὰ τοῦ Θ[εο]ῦ). The otherwise unattested νεφ[ελ]ηλάτας must refer to evil entities causing the hailstorms 196 rather than the ‘riders in the sky’, theurgic celestial cavaliers popular from the 2nd cent. CE onwards across variegated cults of the ancient Mediterranean. 197 The desired effect is spelled out clearly using a negative prohibition, μὶ χαλαζοκουπίσιτε (= μὴ χαλαζοκοπήσητε) τὸν ἀνπελõνα, ‘do not cause hail damage to the vineyard’. The following imperative, ῥύσσασ̣θε […] ἀποὺ θυμοῦ ὕλης (‘protect 2 Greek Phylacteria 93 <?page no="94"?> 198 Giannobile/ Jordan (2006: 76). 199 Giannobile/ Jordan (2006: 75). 200 Manganaro (2007: 274). [the vineyard] from the wrath of the elements’, i.e. the hailstorm), must be connected with the archangels and Christ/ God, since it would be futile to ask the hail-causing ‘cloud-drivers’ to protect the lands from themselves. 27 Amulet for Julian Leontinoi and surroundings (Sicily), s. VII, ed. Giannobile/ Jordan (2006) ☩ [.]οεχ̣ο̣α̣ (? ) ᾿Εν ὀνόματι το[ῦ] π(ατ)ρ(ὸ)ς καὶ [τοῦ] υἱοῦ καὶ το[ῦ] ἁγί(ου) πν(εύματο)ς· Πρὸς [ἀ]κράτειαν καὶ ἀπάντημα (5) καὶ β[ασ]κοσύνην· ὁρ‐ κίζω σε κατὰ τὴν σφραγῖδα τοῦ Σολομῶντος· ὁρκίζ[ω] σε κατὰ τὸν βαστά[ζο(ν)]τα τὸν θρόνον τοῦ Θ(εο)ῦ ⟨Μιχαήλ⟩· [ὁρ]κίζω (10) σε κατὰ τῶν Χ[ερ]ουβιν {Μιχαήλ}· ὁρκίζ[ω] σε κατὰ τῶν ιβ̅ πατ[ρ]ιαρχῶν καὶ τῶν ⟨ιη̅? ⟩ προφ[η]τῶν τῶν λειτουργούντων (15) [ἐ]ν τοῖς ο⟨ὐραν⟩οῖς· ὁρκίζω σ[ε] κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου ποτ[α]μοῦ καὶ το[ῦ] βαπτίσματος αὐτοῦ· ⟨e.g. ἀπάλλαξον τὸν δοῦλον τοῦ Θεοῦ⟩ ἢ ἀπὸ̣ βασκοσύνης ἢ ἀπὸ προπηλακείας (20) ἢ ἀπὸ κακοῦ [ἀ]παντήματος αὐτοῦ. Ἀπὸ κορυφῆς ἕως ὀνύχων φύγε, {π̣} φυγαδεύθητι, (25) Πάγκακον, ἀπὸ τοῦ δούλου τοῦ Θ(εο)ῦ ᾿Ιουλιανοῦ. Αμην. ☩ ☩ O E CH O A. In the name of the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit. For incontinence and demonic visitation (? ) and witchcraft. I adjure you by the seal of Solomon. I adjure you by him who lifts up the throne of God, ‹Michael›; I adjure you by the Cherubim {Michael}; I adjure you by the twelve patriarchs and the ‹eighteen? › prophets who serve in the heavens; I adjure you by the River Jordan and by his baptism: ‹deliver God’s servant› from witchcraft or from contumely or from evil visitation. From the crown (of the head) to the (toe)nails, flee, be banished, All-Evil One, from God’s servant Julian. Amen. ☩ (transl. S. Giannobile/ D. Jordan, modified) Bibliography: Manganaro (1994c: 461-464, No. IV); Giannobile/ Jordan (2006); Manganaro (2007: 274); SEG XLIV, 772; SEG LVI, 1093 Commentary: A lead tablet preserved in eight fragments (original dimensions of the lamella ca 25 × 10 cm, based on the reconstruction of the fragments by S. Giannobile and D. Jordan), 198 found on the slopes of Mt San Basilio in the comune of Lentini, close to Scordia (Sicily). The letter-forms and the welldeveloped Christian elements suggest the 7th cent. CE; 199 G. Manganaro in his re-assessment proposed the 8th or 9th cent. CE on account of the consistent use of iotacism and cursive. 200 The apotropaic inscription is a general-purpose 94 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="95"?> 201 Difficult to interpret; Bevilacqua (2011: 42) proposed a reading based on ῥήμα (‘word’); C. Courier in AE (2011, p. 127) suggested the equally possible ἐξ τοῦ ῥήγματος (‘of the wound’). spell designed to protect the beneficiary, Julian, against daemonic incursions and spells cast against his person. Following the invocation of the Trinity and the rubric announcing the purpose of the spell, possibly copied erroneously from the magical manual, a series of five adjuration formulae follows. All are introduced by ὁρκίζω as the verb of adjuration; the generic pronoun (σε, ‘you’), plainly denoting a daemon, serves as the direct addressee. Considerable variety is attested in the mediation syntagmata, both in terms of syntax and the entities invoked. While each syntagma is always in prepositional form, κατά is followed by both the genitive (as is usual, κατὰ τῶν Χ[ερ]ουβιν; κατὰ τῶν ιβ̅ πατ[ρ]ιαρχῶν; κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου ποτ[α]μοῦ) and the accusative (κατὰ τὴν σφραγῖδα; κατὰ τὸν βαστά[ζο(ν)]τα τὸν θρόνον). The use of the accusative may have been occasioned by conflation with the non-prepositional form of a mediation syntagma, which regularly takes the accusative. In terms of invoked entities, we find (1) the Seal of Solomon; (2) Michael, in virtue of his function as the support for God’s throne; (3) the Cherubim; (4) patriarchs and prophets; and finally (5) the River Jordan and the Baptism of Christ. The desired effect is rendered by two imperatives that are aimed at the daemon as the direct addressee, namely ‘flee! ’ (φύγε) and ‘be banished! ’ (φυγαδεύθητι). The invocations of the angels in the mediation syntagmata are standard fare; Solomon and his daemon-banishing seal are also invoked on several other apotropaic devices (5, 10, 11, 29, 30). 28 Amulet of Crescens Capua (Italia), s. IV-V, ed. Bevilacqua (2011: 39-43) Ἐν ὀνόματι Κ(υρίο)υ Θεοῦ τοῦ ΙΣ πα(τρὸς) ἐ{ξ}ξορκίζου (! ) σην πᾶν πνεῦμα πονηρὸν (5) κὲ πᾶ(σαν) νόσον καὶ πᾶν ἐνδύ̣αλμα φόβου καὶ ποιρίου (! ) τοῦ (10) βίου πάσχοντι ἰς κεφαλαργίας κὲ πληγῆς τὸν ἀδωνέον ΕΥΙΕΟΝ ἰς (15) τὸν ῥήμματος 201 ἐ{ξ}ξελτῖν ἀπὸ δῖνα ὅτι δοῦλος Κ(υρίο)υ σην καὶ τῶν ἀνγέλων (20) αὐτοῦ· ὄνομα Κρήσκη(ν)ς. In the name of the Lord God, Father of Jesus, I adjure you, every evil spirit and every illness and every fear-inducing apparition and affliction of life, for the benefit of the one who is suffering from a headache and a wound (ictus? ), infernal (? ) [---], depart from so-and-so, because he is the servant of God and his angels. The name (is) Crescens. (transl. J. Franek) 2 Greek Phylacteria 95 <?page no="96"?> 202 Bevilacqua (2011: 39). Bibliography: Bevilacqua (2011: 39-43); Bevilacqua (2020: 364); AE (2011, No.-265); EBGR (2011: 14-15, No.-17): SEG LXI, 772 Commentary: A silver lamella (7.5 × 3.1 cm) inscribed on single side, found in the Nymphaeum opposite the Capua amphitheatre during 2008 excavations. The thin sheet of silver was originally rolled and worn in a bronze cylindrical capsule, a fragment of which has been preserved. Housed today in the Museo Archeologico dell’Antica Capua in Santa Maria Capua Vetere. G. Bevilacqua dated the find to the late 4th or 5th cent. CE on palaeographical grounds; a post 5th cent. CE dating cannot be excluded. 202 The adjuration formula in this difficult text is introduced by ἐ{ξ}ξορκίζου (= ἐξορκίζω) and continues with a pronoun functioning as the direct addressee (σην = σε); the direct addressee is further expanded by a series of accusatives and identified as ‘every evil spirit and every illness’ and so on. The construction of a double accusative following the verb of adjuration on apotropaic amulets almost always denotes the direct addressee with the first accusative (usually a daemon) and powerful entities invoked to protect the beneficiary with the second accusative (i.e. the non-prepositional mediation syntagma). The formula on this lamella, however, does not seem to contain any mediation syntagma at all; to interpret the second accusative as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma (which makes eminent sense in most cases) would here yield ‘I adjure you by every evil spirit and every illness’, which is nonsensical. The desired effect in the form of a dynamic infinitive is for the illness-causing daemonic presence to depart (ἐ{ξ}ξελτῖν = ἐξελθεῖν). The identification of the beneficiary is improvised; the expression δῖνα (= δεῖνα), ‘so-and-so’, has been mistakenly copied from a magical handbook. In technical manuals and formularies of this kind, δεῖνα is routinely used as a standin, to be replaced by a personal name. It seems not improbable that the scribe —either Crescens himself or, much more likely, a magical specialist preparing the amulet on his behalf—simply forgot to replace the δεῖνα (or possibly did not know that it is a mere placeholder) but assumed (quite correctly) that for the amulet to work its beneficiary must be unambiguously identified, whence the ‘last-minute’ addition ὄνομα Κρήσκη(ν)ς (‘the name [of the beneficiary is] Crescens’). The formula is virtually identical to the apotropaic spell on the amulet of Vibius Mammas (29, see below); both must have originated in the same workshop. 96 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="97"?> 203 C. Courier in AE (2011: p. 128) plausibly restored Ἰστραήλ or Ἰσραήλ for the [---]ραήλ at l. 6. 29 Amulet of Vibius Mamas Capua? (Italia), s. IV-V, ed. Bevilacqua (2011: 43-47) [---]α̣ [---] [---]ν̣ [---] [---]ε̣ [---] [---]α[---] [---]χ̣ ο[---] [---]ριὴ[λ Θε]ὸς Ῥαφαὴλ Θεααδ̣ ε̣ λ[---] [---]α̣ δ̣ [---] [---]ρας [---]ς̣ τῇ ο̣ ἰ̣ κουμένῃ τὸν [---]ηπε̣ ου [---]ου ἁγί[ου πν]εύματος ὁ ὑπὸ οἰδρωμ̣ [---] [---]ομα (5) [---]ονως [---] ψυχρομοθην ἐν ἐνόματι[το]ῦ Θεοῦ [---]ραὴλ [ἐ{ξ}ξ]ορκίζω σιν πᾶν πνεῦμα [πονηρὸν] καὶ πᾶ[σαν] νόσον καὶ πᾶν ἔνδαλμ[α φό]βου καὶ πυ[ρίο]υ τοῦ [βίο]υ πάσχοντι εἰς καιφαλαργίας καὶ πληγῆς [τὸν] ἀδ[ων]έον ΕΥΙΕΟΝ Βειβίου Μαμας οὐλαργί[ας] (10) εἰς τὴ̣ [ν ῥήμ]ματος ἐξ{ξ}ελτῖν ἀπὸ δῖνα [ὅτι] δοῦλος [Κυρ]ίου [Θεο]ῦ καὶ τῶν ἁγίων ἀνγέλων αὐτοῦ [---]μ̣ α[---] [---]νως Ιαωθ Σαβαωθ [---] [---]ουμ[---]α Σαλομῶνος. [---] God, Raphael, Theaadel [---] in the inhabited world [---] of the holy Spirit, the one under [---] in the name of God [---] I adjure you, every evil spirit and every illness and every fear-inducing apparition and affliction of life, for the benefit of the one who is suffering from a headache and a wound, infernal (? ) [---] Vibius Mamas, from gingivitis, depart from so-and-so, because he is the servant of God and his holy angels. Iaôth, Sabaôth, [---] of Solomon. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Bevilacqua (2011: 43-47); Bevilacqua (2020: 364); AE (2011, No.-266); EBGR (2011: 14-15, No.-17); SEG LXI, 773 Commentary: A fragmented silver lamella; two large (6/ 4.5 × 4.4 cm; 4.5 × 1.9 cm) and three minuscule pieces were extracted from a cylindrical bronze capsule in an excellent state of preservation, including one of two suspension loops. The object was donated to the Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Napoli by Dr Piccioli in 1976 without any indication of its provenance. Since several lines of the text are virtually identical to the amulet of Crescens (28), which was found in situ in Capua, it is overwhelmingly likely that this phylactery is from the same location as well as the same date (late 4th or 5th cent. CE). Minor differences in spelling notwithstanding, the adjuration formula is identical to the one found on the amulet of Crescens (see 28 above), but the protective spell itself is more elaborate. The first five lines of the text, unfortunately damaged, mention God, angels, and the holy Spirit, possibly as a form of an introductory invocation that ends with the expression ‘in the name of God (of Israel? )’. 203 In the adjuration formula that follows, the name 2 Greek Phylacteria 97 <?page no="98"?> 204 Regarding the logos, cf. Giannobile (2005). of the beneficiary (Vibius Mamas) is inserted with little consideration to the surrounding syntax, as is the particular nature of his ailments (gingivitis). The text is concluded with mentions of Iao Sabaoth and Solomon, entities reputable for their daemon-subduing abilities. Under the text of the spell we print, there is a magical logos Σαλαμαξαμβιλεαξα (Salamaxa Bameaza) inscribed in a circle, vaguely recalling the sun, next to a large charaktêr in the form of an eightpointed star with circular finials. 204 30 Amulet of Syntyche Roma? (Italia), s. III-IV, ed. Merkelbach (1996: 44-46, No.-2) Ιαω Σολομων Σαβαω [---] Σεσεν‹γενβαρ›φαρανγης. Ἐπὶ τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ἁγίου ὀνόματος τοῦ ζῶντος κυρίου θεοῦ Δαμναμεναίου καὶ Ἀδωναίου (5) καὶ Ιαω καὶ Σαβαωθ, [ὁρκίζω] πάντα τὰ πνεύματα Βαρβαρωφαναιδα καὶ πᾶν πνεῦμα πυρεκτικὸν καὶ πᾶν πτωματισμὸν καὶ πᾶν ὑδροφόβαν καὶ πᾶν βάσκανον ὀφθαλμὸν καὶ πᾶσαν ἐπαποστολὴν βιαίαν πνευμα[τικὴ]ν καὶ πᾶσαν φαρμακείαν, (10) μὴ ἅψασθαι τῆς φ[ορού]σης τὸν ὁρκισμὸν τοῦτον Συντύχης· πᾶν πνεῦμα πονηρόν, μνησθέντα τῆς διαθήκης ἧς ἔθεντο ἐπὶ δέει Σολομῶνος καὶ Μιχαήλου τοῦ ἀνγέλου, ὅτε ὤμοσαν τὸν μέγαν καὶ ἅγιον ὅρκον ἐπὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος ἁγίου, καὶ εἶπαν ὅτι „φευξόμεθα καὶ οὐ (15) ψευσόμεθα“. φύλαξον Συντύχην Συντύχης ἀπὸ πονηροῦ πνεύματος παντός, ὁρκίζω σε, καὶ νύκτος καὶ ἡμέρας καὶ μεσημβρίας· φύλαξον Συντύχην εἰς πάσας τὰς ἡμέρας τῆς τοιαύτης· φύλαξον Συντύχην. Iao, Solomon, Sabaoth, [---] Sesengenbarfarangês. By the great and holy name of the living Lord God Damnamenaios and Adonaios, and (by) Iao and Sabaoth, I adjure all the spirits Barbarôphanaida and every spirit causing fever and epilepsy and rabies and the evil eye and violent spiritual incursion and every magical operation, do not touch Syntyche, who is wearing this adjuration. Every evil spirit remembers the contract that they agreed to out of fear of Solomon and the angel Michael, that they swore a great and holy oath by the holy name and said, ‘We will flee and we will not lie’. Protect Syntyche, (daughter of ? ) Syntyche, from every evil spirit, I adjure you by day and by night and by noon, protect Syntyche all of her days, protect Syntyche! (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Froehner (1867); Pelliccioni (1880); Leclercq (1924: 1835-1836); Bonner (1950: 100-101); Merkelbach (1996: 44-46, No. 2); Bevilacqua (2003: 116); SEG LIII, 1110 98 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="99"?> 205 SEG LIII, 1110 cites, incorrectly, a ‘gold tablet’; compare the editio princeps by Froehner (1867: 6, ‘[l]a feuille d’argent’). 206 Froehner (1867: 6). 207 Bevilacqua (2003: 116, ‘passato da Roma al Cabinet des Médailles attraverso la collezione Campana e oggi perduto’). The identification of the amulet’s former place of preser‐ vation in Paris as the Cabinet des Médailles might be an oversight on Bevilacqua’s part; every other publication of the piece lists the Musée du Louvre, as does, most importantly, W. Froehner (‘Musée Napoléon III’, scil. today’s Louvre). 208 Froehner (1867: 10). 209 Leclercq (1924: 1835). 210 Froehner (1876: 7); Merkelbach (1996: 44). 211 Pelliccioni (1880: 181). 212 For Latin parallels, see 162 or 164. 213 Merkelbach (1996: 45, ‘[z]weifelhaft ist auch die Lesung [6] ΒΑΡΒΑΡΩΦΑΝΑΙΔΑ’). Commentary: A diminutive silver tablet (6.4 × 3.4 cm) 205 with traces of folding, which, as W. Froehner noted, divided the tablet neatly into 36 squares. 206 Said to have come from Rome, 207 it formed part of the collections of the Musée du Louvre; today, the lamella is apparently lost. Froehner’s proposed dating range is unnecessarily wide (2nd to 7th cent. CE) 208 and H. Leclercq’s possibly too early (2nd to 3rd cent. CE); 209 most likely, the amulet is from the late imperial period. The text contains two adjuration formulae; the first verb of adjuration is fully emended in the editions of both Froehner and R. Merkelbach. 210 The word is, however, positioned between a mediation syntagma and a direct addressee; the following adjuration formula has a perfectly legible ὁρκίζω; and the text refers to the phylactery with the word ὁρκισμός (‘adjuration spell’). These considerations make the supplied [ὁρκίζω] overwhelmingly likely. Furthermore, in a slightly different edition of the amulet by G. Pelliccioni, itself based on facsimile prepared by G. Amato, we find ἐξ[ορ]κίζω πάντα τὰ πνεῦματα. 211 The direct addressee in the first adjuration is spelled out in great detail as any and every evil spirit causing various illnesses and engaged in aggressive magical operations (evil eye, φαρμακεία); the second adjuration has a simple ‘you’, clearly denoting the daemon. The prepositional mediation syntagma in the first adjuration is present in a prolepsis and invokes the ‘great and holy name of the Lord God’, resolved further by the fourfold name itself, ‘Damnamenaios’ (= Damnameneus), ‘Adonaios’ (= Adonai), ‘Iao’, ‘Sabaoth’; it is not reprised in the second adjuration. Instead, we find a rare specification for the spell to be working around the clock (‘by day and by night and by noon’) 212 and during Syntyche’s entire lifetime (‘all of her days’). The reading, and the interpretation, of the vox magica Barbarôphanaida is rather unclear; 213 it seems to belong to neither the mediation syntagma nor the direct addressee. The desired effect in the first adjuration is realized 2 Greek Phylacteria 99 <?page no="100"?> 214 Bonner (1950: 100). 215 Mastrocinque (2014: 43, No.-88). 216 Preisendanz (1935: 160). via a construction with a dynamic infinitive (μὴ ἅψασθαι τῆς φ[ορού]σης τὸν ὁρκισμὸν τοῦτον Συντύχης, ‘do not touch Syntyche, who is wearing this adjuration’). In the second adjuration, we find the imperative φύλαξον Συντύχην (‘protect Syntyche’) both preceding and following the verb of adjuration. While these imperatives may be understood as structurally disconnected from the adjuration formula, it is quite likely that at least one of them is to be taken as the desired effect resolving the initial ‘I adjure you’ (ὁρκίζω σε). The expression Συντύχην Συντύχης (lit. ‘Syntyche of Syntyche’) is puzzling, since we would expect something akin to Συντύχην, ἣν ἔτεκεν Συντύχη (‘Syn‐ tyche, whom Syntyche bore’) to identify the beneficiary. The interpretation ‘Syntyche, daughter of Syntyche’, put forward by C. Bonner, 214 remains plau‐ sible; given the unconventional form of the identification (at least within the domain of ancient Mediterranean magic) and the (somewhat suspicious) identical names of the mother and the daughter, a copying error is also possible. The historiola miniature involving daemons swearing an oath to Michael and Solomon is dependent on the material that we know today under the title Testamentum Salomonis; the very opening of the spell, in which Solomon is ‘sandwiched’ between Iao and Sabaoth, finds an exact parallel on a blood jasper magical gem from the Roman imperial period. 215 31 Silver Lamella for an Unknown Female Chersonesus Taurica (Sarmatia), s. III-IV, ed. Kotansky (1994: 383-386, No.-67) Ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς, κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ {ζω} ζῶ(ν)τος, πᾶν πνεῦμα καὶ φάντασμα καὶ πᾶν θηρίον ἀποστῆνε ἀπὸ ⟦ψυχ̣ῆς⟧ ψυχῆς τῆς γυνα̣[ι]κὸς ταύτης, ΒΧΜΟ[---] [---]ΑΝ[---] [---]. I adjure you, by the living God, every spirit and apparition and every beast, be gone from the soul of this woman [---] (transl. R. Kotansky, modified) Bibliography: Pridik (1899: 124, No. 8); Preisendanz (1935: 160); Kotansky (1994: 383-386, No.-67) Commentary: A silver tablet of unknown dimensions, inscribed on one side. Found in 1897 in a child’s grave on Mount Sûr-Taš, in the southern part of the Crimean Peninsula; currently in the Hermitage Museum (St Petersburg). 216 E. Pridik, the author of the editio princeps, dated the amulet to the 3rd or 4th cent. 100 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="101"?> 217 Pridik (1899: 124). 218 For similar expressions found in later liturgical exorcisms, cf. Kotansky (1994: 386). CE. 217 The spell consists of a single rather straightforward adjuration formula. Following the verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω), we find the plural pronoun ‘you’ employed as the direct addressee, specified more closely as ‘every spirit and apparition and every beast’ in the section following the mediation syntagma. The mediation syntagma itself, introduced by κατά, invokes ‘the living God’; the desired effect is present in the form of a dynamic infinitive expressing prohibition (ἀποστῆνε = ἀποστῆναι), ‘be gone from the soul of this woman’. 218 32 Lamella Bernensis Unknown provenance (possibly Asia Minor), s. IV-V, ed. Gelzer/ Lurje/ Schäublin (1999) σφραγὶς θεοῦ ζῶντος. σημεῖον σφραγισμένον τοῦ μὴ ἐγγίσειν πάντα ἀκάθαρτον. ὁρκίζω τὸν ἐπάνω τῶν οὐρανῶν Σαβαωθ τὸν Εδεωθ τὸν ἐπάνω τοῦ Εχεωθ τὸν Εδεωθ τ̣ὸ̣ν̣ Χ̣θο̣δαι̣. διαφύλαττε τὸν φοροῦντα (5) τὸ φυλακτήριον τοῦτο Λεόντιον ἀπὸ πάντων δαιμονίων καὶ φαρμάκων καὶ καταδέσμων καὶ πάντων κινδύνων καὶ ἐπιβουλῶν τοῦ ἀντικειμένου. [---] (35) ὁρκίζω σε τὸν ἀόρατον θεὸν ΕΞΑΩΡΒΑΙ Ἀδωναι ΠΥΛΩΝΤΩΝΝΟΥΝ ΕΩΘ ΑΡΧΕΒΑΣΝΑΡΒΣΙΟΣ ΗΨΕΒΑΩΘ ΦΕΚΩΘ ΕΩΘ. πάντα τὰ ἀρρενικὰ καὶ θ̣η̣λ̣υ̣κὰ καὶ πάντα φάρμακα (40) καὶ κατάδεσμον, φεύγεται ἀπὸ Λεοντίου τοῦ φοροῦντος τὸ φυλακτήριον τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ ὑποκάτω τῶν πηγῶν καὶ τῆς ἀβύσσου ἀπέρχεσθαι, καὶ μὴ βλάψητε μήτε μολύνητε μήτε φαρμάκοις μήτε ἀπὸ πτύσματος μήτε (45) καταδέσμου ἢ γοητείας ἢ τινος ἐπηρείας [---]. Seal of the Living God. A signet with a seal, to which no unclean (daemon dares) come close. I adjure (you) by the one upon the heavens, Sabaoth, by Edeoth which is upon Echeoth, by Edeoth, which is upon Chthodai, protect the wearer of this amulet, Leontios, from all daemons and magical operations and binding spells and every danger and scheming of the adversary. [---] I adjure you by the invisible God, Exaôrbai Adônai Pylôntônnoun Eôth Archebasnarbsios Êpsebaôth Phekôth Eôth. All male and female (daemons) and binding spell(s), flee from Leontios, who is wearing this amulet; depart under the springs and the abyss, and do not cause harm and do not defile (the wearer) neither with magical operations nor with saliva (venom? ), binding spell(s), sorcery, or any other abuse [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Gelzer/ Lurje/ Schäublin (1999); Busch (2006: 91); Graf (2015: 291- 293); Markschies (2019: 21); SEG XLIX, 2383 2 Greek Phylacteria 101 <?page no="102"?> 219 Busch (2006: 91-93). Commentary: An inscription on a thin golden lamella (11.6 × 6.9 cm), preserved today at the Collection of Antiquities of the University of Bern. Possibly from Asia Minor and best dated to the late 4th or early 5th cent. CE. As usual, the thin sheet of gold presents traces of folding; the owner, Leontios, wore the amulet inside a capsule on his body during his lifetime, and it is likely that it was buried with him after his death. The phylactery’s long text, of which we print only the parts containing the adjuration formulae, is markedly similar to two other magical inscriptions: the lamella from Beirut (7) and the magical papyrus from Oxyrhynchus (11). The similarities are such that the editors of the Lamella Bernensis suggested, with some reason, that these three inscriptions must be based on a common archetype, probably fixed in the text of a magical handbook that was circulating in the Mediterranean by the 4th or 5th cent. CE. We find two adjuration formulae proper in the text, both introduced by a simple ὁρκίζω. The first adjuration then follows with a single accusative (τὸν ἐπάνω τῶν οὐρανῶν Σαβαωθ); the second adjuration, however, continues with a double accusative (σε τὸν ἀόρατον θεόν). It is likely that in the first adjuration, a generic direct addressee expressed by a pronoun (σε) is omitted and the underlying sequence is that of a direct addressee (the first accusative) and a non-prepositional mediation syntagma (the second accusative). The translation would then yield ‘I adjure you by the one upon the heavens’ and ‘I adjure you by the invisible God’. The context makes it clear that the pronoun ‘you’ denotes an evil spirit or daemon, as the opening formula states that the purpose and function of the amulet is to keep ‘everything unclean’ away (τοῦ μὴ ἐγγίσειν πάντα ἀκάθαρτον), which includes operations of aggressive magic, daemonic incursions, poisoning, and every imaginable ‘danger’ or ‘abuse’. The desired effect is expressed by a combination of imperatives (διαφύλαττε τὸν φοροῦντα), subjunctives (μὴ βλάψητε μήτε μολύνητε), and infinitives (ὑποκάτω τῶν πηγῶν καὶ τῆς ἀβύσσου ἀπέρχεσθαι). This variety is quite unique, since most texts settle for one syntactical construction to express the amulet’s function. The expression ‘seal of the Living God’ (σφραγὶς θεοῦ ζῶντος) and the emphasis that is placed on ‘sealing’—the amulet itself is referred to as σημεῖον σφραγισμένον (a signet with a seal)—suggest an influence of ‘Solomonic’ magical practices. 219 102 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="103"?> 220 Regarding this expression, likely combining the Hebrew ‘four’ (referencing the tetra‐ grammaton) and the Greek name of Yahweh (‘Iao’), see esp. Fauth (1983). 33 Magical Gem Unprovenanced, s. II-IV, ed. Mastrocinque (2014: 232, No.-670) A: Ἀρβαθ Ἰάω, ιεουαων, μαρμαραθαμ χελωμβρα αρταμαχαμβραω ηαωηαωηθ B: ἐ̣πορκίζω. A: Arbath Iao, [vowel series and voces magiace], B: I adjure. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Delatte/ Derchain (1964: 331, No. 502); Mastrocinque (2014: 232, No.-670); CBd 3902 Commentary: An opisthographic inscription on an oval grey silex (2.0 × 1.5 cm) of unknown provenance, today in the collections of the Département des Monnaies, Médailles et Antiques at the French National Library. May likely be dated to the imperial period. On Side A, we find a vowel series and voces magicae, of which the only safely interpretable part is the name Ἀρβαθ Ἰάω. 220 On Side B, a rare attestation of the most concise performative adjuration formula is present, consisting of a singular verb of adjuration (ἐπορκίζω). No direct addressee, mediation formula, or desired effect is explicitly spelled out. Under the verb of adjuration, however, is a series of charaktêres resembling the Latin letters EEFZFT, with the ‘E’s and ‘F’s written in mirror fashion. A link between ἐπορκίζω and this sequence is probable but unclear. 34 Magical Gem Unprovenanced, s. II-IV, ed. Vitellozzi (2010: 427-428, No.-528) A: χωχωκ[---]ηκαησιλωθαναοισν θυδημω οοαβραμι συχβρεν B: ἐξορκίζω σε. A: [voces magicae] B: I adjure you. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Mastrocinque (2007: 114-115); Vitellozzi (2010: 427-428); CBd 4276 Commentary: An inscription on both sides of a reddish-brown carnelian (1.35 × 0.96 cm), olim in the collection of Mariano Guardabassi, today in the Museo Archeologico Nazionale dell’Umbria (Perugia). The imperial period seems a likely date of origin, as is the case with other gems with mostly textual designs (cf. 17, 18, 33). Side A features voces magicae; it is possible, but far 2 Greek Phylacteria 103 <?page no="104"?> 221 So, with some reason, Vitellozzi in Mastrocinque (2007: 115) and Vitellozzi (2010: 428). 222 We find the same combination of a minimalist adjuration formula with charaktêres engraved under it in 33. from certain, that the sequence αβραμ translates to Ἀβρ‹α›άμ. The sequence χωχωκ[—]ηκαησιλωθαναοισν has a circular ductus at the outer edge of the gem; the sequence θυδημω οοαβραμι συχβρεν in three lines is separated from it by an engraved image of an ouroboros. On Side B, we find the concise adjuration formula ἐξορκίζω σε (‘I adjure you’), likely with the meaning ‘I cast you (scil. daemon) out’. 221 Under this inscription are charaktêres, possibly with a function roughly equivalent to a mediation syntagma, i.e. the invocation of divinities or other superhuman entities who make possible or reinforce the desired effect. 222 The desired effect is not stated, but the apotropaic nature of the object is beyond doubt. 104 2 Greek Phylacteria <?page no="105"?> 3 Greek Defixiones J. Franek 35 Curse of ‘Hekatean Words’ and ‘Hebrew Oaths’ Megara (Achaia), s. I-II, ed. Audollent (1904: 75-77, No.-41) A: [---]ζωαφερ τὸν θαλασσσημον σεκντηαπαφονοχαι παιδικὸν Πανα[ίτι]ον ἐγν̣αμμένον κεχαιαμ [-κα]ταγράφομεν τοὺς εκαιπην (5) [---ει τους αὐτὰ καὶ ἀναθεματίζ[ομ]εν αὐτοὺς. Ἀλθαία Κόρη ὀρεο[βαζ]αγρα Ἑκάτη ἀκρουροβορη Σελή[νη]. ιθιβι -μη τούτους ἀναθεμα[τι]ζομεν· σῶμα πνεῦμα ψ[υ]χὴν (10) [δι]άνοιαν φρόνησιν αἴσθησιν ζοὴν [καρδ]ίαν λόγοις Ἑκατικίοις ὁρκίσμ[ασί] τε αβραικοις [---]κον δ̣ίκαι τ [---]ους Γῆ Ἑκάτη [---]ους [κ]ελευόμενοι ὑπ[ὸ] τῶν ἱερῶν ὀνομ[ά]των (15) αβραικων τε ὁρκισμάτων· τρίχας κεφαλὴν ἐνκέφαλον [πρόσω]πον ἀκοὰς ὀφρ[ῦς] μυκτῆρας οι [---] προ σιαγόνας ὀδόντα[ς] [---] ψυχὴν στοναχεῖν ὑγεία[ν] (20) [---]τον αἷμα σάρκας κατακάει[ν στον]αχεῖ ὃ πάσχοι καί [---] B: (25) ἐπιορκίζω [---] καὶ τὴν [τ]ριώνυ[μο]ν Σε[λήνην …] καὶ α [---] σαι νύκτιον μέσον ὃταν τὸν [--σ]τρέφης καὶ τὰ θειάων περιπ[—]ν οὐρανοδρόμε καρτερόχ[ειρ] (30) θεωρητὲ κυανόπεπλε κα[---] . οπετ -κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ [θά]λασ(σ)αν ἡ Εἰνοδ[ία ? ] ενωνπα[ρατίτ]ομεν τούτο[υς] τοὺς κατὰ [---] του α .. κηκου -φανι . (35) [κατα]γρά[φ]ομεν [εἰς] κολάσε[ις …] καὶ [ποι]νὴν καὶ [τι]μ[ωρ]ί[αν] ες [---] παρὰ [---] περὶ τῶν π[---]εχα (40) τὸ σῶμα. Ἀνέθεμα. A: ZÔAPHER TON THALLASSOSÊMON SEKNTÊAPAPHONOCHAI the be‐ loved child Panaitios inscribed (here? ) ECHAIPÊN [---] We curse those EPAIPÊN [---] them and we anathematize them. Althaia, Kore, OREOBAZAGRA Hekate Moon who devours its tail [---] ITHIBI [---] we anathematize them—body, spirit, soul, mind, thought, feeling, life, heart—with Hekatean words and Hebrew oaths [---] Earth Hekate [---] commanded by the holy names and oaths of the Hebrews—hair, head, brain, face, ears, eyebrows, nostrils [---] jaws, teeth [---] so that their soul may sigh, their health may [---], their blood (and) flesh may burn and (let) him/ her sigh with what he/ she suffers [---] B: I adjure [---] also Moon, the triple-named, who (circulates? ) in the middle of the night whenever the [---] walk about, who courses the heavens with a strong hand, the visible one with the dark-blue mantle [---] on land and sea, Einodia (? ) [---], we anathematize (? ) them [---] and enroll them for punishments, pain and retribution [---] the body. Anathema. (transl. J. Gager, modified) <?page no="106"?> 223 Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (p. xiii); accepted by Audollent (1904: 75), Gager (1992: 183), and López Jimeno (2001: 137). 224 Audollent (1904: 76). 225 Wünsch (1912a: 6): ‘Helfen soll Hekate, die Schutzgöttin griechischen Zaubers […]. In synkretistischer Weise sind mit ihr andere Göttinnen verschmolzen. Hekate ist schon bei Sophokles Mondgöttin (frg. 492, Trag. Graec. Fragm. Nauck): So heißt sie hier Σελήνη.’ 226 Versnel (1991: 65). Bibliography: Audollent (1904: 75-77, No. 41); Wünsch (1912a: 4-7, No. 1); Versnel (1991: 65); Gager (1992: 183-184, No. 85); López Jimeno (2001: 137-138, No. 291); SEG LI, 570; SEG LIV, 500; Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (pp. xiii-xiv) Commentary: An opisthographic, fragmentarily preserved lead tablet (10 × 15 cm), with an inscription bearing a curse of further unspecified individuals. Found in Megara, olim in one of the Berlin museums; dated by R. Wünsch to the 1st or 2nd cent. CE. 223 The inscription exhibits a single adjuration formula, introduced by the verb of adjuration ἐπιορκίζω. A. Audollent considered the verb exceptional (deest in lexicis); 224 however rare, this prefixed variant (contracted ἐπορκίζω) is attested also on a magical gem (33). The object of adjuration immediately following the verb is unfortunately lost to the lacuna; the second object of adjuration is the ‘triple-named’ Selene/ Moon. In the light of the sequence Ἑκάτη ἀκρουροβορη Σελή[νη] on Side A, one is inclined to agree with Wünsch, who argued that Selene or the Moon is to be identified, or at least associated, with Hecate. 225 A mediation syntagma is absent, and the desired effect seems to be discon‐ nected syntactically from the adjuration formula proper. The employment of the verbs καταγράφω and ἀναθεματίζω, combined with mentions of ‘retaliation’ and ‘revenge’, suggest that the curse is a prayer for justice. 226 Of note is the expression ‘Hebrew oaths’, attested twice on Side A (ὁρκίσμ[ασί] τε αβραικοις; αβραικων τε ὁρκισμάτων), which betrays the influence and/ or authority en‐ joyed by Jewish magical practices; one may compare these segments with the sequence ‘I adjure you in Hebrew’ (ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς ἁβραϊστί), attested on a phylactery from Xanthos (5). 36 Curse against Karpime Babbia Corinthus (Achaia), s. I-II, ed. Stroud (2013: 104-115, Nos. 125-126) παραθίτομα[ι] καὶ καταθί̣[το]μ̣α[ι] Καρ̣π̣ίμην Βαβίαν στ̣εφανηπλόκον Μοίραις Πραξιδίκαις ὅπως ἐγδεικ[ήσ]ωσι τὰς ὕβρ{ι}εις, Ἑρμῇ Χθονίῳ, Γῇ, Γῆς παισίν, [ὅ]πως κατεργάσων‹τ›αι (5) καὶ διεργάσωνται ψ[υ]χὴν αὐτῆς καὶ καρδίαν καὶ νοῦ‹ν› αὐτῆς [καὶ] φρένες Καρπίμης Βαβίας σ‹τ›εφανη[π]λ̣όκου. ὁρκίζω 106 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="107"?> 227 Stroud (2013: 104) suggested that the ‘seven-fold reverse treatment accorded to our two conjoined tablets was intentional and meaningful’, possibly to be understood as ‘a part of the ritual’. 228 For early reports, cf. Bookidis/ Fischer (1972: 304, listing only eleven tablets) and Stroud (1973: 228, fourteen tablets). Editions with translations and ample commentary were provided by Stroud (2013: 81-157). σε καὶ ἐναρῶμαί σε καὶ ἐνεύχομαί σ‹σ›οι, Ἑρμῆ Χ̣θόνιε, τὰ μ̣εγάλα (10) ὀ̣[νύ]μ̣ατ̣α τῆς Ἀνάγκης ΝΕΒΕΖΑΠ ΑΔΑΙΕΙΣΕΝ[.]ΓΕΙΒΕΒΗΩΗΕΡΑ κάρπισαί με, τὸ μέγα ὄ̣ν[υ]μα τὸ ἐπάνανκο̣ν, ὃ̣ οὐκ εὐχερῶς ὀνυμάζ̣εται, ἂν μὴ ἐπὶ μεγάλαις ἀνανκαίαι‹ς›, ΕΥ̣ΦΕΡ, μέγα ὄνυμα, κ‹άρ›πισ̣αί μ̣ε κα̣ὶ (15) κατέργασαι Καρπίμην Βαβίαν στεφ̣[α]νηπλόκον ἀπὸ κεφαλῆς μέ̣χ̣ρ̣ι ἰχνέων ἰ‹ς› ἐπιμήν‹ι›ον κατεργασ[ί]αν. I entrust and consign Karpime Babbia, weaver of garlands, to the Fates who exact justice, so that they may punish her acts of insolence, to Hermes of the Underworld, to Earth, to the children of Earth, so that they may overcome and completely destroy her soul and heart and her mind and the wits of Karpime Babbia, weaver of garlands. I adjure you and I implore you and I pray to you, Hermes of the Underworld, by the mighty names of Ananke, Nebezapadaieisen[.]geibebeothera, make me fertile; by the mighty name, the one carrying compulsion, which is not named recklessly unless in dire necessity, EUPHER, by the mighty name, make me fertile and destroy Karpime Babbia, weaver of garlands, from her head to her footprints with monthly destruction. (transl. R. Stroud, modified) Bibliography: Bookidis/ Fischer (1972: 304); Stroud (1973: 228); Jordan (1985a: 166); Bookidis/ Stroud (1987: 30-31); Bookidis/ Stroud (1987: 30-31); Gager (1992: 37, n. 92); Versnel (1999: 141); Winter (2001: 168-169); Økland (2004: 86); Versnel (2010: 313-315); Økland (2010: 212); Nasrallah (2012: 130-132); Stroud (2013: 104-115, Nos. 125-126); SEG IL, 338; SEG LI, 347 Commentary: The curse that we print is a composite of two thin lead sheets (8 × 18.6 cm and 8.1 × 18.4 cm), which were found folded seven times, 227 pierced with two nails, and attached one to the other. The two tablets were discovered as a part of a larger cache of eighteen defixiones, excavated in the Roman stratum of Building T of the sanctuary complex of Demeter and Kore on Acrocorinth 228 and may be dated to the late 1st or early 2nd cent. CE. It has been suggested that one section of the precinct, referred to as Room 7, has been ‘remodelled twice only 3 Greek Defixiones 107 <?page no="108"?> 229 Økland (2004: 85). However, several curses were found in the strata that might predate the rebuilding, ‘thus indicating that the practice of depositing curse tablets did not ultimately depend on the existence of the re-built Room 7’, cf. Økland (2010: 211-212). 230 Stroud (2013: 105). 231 Winter (2001: 169). 232 Versnel (1999: 141), cf. also Versnel (2010: 314). This hypothesis seems to have been endorsed also by Nasrallah (2012: 132), who provided some further context and concluded that ‘the spells associated with Karpime Babbia perhaps allow us a glimpse at the grief surrounding children; namely the desire to have children and to destroy another woman’s chance at the same’. Alternatively, Winter (2001: 168) assumed that Karpime might have been ‘a rival lover’. to provide housing for a rite involving the deposition of curse tablets’. 229 Our curse, targeting a certain Karpime Babbia, further identified not by the usual matronymic but rather by her profession (‘weaver of garlands’), features a single adjuration formula. The unprefixed verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω) is supplemented by two other verbs, ἐναρῶμαι and ἐνεύχομαι, likely to enhance the urgency and potency of the adjuration. The direct addressee, expressed first using the pronoun ‘you’ (σε), is ‘Hermes of the Underworld’, as the vocative that follows makes clear. The triple accusatives τὰ μεγάλα ὀ[νύ]ματα τῆς Ἀνάγκης, τὸ μέγα ὄν[υ]μα τὸ ἐπάνανκον, and μέγα ὄνυμα are best understood as forming part of a nonprepositional mediation syntagma, with the sense of ‘I adjure Hermes of the Underworld by the great names of Necessity’ and so on; R. Stroud’s proposed translation in his otherwise masterful recent edition of the text as ‘I adjure […] Hermes of the Underworld […] that the mighty names of Ananke […] make me fertile’ 230 is slightly confusing as this would suggest that the writer considered Hermes as the mediator, namely the one who is invoked to ensure that the mighty names make the beneficiary fertile. B. Winter also supposed that ‘the subjects of the verb “fertilize me” are the names’. 231 The evidence collected in this corpus rather suggests that it is Chthonic Hermes himself who is to bestow the boon of fertility on the beneficiary, and his cooperation in this matter is ensured by the invocation of the ‘mighty names’. The desired effect of the adjuration is twofold—the destruction of the nominal target of the curse, Karpime Babbia, and the fertility of the unknown woman who wrote (or commissioned) the curse. The strange combination of desired outcomes may be explained if we suppose, with H. Versnel, that ‘the author has been insulted or derided by another woman on account on her barrenness and now resorts to the application of an old proverb ἀδικούμενος διαλάσσου· ὑβριζόμενος τιμωροῦ “if wronged reciprocate, if injured avenge yourself ” (Chilon ap. Stob. 3.118.1-2H)’. 232 108 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="109"?> 37 Curse against Hermias Cos (Achaia), s. IV, ed. IG XII/ 4/ 4, 3401 A: εὐχὴ κατακλητικὴ κατὰ Ἑρμία Ἡρα̣[κλ]εώτου· ἐπικαλοῦμέ σε ὁ ἐπὶ τῆς ἀσβέστου διαβάσεως, ὁ ἐπὶ πάντων κακῶν πραγμάτων τεταγμένος, ὁ μισῶν οἰκίαν εὐσταθ[οῦ]σαν, ἑμοχαρῆ, μυσηρέ, διάβολε, μοιερέ, ἄστατε καὶ κακόθυμε, (5) Ἀβεραμενθω λό(γος) Ιωερβηθ, Ιωπακερβηθ, Ιωβολχοσηθ, Ἰωπαθναξ, Ιωεποσαρω, Ιωαπομψ, αροκομν, οὐλερξακακε, βαραία ἐξεκεντερησθέ, βληρεθατκυ βηρεθαφσθιθ· ὣς σοὶ μέλλις ἐνπυρουσθεὶς κὲ κα̣υ̣σθεὶς φλογίζεσθε σὺν τοῖς [ἁ]γίοις ὀνόμασιν, οὕτως καὶ ἡ ψυχή, ἡ καρδία, ὁ νοῦς, τὰ σπλάνχα (10) ἡ δύναμις Ἑρμία, ὃν ἔτεκεν Πιθιάς, φλογισθῇ πυρετοῖς ἀγρίοις ἐν κρεβάττῳ ταλεπωρίας διὰ πάσης ὥρας καὶ ἡμέρας κ(αὶ) νυκτός, τηκόμενος, διαρέων, ἐκμυαλιζόμενος, ἕως θανατωθῇ· ΟΓ̣[--] ὁρκίζω σε κατὰ τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ κ(αὶ) ἀπαραι̣τήτου θ(εο)ῦ ἀρχιφορέως, κραχ Ιω νιριφιοψυθαεραφσοχρα Σήθ, Ιακωνβίθ, κ[---] (15) [---]βε, ποιήσατε Ἑρμίαν Πιθιάδος ἀγρυπνῖν, φαντάζεσθε, ἐξε[κ]χρωβίζεσθε, καταρευ[..]ν, ἐφ’ ὅσον τὸ σὸν εἴδωλον σὺν τοῖς ἱεροῖς ὀνό(μασιν) πεφλογίζεσθαι [voces magicae] ὁ ὢν Ζὴν ζῶν Ζαβαων ζαπε ζο͂ν Ζὰς θ(εὸ)ς ἕως κα[---]μρα αριωευιο θ(εό)ς· ἐπικαλοῦμέ σε τὸν ἐν οὐ̣[ρα]ν̣ῷ πυρίνῳ ἐ̣[νν]α̣ί̣ο̣[ντα] (25) καὶ ἀκούοντα ἅγιον ἐπικαλούμενος Σήθ, ὁ ἐπὶ τῆ[ς ---]νης ἀ̣στέρα ἔχων, ὁ γεννηθείς, ὃν ἔτεκεν Ἡλίου πόλις, ὁ τοὺς Τιτᾶνας πολεμήσας, ὁ τὸν κνώδακα τοῦ οὐ(ρα)νοῦ κατέχων, ὁ ἀνύγων γῆν κὲ πορευόμενος, ὁ ἐπὶ τὴν ἄτραμχων· Αβεραμενθω λόγε, αχωρ λό(γος)· τὰ ἅγια καὶ ἰσχυρὰ ὀνό(ματα) τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ Τυ(φῶνος)· ὥσπερ ἐν τῇ (30) ποιρᾷ ταύτῃ πυροῦσθε σὺν τῷ ἁγίῳ Τυ(φῶνι) δ(αίμονι) Ἑρμίαν τὸν υἱὸν Πιθιάδο[ς] τὸν δινὸν κὲ ἄνομον καύσατε, πυρώσατε, φλέξατε, ἕως θανατοθῇ, ΗϹΧΗΙΑΝΕΕϹ νοσῶν κ(αὶ) ἐκμυαλιζόμενος B: [ὥ]ς τύκεται [---]ι ἐν τῷ πυρὶ τούτῳ, οὕτως κ(αὶ) Ἑρμίας ὁ Πιθιάδος [---] κεόμενος ἐν κρεβάττῳ ταλεπωρίας (35) ἐκμυαλισθῇ κ(αὶ) θανατωθῇ. A: Invocatory curse against Hermias from Herakleia. I invoke you, the one who crosses the trajectory of the inexhaustible fire, you who ordain all evil deeds, you who hate a house with good foundations, you who delights in blood, unclean one, slanderer, tainted, restless, with a mind inclined to evil, Abera‐ mentho. The spell: Iōerbēth, Iōpakerbēth, Iōbolchosēth, Iōpathnax, Iōëposarō, Iōapomps, Arokomn, Oulerxakakos, you who tear open the insides, Blērethatky, Bērethaphsthith: Just as you, after being lit up and set on fire, will burn with the holy names, so let also burn the soul, heart, mind, guts, and power of Hermias, whom Pithias bore, in wild fever, on a bed of torture, every hour of the night and day, melting down, wasting away, being sucked dry, until he dies. I adjure you by the powerful and inexorable god, the primal murderer, Krach, Iō, 3 Greek Defixiones 109 <?page no="110"?> 233 Jordan (2000a: 17). 234 Kantzia (1997). 235 IG XII/ 4/ 4, 3401. 236 Regarding the term, esp. in terms of the duality of κατακλήτικος and κατακλίτικος, cf. now Piscini (2021: 373-376, with our tablet discussed at 375-376). Niriphiopsthaeraphsochra, Seth, Iakōnbith, [---] make Hermias, son of Pithias, sleepless, make him go insane, let the pale invade his visage [---] just as his image burns together with the holy names [voces magicae]. Zeus, he who is, living Zabaōn, Zape, living Zas, god, until [---] Ariōeuio, god: I invoke you by the holy one inhabiting the fiery heavens and listening, also called Seth, the one upon the [---] holding the star, the begotten one, whom Heliopolis bore, the one who fought the Titans, the one who holds the axis of heaven, the one who opens the earth and passes through, the one ruling over Fates: Oh (mighty) word, ABERAMENTHO, (mighty) word ACHÔR, holy and strong names of strong Typhon! Just as you are to be burned in this fire with the holy daemon Typhon, burn also the horrible and lawless Hermias, son of Pithias, B: set him on fire and engulf him in flames until he dies [---] feeble and sucked dry, as he is melting away [---] in this fire, so let Hermias, son of Pithias [---] burning on a bed of torture, let him be sucked dry and die. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Kantzia (1997); Jordan (2000a: 17, No.-51); Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 195-196, No.-60); Piscini (2021: 375-376); SEG XLVII, 1291; IG XII/ 4/ 4, 3401 Commentary: An inscription on an opisthographic lead tablet with a trapezoid shape (13.7 × 13-8 cm), discovered in 1985 by a tourist at the Archaeological Park at Cos; as D. Jordan noted, a ‘large Roman dwelling with bath [is] known to have been nearby’. 233 The tablet is today preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Cos. The editio princeps prepared by C. Kantzia, 234 albeit still valuable for its commentary, has been superseded by a new reading based on an autopsy by D. Bosnakis and K. Hallof, published in a recent volume of the Inscriptiones Graecae. 235 The tablet has been dated to the 4th cent. CE. This particularly gruesome curse, a self-proclaimed εὐχὴ κατακλητική (‘invo‐ catory curse’), 236 features one adjuration formula proper, but it must be noted that the double use of ἐπικαλοῦμε (= ἐπικαλοῦμαι) seems functionally identical. The adjuration formula is introduced by a prototypical unprefixed ὁρκίζω, which is fol‐ lowed by a direct addressee (‘you’, σε) and a prepositional mediation syntagma with κατά—while syntactically clear, the sheer number of perphrastic constructions and divinities makes it difficult to ascertain who is being adjured by whom. The mediation syntagma has ‘the powerful and inexorable god, the primal murderer’ (assuming one reads ἀρχιφονέως in lieu of ἀρχιφορέως), but it is unclear whether 110 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="111"?> 237 There is a clear affinity in the drawing to the one preserved in P. Oslo I 1. 238 For a discussion and context, see Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 195-196). 239 Jordan (1985a: 171). If accepted, the translation ‘Of Matmarakos, of Iatrakos [---]’, proposed by Eidinow (2007: 424), would seem apposite. the sequence ‘Krach, Iō, Niriphiopsthaeraphsochra, Seth, Iakōnbith’ develops the direct addressee or the ‘powerful and inexorable god’ found in the mediation. The desired effect, expressed using a series of imperatives (ποιήσατε Ἑρμίαν Πιθιάδος ἀγρυπνῖν, φαντάζεσθε, ἐξε[κ]χρωβίζεσθε), is for the target of the curse, one Hermias, son of Pithias, from Heraklea, to be tortured; the particular effects (sleep deprivation, madness, pallor) are of the stock that is usually employed in amatory curses. As we discover at the very end of the curse, these tortures are not meant to break the target’s will, but, ultimately, to kill him (θανατωθῇ). Side A is taken up in its entirety by the text, but Side B is for the most part occupied by an engraving representing an anthropomorphic, ass-headed creature, holding in its right hand a sceptre; its left hand holds a human figure by the hair, depicted in a wild, swinging motion. 237 There is little doubt that the human figure is to be identified as Hermias, the target of this curse; the creature is possibly Seth—a series of vocals (ΑΕΗIOΥΩ) is engraved on its chest and the word ΒΡΑΧ on each of his legs. Of additional note is the use of a performative simile formula that transposes the effects of placing the tablet into the fire onto the unsuspecting victim. 238 38 Fragment of a Binding Spell Athenae? (Achaia), s. I-II, ed. Ziebarth (1934: 1048, No.-29) A: [Κα]τέχετε Τιμαθ̣εν Ὀλύμπω [---]ρη καὶ φοβερὴ κατ᾽Ὄλυμπον. [---]υνα κατὰ Νικάνδρα‹ς› ὁρκί[ζω] B: Ματμαράκου (5) Ιατρακω ρ.ρμου. A: Restrain Timathes, son of Olympos, [---] and fear against Olympos, [---] against Nikandras, I adjure [---] B: of Matmarakos, of Iatrakos [---]. (transl. E. Eidinow, modified) Bibliography: Ziebarth (1934: 1048, No. 29); Jordan (1985a: 171, No. 81); Eidinow (2007: 424) Commentary: A fragment of an opisthographic curse tablet, preserved today in the National Archaeological Museum in Athens. Due to its state of preservation, little is to be said about the text other than it being a restraining spell that involved an adjuration formula introduced by ὁρκίζω. The sequence on Side B was likely comprised of magical words, as D. Jordan argued. 239 3 Greek Defixiones 111 <?page no="112"?> 240 Jordan (1985a: 194) proposed, with some reason, to take λυπούς as λοιπούς. 241 Robert in BE 1941, No.-11a (pp.-233-234) suggested ἐφ᾽οὗ ἂν κρι[θῇ]. 39 Juridical Curse against Macrion and Associates Upper Maiandros Valley (Asia/ Phrygia), s. II, ed. Dörner (1940) A: [charaktêres] Ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς, δαίμονες, κατὰ τοῦ ἐνγεγραμμένου ὀνόματος, ἵνα (5) ποιήσετέ μου καταδίκους Μακρεῖνον Μάριον τὸν ὄντα ἐν Ῥώμη καὶ τὸν ὑὸν αὐτοῦ Μακρεῖνον καὶ (10) Νικόστρατον, ὃν ἔτεκε Μαρκιανή, καὶ Τρυφωνιανὸν καὶ Εὐωνυμιανὸν καὶ Ἀπολλεινάριον Πριαμίδου (15) δικαζομένους καὶ Διόνυσιν Βῶλιν καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος συνηγορήσει αὐτῶν. Ὁρ‐ κίζω σε, Ἑκάτη, τὸ (20) ἐνγεγραμμένον ὄ{νο}νομα, ποίησόν μου καταδίκου‹ς› περὶ τῶν ἀμπέλων τοὺς πρ‹ο›γεγραμμένους πάντας. (25) [charaktêres] κατάδικοι κ[---] B: Ὁρκίζω σε κατ᾽ ἑαυτῆς, Γῆ, Χθὸν καὶ Ἑκάτη (30) καὶ Λήθη μυχία· ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν καὶ τοὺς λυποὺς 240 θεούς, ποιήσατέ μοι κατάδικον Μακρῖνον (35) ἡττώμενον νεικώμενον περὶ τῶν ἐν Μελήτου κώμη ἀμπέλων, καὶ ἂν εἴπωσιν οἱ συνήγοροι (40) αὐτοῦ, τοῦτο καθ᾽ αὑτῶν γενέσθω. Ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς, δαίμονες, τοὺς ὑποχθονίους θεούς, (45) ἵνα ποιήσατε νεικηθῆναι Μακρεῖνον τὸν Σέμνου ὑὸν καὶ τοὺς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ λέγοντα[ς] (50) περὶ τῶν ἀμ[πέ]λων, ἐφ᾽οὗ ἂν κρι[τοῦ? ] 241 ἵ̣να καταδικ̣ά[ζ]ω̣ν̣ται κατὰ πάντα. [charaktêres] (55) [---]δέποτε[---]. A: I adjure you, daemons, by the name that is written here, make it so that Marius Macrinus, who dwells in Rome, and his son Macrinus and Nicostratus, whom Marciana bore, and Tryphonianus and Euonymianus and Apollinarius, son of Priamidus, (who are being judged) and Dionysus Bolis and anyone else who plead for them are found guilty. I adjure you, Hecate, by the name that is written here, make it so that all those aforementioned be found guilty in the case concerning the vineyard. [---] guilty [---] B: I adjure you by yourself, Ge, Chthon, and Hecate and secretive Lethe, I adjure you by yourselves and all the other gods, make it so that Macrinus is found guilty, overcome, and defeated in the case of the vineyards in the village of Meletos. Even if his associates should speak (on his behalf), let this happen against them. I adjure you, daemons, gods of the underworld, make it so that Macrinus, son of Semnus, is defeated, alongside all those who would speak in his favour in the matter of the vineyards, let them be found guilty by the judge on all accounts. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Dörner (1940); BE (1941: 233-234, No. 11a); Faraone (1985: 153, n. 18); Jordan (1985a: 194, No.-168) 112 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="113"?> 242 The provenance has been put into doubt by the author of the editio princeps; cf. Dörner (1940: 64, ‘die nähere Herkunftsangabe „oberes Mäandergebiet“ nicht als hinreichend beglaubigt gelten kann’). 243 Jordan (1985a: 194). Commentary: An opisthographic inscription on a lead tablet (24.5 × 10 cm), sup‐ posedly from the region of the Upper Maiandros Valley (information provided by the antiquities dealer). 242 Its current location is unknown; D. Jordan reported in 1985 that ‘at the time of publication’ the tablet was in the collection of Dr Toepke. 243 The personal names suggest the 2nd cent. CE as the most probable date of origin. The text of the juridical curse is composed of five distinct adjuration formulae: all employ the standard, unprefixed verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω) but differ in terms of the direct addressees and mediation syntagmata. In the first formula, the direct addressees are clearly daemons, who are invoked through the power of the magical name that is written on the tablet (κατὰ τοῦ ἐνγεγραμμένου ὀνόματος, likely to be identified with the series of charaktêres). In the second formula, however, it is Hecate who is adjured; the mediation syntagma again involves the ‘name’, but syntactically it is realized in non-prepositional form, as there can be little doubt that the sequence ὁρκίζω σε, Ἑκάτη, τὸ ἐνγεγραμμένον ὄνομα must mean ‘I adjure you, Hecate, by the name that is written here’. The third and fourth adjuration formulae prove a little more difficult to interpret. In the third, the writer adjures Ge, Chthon, Hecate, and Lethe, with the short mediation syntagma κατ᾽ ἑαυτῆς (‘by yourself ’) likely to be understood as ‘by your own power’. In the fourth adjuration, identical divinities, referred to by way of a pronoun (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’), are again adjured καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν, ‘by yourselves, by your own power’. The expression καὶ τοὺς λυποὺς θεούς may be taken as either an additional direct addressee (i.e. ‘I adjure you by your own power, as well as all the other gods’) or a non-prepositional mediation syntagma (i.e. ‘I adjure you by your own power and by [the power of] all the other gods’). It is difficult to favour one interpretation over the other since the first two adjuration formulae unequivocally demonstrate that the writer employs both prepositional and non-prepositional mediation syntagmata. In the fifth and final adjuration formula, a similar ambiguity remains: the sequence ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς, δαίμονες, τοὺς ὑποχθονίους θεούς may be understood as either ‘I adjure you, daemons (and) the gods of the underworld’ or ‘I adjure you, daemons, by the gods of the underworld’. In the former interpretation, the expression τοὺς ὑποχθονίους θεούς counts as a direct addressee of the adjuration; in the latter one, the gods of the underworld are invoked as part of the nonprepositional mediation syntagma. The desired effect is the same across all five 3 Greek Defixiones 113 <?page no="114"?> 244 Cf. Audollent (1904: 21-26, No.-15). 245 Maricq (1952: 360, ‘l’oxydation et les tribulations de la guerre ont réduit en poussière les minces feuilles de plomb’). adjuration formulae, namely to make the adversaries of the writer lose their case involving vineyards in the village of Meletos. On a syntactical level, we find a mixture of final clauses and imperatives (cf. ποιήσετε, ποιήσατε, ποίησον). 40 Agonistic Curse against Pantomime Dancer Hyperechios Apheca (Syria), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 26-31, No.-16) ε [---] ι̣μεδ̣ . α̣[ὐ]τῶν λε̣δι [---] α̣φ̣ιρικωτε̣ [---] ε̣ νουμεσ̣ιν τὴν . λω̣διασ̣ι̣ν̣ [---] ι̣δ . σ̣ι̣ω αὐτοῦ θρῖψιν φροντίδα ωπ̣οπ̣α̣ (5) [--] τῶ σαβ̣άτω τῆ αὐτοῦ ἐπεδίξι καὶ οστ[--- Ὑπερ]έχ̣ιν̣ τ̣ὸν̣ ἔμολλον οσεταχαισαι δη το]ῦ καλαείνου ασ̣ταχαισαι τῶ σαβάτω θεμω ω̣ καὶ οποκο̣ρ̣κ̣ον αὐτῶν τὴν φωνὴν συναγ̣απ̣ασ̣ . τ [---] στόματος φραξ̣αν αὐτῶν τὸ εγνοθθε̣υ̣ς ἀ̣πο̣φρ - (10) ν̣δυ [--] ε̣ι̣ τε̣ρ̣φθῆναι μέτε ἠπεν ἕω̣ς̣ Ὑπερέχιν̣ ν̣θ̣ο̣ τ[ού]τους τοῦ κ̣αλαείνου ἔν τε ἠπεδ̣ί̣ξι αὐτο̣ῦ καὶ α̣ὐ̣[τοῦ . .] δῆμος ω̣[---] ἐν τῶ σαβάτω αδεμος̣ τοῦ καλαείνου̣ καὶ θερέουσιν αὐτὸν καὶ α̣ναχη̣ Ὑπέχιν τὸν ἤμολλον τοῦ μέλους τοῦ καλαείνου καὶ α̣σε̣τα̣χ[αισαι] εω [--] αε ωη εω αω εω̣ (15) τῶν σε παρέδρων ἀγίων̣ μου ἐξεγίρις τὸν ✝ τοῦ νέκυος συ τ̣ ε πε̣ω σου τω ε̣π[--κ]αὶ μεγάλα Γῆ μόνη̣ ἐτέτ̣ησεν̣ πτο̣σιν μες̣ ἀλλὰ πε [---] βουλεμου ωρμανδου ωρλυ̣ αχαχου δαρα̣[θωνα ε]ὐλαμω ἐ[λαμω εὐαμω εὐ]λμω εὐλαω εὐλαμ ὁρκίζω σαι κατὰ τοῦ με[γάλου κα]τ̣[ὰ] τ̣οῦ [--σεσεγγεν β̣αρφαραγγης καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ἰα[ω? ] (sic) (20) . εν̣ [---] ε̣ρ̣ισαν χ [--] ρε. [---] affliction, mind [---] on Saturday, during his show [---] Hyperechios, the pantomime performer [---] of the blue team [---] on Saturday [---] their voice [---] of mouth [---] let them find (no) pleasure while Hyperechios [---] those of the blue team, during his performance, and his people [---] on Saturday [---] of the blue team and they chase him [---] Hyperechios, the pantomime performer of the blue faction and [---] of my holy helpers, you rise [---] of the dead, you [---] and great Ge alone caused the fall, but [---] Eulamō, I adjure you by the great [---] (by Sesengen Barfaranges and by Iao? ) [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Audollent (1904: 26-31, No. 16); Robert (1938: 99-102); Maricq (1952: 360-368); BE (1954: 99-100, No.-20) Commentary: The most substantive of twelve fragments of a curse tablet (fragment dimensions: 6.5 × 18.5 cm), found at Fīq (ancient Apheca) together with another tablet targeting the same individual. 244 Originally preserved in the Musée du Louvre, now lost. 245 A. Audollent’s proposed dating to the 3rd cent. CE 114 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="115"?> 246 Audollent (1904: 21). 247 The identification of Hyperechios as a mime (ὀρχηστής) has been established by Robert (1938: 99-102); Maricq (1952: 360-368) further developed this idea, arguing that the word ἔμολλος renders the classical ἔμμαλλος, a technical term used to denote a particular class of pantomime (ibid., 362). Robert in his discussion of Maricq’s proposal (in BE 1954, 99-100) argued that ὀρχησταὶ ἔμμαλλοι are junior dancers (as opposed to senior ones). has not been challenged. 246 This difficult text contains one adjuration formula, introduced by ὁρκίζω; the identity of the direct addressee, expressed by way of a pronoun (σαι), is uncertain—one may suggest that the permutations of the name Eulamō preceding the verb of adjuration form part of the formula, which would yield ‘Eulamō, I adjure you by [---]’. A mediation syntagma is present in prepositional form, but its contents are difficult to ascertain. Accepting Audollent’s preferred reading, the mediation formula would invoke (a) ‘a great NN’, (b) Sesengen Barfaranges, and (c) Iao. The adjective μέγας is amply attested in the mediation syntagmata (passim); the logos Sesengen Barfaranges, commonly found in the ancient Mediterranean magical tradition, is also attested as part of the adjuration formulae of 12 and 30. Likewise, Iao is routinely present in adjurations (passim). The context of the tablet points to a professional rivalry, with the author/ beneficiary likely set to ensure that the performance of a pantomime dancer Hyperechios goes badly. 247 The desired effect is, however, missing from the adjuration formula proper, likely due to the tablet’s lamentable state of preservation. 41 Curse against Drakontios Damascus (Syria), s. IV, ed. Tremel (2004: 112, No.-20) [---]σιι[---]ιιτωαι την χ[--.]ντ[---]μψωυ ἀνάγκης [. . ἐ]πὶ τῷ π[--]ταια (5) κάμψαι τὴν [---] ι [--] καὶ ματ̣. νλτοχ[--ὁρ]{κυ}κίζω ὑμᾶς, δέμ(ονες) καὶ ἄγ(γελ)οι [τ]ίμιοι κ‹α›τὰ τῆς ἀνάγκης, ταῦτα [μα]σκιλλι μασκελλω φνουκεντα (10) τι φηλιζατα ῥισίχθων ἱππόχθω‹ν› . λ . νχθων νιαιανυ ζ‹α›ρα μολ . δεῖτε τῶν λεπ{ε}τῶν Φρίξ, Φρώξ αιο μετιξ ἀνάγκη μαντουνωθηλθιθ, ἵνα ὑποτάξηται Δρακόντιν· (15) [ἔ]τεκεν Μαρθήνη Ἀστερία· ἴσετ[ε παρ]αδεδωκέναι ὑμῖν, ἰ μὴ ἀποπέ[μπει, ν]οῦν, οὐσία[ν] καὶ δί‹να›μυν[--]ηνιι ὑμῖν ἀνάγκην χυχιλαχυχωακαμ [--] ξιχυχω [---] χιχως νεως χιχ (20) [--] δωθωηιχωωωχιω κρανθιωσις [---] αχω στῆθι [---] μμαίως αταωνα [---] χκαχυχ [---]. [---] of Necessity [---] to turn (the horse? ) [---] I adjure you, daemons, and worthy angels, by Necessity, Maskelli Maskellō Phnoukenta Ti Phēlizata Rhisichthōn Hippochthōn [---] bind [---] Phrix, Phrōx, Aio, Metix, Necessity, 3 Greek Defixiones 115 <?page no="116"?> 248 Mouterde (1930: 124). 249 Regarding the formula, see Jordan (1994a: 328-329) in particular. It is used in 19 as well. 250 Mouterde (1930: 126-127). 251 Jordan (1985a: 192). 252 López Jimeno (2001: 272, ‘para que Dracontis, a quien parió Martena Asteria, se someta a mí’). 253 Tremel (2004: 112). Mantounōlēlthith, so that Drakontios, whom Marthene Asteria bore, submits [---] having been handed over to you [---] do not let him avert (this curse? ), mind, being, and power [---] to you, Necessity [voces magicae]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Mouterde (1930: 124-127, No. 35); Jordan (1985a: 192, No. 166); Jordan (1994a: 328-329); López Jimeno (2001: 271-272, No. 503); Tremel (2004: 112, No.-20); SEG VII, 234 Commentary: A lead tablet inscribed on one side (9.5 × 8.7 cm), first published by R. Mouterde in 1930; said to have come from Damascus on the authority of H. Seyrig. 248 Current location is unknown; may be dated to the 4th cent. CE. The text of the curse is badly damaged, but a single adjuration formula may be reconstructed. An unprefixed ὁρκίζω is used as the verb of adjuration, followed by the direct addressee, expressed by a pronoun (‘you’, ὑμᾶς), which denotes both daemons and angels. The mediation clause is introduced by the preposition κατά and involves Necessity (cf., e.g., 19, 36, 57, 65). The formula continues with a Maskelli Maskellō logos, which could also be taken as part of the mediation clause. 249 The poor state of preservation makes the overall interpretation of the desired effect difficult—Mouterde understood the verbs in question in the context of love magic (ὑποτάξηται as ‘assujettissez’ and εἰ μὴ ἀποπέμπει as ‘s’il ne renvoie pas, s’il ne répudie pas [une femme]’). 250 D. Jordan, on the other hand, assumed that ‘it may be a charioteer who is being cursed’, since the word κάμψαι at l. 5 might be a technical term for turning the horse/ chariot around the turning post. 251 Mouterde’s interpretation has been followed by A. López Jimeno, 252 and Jordan’s by J. Tremel, although the latter acknowledged that ‘[e]in Bezug zur Agonistik ist unklar’. 253 42 Commercial Curse against Babylas the Greengrocer Antiochia (Syria), s. III-IV, ed. Hollman (2011) A: Βριτακυλμα αρωδασιδακι̣[.]α̣ ηλλιμ αβρι μαχρημελλα αστρακ ιαηου σαθνανω ωπαχ θαλσου σανταρμα χουχι (5) ερηβαθ σαρδοασιρως αχωρ ὦ βρώ⟨ν⟩των καὶ ἀστ⟨ρ⟩άπτων Ιαω βάλη δῆσων σύ⟨ν⟩δησω⟨ν⟩ Βαβυλᾶν τὼν 116 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="117"?> λαχανωπώλην ὣ⟨ν⟩ ἤτηκεν εἱ μιηρὰ μέτρα Διωνυσία εἱ κὲ (10) Εἱσυχία ὐκῶ⟨ντα⟩ ἐν γιτωνίᾳ Μυγδωνιτῶν· ὡς ἔβαλες τὼ ἅ⟨ρ⟩μα τοῦ Φαραῶνος, οὕτος βάλη τὶν δύσ[ω]ληψιν αὐτοῦ· ὦ βρ⟨ό⟩ντων καὶ ἀσ{σ}τρ⟨ά⟩πτων Ιαω, ὡς ἐξέκωψης (15) τὰ πρωτότυκα τῖς Ἠγύπτου, ἄ⟨κ⟩κωψων τἄ̣λ̣ο̣γ[α α]ὐτο⟨ῦ⟩ τόσυν {ΟΣΤ} ὅσ{ω}περ Η[---]Σ ἐν ἄρτι καὶ δῖσων κατάδι̣σων σύνδισων κατάκλιν⟨ον⟩ στρέψατη (20) κλαστήτωσαν μὶ δυνιθοῦσιν κινῖ⟨σ⟩θ⟨αι⟩ τὰ αὐτοῦ Βαβυλᾶ τὰ ἄλωγα αὐτοῦ τόσων ὅσ⟨ο⟩ν ἀποὺ τῖς ὥρας ταύτις καὶ τῖς ἑμήρας ταύτις ἤδη (25) ἤδη ταχὺ ταχὺ κακιμερίας δυσιμερίας πυήσατη τοῦ αὐτοῦ Βαβυλᾶ λαχανωπώλι ὣν ἤτηκεν Εἱσυχία. B: Ὡ̣ρχίζω ὑμᾶ⟨ς⟩ διὰ τῶν ἄνωμων καὶ δυσεβὴν Βαβυλᾶν τὼν λαχανωπώλιν· ὥσ{υ}πηρ ὑμῖς (5) βωλίζατη καὶ ψυγήσ⟨ε⟩τη ἐν τοῦ λάκου τοῦ ἀχριματίστου, οὕτος καὶ ὑμῖς βωλίσατη καὶ ψύξατη τὶν ψυχὶν Βαβυλᾶ, ὣν ἔτηκεν (10) Διωνυσία εἱ καὶ Εἱσυχία, νωσωβαρήα καὶ ἀχριμάτι[στο]ν̣ ὥπ̣ω εἴστη καὶ [μη]δ̣ὶ̣ς ὐκίσι σὺν αὐτοῦ [ἤ]δη ἤδη ταχὺ ταχύ. A: Britakulma arddasidaki.a ellim abri makhremella astrak iaeou sathnano san‐ tarma khoukhi erebath sardoasiros akhoro. O thunderand lightning-hurling Iao, strike, bind, bind together Babylas, the greengrocer, whom the polluted womb Dionysia, also called Hesykhia, gave birth to and who lives in the neighbourhood of the Mygdonites. As you struck the chariot of Pharaoh, so strike his [Babylas’] offensiveness. O thunderand lightning-hurling Iao, as you cut down the firstborn of Egypt, cut down his [livestock? ] as much as [---] now, and bind, bind down, bind together, lay out, twist, let them be broken, let them not be able to move, the livestock of Babylas himself all the time from this hour and from this day, now, now, quickly, quickly, fill with evil fortune and misfortune this same Babylas the greengrocer, whom Hesykhia gave birth to! B: I adjure you on account of the lawless and impious Babylas the greengrocer: just as you drown and will chill [this tablet] in the disused well, so too drown and chill the soul of Babylas, whom Dionysia, also known as Hesykhia, gave birth to, weighed down with illness and useless wherever he will be, and let noone live with him, now, now, quickly, quickly! (transl. A. Hollman) Bibliography: Jordan (2000a: 28, No. 109); Heinz (2000); Hollman (2011); Kalleres (2015: 266, n. 77); Lamont (2019: 45, n. 8); Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 181-182, No.-39); Venticinque (2022: 54, n. 4); SEG LXI, 1384 Commentary: An opisthographic lead tablet (6.8 × 12.9 cm), found together with another twelve curse tablets in or near the ancient Syrian city of Antioch in the 3 Greek Defixiones 117 <?page no="118"?> 254 As Hollman (2011: 157) detailed, the tablet ‘was found together with three others in a disused well or cistern […] of the courtyard of the House of the Calendar, in the northeast sector of the city, at the foot of Mount Staurin.’ Regarding the context of the tablets, together with other magical objects found there, cf. Heintz (2000). 255 Regarding defixiones in the context of commerce and business, see Faraone (1991) and, more recently, esp. Venticinque (2022). 256 This aspect of the tablet has been discussed in some detail by Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 181-182). 1930s; 254 they are preserved today in the Princeton University Art Museum. On both sides, we find a spell directed against one Babylas, identified (in addition to the use of the matronymic, as is usual in magical texts) also by his profession (a greengrocer). The archaeological context suggests dating to the 3rd or 4th cent. CE. The curse, likely written by a business competitor of Babylas, 255 makes ample use of similia similibus formulae. 256 A single adjuration formula opens the inscription on Side B—it contains a verb of adjuration (ὁρχίζω = ὁρκίζω) and a direct addressee, expressed by a pronoun in the plural (‘you’, ὑμᾶς). It is unclear which entities are being adjured here, but the provenance (a disused well or cistern) as well as the nature of the similes (‘just as you drown and will chill [this tablet] in the disused well, so too drown and chill the soul of Babylas’) suggests underworld divinities, maybe those associated with the element of water (for another invocation of nymphs on defixiones, cf. 62). The sequence διὰ τῶν ἄνωμων καὶ δυσεβὴν Βαβυλᾶν τὼν λαχανωπώλιν occupies the usual spot of the mediation syntagma. The use of the preposition διά to introduce a mediation syntagma is rare, but attested, for example, on a titulus for Themyscira (κατό[ρ]κισα διὰ Θεὸν τ[ὸν] ζῶντα; 111) and an exorcism of a malign tumour from Amorgos (διὰ Μιχαεὶλ κὲ Γαβριεὶλ τῶν ἁγίων αὐτοῦ ἀρχαγγέλων; 1). The content of the prepositional phrase, however, leaves little room for doubt that the sequence must be understood as ‘on account of the lawless and impious Babylas the greengrocer’ (as A. Hollman correctly translated it). It would be ridiculous to invoke Babylas to ensure the efficacy of a curse whose target is none other than he himself. The desired effect is expressed by way of a simile formula and aims to ‘drown and chill the soul of Babylas’, also making him ‘weighted down with illness’ and ‘useless’. The writer also aims to destroy the livestock of the poor greengrocer (Side A, l. 16), and the words [μη]δ̣ὶ̣ς ὐκίσι σὺν αὐτοῦ (Side B, l. 13) seem to entail a punishment akin to social ostracization. 118 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="119"?> 257 Lifshitz (1970: 81). 258 Jordan (1985a: 191). 259 López Jimeno (2001: 268). 260 Gager (1992: 203). 261 Cf. Lifshitz (1970: 82, ‘Je vous conjure, caractères, […]’); Gager (1992: 203, ‘I invoke you charaktêres […]’); López Jimeno (2001: 268, ‘Os conjuro a vosotros, caracteres mágicos,-[…]’). 43 Curse against Eusebius Hebron and surroundings (Iudaea), s. III, ed. Lifshitz (1970) Ἐ̣ξορκίζω ὑμᾶς χαρακτῆρα[ς κατα]κ̣λῖνε ἐπὶ κάκωσιν καὶ ἀε[ικίαν Ἐ]υσέβιν τὸν ἔτεκεν Ἡερὰ μ[ήτ]ηρ Μεγάλη· βάλεται αὐτὸν ἐ[πὶ] (5) τὸ πυρέτιον· κατακλίνατ[ε αὐ]τὸν ἐπὶ κακώσι καὶ θαν[άτῳ κ]α̣ὶ κεφελαργίας ταχ[ὺ τα]χὺ ἤδη ἤδη. I adjure you, charaktêres, to lay low Eusebius, to whom the pious mother Megale gave birth, with suffering and injury; cast him into a fever. Lay him low with suffering and death and headaches. Quickly, quickly, now, now! (transl. J. Gager, modified) Bibliography: Lifshitz (1970); BE (1971: 406, No. 68); Jordan (1985a: 191, No. 163); Gager (1992: 203, No.-106); López Jimeno (2001: 268, No.-500) Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (9.3 × 7 cm), supposedly found near Hebron, according to the seller from whom M. Y. Sasson, an antiquities dealer, bought it no later than 1970. 257 The upper portion of the tablet is occupied by engraved charaktêres, which are in turn invoked in the adjuration formula. Its current location is unknown, possibly in a private collection. The tablet has been dated to the 3rd cent. CE by D. Jordan (on the basis of letterforms); 258 other scholars proposed a wider range of the 3rd to 4th cent. CE, 259 or even the 3rd to 5th cent. CE. 260 The curse contains a single adjuration formula, introduced by a prefixed form of the verb, ἐξορκίζω. It is worth pointing out that ἐξορκίζω here cannot possibly mean ‘I cast you out’ or ‘I drive you out’, as is often the case in both epigraphic and literary sources. The verb of adjuration is followed by a direct addressee expressed by a pronoun (‘you’, ὑμᾶς), and while there is a scholarly consensus for accepting the following word, χαρακτῆρας, as a continuation of the direct addressee (i.e. ‘I adjure you, charaktêres’), 261 the construction of a double accusative with χαρακτῆρας interpreted as part of a non-prepositional mediation syntagma cannot be ruled out, although we consider it less likely than the alternative. Under this interpretation, the sequence ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς 3 Greek Defixiones 119 <?page no="120"?> 262 Cf. a similar sequence (also with ἐξορκίζω in the sense of ‘I adjure/ I invoke’) attested on an amulet of Egyptian provenance (20): ἐξορκίζω ἡμᾶ̣ς̣ τοὺς .[--].[-]α̣κ[---]ους χαρακ̣[τῆρας]. 263 Lifshitz (1970: 81). 264 Gager (1992: 203, n. 15). χαρακτῆρας would mean something akin to ‘I adjure you, (daemons of this place? ), by the power of the magical signs (written above)’. 262 The desired effect is expressed in the adjuration formula proper by means of a dynamic infinitive (κατακλῖνε = κατακλῖναι) and its purpose is to neutralize, torment, and possibly even kill one Eusebius, son of Megale. It is slightly strange to call the name of the victim’s mother Ἡερά (ἱερά)—B. Lifshitz proposed the meaning ‘défunte’ (in addition to ‘pieuse’); 263 J. Gager noted that this adjective ‘is rarely used of human beings’ in Greek and might therefore ‘represent a Hebraism’. 264 44 Pancharia’s Curse against Business Competitors Nysa-Scythopolis (Iudaea), s. IV, ed. Youtie/ Bonner (1937: 52-72, No.-1) χυχ βαχυχ βακαξιχυχ βαζαβαχυχ βεννεβεχυχ βα̣δητοφωθ βαιν̣[χω]ωωχ[---] αβραζανου σαλβαναχαμβρη κύριοι ἄνγελοι δήσατε καταδήσατε τὰ ν̣[ε]ῦρα κὲ τὰ μ̣έ̣λ̣η κὲ τὴν ἐνθύμ̣ησιν κὲ τὸν νοῦν κὲ τὴν διάνοιαν Σ̣α̣ρματίωνος ὃν ἔτεκεν Οὖρσα κὲ Οὐαλεντ̣[ίας] ἣν ἔτεκεν Εὔα κὲ Σαραμάννας ἣν ἔτεκεν Εὐσεβίς· {κω}φίμωσον [α]ὐ̣τ̣[οὺς κὲ τύ]φλωσον (5) αὐτοὺς κὲ κώφηνον αὐτοὺς κὲ ποίησον αὐτοὺς [---]ε̣ν̣ους ἀλάλ[ους ---]ς̣ τυφλοὺς ἔν̣προσθεν Π̣[ανχαρίας] ἦς̣ ἔτεκεν Θέκλα. ωαμ[---]νη̣[.]η̣[--]εντιη̣χ̣ε̣φ̣[---]τ̣α̣[---] ιωσηθ ιωσηφ ιωπακερβ̣[ηθ] ιωβολχοσηθ ιωοσ̣[ε]σ̣ρ̣ω̣ ι̣ωπα̣[ταθναξ ιω]απομψ ιωτοντολιψκ̣οντολιψ ιωβ[.]λωβρω ιωαρισαξα ιω̣[---]ιοτρι [---] ιωδωρυκυνξισιθιω ιωβολχοσηθ μωχιω ιωαλο ωσορνοφριξ δεῦρά μ[οι ε]υλαμων (10) [δεῦρά] μοι ευλαμων υλαμων λαμων αμων μων ων ν ιω δεῦρά μοι ευχαλη ιωλευ [---]σσκυφιευ ιωλακωι̣υαθ ιωμαθυτωρ ιωμανδουωρ ιωχαχαχουω[ρ ιω]δαρδευ̣β ι̣ω̣φιβιταξ ιωδεδουξαθ ιωσαλαθ ιωσαλιλη βαυι ιωχαμ ιωβαχεωχ ιωβ.[--]χ̣ ηω̣ου βαυζωχαιωωσδουθ ιω μασκελλι μασκελλω φνουκενταβαωθ ορεοβαρζαγρα̣ [ρ]ηξιχθω̣ν ιπποχθων πυριχθων πυριπηγανυξ λεπεταν λεπεταν ιωβεζεβυθ ιωθουρακρινι βρ̣ια [βαδη]τοφωθ (15) ιωδραξ ιωφεδρα ιωαραβαζα̣.ω̣ ιωιαρβ̣α̣θαγρα μνηφι βλω χν[ημ]εω α̣ρ̣πο[ν]κνουφι βρινταταωφρι βρινσκυλμα α[-].[--].χαρ[-]θ μεσονκριφι νικτου χν[ουμαωφι ορεοβα]ρζαγρα κνημεωφι ιωαρβαθα ιωχθεχ̣[--].ι̣α̣ μυχεω ιωπιπ̣[--]χ[--]ωα[----]λ̣[--]κ̣.[---]καντουνοβοηθ δαρδανω χιθαχωχενχωχεωχι αβρασαξ ιω[---] ξιμ.[---] ε̣υθινε̣υθιν ὁρκίζω 120 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="121"?> σε σημεα καν[τευ] κεντευ κοντευ κηριδευ δαρ[υγκ]ω̣ λυκυ[νξ κ]απχ̣υ̣μ̣[ρη] (20) σεμεσιλαμψ κύριοι ἄνγελοι φιμώσ[ατε] κὲ ὑπ̣α̣τάξατε κὲ προσκλίνατε [κὲ] καταδήσατε κὲ [κατα]δουλώσατε κὲ κατάσχετε κὲ καταδε̣[σ]μ̣εύσατε Σαρματίωνα ὃν ἔτεκεν Οὖρσα κὲ [Ο]ὐαλ[εντίαν] ἣν ἔτεκεν Εὔα κὲ Σαραμάναν ἣν ἔτεκεν Εὐσεβὶς ἔνπροσθεν Πανχαρίας ἣν ἔτεκεν Θέκ[λα ἀπο]πνί̣γ̣ων αὐτοὺς καταδεσμεύων αὐτῶν τὰς ἐνθυμήσις τὸν νοῦν τὰς φρένας τὴν διάνοια[ν ἵνα μὴ] ἐ̣π̣[ι]ζητήσωσιν λόγ[ο]ν̣ ἢ ψῆφον ἢ ἕτερόν τι τῶν κοα̣λ̣ί̣ω[ν] παρὰ Πανχαρίου, ἀλὰ εὐ̣αλίτω̣ν̣ Π̣α̣[νχαρία (25) τύχ]οι δ̣ιὰ βίου. [ιω] αβλαναθαναλβα ιω ακραμαχαμαρι ιω σεσενγεν ιω βαρφαραν̣[γης ---]ωθ ιω νεβο̣υτοσουαληθ ακτιωφι ερεσχιγαλ ιω βερ̣βι̣τα ιω θωβαγρα β̣α̣υ̣ι̣ [---] α̣[βερ]α̣μ̣ενθωουλερθεξαναξεθρελυαωθνεμαρεβα ὁ μέγας̣ α̣ε̣μιναεβαρρωθ̣ε̣ρ̣[ρεθωρραβεανι]μ̣ε̣α̣ ιω σαρχαχαθαρια ιω ιαεωβαφρενεμουνοθειλαρικριφιαευεαιφιρκιραλιθ̣[ονυομενερφα]βωεαι κὲ τὸ μέγιστον ὄνομα ψι ψι ψ̣ι̣ ψ̣ι̣ ψ̣ι̣ κ κ κ χ χ̣ χ φι φι φι φ̣ι κ κ κ χ χ [---] (30) [-]ι̣κκκκ ππιιιυυ̣υυδδδκκκκακ̣α̣.[--]--ιωσ̣ηθ ιω.[----]βηθ ιωβολχο[σηθ] ι̣ω̣[π]α̣ταθν̣αξ β[---] ευλαμ[ω υλαμ]ωε λαμωευ αμ[ωευλ μω]ευλα ωευλα[μ ----].ω αζαζα̣[---]ασ[---] τὸ ὄνομ]α τοῦ μεγάλο[υ θ]εοῦ ιου[-----]ιιιουι[---]μον̣[--μ]ε̣γ̣ιστο̣[---] ὁρκ[ίζω σε ---] (35) [---]ητα.[-]αυ̣[---]ου[---]. [Voces magicae], lord angels, bind, bind fast the tendons and the limbs and the thought and the mind and the intention of Sarmation, to whom Oursa gave birth, and Valentia, to whom Eua gave birth, and Saramanna, to whom Eusebis gave birth—muzzle them and blind them and silence them and make them dumb [---] blind in the presence of P[ancharia] to whom Thekla gave birth. [---] [voces magicae]. Come to me EULAMÔN, [come] to me EULAMÔN ULAMÔN LAMÔN AMÔN MÔN ÔN N IÔ, come to me EUCHALÊ IÔLEU [voces magicae], I adjure you, SÊMEA KAN[TEU] KENTEU KONTEU KÊRIDEU DAR[UNK]Ô KUKU[NX K]APCHUM[RÊ] SEMESILAMPS, lord angels, muzzle and subject and render subservient and bind and slave and restrain and tie up Sarmation, to whom Oursa gave birth, and Valentia, to whom Eua gave birth, and Saramana, to whom Eusebis gave birth, in the presence of Pancharia, to whom Thekla gave birth, choking them, tying up their thoughts, their mind, their hearts, their intention, lest they inquire further after an account or a calculation or anything else [---] from Pancharia, but (let) merciful fortune (come to) Pancharia throughout (her) life. [voces magicae] and the greatest name, [voces magicae] (the name) of the great god IOU [---] IIIOUI [---] great [---] I adjure (you) [---]. (transl. J. Gager, modified) 3 Greek Defixiones 121 <?page no="122"?> 265 Youtie/ Bonner (1937: 44). 266 Youtie/ Bonner (1937: 53). 267 Jordan (1985a: 191). 268 Gager (1992: 169, n. 67). Youtie/ Bonner (1937: 67) were more reserved; for a detailed consideration of Pancharia’s motives, see Trzcionka (2007: 56-62). 269 Oscillation between the singular (ὁρκίζω σε) and plural (κύριοι ἄνγελοι) is not uncommon. Bibliography: Youtie/ Bonner (1937: 52-72, No. 1); Jordan (1985a: 191-192, No. 164); Gager (1992: 168-169, No. 77); López Jimeno (2001: 268-271, No. 501); Trzcionka (2007: 56-62); SEG XXXV, 1566; CIIP V/ 2, 7712 Commentary: Two fragments of an opisthographic lead tablet, of which we print Side A of the larger fragment (10.8 × 8 cm). Discovered ‘in the course of the excavations conducted in 1921-1923 by the University of Pennsylvania Museum at Beisan in Palestine’, with our tablet ‘taken from a well in the Byzantine level’. 265 Today preserved at the Penn Museum; dated by its first editors to the late 3rd or 4th cent. CE; 266 D. Jordan suggested the 4th cent. CE on the basis of letter-forms. 267 The curse, which is for the most part composed of large number of voces magicae—including the χυχ βαχυχ or μασκελλι μασκελλω logoi, palindromes such as αβλαναθαναλβα, and the names of powerful entities of the likes of Iaô, Eulamôn, Ereschigal, Sesengen Barfaranges—contains two adjuration formulae. The first is introduced by the standard unprefixed ὁρκίζω and continues with the pronoun ‘you’ (σε) as the direct addressee, which is in turn followed by a series of voces magicae and the invocation of ‘lord angels’ (κύριοι ἄνγελοι), who are to bind the enemies of one Pancharia, the defigens and potential beneficiary of the curse. The proximate desired effect is to neutralize Sarmation, Valentia, and Sarmanna; the ultimate effect is to forestall their inquiry into Pancharia’s business, as the expression [ἵνα μὴ] ἐ̣π̣[ι]ζητήσωσιν λόγ[ο]ν̣ ἢ ψῆφον ἢ ἕτερόν τι τῶν κοα̣λ̣ί̣ω[ν] (‘[…]lest they inquire further after an account or a calculation or anything else[…]’) suggests. 268 The sequence is difficult as it is unclear whether the pronoun ‘you’ denotes the angels (which then would be invoked by the power of the omnipresent magical names, i.e. something akin to ‘I adjure you, lord angels, by [the power of] Semea Kanteu Kenteu etc., muzzle and subject and render subservient and bind and slave and restrain and tie up Sarmation’) 269 or it is the voces magicae that are being adjured and the formula with the lord angels is an independent part of the curse. There seems to have been another adjuration formula near the end of the inscription, but only a part of the verb of adjuration survives (ὁρκ[ίζω], l. 34). 122 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="123"?> 270 Boyaval (1974: 71). 271 Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 3). 272 Boyaval (1974: 71), followed by Rupprecht (in SB XII, 11247) and, with some caution, Horsley (1982: 47). 273 Boyaval (1974: 72) parsed the vox magica as Σαορ αυινι ενουτι`o´ and assumed that the first element denoted the ‘son of Horus’. 45 Prayer for Justice on a Wooden Tablet Sakkara (Aegyptus), s. I, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 3-7, No.-52) σαοραυινιενουτι`o´ ἐζορκίζω σε τοὺς θεοὺς τοὺς ἐνδ̣ά{α}θι καὶ τοὺς σαρ̣αφάκους (5) καὶ τοὺ`ς´ θ‹ε›ούς σου ⟦π⟧ τοὺς κατ᾽ Ἅδου περὶ Σενβλυνπνῶτο`ς´· κρᾶξον εἰς τὸν (10) Ἅδην, μὴ ἀφῇς τοὺς ἐν Ἅδω τοὺς θεοὺς καθεύδιν. τὴν ταφήν σου ἀπεστέρηκε (15) τὸ λοιπόν. μὴ ἀφῇς τοὺς θεοὺς καθεύδιν̣· εἰσακούσι σε ὁ Οὔσιρις, ὅτι (20) ἄω{ο}ρος καὶ ἄτεκνος καὶ ἀγύναις καὶ αχαβισσος. κ̅ς̅. Saorauinienoutio, I adjure you by the gods who are here and those who eat flesh and your gods in Hades concerning Senblynpnos. Cry out to Hades, do not allow the gods in Hades to sleep. She has deprived you of burial already. Do not allow the gods to sleep. Osiris will listen to you, for you suffered an untimely death and you are childless and wifeless and disgraced (? ). The 26th. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Boyaval (1974); Horsley (1982: 47-48, No. 13); Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 3-7, No.-52); SB XII, 11247 Commentary: An opisthographic wooden tablet (13.5 × 5.5 cm), likely from Sakkara (‘[a]u Louvre il se trouvait dans un lot issu des fouilles de Mariette et pourratit venir de Saqqarah’); preserved today in the Department of Egyptian Antiquities in the Musée du Louvre. 270 The dating to the 1st cent. CE, proposed by R. Daniel and F. Maltomini, 271 seems more reasonable than the 4th cent. CE put forward by B. Boyaval, the author of the editio princeps. 272 The text features a single adjuration formula, introduced by a prefixed verb of adjuration, ἐζορκίζω (= ἐξορκίζω). An extension of the direct addressee, expressed by way of a pronoun (‘you’, σε), may lie in the vox magica Saoraui‐ nienoutio; 273 it is, however, much more probable that the entity that is being adjured is a νεκυδαίμων (‘spirit of the dead’). A mediation syntagma is wellrealized in non-prepositional form via a series of accusatives and invokes three distinct classes of deities: (a) gods that are ‘here’ (τοὺς θεοὺς τοὺς ἐνδάθι), (b) gods that ‘eat flesh’ (τοὺς σαραφάκους), and (c) gods that are ‘in Hades’ (τοὺς θεούς σου τοὺς κατ᾽ Ἅδου). The proposed emendation (intervening καὶ between 3 Greek Defixiones 123 <?page no="124"?> 274 Already Horsley (1982: 47) correctly noted that adding the conjunction καί is ‘unnec‐ essary’. 275 Cf. PGM IV, 2865-67. 276 Boyaval (1974: 71); Horsley (1982: 47). 277 Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 3). the direct addressee and the mediation syntagma) and the overall interpretation of the sequence by B. Boyaval as ἐξορκίζω σε ‹καὶ› τοὺς θεοὺς τοὺς ἐνθαδί, καὶ τοὺς σαραφάκους, καὶ τοὺς θ‹ε›ούς σου τοὺς κατ᾽ Ἅδου (‘Je te conjure toi et les Dieux d’ici, qui consomment la chair, ainsi que les Dieux de l’Hadès’) should be rejected. 274 The contrast between the gods ‘here’ and the gods ‘in Hades’ finds multiple parallels in dual invocations of the ‘gods of the heavens’ on the one side and the ‘gods of the underworld’ on the other (cf., e.g., 109); the ‘flesheating’ gods most likely include Hecate. 275 The desired effect is realized by way of an imperative (κρᾶξον εἰς τὸν Ἅδην) and a prohibitive subjunctive (μὴ ἀφῇς τοὺς ἐν Ἅδω τοὺς θεοὺς καθεύδιν)—the purpose of ‘crying out in Hades’ and ‘not letting the gods in Hades sleep’ is probably to draw the attention of the deities to the perpetrator in order to punish her. It has been suggested that the curse is directed against a female graverobber named Senblynpnos—the writer asks the deceased, in whose favour this prayer for justice was deposited, to ‘cry out’ (in accusation) against her to the gods of the underworld. 276 As R. Daniel and F. Maltomini noted, however, it is more likely that Senblynpnos is not being cursed for robbing the grave, but rather because ‘she has neglected his burial’—drawing on a parallel text (PGM XL), they concluded that ‘the persons are cursed not because they actually deprived the deceased of their tombs, but because they failed to continue to pay the fees owed to undertakers for the maintenance of their graves and for the performance of religious liturgies for the dead’. 277 In favour of Daniel and Maltomini’s interpretation, we might also add that successful grave robbers remain anonymous, whereas in our case Senblynpnos is identified as a culprit. If she was a grave robber, she apparently failed to learn her trade properly. 46 Love Spell against Annianos Alexandria (Aegyptus), s. II-III, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 15-25, No.-54) ε̣[ρη]κισιθφηα{μ̣}ραχαραραηφ̣[θισι]κηρε χ[--]σεω· παράλαβε Ἀννιαν[όν, Ἑρ]μῆ χθόνιε αρχεδαμα Φωχενσεψευ σαρερταθου μισονκα[ι]κ[τ] κ[α]ὶ Πλούτων Υεσεμμιγαδων μααρχαμα καὶ Κόρη Ερεσχιγ[α]λ ζ[αβαρ]βαθουχ καὶ Φερσεφόνη [ζα]υδαχθουμαρ· ὁρκίζω σε κ[ατ]ὰ (5) τοῦ ὀνόματος τῆς Γῆ[ς] κευημορι μωριθαρχωθ κα[ὶ] Ἑρμῆ χθόνιε αρχεδαμα Φωχενσεψευ σαρερταθου 124 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="125"?> 278 For an alternative reading of ll. 36-39, cf. Jordan (1994a: 323). 279 Regarding the role of Meliouchos in this text, cf. the excellent commentary by Harrauer (1987: 53-58). μισονκαικτ καὶ Πλούτων Υεσε[μμι]γαδων μααρχαμα καὶ Κόρη Ερεσχιγαλ ζαβαρβαθουχ [κ]αὶ Φερσεφόνη ζαυδαχθουμαρ· ἐπιλάθοιτο Ἀννιανὸς τῆς ἰ[δ]ίας μνήμης καὶ Ἠωνικοῦ μόνου (10) μνημονευέτω. ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, τὴν πάντων ἀνθρώπων δυνάστειραν, παμφ̣ό̣ρ̣βα, ῥηξίχθων, ἡ καὶ ἀνενεγκαμένη τὰ τοῦ Μελιού[χ]ου μέλη καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν Μελιοῦχον, Ερεσχιγαλ, Νε̣βουτοσουαληθ, ἐρεβεννή, ἄρ̣χυια, νέκυι᾽, Ἑκάτη, Ἑκ̣άτη ἀληθῆ, ἔλθετε καὶ τελειώσατέ (15) μοι τὴν πραγματείαν ταύτην. Ἑρμῆ χθόνιε, αρχεδαμα Φωχενσ̣εψευ σαρερταθου μισονκαικτ καὶ Πλούτων Υεσεμμιγ[α]δων μααρχαμα καὶ Κόρη Ερεσχιγαλ ζαβαρβαθουχ̣ καὶ Φερσεφόνη ζαυδαχθουμαρ καὶ δαίμονες, οἳ ἐν [τ]οῦτῳ τῷ τόπῳ ἐστέ, συνέχετέ (20) μοι τῷ Ἠωνι[κ]ῷ Ἀννιανοῦ τὴν ἰσχύν {τὴν ἰσχύν}, τὴν δύναμιν, ἵνα συλλάβηστε αὐτὸν καὶ παραδοῖτε ἀώρ̣οις, ἵνα κατατήξητε αὐτοῦ τὰς σάρκες, τὰ νεῦρα, τὰ μέλη, τὴν ψυχήν, ἵνα μὴ δυνηθῇ Ἠωνικῷ ἀντίος ἐλθεῖν μηδὲ κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ (25) ἀκοῦσαί τι κακὸν μηδὲ βλέψαι, ἔτι δὲ καὶ ὑποπεπ̣τωκώς μου ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδες ἕως νεικηθῇ. ἐπέκλω `σε´ [γ]ὰρ αὐτῷ ταῦτα ἡ πανδυνάστειρα ἄνασσα Μασκελλει Μα[σ]κελλω Φνουκενταβαω ορεοβαζαγρα ῥηξίχθων ἱππόχθων πυριπηγαν̣υξ̣ πότνια Γῆ χθονία μευηρι (30) μοριθαρχωθ. ὁρκίζω σε κατὰ σοῦ ὀνόματος ποιῆσαι τὴν πρᾶξιν ταύτην καὶ τηρῆσαί μοι τὸν κατάδεσμον τοῦτον καὶ ποιῆσαι αὐτὸν ἐνεργῆ. Ἑρμῆ αρχεδαμα Φωχενσεψευ σαρερταθου μισονκαικτ καὶ Πλούτων [Υ]εσεμμιγαδων μααρχαμα καὶ Κόρη Ερεσχιγαλ (35) [ζα]βαρβαθου‹χ› καὶ Φερσεφόνη ζαυδαχθουμαρ καὶ δ[αίμον]ες οἱ ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τού[τῳ] φοιτῶντες τελ[ειώσατε τὴν] πρᾶξιν ταύτη[ν· κα]τάσχετε [τὴ]ν φιλί[αν Ἀννιανο]ῦ πρὸς Ἠωνικ[όν, πρ]ώτιστον̣, [ἀ]διαλύ[τως, ἀπὸ τῆς σ]ή̣μερο̣ν ἡμ̣[έρας ---]ε̣θητο̣[---]ματο̣[---]. 278 Erêkisithphêarachararaêphthisikêre ch[--]seô; take hold of Annianos, chthonic Hermes, archedama Phôchensepseu sarertathou misonkaikt and Pluto Yesem‐ migadôn maarchama and Kore Ereschigal zabarbathouch and Persephone zau‐ dachthoumar. I adjure you by the name of Gê, keuêmori môritharchôth and chthonic Hermes archedama Phôchensepseu sarertathou misonkaikt and Pluto Yesemmigadôn maarchama and Kore Ereschigal zabarbathouch and Persephone zaudachthoumar. May Annianos lose his own power of recollection, and let him remember Ionikos only. I call upon you, the mistress of all men, all-devouring (? ), rêxichthôn, you who also gathered up the limbs of Meliouchos and Meliouchos himself, 279 Ereschigal, Neboutosoualêth, gloomy, she of the nets (? ), she of the dead (? ), Hekate, true (? ) Hekate, come and fulfil this magical operation for me. Chthonic Hermes, archedama Phôchensepseu sarertathou misonkaikt and Pluto 3 Greek Defixiones 125 <?page no="126"?> 280 Babelon/ Blanchet (1895: 701). 281 Lenormant (1854: 369): Repertum fuit inter Alexandriae rudera et R. P. Poussou, Evangelii apud gentes barbaras precone meritissimo Bibliothecae Caesareae Parisiensi oblatum. 282 So already Lenormant (1854: 369, [l]itterae ad saeculum R. S. tertium videntur referri posse); followed by Audollent (1904: 69); Harrauer (1987: 53); Gager (1992: 207); Jordan (1994a: 322). 283 Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 15). Yesemmigadôn maarchama and Kore Ereschigal zabarbathouch and Persephone zaudachthoumar and daemons who are in this place, possess for me, Ionikos, the strength and the might of Annianos, so that you seize him and deliver him to the untimely dead, so that you melt his flesh, sinews, limbs, soul, so that he not be able to proceed against Ionikos and neither hear nor see any evil to my disadvantage, moreover prostrate under my feet until he is defeated. For this destiny was assigned to him by the all-powerful queen, Maskellei Maskellô Phnoukentabaô oreobazagra rêxichthôn hippochthôn pyripêganyx, chthonic mistress Gê meuêri moritharchôth. I adjure you by your name to perform this magical operation and to watch over this binding charm for me and to make it effective. Hermes archedama phôchensepseu sarertathou misonkaikt and Pluto Yesemmigadôn maarchama and Kore Ereschigal zabarbathouch and Persephone zaudachthoumar and daemons who frequent this place, fulfil this magical operation. Control the love of Annianos for Ionikos before everything else, indissolubly, from the present day [---]. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Lenormant (1854); Wachsmuth (1863: 563); Zündel (1864: 483- 496); Wessely (1886a: 23-24, No. 244); Kuhnert (1894: 37-38); Babelon/ Blanchet (1895: 701-703, No. 2296); Audollent (1904: 69-72, No. 38); ); Kagarow (1929: 51-52); Preisendanz (1930: 147); Jordan (1985b: 223, n. 16); Harrauer (1987: 53-58); Gager (1992: 207-209, No. 110); Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 15-25, No. 54); Jordan (1994a: 322-323); López Jimeno (2001: 233-235, No. 471); SEG XLI, 1844; Wünsch in IG 3/ 3/ Appendix (p. xv) Commentary: A curse preserved on seven fragments of a lead sheet, of which the two principal ones, taken together, measure 14 × 13 cm. 280 Found in 1849 in Alexandria and first published by F. Lenormant in 1854, 281 this famed defixio is now preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. Generally dated to the 3rd cent. CE; 282 R. Daniel and F. Maltomini proposed a slightly earlier dating of the 2nd to 3rd cent. CE. 283 The curse contains two adjuration formulae; we also note that a sequence that employs the semantically related verb ἐπικαλοῦμαι is present at l. 10. 126 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="127"?> 284 Regarding the magical names in this text, cf. (the now somewhat dated) Zündel (1864: 484-496). The first formula, starting at l. 4 and terminating at l. 10, is introduced by a standard, non-prefixed ὁρκίζω as the verb of adjuration. It is then followed by a direct addressee in the form of a pronoun (‘you’, σε), which probably refers individually to all the Chthonic deities that are invoked throughout the spell (Hermes, Ploutos, Persephone/ Kore, Ereschigal, Ge, Hekate). A mediation syntagma is attested in its prepositional variant, introduced by κατά, and nominally invoking ‘the name of Earth’ (κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τῆς Γῆς). In light of the mediation syntagma preserved in the second adjuration formula (see below), however, it is more plausible to construct the sequence in the following way: ‘I adjure you, Earth, by (your powerful magical) name Keuêmori Môritharchôth, I adjure you, Hermes of the Underworld, by (your powerful magical) name Archedama Phôchensepseu, I adjure you, Ploutos, by (your powerful magical) name Yesemmigadôn Maarchama’ and so on. The desired effect of the first adjuration is to make Annianos, the target of the curse, ‘lose his own power of recollection’ and ‘remember Ionikos only’—the effects are syntactically realized with a volitive optative (ἐπιλάθοιτο) or imperative (μνημονευέτω). The second adjuration formula, running from l. 30 until the (much damaged) end of the inscription, is also introduced by a non-prefixed ὁρκίζω and continued with a direct addressee in the form of a pronoun (‘you’, σε). One slight change may be observed in the mediation syntagma—just as in the first mediation, its form is prepositional, but instead of κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος (‘by the name’), we find κατὰ σοῦ ὀνόματος (‘by your name’). If we assume that the reading is certain (and not a simple confusion of σ/ τ in σοῦ/ τοῦ), the second adjuration formula would suggest that the direct addressees are not invoked through the power of some other, hierarchically superior entity, but by the power that their own magical names exert upon them—the belief that the knowledge of a thing’s name gives us power over that thing is well-attested beyond the realm of the Mediterranean magical κοινή. Αccording to this interpretation, the Chthonic deities are invoked by the se‐ cret magical names which follow their ‘commonly known’ names. For instance, Kore Ereschigal is invoked by her ‘secret’ name Zabarbathouth and Persephone by her ‘secret’ name Zaudachthoumar. 284 The desired effect of the second adjuration is to assure the effectiveness of the spell, as we find repeated pleas to ‘perform the magical operation’, to ‘watch over this binding charm’, and to ‘make it effective’. The forms ποιῆσαι and τηρῆσαι may be interpreted as either medial imperatives (‘perform for me’, ‘guard for me’) or dynamic infinitives. 3 Greek Defixiones 127 <?page no="128"?> 285 Cf., e.g., Kagarow (1929: 51, ‘unterliegt der erotische Charakter dieser Verfluchung keinem Zweifel.’). 286 Jordan (1985b: 223, n. 16); Jordan (1994a: 322). 287 Gager (1992: 208). 288 Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 17). Cf. also López Jimeno (2001: 233, n. 130, ‘[n]o está claro si se trata de una defixión erótica o judicial’). The ultimate objective of the spell, namely to ‘control the love of Annianos for Ionikos’ (κατάσχετε τὴν φιλίαν Ἀννιανοῦ), is expressed by an imperative. The classification of the spell has been a source of some contention over the past 150 years, as it contains numerous elements that are commensurate with a love spell (esp. ll. 9-10, 19-23, and 37-38), together with a sequence (ll. 23-26) that would sit much better with a juridical curse. Most earlier commentators took the erotic nature of the curse for granted; 285 D. Jordan likewise consistently considered it a love spell. 286 J. Gager assumed that the inscription has ‘something to do with a love affair’, albeit noting that ‘[t]he precise purpose of the spell is unclear’, 287 while R. Daniel and F. Maltomini in the latest edition of the text argued for ‘a combination of a love spell, the purpose of which is to mollify an opponent, and a charm for victory at court (νικητικόν)’. 288 47 Love Spell against Aplonous Unprovenanced (Aegyptus? ), s. III, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 123-126, No. 39) ἐξορκίζω σε, νεκύδαιμον, καὶ δ‹ι›εγείρω [τὸν] δαίμονά σου̣· διακόνησόν μοι εἰς Ἀπλωνοῦν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἀρσινόη, καὶ ἀγριανθήτω ἡ ψυχὴ αὐτῆς (5) εἰς τὸ παραλλαγῆναι τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτῆς καὶ κλιθῆναι εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχήν, ἵνα με φιλῇ καὶ ὃ ἐὰν αὐτὴν αἰτῶ ἐπήκοός μοι ἦν, ἐμοὶ Πτολεμαίῳ, ᾧ ἔτεκεν Θασεῖς· ὅτι ἐξορκίζω τὸν πάντα συνέχοντα κύριον θεὸν Ιαω ιαμελου (10) ιαι βαραι ιανβελαχι Βηλ Βαλ Ιωηλ Τειλουτειλου· σὺ ἶ ὁ μέγας θεὸς Ιαταμβαωθ τοργιατης. ποίησον Ἀπλωνοῦν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἀρσινόη, φιλεῖν με, ἐμὲ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὃν ἔτεκεν Θασεῖς, εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον, (15) ἵνα με φιλῇ καὶ ὃ ἐὰν αὐτῇ εἴπω δοῖ μοι̣ καὶ μὴ ἐπ̣εχ̣έτω μίαν ὥραν, ἕως ἔλθῃ πρὸς ἐμὲ τὸν Πτολεμαῖον, ὃν ἔτεκεν Θασεῖς, εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον. I adjure you, corpse-daemon, and I awaken your daemon. Serve me in regard to Aplonous, whom Arsinoe bore, and let her soul be roused so that her soul be deranged and incline towards my soul, so that she love me and so that whatever I demand of her, she obey me, me Ptolemaios, whom Thaseis bore. For I adjure (you by) the lord god who embraces everything, Iaô iamelou iai barai ianbelachi Bêl Bal Iôêl Teilouteilou; you are the great god, Iatabaôth torgiatês. Make Aplonous, whom Arsinoe bore, love me, me Ptolemaios, whom Thaseis 128 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="129"?> 289 Plaumann (1914: 204). 290 As Plaumann (1914: 204) observed, the act of striking through the head of the figure is to be understood in the context of sympathetic magic: ‘Dies Durchstreichen entsprang kaum einer Unzufriedenheit des Zeichners mit seinem Werk, sondern hat wohl sicher magische Bedeutung. Es ist ein fester Bestandteil des Zaubers in alter wie neuer Zeit, daß dem Abbild das zugefügt wird, was man dem menschlichen Original wünscht. Dies Durchstreichen des Bildes sollte also wohl das Abbild quälen und peinigen und entspricht dem Durchstechen von Wachspuppen und ähnlichen Handlungen.’ 291 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 123). 292 Plaumann (1914: 204). bore, for all time, so that she love me and so that whatever I tell her, she give it to me, and let her not delay for a single hour until she comes to me Ptolemaios, whom Thaseis bore, for all time. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini, modified) Bibliography: Plaumann (1914); Jordan (1985a: 190, No. 160); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 123-126, No. 39); López Jimeno (2001: 252-253, No. 481); SB I, 4947; SEG XXXIX, 1745 Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (28 × 16 cm), which has been folded several times and pierced with a nail, partially preserved together with the tablet itself. The letters are not incised, as is usual, but realized in ink (‘in Tinte ausgeführt’). 289 In the upper portion of the lead sheet, we find traces of a design portraying an anthropomorphic figure, whose head is struck through several times. 290 The exact provenance of the object is unknown; it is today preserved in the Papyrus Collection at the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. R. Daniel and F. Maltomini dated the defixio to the 3rd cent. CE, 291 as did the author of the editio princeps, G. Plaumann. 292 The love spell, in which the beneficiary, one Ptolemaios, son of Thaseis, intended to subdue Aplonous, daughter of Arsinoe, features two adjuration formulae. The first formula (ll. 1-7) employs a prefixed verb of adjuration, ἐξορκίζω. As is usually the case with curse tablets, the meaning of the verb is not ‘I cast you out’, ‘I drive you out’, but rather ‘I adjure you’, ‘I command you’, ‘I bind you under my oath’. The verb of adjuration is followed by the direct addressee in the form of a pronoun (‘you’, σε); as the vocative νεκύδαιμον makes clear, the entity that is being adjured is the ‘corpse-daemon’ or the spirit of the dead. A mediation syntagma is absent from the first adjuration formula; the desired effect, expressed syntactically by imperatives, is for the spirit to ‘serve’ (διακόνησον) the beneficiary and ‘rouse’ (ἀγριανθήτω) the soul of Aplonous. The second adjuration formula (ll. 7-17) features the very same verb of adjuration as the first one (ἐξορκίζω). In this case, however, the verb is followed by a sequence in the accusative, τὸν πάντα συνέχοντα κύριον θεὸν Ιαω, and 3 Greek Defixiones 129 <?page no="130"?> 293 Plaumann (1914: 207, ‘Denn ich beschwöre den Allerhalter, den Herrn, Gott Jaho’); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 124, ‘For I adjure the lord god who embraces everything, Iaô’); cf. also López Jimeno (2001: 253, ‘porque conjuro al señor dios que abarca todo, Iao’). 294 Cf. also Jordan (1985a: 190, ‘[a] nekydaimon is invoked [ὁρκίζω σε] in the name of κύριος θεὸς Ιαω’, who is given seven magical names’, italics ours). a number of voces magicae. The translations offered by both the first and the last edition of this text seem to understand the accusative as a direct object of ἐξορκίζω, which would functionally make it the direct addressee, in the sense of ‘I adjure the lord god who embraces everything, Iaô […]’. 293 We find it more plausible to assume that the accusative is to be taken as a nonprepositional mediation syntagma, with the direct addressee elided. Drawing on the first adjuration formula, this reading would yield ‘I adjure (you) by the lord god who embraces everything, Iaô’—the direct addressee remains the ‘corpsedaemon’ (νεκυδαίμων), who is in turn commanded through the invocation of a hierarchically superior entity, namely Iaô/ Yahweh. 294 The desired effect in the second adjuration formula is again a forced requital of hitherto unrequited love (ποίησον Ἀπλωνοῦν […] φιλεῖν με; ἵνα με φιλῇ […]). 48 Love Spell against Heronous Crocodilopolis (Aegyptus), s. II-III, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 174-178, No. 46) Παρακατα{θ}τ[ί]θομαι ὑμεῖν θεοῖς καταχθον[ίοις] καὶ θεαῖς καταχθονίαις, Πλούτωνι Yεσμιγαδωθ καὶ̣ Κού̣ρ̣ῃ̣ Π̣ερσεφόνῃ Εροσχιγ̣αλ κ̣α̣ὶ̣ Ἀδώνιδι τῷ καὶ Βαρβαριθα καὶ Ἑρμῇ καταχθονίῳ Θοουθ καὶ Ἀνούβιδι κραταιῷ Ψηριφθα, τῷ τὰς κλεῖδας ἔχοντι τῶν καθ’ ᾍδ̣[ου], καὶ δαίμοσι καταχθονίοις ἀώροις τε καὶ ἀώραις, μέλλαξί τε καὶ παρθένοις, ἐννιαυτοὺς [ἐξ ἐν]νιαυτῶν, (5) μῆνας ἐκ μηνῶν, ἡμέρας ἐξ ἡμερῶν, νύκτας ἐγ νυκτῶν, ὥρας ἐξ ὡρῶν, ὁρκ̣ [ίζω] πάντας τοὺς δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ, συνπαράστατε τῷ δαίμονι τούτῳ. Διέγιρέ μοι σεαυτὸν νέκυς δαίμων, ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ, εἴτε ἄρσης εἴτε θήλια, καὶ ὕπαγε {ις} ἰς πάντα τόπον καὶ εἰς πᾶν ἄμφοδον καὶ εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκίαν καὶ κατάδησον Ἡρωνοῦν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Πτολεμαΐς, ἐμοὶ Ποσιδωνίῳ, ὃν ἔτεκεν Θσενουβάσθις, ὅπως μὴ βεινηθῇ, μὴ πυγισθῇ, μὴ λεικάσῃ, μηδὲν πρὸς (10) ἡδονὴν ποιήσῃ ἄλλῳ ἀνδρὶ εἰ μὴ ἐμοὶ μόνῳ Ποσιδωνίῳ, ἵνα μὴ δύνηται Ἡρωνοῦς μὴ φαγεῖν, μὴ πεῖν, μὴ στέργειν, μὴ καρτερεῖν, μὴ εὐσταθεῖν, μὴ ὕπνου τυγχάνειν ἐκτὸς ἐμοῦ Ποσιδωνίου, ὅτι ὁρκίζω σε κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ φοβεροῦ καὶ τρομεροῦ, οὗ ἡ γῆ ἀκούουσα τὸ ὄνομα ἀνοίγεται, οὗ οἱ δαίμονες ἀκούοντες τὸ ὄνομα ἔμφοβοι τρέμουσι, οὗ οἱ ποταμοὶ καὶ θάλασσαι ἀκούουσαι τὸ ὄνομα ἔμφοβοι φοβοῦνται, οὗ αἱ πέτραι ἀκούουσαι τὸ ὄνομα ῥήσσονται, ὁρκίζω (15) σε νέκυς δαίμων, ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ, εἴτε ἄρσης εἴτε 130 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="131"?> θήλια, κατὰ τοῦ βαρβαραμχελουμβρα βαρουχαμβρα ἀδωναίου καὶ κατὰ τοῦ αβραθαβρασαξ σεσενγενβαρφαραγγη καὶ κατὰ τοῦ ιαω ιωα πακεπτωθ πακεβραωθ σαβαρβαριαωθ μαρει ἐνδόξου καὶ κατὰ τοῦ μαρμαραιωθ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ μαρμαραωθ μαρμαραυωθ μαρμαραχθα αμαρζα μαρειβαιωθ, μή μου παρακούσῃς νέκυς δαίμων, ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ, καὶ ὕπαγε ἰς πάντα τόπον καὶ ἰς πᾶν ἄμφοδον (20) καὶ εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκίαν καὶ ἔνεγκέ μοι Ἡρωνοῦν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Πτολεμαΐς, καὶ κατάσχες αὐτῆς τὸν βροτὸν καὶ τὸν πότον, μὴ ἐάσῃς Ἡρωνοῦν ἄλλου ἀνδρὸς πεῖραν λαβεῖν εἰ μὴ ἐμοῦ μόνου Ποσιδωνίου, ὃν ἔτεκεν Θσενουβάσθις, ἕλκεται Ἡρωνοῦν τῶν τριχῶν καὶ τῶν σπλάγχνων αὐτῆς πρὸς ἐμὲ Ποσιδώνιον πᾶσαν ὥραν τοῦ αἰῶνος, νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας, μέχρι οὗ ἔλθῃ Ἡρωνοῦς πρὸς ἐμὲ Ποσιδώνιον καὶ ἀδιαχώριστόν μου αὐτὴν ποιήσῃς μέχρι (25) θανάτου, ἵν’ ἔχω αὐτὴν Ἡρωνοῦν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Πτολεμαΐς, ὑποτεταγμένην ἐγὼ Ποσιδώνιος, ὃν ἔτεκεν Θσενουβάσθις, ἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον τῆς ζωῆς μου. Ἤδη, ἤδη, ταχύ, ταχύ. Ἐὰν τοῦτό μοι ποιήσῃς, ἀπολύσω σε. I deposit (this binding charm) with you, chthonic gods and chthonic goddesses, Plouton Yesmigadôn and Koure Persephone Ereschigal and Adonis, also called Barbaritha, and chthonic Hermes Thoth, and mighty Anoubis Psêriphtha, who holds the keys of the gates to Hades, and chthonic daemons, men and women who suffered an untimely death, youths and maidens, year after year, month after month, day after day, night after night, hour after hour. I adjure all the daemons in this place: assist this daemon. Rouse yourself for me, corpsedaemon, whoever you are, whether male or female, and go into every place and into every quarter and into every house, and bind Heronous, whom Ptolemais bore, for me, Posidonios, whom Thsenoubasthis bore, so that she not be fucked, not be buggered, not fellate, not do anything for the pleasure of another man, except for me Posidonios only, so that Heronous not be able to eat, to drink, to be content, to have strength, to enjoy good health, to get sleep apart from me, Posidonios. For I adjure you by the frightful and dreadful name of the one at the sound of whose name the earth opens, at the sound of whose name the rivers and the seas fear fearfully, at the sound of whose name the rocks break. I adjure you, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, whether male or female, by Barbaratham cheloumbra barouchambra Adônaios and by Abrath Abrasax Sesengen Barpharaggê and by Iaô iôa pakeptôth pakebraôth sabarbariaôth marei of high renown and by Marmaraiôth and by Marmaraôth Marmarauôth marmarachtha amarza marei baiôth. Do not disobey me, corpsedaemon, whoever you are, and go into every place and into every quarter and into every house, and bring to me Heronous, whom Ptolemais bore, and keep her from eating and drinking. Do not allow Heronous to have experience of another man except me Posidonios only, whom Thsenoubasthis bore; drag Heronous 3 Greek Defixiones 131 <?page no="132"?> 295 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 175). The use of figurines is specified by the spell preserved in the Great Magical Papyrus of Paris (PGM IV, 331: συνδήσας τὸ πέταλον τοῖς ζῳδίοις μίτῳ ἀπὸ ἱστοῦ), which likely served as a template for 50-54; the use of kolossoi will be discussed in more detail in the commentary to 51 and 52. Jordan (1985a: 189) noted that ‘[n]ear the tablet but not necessarily associated with it were found two small wax dolls too crudely fashioned to be identified with any certainty.’ Three years later, Jordan (1988a: 247) concluded that the two pairs of holes served ‘evidently for attaching two wax figurines that were found nearby; the latter are of a male and a female nude, not Ares and his counterpart but an ass-headed creature with exaggerated genitals, no doubt Seth, and a standing woman with her hands behind her back (Isis? ).’ 296 Edgar (1925: 42). 297 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 174). 298 Preisendanz (1926: 191): ‘Dieser Liebeszwang wäre an sich nicht besonders bemerkens‐ wert, lieferte er nicht eine wörtlich getreue Parallele zu einem Rezept aus dem Großem Pariser Zauberpapyrus der Bibliothèque Nationale, der in Z. 355-384 den gleichen “Logos” zum Schreiben und Hersagen bietet.’ 299 PGM IV, 296-466. For an English translation, see Betz (1986: 44-47). by her hair and inward parts to me Posidonios, and you make her inseparable from me until death, so that I Posidonios, whom Thsenoubasthis bore, have her, Heronous, whom Ptolemais bore, subject for the entire time of my life, now now, quickly quickly. If you do this for me, I will set you free. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Edgar (1925: 42-45); Preisendanz (1926); Wortmann (1968a: 57- 80); Jordan (1985a: 188-189, No. 153); Jordan (1988a: 247); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 174-178, No. 46); Martínez (1991: passim); López Jimeno (2001: 242-244, No.-474); SB IV, 7452; SEG VIII, 574 Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (22 × 16 cm), with ‘two pairs of holes [which] were probably made so that one could affix to the tablet figurines’, 295 found at Hawara (at the entrance to the depression of the Fayum Oasis) by locals scavenging for decomposed mudbricks to be used as fertilizer. 296 Preserved today in the Egyptian Museum in Cairo, the tablet has been dated to the late 2nd or early 3rd cent. CE. 297 As K. Preisendanz recognized immediately after the publication of the editio princeps, 298 the spell features many formulae which are preserved in the Great Magical Papyrus of Paris (PGM IV), a magical handbook containing a section with information on how to prepare a ‘wondrous spell for binding a lover’ (φιλτροκατάδεσμος θαυμαστός). 299 Since the publication of this defixio amatoria in 1925, five more curses drawing on the spell described in PGM IV have been found (50-54); excellent synoptic 132 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="133"?> 300 Wortmann (1968a: 57-80). 301 Martinez (1991: 8-105). overviews and discussions of the formulae attested in 48, 50-54, and PGM IV have been produced by D. Wortmann 300 and, more recently, D. Martinez. 301 This spell contains three adjuration formulae. The first one (ll. 5-6) is preceded by all-inclusive invocations of Chthonic deities, both general (θεοῖς καταχθον[ίοις] καὶ θεαῖς καταχθονίαις) and particular (individual invocations include Ploutos, Hermes, Kore, Persephone, Ereschigal, and Adonis). The adju‐ ration then invokes the entire congregation of the spirits of the dead, who are asked to lend their strength to a single entity (presumably the νεκυδαίμων that has been chosen to execute the spell). An unprefixed ὁρκίζω is used as the verb of adjuration, followed by the direct addressee in the accusative, as is usual (πάντας τοὺς δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ), and a desired effect in the imperative mood (συνπαράστατε τῷ δαίμονι τούτῳ). Following the first adjuration proper, the spirit of the deceased, who is described in typically inclusive language (‘whoever you are’, ‘whether male or female’), is commanded to deprive the victim of the curse, one Heronous, of all basic biological necessities (food, drink, sleep, sex) unless she is reunited with Posidonios, who commissioned the spell and stands as its ultimate beneficiary. The second adjuration formula (ll. 12-14) employs the same verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω), but instead of the entire host of spirits of the dead, it singles out one (‘you’, σε) that has been empowered by the spell to act on behalf of the beneficiary. The direct addressee is then followed by a lengthy mediation syntagma of almost poetic extraction—the νεκυδαίμων is invoked ‘by the frightful and dreadful name of the one at the sound of whose name the earth opens, at the sound of whose name the rivers and the seas fear fearfully, at the sound of whose name the rocks break’. We may note that, at this stage of the compound adjuration, the powerful magical name is only described obliquely via its effects—the actual voces magicae are found only in the third and last adjuration formula. The spell culminates with the third adjuration formula (ll. 14-27), which builds upon, expands, and unites the two preceding ones in a process resembling rhetorical gradation. The verb of adjuration remains the same (ὁρκίζω), but the direct addressee is denoted by both a pronoun (‘you’, σε) and a substantive (‘corpse-daemon’, νέκυς δαίμων). A mediation syntagma is present in preposi‐ tional form; the ‘frightful and dreadful name’ from the second adjuration is here spelled out in full force—a series of voces magicae, including the designations of divinities such as Iaô and Abrasax and logoi (such as Sesengen Barfaraggê[s]). 3 Greek Defixiones 133 <?page no="134"?> 302 Sayce in Petrie (1889: 37) incorrectly catalogued the papyrus as a ‘deed’. 303 Milne (1913: 393); for improved readings, cf. Ganszyniec (1921) and Hunt (1929: 156). We print the text of Preisendanz’s PGM edition. The desired effect is realized syntactically by a combination of prohibitive subjunctives (‘do not disobey me’, μή μου παρακούσῃς) and imperatives (‘go into every place’, ὕπαγε ἰς πάντα τόπον; ‘bring to me Heronous’, ἔνεγκέ μοι Ἡρωνοῦν). Of note is the presence of a reward that is promised to the ‘corpsedaemon’—having been bound to the will of Posidonios by a series of adjurations and invocations, he or she will be ‘set free’ (ἐὰν τοῦτό μοι ποιήσῃς, ἀπολύσω σε). 49 Love Spell against Sarapias Crocodilopolis (Aegyptus), s. II, ed. PGM XXXII Ἐξορκείζ[ω] σε, Εὐάγγελε, κατὰ τοῦ Ἀνούβι[δο]ς καὶ τοῦ Ἑρμοῦ καὶ [τ]ῶν λοι[πῶν] πάντων κάτω, ἄξαι καὶ καταδῆσαι (5) Σαραπιάδα, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἑλένη, ἐπ’ αὐτὴν Ἡραείδαν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Θερμουθαριν, ἄρτι, ἄρτι, ταχὺ ταχύ. ἐξ ψυχῆς καὶ καρδίας (10) ἄγε αὐτὴν τὴν Σαραπιάδ[α], ἣν ἔτεκεν ‹Ἑλένη› εἰδίᾳ μήτρᾳ, μαει οτε ελβωσατοκ αλαουβητω ω̣ειο̣ . αην, ἄξον καὶ κα[τάδησ]ον (15) ψυχὴ[ν καὶ καρδίαν Σαραπιάδο]ς, ἣν ἔτεκεν [Ἑλένη, ἐπ’ αὐ]τὴν Ἡραεί[δαν, ἣν ἔτεκε]ν Θερμουθα[ριν μήτρᾳ] αὑτῆς, [ἄρτι ἄρτι, ταχὺ ταχύ]. I adjure you, Euangelos, by Anoubis and Hermes and all the rest down below [scil. deities]; attract and bind Sarapias whom Helen bore, to this Herais, whom Thermoutharin bore, now, now; quickly, quickly. By her soul and heart attract Sarapias herself, whom ‹Helen› bore from her own womb, Maei Ote Elbôsatok Alaboubêtô Ôeio [---]aên. Attract and [bind the soul and heart of Sarapias], whom [Helene bore, to this] Herais, [whom] Thermoutharin [bore] from her womb [now, now; quickly, quickly]. (transl. E. O’Neil) Bibliography: Sayce in Petrie (1889: 37, No. 312); Milne (1913: 393, No. 312); Wünsch (1913); Ganszyniec (1921); Preisendanz (1927b: 128); Hunt (1929: 156- 157); Betz (1986: 266); Brooten (1996: 77-81, No. I); PGM XXXII Commentary: An inscription on one side of a papyrus (12.6 × 8.4 cm), torn at the bottom. Found at Hawara (ancient Crocodilopolis) and first reported in 1889, 302 with the editio princeps published in 1913 by J. G. Milne. 303 Preserved today at the Department of Greek and Latin at University College London; the script written in a ‘very rude hand’ suggests a 2nd cent. CE dating. The love spell, involving two women, Sarapias and Herais, opens with a single adjuration formula; a prefixed ἐξορκείζω is employed as the verb of adjuration. 134 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="135"?> 304 Wünsch (1913: 397). 305 So also Brooten (1996: 80). The direct addressee is referred to via a pronoun (‘you’, σε) and a personal name (voc. Εὐάγγελε). Richard Wünsch suggested that Euangelos might be a superhuman entity subordinated to Anubis or the name of the deceased; 304 the latter interpretation is, in our view, preferable. 305 A mediation syntagma, attested in prepositional form, invokes Anubis, Hermes, and the gods of the underworld to ensure the compliance of the corpse-daemon, Euangelos, with the wishes of Herais, the beneficiary of the curse. The desired effect—to bind Sarapias, the spell’s target, and draw her to Herais—is expressed via dynamic infinitives (ἄξαι καὶ καταδῆσαι); further below, we find the same wish expressed by means of imperatives (ἄξον καὶ κα[τάδησ]ον). 50 Love Spell against Kopria Unprovenanced (Aegyptus), s. II-III, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 184-192, No.-48) Section J: αβεραμενθωουλερθεξαναξεθρελυοωθνεμαρεβα, παρατίθημι ὑμῖν τὸν κατάδεσμον τοῦτον, θεοῖς καταχθονίοις, Πλούτωνί τε καὶ Κόρῃ Υεσεμμειγαδων καὶ Κούρῃ Περσεφόνῃ Ερεσχειγαλ καὶ Ἀδώνιζι τῷ καὶ Βαρβαριθα καὶ Ἑρμῇ καταχθονίῳ Θωουωθ Φωκενσεψευ εαρεκταθου μισονκταιχ καὶ Ἀνούβιδι κρατεῷ Ψηριφθα, τῷ τὰς κλῖδας ἔχοντι τῶν κατ ᾽Ἅδους, καὶ δέμοσι χθονίοις, θεοῖς, ἀώροις τε καὶ ἀώρες, μέλλαξί τε καὶ παρθένοις, ἐνιαυτοὺς (5) ἐξ ἐνιαυτῶν, μῆνας ἐξ μηνῶν, ἡμέρας ἐξ ἡμερῶν, νύκτας ἐξ νυκτῶν, ὥρας ἐξ ὡρῶν· ἐξορ‐ κίζω σε, πάντας τοὺς δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ, συνπαρασταθῆνε τῷ νεκυδαίμονι· ‹ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτόν, νεκυδαίμων,› ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ ἤτε ἄρσης εἴτε θήλια, καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν τόπον, εἰς πᾶν ἄμφοδον, εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκίαν, καὶ κατάδησον Κοπρίαν, ἣν ἔτεκε μήτηρ Ταῆσις, ἧς ἔχις τὰς τρίχας τῆς κεφαλῆς, Αἰλουρίωνι, ᾧ ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρία, ὅπως μὴ βινηθῇ μεδὲ πυγισθῇ μήτε ἡδονὴν ποιήσῃ ἑτέρῳ νεανίσκῳ ἢ ἄλλῳ ἀνδρὶ εἰ μὴ μόνῳ Αἰλουρίωνι, ᾧ ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρία, ἀλλὰ μητὲ δυνηθῇ μήτε φαγῖν μήτε πῖν μήτε ὕπνου τυχῖν διὰ παντὸς (10) μήτε εὐσταθῖν ἢ ἱσυχάζιν τῇ ψυχῇ ἢ τε̑ς φρεσὶ ἐπιζητοῦσα Ἐλουρίωνα, ὃν ἔτεκε μήτηρ Κοπρία, ἕως οὗ ἐκπηδήσῃ {ἐκπηδήσῃ} ἐκ παντὸς τόπου καὶ πάσης οἰκίας Κοπρία, ἣν ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Ταῆσις, ἧς ἔχις τὰς τρίχας, πυρουμένη καὶ ἔρθῃ πρὸς Ἐλουρίωνα, ὃν ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρία, φιλοῦσα ἐρῶσα ἐξ ὅλης ψυχῆς, ἐξ ὅλου πνεύματος, φίλτροις ἀκαταπαύστοις καὶ ἀδιαλίπτοις καὶ παραμονίμοις ἐρωτικοῖς Ἐλουρίωνα, ὃν ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρία, ἔρωτι θίῳ ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας, ἀπὸ τῆς ἄρτι ὥρας ἐπὶ τὸν λοιπὸν τῆς ζωῆς ἀτῆς Κοπρία 3 Greek Defixiones 135 <?page no="136"?> χρόνον, ὅτι σε ἐξορκίζω, νεκυδαίμων, κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ φοβεροῦ καὶ τρομεροῦ, (15) οὗ ἡ γῆ τὸ ὄνομα ἀκούσασα ἀνυγήσετε, οὗ οἱ δαίμονες τὸ ὄνομα ἀκούσαντες ἔμφοβοι τρέμουσιν, οὗ οἱ ποταμοὶ καὶ ἑ θάλασσε τὸ ὄνομα ἀκούσαντες ταράσσοντε, οὗ ἑ πέτρε τὸ ὄνομα ἀκούσαντες ῥήσσωντε, κατὰ τοῦ Βαρβαριθαμ Βαρβαριθααμ χελομβρα βαρουχαμβρα Αδωναιου καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Αμβραθ Αβρασαξ Σεσενγεν Βαρφαραγγης καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ιαω Σαβαωθ Ιαεω πακενψωθ πακενβραωθ σαβαρβατιαωθ σαβαρβατιανη σαβαρβαφαι μαρι ἐνδόξου Μαρμαραωθ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ουσερβεν τηθ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ουεερπατη καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Μαρμαραυωθ μαρμαραχθα μαρμαραχθαα αμαδρα μαρι βεωθ· μή μου παρακούσῃς τῶν (20) ἐντολῶν, νεκυδαίμων, ὅστις ποτ᾽ ἶ, εἴτε ἄρρης εἴτε θήλια, ἀ‹λ›λ᾽ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτὸν καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν ἄμφοδον, εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκίαν, καὶ κατάδησον Κοπρίαν, ἣν ἔτεκε μήτηρ Ταῆσις, ἧς ἔχις τὰς τρίχας τῆς κεφαλῆς, Αἰλουρίωνι, ᾧ ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρία, ὅπως μὴ βινηθῇ μηδὲ πυγισθῇ μήτε ἡδονὴν ποιήσῃ ἄλλῳ νεανίσκῳ ἢ ἑτέρῳ ἀνδρί, ἀλλὰ μητὲ δυνηθῇ μήτε φαγῖν μήτε πῖν μήτε ὕπνου τυχῖν μήτε ἡσυχάζιν τῇ ψυχῇ ἢ τῇ διανοίᾳ ἐπιζητοῦσα διὰ παντὸς ἡμέρες κὲ νυκτὸς Ἐλουρίωνα, ὃν ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρία, φιλοῦσα ἐρῶσα ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας, ἐξ ὅλου πνεύματος, ὡς τὴν ἑαυτῆς (25) ψυχὴν Κοπρία, ἧς ἔχις τὰς τρίχας, φιλοῦσα ἔρωτι θίῳ μέχρι θανάτου Αἰλουρίωνα, ὃν ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀν{ον}όματι Κοπρία, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. (magical signs) ω̣εωεουωαειοωαωαω̣ ωαεωαουω̣α α̣α̣α̣α̣α̣α̣α̣ αεωαεαεω ιαω ιαω αειω Section K: αεο . . . ωαηω αιυαυεω Ιαεω μαρζα (30) μαρι βεωθ, μή μου παρακούσῃς τῶν ἐντολῶν, νεκυδέμων, ὅστις ποτ᾽ἶ, ἀλλ᾽ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτὸν καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν τόπον, εἰς πᾶν ἄμφοδον, εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκίαν, καὶ ἄξον Κοπρίαν, ἣν ἔτεκε μήτηρ Ταῆσις, ἧς ἔχις τὰς τρίχας, Ἐλουρίωνι, (35) ᾧ ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρί‹α›, πυρουμένην, καομένην, τηκομένην τὴν ψυχήν, τὸ πνεῦμα, τὴν γυνεκίαν φύσιν, φιλοῦσαν ἐρῶσαν ἔρωτι θίῳ Ἐλουρίωνα, ὃν ἔτεκε μήτηρ ὀνόματι Κοπρία, μέχρι θανάτου, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. ἐγώ εἰμι Βαρβαδωναιαι (40) Βαρβαδωναι, ὁ τὰ ἄστρα κρύβων, ὁ τὸν οὐρανὸν κρατέων, ὁ τὸν κόσμον ἀληθεύων, ιατθεουν ιατρεουν σαλβιουθ Αωθ Αωθ σαβαθιουθ ιατ᾽θεραθ Αδωναιαι (45) ισαρ συρια βιβιβε βιβιουθ νατθω Σαβαωθ αιαναφα αμουραχθη σαταμα Ζεὺς αθερεοφιλαυω. Section J: Aberamenthôoulerthexanaxethreluoôthnemareba, I deposit this binding charm with you, chthonic gods, Plouton and Kore Yesemmeigadôn and Koure Persephone Ereschigal and Adonis, also called Barbaritha, and chthonic Hermes Thoth Phôkensepseu earektathou misonktaich and mighty Anoubis Psêriphtha, who holds the keys of the gates to Hades, and chthonic daemons, gods, men and women who suffered an untimely death, youths and maidens, year after year, month after month, day after day, night after night, hour after hour. I adjure you, all the daemons in this place, to assist this corpse-daemon. ‹Rouse 136 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="137"?> yourself for me, corpse-daemon,› whoever you are, whether male or female, and go into every place, into every quarter, into every house, and bind Kopria, whom her mother Taesis bore, of whom you have the hairs of the head, for Ailourion, whom his mother named Kopria bore, so that she not be fucked nor be buggered nor make pleasure for another youth or another man, except for Ailourion only, whom his mother named Kopria bore, and let her not even be able to eat or to drink or to get sleep ever or to enjoy good health or to have rest in her soul or mind as she yearns for Ailourions, whom his mother Kopria bore, until Kopria, whom her mother named Taesis bore, whose hairs you have, rushes forth from every place and every house, inflamed, and comes to Ailourion, whom his mother named Kopria bore, with all her soul, with all her spirit, with unending and unceasing affection and with enduring acts of love, with divine love from the present day, from this very hour, for the rest of the life of Kopria, because I adjure you, corpse-daemon, by the dreadful name of the one at the sound of whose name the earth will open, at the sound whose name the daemons tremble fearfully, at the sound of whose name the rivers and the seas heave tumultuously, at the sound of whose name the rocks break, by Barbaritham Barbarithaam chelombra barouchambra Adônaios and by Ambrath Abrasax Sesengen Barpharaggês and by Iaô Sabaôth Iaeô pakenpsôth pakenbraôth sabarbatiaôth sabarbatianê sabarbaphai mari of high renown Marmaraôth and by Ouserbentêth and by Ouserpatê and by Marmarauôth marmarachtha marmarachthaa amarda mari beôth. Do not disobey my commands, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, whether male or female, but rouse yourself for me and go into every place, into every quarter, into every house, and bind Kopria, whom his mother named Kopria bore, so that she not be fucked nor be buggered nor make pleasure for another youth or another man, and let her not even be able to eat or to drink or to get sleep or to have rest in her soul or mind as she yearns always, day and night, for Ailourion, whom his mother named Kopria bore, being fond of him, loving him with all her heart, with all her spirit, as if he were her own soul, Kopria, whose hairs you have, being fond of Ailourion, whom his mother named Kopria bore, with divine love until death, now now, quickly quickly (magical signs). ôeôeoyôaeioôaôaô ôaeôaoyôa aaaaaaa aeôaeaeô iaô iaô aeiô Section K: aeo [---] ôaêôaiyayeô Iaeô marza mari beôth, do not disobey my commands, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, but rouse yourself for me and go into every place, into every quarter, into every house, and drive Kopria, whom her mother Taesis bore, whose hairs you have, to Ailourion, whom his mother named Kopria bore, inflamed, burning, melting in her soul, her spirit, her female genitals, being fond of and loving with divine love Ailourion, whom his mother named Kopria bore, until death, now now, quickly quickly. I am Barbadônaiai 3 Greek Defixiones 137 <?page no="138"?> 306 An excellent discussion of these magical elements in Mediterranean magic may be found in Faraone (2012), with our tablet reproduced as Fig. 5.1 on p. 70. Martinez (1991: 105-111) provided a careful analysis of the voces magicae and vowel series of the tablet at hand. 307 Martinez (1991: 1); accepted by Jordan (2000a: 25). 308 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 184). Barbadônai, who conceals the stars, who governs heaven, who establishes the cosmos in truth, iattheoun iatreoun salbiouth Aôth Aôth sabathiouth iattherath Adônaiai isar syria bibibe bibiouth natthô Sabaôth aianapha amourachthê satama Zeus athereophilauô. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini, modified) Bibliography: Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 184-192, No. 48); Martinez (1991); Jordan (2000a: 25, No.-93); Faraone (2012: 70, fig. 5.1) Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (29.5 × 20 cm); traces of vertical creases indicate that the tablet has been folded several times. The exact provenance is unknown, but there is little doubt that this love spell originated in Egypt. Acquired by the University of Michigan in 1982, the tablet is preserved today in the Harlan Hatcher Graduate Library at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor). We print only sections J and K, containing the spell proper; other sections include ‘vanishing acts’ of voces magicae, for the most part palindromes. These appear in the form of an inverted pyramidal shape (section A) or so-called ‘winged formations’ (sections C and E). The remaining sections contain vowel series, a common feature of the ancient Mediterranean κοινή (sections B, D, F, G, and H). 306 D. Martinez proposed dating the tablet to the 3rd to 4th cent. CE on the basis of letter-forms; 307 R. Daniel and F. Maltomini preferred an earlier dating of the 2nd to 3rd cent. CE. 308 The adjuration formulae attested in this love spell are identical to those exhibited by 48 with three important differences. First, the verb of adjuration employed by 50 is consistently prefixed ἐξορκίζω, functionally analogous to the ὁρκίζω of 48. Second, the phrasing of the first adjuration formula is slightly different—in 48, it is the totality of all daemons or spirits of the dead that is being adjured to assist the one daemon who is tasked to execute the wishes of the beneficiary (ὁρκ̣[ίζω] πάντας τοὺς δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ); in 50, the intervening pronoun σε (‘you’) occupies the place of direct addressee. The sequence ἐξορκίζω σε πάντας τοὺς δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ may then be interpreted as either ‘I adjure you, all the daemons in this place’ or as a combination of a direct addressee and a non-prepositional mediation syntagma in the usual construction of a double accusative, in other words as ‘I adjure you by all the daemons in this place’. The oscillations between the singular 138 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="139"?> 309 Martinez (1991: 50). and plural are relatively common and, as Martinez noted in his discussion of this section, ‘we must discern whether they arise from mere carelessness in the use of common formulae or from other causes, such as religious orientation’, while concluding, with reason, that 50 ‘displays the former tendency’. 309 The third and last major difference with 48 consists in the absence of a third verb of adjuration—the mediation syntagma invoking a ‘dreadful name’ continues directly into the invocations of the voces magicae. 51 Three Love Spells against Matrona, Daughter of Tagene Oxyrhynchus (Aegyptus), s. III, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 193-213, Nos. 49- 51) 51.1 A: ιαεωβαφρενεμουνοθιλαρικριφιαευεαιφιρκιραλιθονυομενερφα φιλίτω Ματρῶνα, ἣν ἔτεκεν {ταγ} [ ] Ταγένη, ἧς βωεαι Ιαω Αδωναι Ελωε βαροθχ Αδωναι. ἔχις τὴν οὐσίαν, Θεόδωρον, ὃν ἔτεκεν Τεχῶσις, ἐπὶ (5) τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον τῆς ζωῆς αὐτῆς, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. παρακατατίθημι ὑμῖν τοῦτον τὸν κατάδεζμον, θεοῖς καταχθονίοις καὶ Πλούτωνι Υεσσεμιγαδων, Ὀρθὼ Βαυβὼ Κόρῃ Περσεφονίῃ Ερεσχιγαλ καὶ Ἀδώνιδι τῷ Βαρβαριωνηθ καὶ Ἑρμίᾳ καταχθονίῳ Θωουθ Φωκενταζε̣ψευ (10) καὶ Ἀνούβιδι καρτερῷ Ψηριχθα κανχενε[---]θ, τῷ τὰς κλῖδας ἔχοντι τῶν καθ᾽ Ἅδους πυλῶν, κα[ὶ δαίμ]ο̣[σι κα]ταχθονίοις, θεοῖς, ‹ἀώραις› τε καὶ ἀώροις, μέλλαξί τε [καὶ παρ]θένοις, ἐνιαυσίους ἐξ{ξ} ἐνιαυτῶν, μῆνες ἐκ μ̣[ηνῶν, ἡ]μέραις ἐξ{ξ} ἡμερῶν, νύκτε{κτε} ‹ς› ἐκ νυκτῶν, ὥρεσιν [ἐξ]{ξ̣} ὡρ[ῶ]ν̣· (15) [ὁρ]κ̣ίζω πάντας τοὺς δέμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τ[ού]τῳ συμ̣[{συμ}? ]παρασταθῆναι τῷ δέμονι τούτῳ· ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτὸν[ἀπὸ τ]ῆ̣[ς] ἐχούσης σε ἀναπαύσεως καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν [τό]πον καὶ εἰς πᾶν ἄμφοδον ⟦ε̣⟧ καὶ εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκίαν [καὶ π]ᾶν καπηλῖον, καὶ ἄξον, κατάδησον Ματρῶναν, (20) [ἣν ἔτ]ε̣κεν Ταγένη{ς}, ἧς ἔχις τὴν οὐσίαν - ἑ τρίχες τῆς [κεφ]α̣λῆς αὐτῆς - ταύτην, ὅπως μὴ βινηθῇ, μὴ πυγισθῇ, μὴ̣ [λαι]κά̣σ̣ῃ̣, μ̣ήτ̣ε̣ ἀφρο‹δι›σιακὸν ἐπιτελέσῃ μεθ᾽ἑτέρου, μὴ [ἄλ]λ̣ῳ ἀντρὶ συνέλθις εἰ μὴ Θεοδώρῳ, ὃν ἔτεκεν Τεχῶσις, [ἀλλ]ὰ μ̣[ὴ δυ]ν̣ηθήτω πώποτε Ματρῶνα χωρὶς Θεοδώρο`υ´ (25) [μὴ καρτε]ρῖν, μὴ εὐσταθῖν μηδὲ ὕπνου τυχεῖς νυκτὸς [ἢ ἡμέρας, Ματ]ρῶνα, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ταγένη, οὗ ἰσιν ἑ τρίχες [τῆς κεφαλῆς] αὐτῆς, χωρὶς Θεοδώρου, ὃν ἔτεκε Τεχῶσις, [ὅτι ἐξορκίζ]ω σε, νεκυδέμων, κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ τρο[μεροῦ κ]αὶ φοβεροῦ, οὗ ἡ γῆ ἀκού{ο}ουσα τὸ ὄνομα ἀνύγετε (30) {[ἀν]ύ̣[γε]τε, οὗν οἱ δέμονες}, οὗ οἱ δέμονες ἀκούοντες τὸ ὄνομ̣α ἔμφοβοι τρέμουσιν, οὗ οἱ ποταμοὶ καὶ ἑ θάλασσαι ἀκού[ο]ντες τὸ ὄνομα ἔμφοβοι τρέμουσι, ‹οὗ αἱ πέτραι ἀκούουσαι τὸ ὄνομα› ῥήσσονται· ὁρ[κί]ζω σε, νεκυδέμων, ἴτε ἄρσης ἴτε θήλια, κατ[ὰ τοῦ] Βαρβαραθαμ 3 Greek Defixiones 139 <?page no="140"?> χαλουμβρα βαρουχ Αδωναιου (35) θεοῦ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Αβρασαξ βραωσα `βα´βαρβαριαωθ σαβαρβαριαωθ Σεσενγε Βαρβαραφαραγγης μαρι ονιοξας καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Μαρμαραχθα μαλμαρζα μαρι βα[ρι]ω̣θ· μή μου παρακούσῃς, νεκυδαίμων, ὅστις ποτ᾽⟦ου⟧ [εἶ, κ]αὶ ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτόν, ὅτι ἐξορκίζω σε κατὰ τῆς κυρίας (40) [Ἑ]κάστης Ἀρτέμιδος, δέμων· δαμνω δαμνολυκα`κη´ δαμνίππ⟦α̣⟧η δαμνομενια δαμνοβαθιρα δαμνοβαθιρι δαμνομενια δαμηαμωνη δαμηαμωνηι βριαω Αρσ̣ενοφρη αχεωπη̣θιθου B: (45) ρακρινια . Ακτιωφι Ερεσχιγαλ Νεβουτοσουαληθ σαλβαναχαμβρη Υεσσεμιγαδων Ὀρθὼ Βαυβὼ νοηρε κοδηρε συϊε σανκιστη δωδεκακιστη ἀκρουβορε⟦β⟧ρα ἀκρουροβόρε ⟦ο⟧ νυκτιτρόμε· ὁρκίζω σε κατὰ τῶν φρικτῶν σου ὀνομάτων αθθα β̣αρβαραθα (50) βαραθαθ βαβριθη̣εα̣θ βαρβαραρα Ιαωθ βριθ μαρχθαχαμα̣ . . αχθαο α̣ρμαχα ζαραχθα κα̣[λ]ε̣σάντρα, βιασάντρα, κατανικάντρα· ὁρκίζω σ̣ε̣, [νεκ]υ̣δ̣α̣ί̣μ̣ω̣ν̣, φορβορ φορ⟦βα⟧φορβα αρχισ̣[.νεικαρ]ο̣πληξ, ἔντινόν σου τὸ τόξος εἰς τὴν καρ[δίαν (55) Ματ]ρώνας, ἥν ἔτεκεν Ταγένη, ἧς ἔχις τ̣ὴν οὐσ̣[ίαν, ἐ]π̣᾽[ἔ]ρωτι καὶ φιλίᾳ Θεοδώρου, ὃν ἔτεκ[εν] Τεχ[ῶσις.] αμ .[--]. θα, φυσιτρόμε, νυκτιτρόμε, κελεύω σ̣[ε· “στέμ]μα, κλ[είς, κη]ρύκ̣[ιο]ν, τῆς Ταρταρούχου χάλ‹κ›εον τὸ σάνδαλον, τῆς δε̣[---]π̣ου χρύσεον τὸ σάνδαλον· ἰδὼν δὲ ἐγὼ ἔφυγον τ[ὴν σιδη]ροσάνδαλον, (60) ἔβην δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἴχνοις χρυ‹σ›οσανδάλου Κόρη̣[ς· σῶσόν] με, σωσίκοσμε, Δήμητρος κόρη.” ἐπιτελοῦσά μοι τὸν [κατά]δεσ{ζ}μον τοῦτον ἄξον, κατάδησον Ματρῶναν, [ἣν ἔτε]κ̣[ε]ν Τ[α]γένη, ἧς ἔχις τὴν οὐσίαν, ἧς ἔχι ἐν ν[όῳ Θεόδωρος, ὃν ἔτεκεν Τεχῶσις. “ασκι κατὰ σκι[ερῶν] (65) ὀρέων μελαναυγήα χῶρον ‹Περσεφόνης› ἐκ κή̣π̣ο̣υ [ἄγει πρὸς ἀ]μουλγὸν ἀνάγκης τὴν τετραβάμονα π̣[αῖς ἁγίην Δή]μητρος{ς} ὀπ̣[η]δ̣ών, ἒξ ἀμα̣κα̣ντορήας [νασμοῦ θα]λε̣ρ̣οῖο̣ γ[ά]λ̣α̣κτος, θεσομενον ‹ › λαμπάδος ἰνωδί[ᾳ] Ἑ̣κ̣άτῃ φρει̣κώ̣ιδι φωνῇ βαρβαρεον κράζουσα θεὰ. (70) [---]ν ἡγεμονεύεις. νύξ, ἔρεβον σκότιον, ἐών, φάος, Ἄρτεμις ἁγνή, εξετωνεπ̣ε τετραβάμων δορκ .[-]πασαε̣α καιστῷ ἀγαλλομένη Ἀφροδίτη, Περσεφονίη, φορβη ιωχαρις οιωαιαιω πρόσκοπη ιωδαμασεα.” φύλαξον ἄλυτον τὸν κατά{τα}δεζμον τοῦτον εἰς αἰῶνα· βορφω[ρ--] (75) φορβα φορ φορβα φωρβωρ φορβα φορβα β[ορφ]ορβα φορβα φαβεη φωρφωρ φωρφωρ· ἄξ[ον,] κατάδησον καὶ ἀγρύπνησον Ματρῶναν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ταγένη, ἧς ἔχις τὴν οὐσίαν, ἧς ἔχι ἐν νόῳ Θεόδωρος, ὃν ἔτεκεν Τεχῶσις, φιλοῦσα‹ν› αὐτὸν νυκτὸς (80) καὶ ἡμέραις, πάσᾳ ὥρᾳ τοῦ αἰῶνος αὐτῆς, κα̣ὶ [μηδένα] ἐ̣κ{κ}τὸς Θεοδώρου̣,ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ, ἄρτι ἄρτι. A: [voces magicae] Let Matrona, whom Tagene bore, whose substance you have, love Theodoros, whom Techosis bore, for the entire time of her life, now now, quickly quickly. I deposit this binding charm with you, chthonic gods and Plouton Yessemigadôn, Orthô Baubô Kore Persephone Ereschigal and Adonis Barbariônêth and chthonic Hermes Thoth Phôkentazepseu and 140 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="141"?> mighty Anoubis Psêrichtha kanchene [---]th who holds the keys of the gates to Hades, and chthonic daemons, gods, ‹women› and men who suffered an untimely death, youths and maidens, year after year, month after month, day after day, night after night, hour after hour. I adjure all the daemons in this place to assist this daemon. Rouse yourself for me from the rest that holds you down and go into every place and into every quarter and into every house and every shop, and drive, bind Matrona, whom Tagene bore, of whom you have this substance - the hairs of her head - so that she not be fucked, not be buggered, not fellate, and not perform venereal activities with another, not go with another man than Theodoros, whom Techosis bore, and let Matrona nor ever be able apart from Theodoros to have strength, to enjoy good health, and to get sleep by night or day, Matrona, whom Tagene bore, of whom these are the hairs of her head, apart from Theodoros, whom Techosis bore. For I adjure you, corpse-daemon, by the dreadful and frightful name of the one at the sound of whose name the earth opens, at the sound of whose name the daemons tremble fearfully, at the sound of whose name the rivers and the seas tremble fearfully, ‹at the sound of whose name the rocks› break. I adjure you, corpse-daemon, whether male or female, by Barbaratham chaloumbra barouch Adônaios god and by Abrasax braôsa babarbariaôth sabarbariaôth Sesenge Barbarapharaggês mari onioxas and by Marmarachtha malmarza mari bariôth. Do not disobey me, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, and rouse yourself for me, for I adjure you by the mistress Hekate Artemis, daemon. damnô damnolykakê damnippaê damnomenia damnobathira damnobathiri damnomenia damêamônê damêamônêi briaô Arsenophrê acheôpêthithou B: rakrinia. Aktiôphi Ereschigal Neboutosoualêth salbanachambrê Yessemi‐ gadôn Orthô Baubô noêre kodêre syie sankistê dôdekakistê akrouborera, swal‐ lowing the tip of the tail, nightroamer (? ). I adjure you by your dread names aththa babaratha barathath babrithêeath barbarara Iaôth brith marchthachama [---] achthao armacha zarachtha, summoner of men, subduer of men, conqueror of men, I adjure you, corpse-daemon, phorbor phorphorba archis[-] neichar‐ oplêx, bend your bow towards the heart of Matrona, whom Tagene bore, whose substance you have, so that she have love and affection for Theodoros, whom Techosis bore. [---] you who make nature tremble (? ), night-roamer (? ), I command you. “Wreath, key, wand, bronze sandal of the mistress of Tartaros, golden sandal of [---]. When I saw, I fled the iron-sandaled one, and I followed the footprints of golden-sandaled Kore. Save me, savior of the world, daughter of Demeter.” As you fulfill for me this binding charm, drive, bind Matrona, whom Tagene bore, whose substance you have, whom Theodoros, whom Techosis bore, has in mind. “Aski under the shadowy mountains at the milking time from 3 Greek Defixiones 141 <?page no="142"?> the garden ‹of Persephone› the child leads of necessity in the dark-gleaming land the holy four-footed servant of Demeter, the goat with her ceaseless flow of rich milk, demanding (? ) [---] torches for (? ) Hecate of the cross-roads (and ? ) with a terrible voice the shouting goddess leads the stranger (? ) to the god. Night, obscure Erebos, eternity, light, pure Artemis [---] four-footed deer (? ), Aphrodite delighting in her girdle, Persephoneia, phorbê shooter of arrows oiôaiaiô provident iôdamasea.” Keep this binding charm indissoluble forever, bôrphôr phorba phor phorba phôrbôr phorba phorba bor phorba phorba phabeê phôrphôr phôrphôr. Drive, bind and make sleepless Matrona, whom Tagene bore, whose substance you have, whom Theodoros, whom Techosis bore, has in mind, loving him night and day, every hour of her life and no one else except Theodoros, now now, quickly quickly, at once at once. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) 51.2 A: [φ]ιλίτω Ματρῶνα, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ταγένη{ς}, οὗ ἐσιν ἑ τρίχες τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτῆς, φιλίτω Θεόδωρον, ὃν ἔτεκεν Τεχῶσις, ἤδη, ταχύ. (5) παρ[α]καταθίθημι ὑμῖν τὸν κατὰδεσ{ζ}μον τοῦτον, θεοῖς καταχθονίοις, Πλούτωνι καὶ Κόρῃ καὶ Περσεφόνῃ καὶ δέμονες καταχθονίοις, νεκροῖς, ‹ἀώραις› τε καὶ ἀώροις, (10) παρθένοις καὶ μέλλαξιν, συνπαρασταθῆναι τῷ δέμονι τούτῳ· ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ, `Κα̣μ̣ῆ⟦ν̣⟧ς´, νεκυδαίμων, ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐχούσης σε ἀναπαύσεως· ἐξορκίζω σε γὰρ (15) κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀνόματος, οὗ φρίσι τὰ ὄρη καὶ τρέμι τὰ δεμόνια· οἵπαγε εἰς ⟦ου⟧ πᾶν τόπον καὶ εἰς `π´ᾶν ἄμφοδον καὶ εἰς πᾶν καπηλῖον, καὶ κατάδησον Ματρῶναν, ἣν ἔτεκεν (20) Ταγένη, ἧς ἔχις τὰς τρίχες τῆς κεφαλῆς αὐτῆς, ἐπὶ φιλίᾳ Θεοδώρου, ὃν ἔτεκεν Τεχῶσις· ποίησον τὴν Ματρῶναν ὑποταγῆναι Θεοδώρῳ, μηδ̣αμῇ ἐκτὸς Θεοδώρω, μη⟦δε⟧δ̣ὲ (25) ὕπνου τυγχάνῃ Ματρῶνα νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέραις, ἕως ἔλθῃ Ματρῶνα πάσῃ ὥρᾳ πρὸς Θεόδωρον φιλοῦσα αὐτόν, καὶ ‹ποίησον› τὴν Ματρῶναν, ἣν ἔτεκεν (30) Ταγένη, ὑπήκοον εἶναι Θεοδώρῳ· ἐξορκίζω σε γὰρ κατὰ τοῦ ἐνδόξου ὀνόματος ⟦οβ⟧ Οβαχ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Βαρβαραθαμ βαρουχ βαρουχα (35) βαρουχ Αδωναιου θεοῦ σαβαρααμ χαβαρααμ σαβαρααμ χαβαρααμ .[-] B: Αδωναιϊου Αβρασαξ (40) Σεσενγε Φαραγγης Ιαω Ιαω μεμβρεωθι τεφρεωθι Ιαρβατιαω Αρβατιαοθ Ακραμμαχαμαρει Ακραμμαχαμαρει ἐνδόξω Μαμαραωθ (45) Μαρμαριουωθ Μαρμαιοθ Μαρμα⟦ρ⟧ι`α´οθ χθαμα αμαζε μαρι βαριοθ· ὁρκίζω σε, μὴ παρακούσῃς τῶν ὀνομάτων, ἀλλὰ ἐξέγειρε σεαυτὸν (50) καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν τόπον, ὅπου ἐστὶ Ματρῶνα, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ταγένη, ἧς ἔχις τὴν οὐσίαν, καὶ ἄπελθε πρὸς αὐτὴν καὶ κατάσχες αὐτῆς τὸν ὕ⟦πν`ο´⟧πνον (55), τὸ ποτόν, τὸν βρο⟦το⟧τόν, καὶ μὴ ἀφῇς Ματρῶναν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ταγένη, ἧς ἔχις τὴν οὐσίαν, ἄλλου ἀντρὸς φιλίαν ἔχιν καὶ στοργήν, (60) εἰ μὴ Θεοδώρω, ὃν ἔτ{ετ}εκεν Τεχῶσις· ἕλκε τὴν Ματρῶναν τῶν τριχῶν, τ̣ῶν σπλά‹γ›χνων, τῆς ψυχῆ`ς´, τῆς καρδίας, ἕως ἔλθῃ πρὸ`ς´ (65) Θεόδωρον, καὶ ἀχώριστον αὐτὸν ποίησον 142 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="143"?> μέχ‹ρ›εις θανάθου νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέραις, πάσᾳ ὥρᾳ τοῦ αἰῶνος, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ, ἄρτι ἄρ`τι´. (70) ἄμ μοι τοῦτο τελέσῃς, λύσω σε ταχέως. A: Let Matrona, whom Tagene bore, of whom these are the hairs of her head, love, let her love Theodoros, whom Techosis bore, now, quickly. I deposit this binding charm with you, chthonic gods, Plouton and Kore and Persephone and chthonic daemons, the dead, ‹women› and men who suffered an untimely death, maidens and youths, so that you assist this daemon. Whoever you are, `Kames´, corpse-daemon, rouse yourself for me from the rest that holds you down. For I adjure you by the holy name at which the mountains tremble and the daemons shudder. Go into every place and into every quarter and into every house and into every shop, and bind Matrona, whom Tagene bore, of whom you have the hairs of her head, so that she love Theodoros, whom Techosis bore. Make Matrona submit herself to Theodoros, nowhere far from Theodoros, and let Matrona not get sleep night and day until Matrona comes at any hour to Theodoros, loving him, and make Matrona, whom Tagene bore, be obedient to Theodoros. For I adjure you by the glorious name Obach and by Barbaratham barouch baroucha barouch Adônaios god sabaraam chabaraam sabaraam chabaraam [---] B: Adônaios Abrasax Sesenge Pharaggês Iaô Iaô membreôthi tephreôthi Iarba‐ tiaô Arbatiaoth Akrammachamarei Akrammachamarei of high renown Mamar‐ aôth Marmariouôth Marmaioth Marmaiaoth chthama amaze mari barioth. I adjure you, do not disregard the names, but rouse yourself and go into every place, where Matrona is, whom Tagene bore, whose substance you have, and go to her and keep her from sleeping, drinking, eating, and do not allow Matrona, whom Tagene bore, whose substance you have, to have love and affection for any man other than Theodoros, whom Techosis bore. Drag Matrona by the hair, the inward parts, the soul, the heart, until she comes to Theodoros, and make him inseparable (to her) until death, night and day, every hour of her life, now now, quickly quickly, at once at once. If you fulfill this for me, I will quickly set you free. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) 51.3 [--φιλείτω Ματρῶνα, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ταγένη, ἧς ἔχεις τὴν οὐσίαν, τὰς τρίχας] τῆς κεφ[αλῆς αὐτῆς, Θεό]δωρον, ὃν ἔτεκεν Τεχ[ῶσις. ἐξορκίζω σε, νεκυδαίμων, κατὰ τοῦ Βαρβαρα]θαμ β[α]ρουχ βαρου[χ]α [Αδων]αιου θεοῦ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ [---] Σ]εσ[ε]νγεν Φαρ[α]γγης Ιαω [Ι]αω καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Μ[αρ]μ̣α̣ραω̣[θ]. μή μου παρακο[ύσῃς, νεκυδαίμων, ὅστις ποτ᾽εἶ, καὶ ἔγειρέ (5) μ]οι σεαυτὸν καὶ ἄπελθε πρὸς τὴν Ματ[ρῶνα, ἵνα χαρ]ί̣[σηταί μο]ι πάντα τὰ ἑ[αυτῆς, καὶ ἐπιτέλεσον μοι τοῦτον τὸν] κατάδεσ{ζ}μον, ἤδη ἤδη, τ̣α̣χ̣ύ̣· ὅτι ἐ[ξορκίζω ---]ος δέμω[ν, ---] νωφρις σαξα βαφαρ· τ̣έλει ταχὺ τ[αχύ ---] ὡς ἡ Ἶσις τὸν Ὄσιριν 3 Greek Defixiones 143 <?page no="144"?> 310 Jordan (1988a); see also Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 203-204). 311 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 193-213). 312 Wortmann (1968a: 60). 313 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 193). ἐφ[ίλησεν, οὕτως φιλείτω ἡ Ματρῶνα τὸν] Θεόδ[ω]ρον ἐπὶ τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον [τ]ῆς ζωῆς [αὐτῆς, ἤδη ἤδη, (10) τα]χὺ τ̣α̣χ̣ ⟦.ε⟧ύ, σήμερον. [---] Ιαω Σαβαωθ Αδων[αι βαρβαραθαμ] βαρουχα βαρου⟦βα⟧χ [---] (15) ἐξορκ̣ί̣ [ζω σε κατὰ ὀνόμα]τ̣ο̣ς̣ τοῦ [Αβρασ]α̣ξ. Let Matrona, whom Tagene bore, whose substance you have, the hairs of her head, love Theodoros, whom Techosis bore. I adjure you, corpse-daemon, by Barbaratham barouch baroucha Adônaios god and by [---] Sesengen Pharaggês Iaô Iaô and by Marmaraôth. Do not disobey me, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, and rouse yourself for me and go to Matrona, so that she grant me all her possessions, and fulfill for me this binding spell, now now, quickly quickly. For I adjure [---] daemon [---] nôphris saxa baphar; fulfil quickly, quickly [---] as Isis loved Osiris, so let Matrona love Theodoros for the entire time of her life, now now, quickly quickly, today. [---] Iaô Sabaôth Adônai Barbaratham baroucha barouch [---]. I adjure you by the name of Abrasax. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Wortmann (1968a: 57-84, Nos. 1-3); Jordan (1985a: 189, Nos. 155- 156); Jordan (1988a); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 193-213, Nos. 49-51); Martinez (1991: passim); Gager (1992: 100-101, No. 29); López Jimeno (2001: 245-251, Nos. 476-477); Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 181, No.-38); SEG XXXVIII, 1837 Commentary: The three texts united under number 51 are by the same hand and consist of two opisthographic lead tablets, 51.1 (9.5 × 15 cm) and 51.2 (6 × 15 cm), together with an inscribed clay vessel, 51.3 (ht 10.5 cm, diam. 11 cm). First published by D. Wortmann with ample commentary in 1968, the text of 51.1 was reconsidered in 1988 by D. Jordan, who identified in it metrical elements (ll. 57-61 as iambic trimeters and ll. 65-73 as dactylic hexameters); 310 we print the edition prepared by R. Daniel and F. Maltomini. 311 The objects, said to be from Oxyrhynchus, are today preserved in the Institut für Altertumskunde at the University of Cologne. The author of the editio princeps dated this single-purpose magical group to the 3rd or 4th cent. CE; 312 Daniel and Maltomini proposed an earlier dating of the late 2nd to early 3rd cent. CE, which is to be preferred. 313 All three texts serve one and the same purpose, namely, to force Matrona to love one Theodoros, the beneficiary of the love spell. The triplication of the spell (on two tablets plus the container) probably served as a redundancy measure on 144 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="145"?> 314 So already Wortmann (1968a: 57, ‘Er will sicher gehen und wendet der Zauber gleich dreifach an.’). the basis of the principle ‘better safe than sorry’. 314 No less than twelve adjuration formulae are employed across the inscriptions on these items; 51.1 features six, while 51.2 and 51.3 feature three formulae each. As is the case with 48, 50, and 52, large sections of the text coincide with the description of a love spell preserved in the Great Magical Papyrus of Paris (PGM IV, 335-406). The first three adjurations of 51.1 are almost identical to those preserved on 48 and 50. The opening section, likely employing an unprefixed ὁρκίζω, turns to all the spirits of the dead and commands them to assist one particular νεκυδαίμων, who will ultimately carry out the will of the beneficiary; the middle section turns to this chosen daemonic champion, who is bound by the invocation of a ‘dreadful and frightful name’ (the writer adopted a prepositional mediation syntagma with κατά to realize this action); finally, the in last section of the first half, the direct addressee is again the singular corpse-daemon, who is now invoked by the power of magical names and divinities. In addition to these adjurations, shared with 48 and 50, the text of 51.1 employs three additional formulae. The first, which is found at the very bottom of Side A (ll. 39-40), features a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω) and the usual pronoun ‘you’ (σε)—undoubtedly designating the corpse-daemon—as the direct addressee. In the mediation syntagma, we find the invocation of Hecate- Artemis (κατὰ τῆς κυρίας Ἑκάστης Ἀρτέμιδος). On Side B, we find two more adjurations (ll. 48-52; 52-57); both employ the same verb of adjuration (an unprefixed ὁρκίζω) and turn to the same direct addressee (σε, ‘you’). Lest there be any doubt, the last formula also identifies the direct addressee explicitly with νεκυδαίμων. The mediation syntagma in the penultimate adjuration of this tablet is present in prepositional form (κατὰ τῶν φρικτῶν σου ὀνομάτων; ‘by your dread names’, with voces magicae following); the last adjuration does not use the prepositional form and simply follows the sequence of the verb of adjuration and the direct addressee with the magical words themselves. The ultimate desired effect consists in the binding and rousing of Ma‐ trona, who is to be forced to submit sexually to Theodoros; the proximate effects are expressed in a variety of ways, including dynamic infinitives (e.g. συμπαρασταθῆναι in the command of the spirits of the dead to ‘assist’ the chosen corpse-daemon), prohibitive subjunctives (μή μου παρακούσῃς), and imperatives (ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτόν). The shorter tablet text, preserved in 51.2, contains only three adjuration formulae. Of note is the absence of a verb of adjuration in the initial command to 3 Greek Defixiones 145 <?page no="146"?> 315 So Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 209). Wortmann (1968a: 70) read ελωη⟦ν⟧ς; Jordan (1988a: 246, n. 3) argued for an erroneous copying of an instruction from a magical handbook: ‘[…] λάλησις, the noun no doubt referring to what is to be spoken to the ghost; presumably the scribe found the term in instructions in his formulary and ignorantly retained it in his text.’ The interpretation of Daniel and Maltomini is, in our view, supported by 52, in which the corpse-daemon is, without a shadow of a doubt, adjured by his proper name. 316 Gager (1992: 100). the daemon to arise (ἔγειρέ μοι σεαυτὸν, l. 12-13); the spirit of the deceased is ad‐ dressed directly by name (‘Kames’). 315 The text employs both prefixed (ἐξορκίζω, attested twice) and unprefixed (ὁρκίζω, attested once) verbs of adjuration; the direct addressee, always denoted by the pronoun ‘you’ (σε), is clearly the corpsedaemon in all three formulae. The first two formulae feature a prepositional mediation syntagma involving ‘names’ and numerous voces magicae (κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀνόματος κτλ.; κατὰ τοῦ ἐνδόξου ὀνόματος κτλ.); the last adjuration formula does not feature a mediation syntagma—the verb of adjuration and the direct addressee are followed by a string of imperatives expressing the desired effects (μὴ παρακούσῃς τῶν ὀνομάτων; ἐξέγειρε σεαυτόν; ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν τόπον; ἄπελθε πρὸς αὐτήν; κατάσχες αὐτῆς τὸν ὕπνον κτλ.). Finally, the clay vessel 51.3 contains only one undisputed verb of adjuration in the sequence ἐξορκ̣ί̣[ζω σε κατὰ ὀνόμα]τ̣ο̣ς̣ τοῦ [Αβρασ]α̣ξ (‘I adjure you in the name of Abrasax’). The adjurations at ll. 2 and 6 are entirely dependent on restorations of text lost to lacunae. As J. Gager observed, the powers invoked here ‘include none of the pagan figures (Kore, Persephone, Adonis, Thoth, Anubis, Hekate, and so on) cited in the tablets’; ‘the only names [---] are those associated commonly with Jewish texts (Adonaios, Baruch, Sabaoth, Abrasax, Iao, and so forth).’ 316 52 Love Spell against Ptolemais Antinoopolis (Aegyptus), s. III-IV, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 179-183, No. 47) Παρακατατίθεμαι ὑμῖν τοῦτον τὸν κατάδεσμον θεο[ῖ]ς καταχθονίοις, Πλούτωνι καὶ Κόρῃ Φερσεφόνῃ Ἐρεσχιγαλ καὶ Ἀδών̣διι τῷ καὶ Βαρβαριθα καὶ Ἑρμῇ καταχθονίῳ Θωουθ φωκενσεψευ ερεκτ̣αθου μισονκταικ καὶ Ἀνούβιδι κραταιῷ ψηριφθα, τῷ τὰς κλεῖδας ἔχοντι τῶν κατ̣ὰ ᾋδ̣ους, καὶ δαίμοσι καταχθονίοις θεοῖς, ἀώροις τε καὶ ἀώραις, μέλλαξι καὶ παρθένοις, ἐνιαυτοῖς ἐξ ἐνιαυτῶν, μήνασι (5) ἐκ μηνῶν, ἡμέραις ἐκ ἡμερῶν, ὥρασι ὡρῶν, νύκτες ἐκ νυκτῶν· ὁρκίζω πάντας τoὺς δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ συνπαραστῆναι τῷ δαίμονι τούτῳ Ἀντινόῳ. Διέγειραί μοι σεαυτὸν καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν τ[όπο]ν, εἰς πᾶν ἄμφ̣ο̣δον, εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκ̣ε̣ίαν καὶ κατάδησον Π̣τ̣ολεμαίδα, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἀϊᾶς, 146 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="147"?> τὴν θυγατέρα Ὡριγένους, ὅπως μὴ βινηθῇ, μὴ πυγισθῇ, μηδὲν πρὸς ἡδονὴν ποιήσῃ ἑταίρφ ἀνδρὶ εἰ μὴ ἐμο̣ὶ μόνῳ τῷ Σαραπάμμωνι, ὃν ἔτεκεν (10) Ἀρέ̣α, καὶ μὴ ἀφῇς αὐτὴν φαγεῖν, μὴ πεῖν, μὴ στέ⟨ρ⟩γειν μήτε ἐξελθεῖν μήτε ὕπνου τυχεῖν ἐκτὸς ἐμοῦ τοῦ Σαραπάμμωνος, οὗ ἔτεκεν Ἀ̣ρ̣έ̣α̣. Ἐξορκίζω σε, νεκύδαιμον Ἀντίνοε, κατὰ τοῦ ὀνόματος [τοῦ] τρομεροῦ καὶ φοβεροῦ, οὗ ἡ γῆ ἀκούσασα τοῦ ὀνόματος ἀνυγήσεται, οὗ οἱ δαίμονες ἀκούσαντες τοῦ ὀνόματος ἐνφόβως φοβοῦνται, οὗ οἱ ποταμοὶ καὶ πέτραι ἀκούσαντες ῥήσσ̣[οντα]ι· ὁρκίζω σε, νεκύδαιμον Ἀντίνοε, (15) κατὰ τοῦ Βαρβαραθαμ χελουμ̣β̣ρ̣α βαρ̣ο̣υ̣[χ] Ἀδωναὶ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ἀβρασὰξ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ἰαὼ πακεπτωθ πακ̣ε̣βραωθ σα̣βαρβαρ̣αει καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Μαρμαραουωθ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Μάρμαραχθα μ̣αμαζαγ̣α̣ρ̣. Μὴ παρακούσῃς, νεκύδαιμον Ἀντίνοε, ἀλλ᾿ ἔγειραί μοι σεαυτὸν καὶ ὕπαγε εἰς πᾶν τόπον, εἰς πᾶν ἄμφοδον, εἰς πᾶσαν οἰκείαν καὶ ἄγαγέ μοι τὴν Πτολεμαίδα, (20) ἣν ἔτ̣εκεν Ἀϊᾶ̣ς, τὴν θυγατέρα Ὡριγένους· κατάσχες αὐτῆς τὸ̣ βρωτόν, τὸ ποτόν, ἕως ἔ̣λθῃ πρὸς ἐμὲ τὸν Σαραπάμμωνα, ὃν ἔτεκεν Ἀρέα, καὶ μὴ ἐάσῃς αὐτὴν ἄλλου ἀνδρὸς πεῖραν λαβεῖν εἰ μὴ ἐμοῦ μόνου τοῦ Σαραπάμμωνος. Ἕλκε αὐτ̣ὴ̣ν τῶν τριχῶν, τῶν σπλάγχνων, ἕως μὴ ἀποστῇ μου τοῦ Σαραπάμμωνος, οὗ ἔτεκεν Ἀρέ̣α, καὶ ἔχω (25) αὐτὴν τὴν Πτολεμαίδα, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἀϊᾶς, τὴν θυγατέρα Ὡριγένους, ὑποτεταγμένην εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον τῆς ζωῆς μου, φιλοῦσάν με, ἐρῶσ[ά]ν μου, λέγουσάν μοι ἃ ἔχει ἐν νόῳ. Ἐὰν τοῦτο ποιήσῃς, ἀπολύσω σε. I deposit this binding charm with you, chthonic gods, Plouton and Kore Persephone Ereschigal and Adonis, also called Barbaritha, and chthonic Hermes Thoth Phôkensepseu erektathou misonktaik and mighty Anoubis Psêriphtha, who holds the keys of the gates to Hades, and chthonic daemons, gods, men and women who suffered an untimely death, youths and maidens, year after year, month after month, day after day, hour after hour, night after night. I adjure all the daemons in this place to assist this daemon Antinoos. Rouse yourself for me and go into every place, into every quarter, into every house, and bind Ptolemais, whom Aias bore, the daughter of Horigenes, so that she not be fucked, not be buggered, not do anything for the pleasure of another man, except for me Sarapammon only, whom Area bore, and do not allow her to eat, to drink, to resist or to go out or to get sleep apart from me, Sarapammon, whom Area bore. I adjure you, corpse-daemon Antinoos, by the dreadful and frightful name of the one at the sound of whose name the earth will open, at the sound of whose name the daemons tremble fearfully, at the sound of whose name the rivers and the rocks break. I adjure you, corpse-daemon Antionoos, by Barbaratham cheloumbra barouch Adônai and by Abrasax and by Iaô pakeptôth pakebraôth sabarbaphaei and by Marmaraouôth and by Marmarachtha mamazagar. Do not disobey, corpse-daemon Antinoos, but rouse yourself for me and go into every place, into every quarter, into every house and bring me Ptolemais, whom Aias 3 Greek Defixiones 147 <?page no="148"?> 317 Cf. PGM IV, 335-384. 318 Regarding the figurine, see esp. Bourguet (1975; 1980). 319 Kambitsis (1976: 214). 320 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 179). bore, the daughter of Horigenes. Keep her from eating and drinking until she comes to me, Sarapammon, whom Area bore, and do not allow her to have experience of another man except me Sarapammon only. Drag her by the hair, by the inward parts, until she is no more aloof from me, Sarapammon, whom Area bore, and I have her, Ptolemais, whom Aias bore, the daughter of Horigenes subject for the entire time of my life, being fond of me, loving me, telling me what she has in mind. If you do this, I will set you free. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Bourguet (1975); Kambitsis (1976); Bourguet (1980); Horsley (1981: 33-36, No. 8); Jordan (1985a: 188, No. 152); Betz (1986: 44, n. 66); Daniel/ Mal‐ tomini (1990: 179-183, No. 47); Martinez (1991: passim); Gager (1992: 97-100, No.-28); López Jimeno (2001: 240-242, No.-473); SEG XXVI, 1717 Commentary: An inscription on a single side of a lead tablet (11 × 11 cm), pierced once (possibly by a nail), as evidenced by a small hole between ll. 22 and 23. After inscription and piercing, the tablet was rolled and inserted into a smaller earthenware vessel together with a remarkably well-preserved figurine fashioned in unbaked clay. The figurine, entirely in line with the prescriptions for this love spell, 317 represents a female nude with her hands and legs bound behind her back; eight small pins pierce both of her eyes, her ears, the palms of her hands, and the soles of her feet; an additional five pins are inserted into the top of her head, her mouth, in between her breasts, and inside her vagina and anus. 318 Probably from the region of Antinoopolis, this magical set is today preserved in the Department of Egyptian Antiquities at the Musée du Louvre. S. Kambitsis, author of the editio princeps of this love spell, dated the tablet to the 3rd and 4th cent. CE on the basis of the script; 319 R. Daniel and F. Maltomini, as is their want, pushed the dating earlier, to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE. 320 The spell, the last in the series of several amatory curses based on a recipe preserved in the Great Magical Papyrus of Paris (cf. 48, 50, 51), includes three adjuration formulae. In the first, as usual, the entire congregation of daemons is adjured to assist one single νεκυδαίμων, who is then tasked to proceed with the business of procuring Ptolemais, daughter of Horigenes, for Sarapammon, the beneficiary of this magical operation. We find an unprefixed verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω) and a direct addressee in the accusative (πάντας τὸυς δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ), as usual. As compared with other iterations of this adjuration, 148 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="149"?> 321 Considered, with some caution, by Gager (1992: 99). 322 Kambitsis (1976: 217, n. 1, ‘On verrait en lui plutôt un homme de ce nom fréquent en Egypte, décédé prématurement ou emporté d’une mort violente, dont la tombe abriterait le charme.’); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 180). 52 is special in that it singles out the corpse-daemon by name (Antinoos), thus paralleling 51.2, where the daemon also seems to be adjured in the same way (Kames). The suggestion that Antinoos was Hadrian’s deified lover 321 is probably too far-fetched—the name had become extremely popular by the end of the 2nd cent. CE and it is more likely that it designated the name of the deceased into whose grave the vessel with the curse and the figurine were inserted. 322 The second adjuration employs a prefixed ἐξορκίζω as the verb of adjuration and the third a simple ὁρκίζω; in both cases, the direct addressee stays the same and his identity is emphasized by the use of the vocative following the usual pronoun ‘you’ (νεκύδαιμον Ἀντίνοε). As is the case in, for example, 48, the mediation syntagma of the second adjuration formula invokes the corpsedaemon obliquely ‘by the dreadful and frightful name’ (without disclosing the name); the mediation syntagma of the third and last adjuration then invokes the daemon directly via voces magicae and the names of divinities (κατὰ τοῦ Βαρβαραθαμ χελουμ̣β̣ρ̣α βαρ̣ο̣υ̣[χ] Ἀδωναὶ καὶ κατὰ τοῦ Ἀβρασὰξ κτλ.). The ultimate desired effect is, of course, the procurement of Ptolemais; the proximate commands are syntactically realized by dynamic infinitives (συνπαραστῆναι, l. 6), prohibitive subjunctives (μὴ παρακούσῃς, ll. 17-18), and imperatives (ἄγαγέ μοι τὴν Πτολεμαίδα, l. 19). Like 48, the spell concludes with the promise of a reward—should Antinoos the corpse-daemon effectively execute the wishes of Sarapammon, he is to be ‘set free’ (ἐὰν τοῦτο ποιήσῃς, ἀπολύσω σε). 53 Restraining Spell against Hôri Hermoupolis Magna (Aegyptus), s. III-IV, ed. PGM O 1 Κρόνος, ὁ κατέχων τὸν θυμὸν ὅλων τῶν ἀνθρώπων, κάτεχε τὸν θυμὸν Ὡρι, τὸν ἔτεκεν Μαρία, κὲ μὴ ἐάσῃς αὐτὸν λαλήσεν (5) Ἁτρῷ, τῷ ἔτεκεν Ταήσης. [ὅτι σε] ὁρκίζω κατὰ τοῦ δακτύλου τοῦ θεοῦ, εἵνα μὴ ἀναχάνῃ αὐτῷ, ὅτι Κρόνου πεδὶ κὲ Κρόνῳ ὑπόκιτε. μὴ ἑάσῃς (10) αὐτὸν λαλήσεν αὐτῷ μήτε νύκταν μήτε ἡμέραν μήτε μίαν ὥραν. Kronos who restrains the anger/ passion of all mankind, restrain the anger/ passion of Hôri, to whom Maria gave birth, and let him not speak to/ against Hatros, to whom Taêsês gave birth, for I adjure you by the finger of God that he should not open (his) mouth (against/ to) him, because he belongs to Kronos 3 Greek Defixiones 149 <?page no="150"?> 323 Preisendanz in PGM O 1 (PGM II, p.-233). 324 Gager (1992: 209). 325 Brightman in Crum (1902: 4-5, No.-522, l. 4). 326 Wilcken (1903: 173); Preuschen (1906: 642); Deissmann (1909: 230). 327 Preisendanz in PGM O 1 (PGM II, p.-233). 328 Brightman in Crum (1902: 4-5, No.-522, l. 6). 329 Preuschen (1906: 642). 330 Wilcken (1903: 173). 331 Deissmann (1909: 230). 332 See esp. Couroyer (1956); a recently published apotropaic charm on a papyrus has the expression δακτηλος Σαλομῶν, which may be interpreted as either ‘Solomon’s ring’ or ‘Solomon’s finger’, cf. Trnka-Amrhein (2020: 93). 333 Eitrem (1934); Mastrocinque (2011: 11-49, covering gems in particular). and is subject to Kronos. Let him not speak to him, neither by night nor day nor any hour. (transl. J. Gager) Bibliography: Brightman in Crum (1902: 4-5, No. 522); Wilcken (1903: 173); Preuschen (1906: 642); Deissmann (1909: 229-231); Eitrem (1934); Couroyer (1956: 482); Gager (1992: 209, No.-111); Jordan (2000c: 129); PGM O 1 Commentary: An anger-restraining spell written on an ostracon (dimensions unknown), found at Eshmunein (ancient Hermoupolis Magna). Olim in the collection of F. Hilton Price (London); dated to the ‘later Imperial period’ by K. Preisendanz 323 and ‘likely no earlier than the third or fourth century C.E.’ by J. Gager. 324 We print Preisendanz’s edition; the editio princeps, prepared by F. E. Brightman, 325 misread κέ (= καί) as K(ύρι)ε which, given the personal name Μαρία preceding it, caused some confusion and occasioned several new readings correcting the mistake in the few years immediately following the first edition. 326 The inscription features a single adjuration formula. The section preceding the verb of adjuration suffers from a lacuna; Preisendanz offered a simple ὁρκίζω, assuming a direct addressee (‘you’, σε) in a protasis, 327 a solution that follows Brightman 328 and Preuschen. 329 An alternative, proposed by Wilcken 330 and Deissmann, 331 restores a prefixed ἐξορκίζω (in which case the direct addressee is assumed to be omitted). Be that as may, the formula continues with a prepositional mediation syntagma—Kronos is adjured by the power of the ‘finger of God’ (κατὰ τοῦ δακτύλου τοῦ θεοῦ). The expression is otherwise unattested in our corpus, but it does appear in the magical texts of the Mediter‐ ranean κοινή. 332 Kronos is also mentioned in one of the adjuration formulae of the serial curses from Amathous (59); as is the case with the expression ‘finger of God’, his presence in Graeco-Roman magic is well-attested. 333 150 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="151"?> 334 Gager (1992: 209, ‘[the] spell invokes the Greek god Kronos either to keep Hori from speaking to Hatros [perhaps for legal reasons], or to keep Hori from speaking against Hatros.’). 335 Preuschen (1906: 642) considered it a ‘Liebeszauber’. The immediate desired effect is clear, which cannot be said for the context and general purpose of the spell. The author of the spell turns to Kronos by way of invoking the ‘finger of God’ in order to silence one Hôri, son of Maria, vis-à-vis another man, Hathros, son of Taêsês. The wish is first expressed in a final clause, εἵνα (= ἵνα) μὴ ἀναχάνῃ αὐτῷ, and later also by a prohibitive subjunctive (μὴ ἑάσῃς αὐτὸν λαλήσεν αὐτῷ). The silencing of opponents is a typical feature of juridical curses (it is also featured on another restraining spell from Egypt; cf. 56), 334 but an erotic context is not to be completely excluded. 335 54 Love Spell against Gorgonia Hermoupolis Magna (Aegyptus), s. III-IV, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 132-153, No.-42) A: “στυγνοῦ σκότους ἕδρασμα, χαρχαρόστομα σκύλαξ, δρακοντέλιξε, τρικαρανοστρεφῆ, κευθμωνοδῖτα, μόλε, πνευματηλάτα, σὺν Ἐρινύσιν πικραῖς μάστιξιν ἠγριωμέναις· δράκοντες ἱεροί, μενάδες, (5) φρικτὲ κόραι, μόλετ᾽ αἰς [ἐπα]οιδὰς τὰς ἐμὰς θυμουμένας· πρὶν ἤ με ἀνάγκῃ τοῦτον ἐκπ̣ε̣ῖ̣σαι ται ῥωπῇ ποίησον πυρσόπνευστον δαίμων‹α›· ἄκουε καὶ πύησον ἅπαντα ἐν τάχι δρᾶσαι μηδὲν ἐναντιωθεὶϲ ἐμοί· ὑμῖς γὰρ ἐσται τῆς γαίης ἀρχ̣ηγέται.” αλαλαχος αλληχ Ἁρμαχιμενευς μαγιμενευς αθινεμβης ασταζαβαθος αρταζαβαθος ωκουμ (10) φλομ λογχαχιναχανα θου Αζαηλ καὶ Λυκαηλ καὶ Βελιαμ καὶ Βελενηα καὶ σοχσοχαμ σομοχαν ουζαχαμ βαυζαχαμ ουεδδουχ· διὰ τούτου τοῦ ναικυουδαίμονος φλέξον τὴν καρδίαν, τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ πνεῦμα Γοργονία, ἣν αἴταικεν Νιλογενία, ἐπ᾽ ἔρωτι καὶ φιλίᾳ Σοφία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσάρα· καταναγγάσαται Γοργονία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Νιλογενία, βληθῆναι Σοφίᾳ, ἣν αἴταικεν Ἰσάρα, εἰς τὸ βαλανῖον, καὶ γενοῦ βαλάνισσα{ν}· καῦσον, ποίρωσον, (15) φλέξον τὴν ψυχήν, τὴν καρδίαν, τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ πνεῦμα ἐπ᾽ ἔρωτι Σοφία, ἣν αἴτεγεν Ἰσάρα· ἄξατε Γοργονία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Νιλογενία, ἄξατε αὐτήν, βασανίσατε αὐτῆς τὸ σῶμα νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμαίρας, δαμάσαται αὐτὴν ἐκπηδῆση ἐκ παντὸς τόπου καὶ πάσης οἰκίας φιλοῦσα‹ν› Σοφία, {η}ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσάρα, ἐκδότην αὐτὴν ὡς δούλην ἑαυτὴν αὐτῇ παρέχουσα‹ν› καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῆς [κ]τήματα πάντα, ὅτι τοῦτο θέλι καὶ ἐπιτάσσι ὁ μέγας θεός, ϊαρτανα ουουσιω ιψενθανχωχαινχουεωχ αεηιουω ϊαρτανα ουσιουσιου ιψοενπευθαδει (20) αννουχεω αεηιουω. ἄναξ μάκαρ ἀθανάτον, Ταρτάρου σκῆπτρα λαβών, στυγνοὺς δὲ δεινῆς φοβερᾶς καὶ βιαρπάγου Λήθης, σαί 3 Greek Defixiones 151 <?page no="152"?> τ᾽ ἑ πικραὶ τρέμουσι Κερβέρε χεῖται, σύ τ᾽ Ἐρινύων μάστιγγος εὐψόφους ῥήσσις· τὰ Περσεφόνης λέκτρα σὰς φρένας τέρπεις, ὅταν ἐπ᾽ εὐναῖς ταῖς ποθουμέναις χοροῖς, εἴθ᾽ ἄφθιτον Σάραπιν ὃν τρέμι κόσμος, ἴδε σε Ὄσιριν ἄσ{σ}τρον Ἐγύπτου γαίης· σὸς γὰρ διάκτωρ ἐστὶν πά{ι}σσοφος καὶ πα‹ῖ›ς, σὸς δ᾽ἐστὶν Ἄνουβις, εὐσεβὴς φθιτῶν κῆρυξ· δεῦρο ἐλθέ, τὰς ἐμὰς γνώμας (25) τέλει, ἐπὶ σαι κρυπτοῖς τοῖσδ̣αι συνβόλοις κλῃζω· αχαιφω θωθω αιη ιαη αι ια ηαι ηια ωθωθ ωφιαχα εμεν βαρασθρομουαι μωνσυμφιρις τοφαμμιεαρθειαηαιμα σααωωευασε ενβηρουβα αμεν ου[ρα]λις σωθαλις σωθη μου ρακτραθασιμουρ αχωρ αραμε χρειμιει μοιτβιψ θαβαψραβου θλιβαρφ[ιξ] ζαμενηθ ζαταρατα κυφαρταννα αννε Ερεσχιγαλ επλανγαρ⟦βω⟧βωθιθοηαλιθαθθα διαδ[αξ] σωθαρα σιερσειρ συμμυθα φρεννωβαθα ωαη [--] λειχοιρετακεστρευ ιωαξειαρνευ κορυνευκν[υορο] (30) αλις σωθεωθ δωδεκακιστη ἀκρουροβόρε σωκ̣ [--] ρουμε σουχιαρ ανοχ ανοχ βριττανδρα σκυλμ̣[.] αχαλ βαθραηλ εμαβριμα χρημλα αοστραχιν̣ . αμου σαληνασαυ τατ χολας σωρσανγαρ μαδου[ρε] βοασαραουλ σαρουνα σισισρω ζαχαρρω ιβιβι βαρβαλ σοβουχ Ωσιρ ουωαι Αζηλ αβαδαωτ[--] ιωβαδαων βερβαισω χιω υ υ υ φθωβαλ λαμαχ χαμαρχωθ βασαρα βαθαραρ νεα̣ιπεσχιωθ̣[--] φορφορ ιυζζε υζε χυχ χυχ χυχ. καταναγγάσαται Γο‹ρ›γονία, ἣν ἄταικεν Νιλογενία, βληθῆναι Σ[ο]φίᾳ, (35) ἣν αἴταικεν Ἰσάρα, εἰς τὸ βαλανῖον αὐτῇ· ναί, κύριε, βασιλεῦ χθονίων θεῶν, καῦσον, ποίρω[σον,] φλέξον τὴν ψυχήν, τὴν καρδίαν, τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ πνεῦμα Γοργονία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Νιλογενία, ἐπ᾽ ἔρωτι [καὶ] φιλίᾳ Σοφία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσάρα· ἄξατε αὐτὴν Γοργονία, βασανίσατε αὐτῆς τὸ σῶμα νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμαίρα· δαμάσαται αὐτὴν ἐκπηδῆσαι ἐκ παντὸς τόπου καὶ πάσης οἰκίας φιλοῦσα‹ν› Σοφία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσάρα, ἐκδότην Γοργονία ὡς δούλην ἑ[αυ]τὴ‹ν› παρέχουσα‹ν› καὶ τὰ ἑαυτῆς κτήματα πάντα· (40) ναί, κύριε, βα‹σι›λεῦ χθονίων θεῶν, συντέλεσον τὰ ἐ̣[γγ]εγραμμένα τῷ πεδάλῳ τούτου, ὅτι ἐξορκίζω σα̣ι̣ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον, ἀρχὴν μίαν, μεμερισμένον, Θωβαραβαυ Σεμεσειλαμψ σασιβηλ σαραηφθω Ιαω ιεου ια θυηοηω αεηιουω πανχουχι θασσουθο Σωθ Φρη ιπεχενβωρ Σεσενγεν Βαρφαραγγης ωλαμ βωρω σεπανσασε θωβαυσθω ιαφθω σου θοου. θιὼ μή μου παρακούσῃς τῆς δεήσεως, ἀλλὰ ποίησον Γοργονία, ἣν αἴταικεν Νιλογενία, κατανάγγασον αὐτὴν βληθῆναι Σοφίᾳ, ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσάρα, εἰς τὸ βαλανῖον αὐτῇ· καῦσον, πύρωσον, (45) φλέξον τὴν καρδίαν, τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ πνεῦμα Γοργονία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Νιλογενία, ἐπ᾽ ἔρωτι καὶ φιλίᾳ Σοφία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσάρα, ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθῷ· βολχοζη γονστι οφθη, καῦσον, πύρωσον τὴν ψυχήν, τὴν καρδίαν, τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ πνεῦμα Γοργονία, ἣν ἔτεκεν Νιλογενία, ἐπ᾽ ἔρωτι καὶ φιλίᾳ Σοφίᾳ, ἣν αἴταικεν Ἰσάρα, ὅτι τοῦτο θέλι ὁ μέγας θεός, αχχωρ αχχωρ αχχαχ πτουμι χαχχω χαραχωχ χαπτουμη χωραχαραχωρ απτουμι μηχωχαπτου χαραχπτου χαχχω χαραχω οτεναχ̣ωχευ καὶ σισισρω σισι φερμου Χμουωρ Ἁρουηρ (50) Αβρασαξ Φνουνοβοηλ οχλοβα ζαραχωα 152 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="153"?> βαριχαμω̣ ὃν καλοῦσιν βαχαμ κηβκ. καταναγγάσαται Γοργονία, ἣν αἴταικεν Νιλογενία, βληθῆναι Σοφίᾳ, ἣν ἔτεκεν Ἰσάρα, εἰς τὸ βαλανῖον αὐτῇ, φιλῆσε αὐτὴν φίλτρον, πόθον, ἔρωτι ἀκαταπαύστῳ. θηνωρθσι θηνωρ Μαρμαραωθ κρατεοχει ραδαρδαρα ξιω χιω χιωχα σισεμβρηξ ηχβερηχ χαχ ψεμψοι οψ εμφρη χαλαχ ηρερε τωρχειραμψ μωψ μαλαχηρμαλα χιβηρθυλιθα χαραβρα θωβωθ· καῦσον, ποίρωσον τὴν ψυχήν, τὴν καρδίαν, τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ πνεῦμα (55) Γοργονία, ἣν αἴτεγεν Νιλογενία, ἐπ᾽ ἔρωτι καὶ φιλίᾳ Σοφία, ἣν αἴταικεν Ἰσάρα, ‹ › φίλτρον, πόθον, [--] ἔρωτι· ηνωρ θηνωρ Αβρασαξ Μιθρα πευχρη Φρη Αρσενοφρη αβαρι μαμαρεμβω Ιαω Ιαβωθ· ἔξαν, Ἥλιε μελιοῦχε μελικέτωρ μελιγενέστωρ κμη.μ̣ Αβλαναθαναλβα Ακραμμαχαμμαρι Σεσενγεν Βαρφαραγγης, ἄξον Γοργονία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Νιλογενία, ἐπὶ τοῦ ἔρωτος Σοφία, ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσάρα· καῦσον, ποίρωσον τὴν ψυχήν, τὴν καρδί[αν,] (60) τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ πνεῦμα, καομένη, πυρουμένη, βασανιζομένη Γοργονία, ἣν αἴτεγεν Νιλογενία, ἕως ἂν βληθῆναι Σοφίᾳ, ἣν αἴτεκεν Ἰσά[ρα,] ἰς τὸ βαλανῖον, καὶ κενοῦ βαλάνισσα{ν}. B: στυγνοῦ σκότους ἕδρασμ̣α̣, χ̣α̣ρ̣χα̣ρ̣ό̣σ̣τ̣ο̣μ̣α σκύλαξ, δρακο̣[ν---] τέλιξε, τρικαρανοστρεφῆ, κευθμωνοδῖτα, μό̣λε, π̣νε̣υ̣μ̣α̣τηλάδα, (65) σὺν Ἐρινύσιν πικραῖς μάστηξιν ἠγριωμαίναις̣· [δρά]κο̣{κ̣ο}ντες ἱεροί, μενάδες. A: “Fundament of the gloomy darkness, jagged-toothed dog, covered with coiling snakes, turning three heads, traveller in the recesses of the underworld, come, spirit-driver, with the Erinyes, savage with their stinging whips; holy serpents, maenads, frightful maidens, come to my wroth incantations. Before I persuade by force this one and you, render him immediately a fire-breathing daemon. Listen and do everything quickly, in no way opposing me in the performance of this action; for you are the governors of the earth.” Alalachos allêch Harmachimeneus magimeneus athinembês astazabathos artazabathos ôkoum phlom lonchachinachana thou Azaêl and Likaêl and Beliam and Belenêa and sochsocham somochan sozocham ouzacham bauzacham oueddouch. By means of this corpse-daemon inflame the heart, the liver, the spirit of Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, with love and affection for Sophia, whom Isara bore. Constrain Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, to cast herself into the bath-house for the sake of Sophia, whom Isara bore; and you, become a bath-woman. Burn, set on fire, inflame her soul, heart, liver, spirit with love for Sophia, whom Isara bore. Drive Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, drive her, torment her body night and day, force her to rush forth from every place and every house, loving Sophia, whom Isara bore, she, surrendered like a slave, giving herself and all her possessions to her, because this is the will and command of the great god, iartana ouousiô ipsenthanchôchainchoueôch aeêioyô iartana ousiousiou ipsoenpeuthadei annoucheô aeêioyô. “Blessed lord of the immortals, holding the scepters of Tartaros and of terrible, fearful Styx (? ) and of life-robbing Lethe, 3 Greek Defixiones 153 <?page no="154"?> the hair of Kerberos trembles in fear of you, you crack the loud whips of the Erinyes; the couch of Persephone delights you, when you go to the longed bed, whether you be immortal Sarapis, whom the universe fears, whether you be Osiris, star of the land of Egypt; your messenger is the all-wise boy; yours is Anoubis, the pious herald of the dead. Come hither, fulfil my wishes, because I summon you by these secret symbols.” [voces magicae] Constrain Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, to cast herself into the bath-house for the sake of Sophia, whom Isara bore, for her. Aye, lord, king of the chthonic gods, burn, set on fire, inflame the soul, the heart, the liver, the spirit of Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, with love and affection for Sophia, whom Isara bore; drive Gorgonia herself, torment her body night and day; force her to rush forth from every place and every house, loving Sophia, whom Isara bore, she, Gorgonia surrendered like a slave, giving herself and all her possessions. Aye, lord, king of the chthonic gods, carry out what is inscribed on this tablet, for I adjure you by the one who divided the entire universe, a single realm, Thôbarabau Semeseilamps sasibêl saraêphthô Iaô ieou ia thyêoêô aeêioyô panchouchi thassoutho Sôth Phrê ipechenbôr Sesengen Barpharaggês ôlam bôrô sepansase thôbausthô iaphthô sou thoou. So, do not disobey my request, but cause Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, force her to cast herself into the bath-house for the sake of Sophia, whom Isara bore, for her. Burn, set on fire, inflame the heart, the liver, the spirit of Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, with love and affection for Sophia, whom Isara bore, for a good end. Bolchozê gonsti ophthê, burn, set on fire the soul, the heart, the liver, the spirit of Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, with love and affection for Sophia, whom Isara bore, because this is the will of the great god, [voces magicae]. Force Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, to cast herself into the bath-house for the sake of Sophia, whom Isara bore, for her, so that she love her with passion, longing, unceasing love. Thênôrthsi thênôr Marmaraôth krateochei radardara xiô chiô chiôcha sisembrêch êchberêch chach psempsoi ops emphrê chalach êrere tôrcheiramps môps malachêrmala chibêrthylitha charabra thôbôth, burn, set on fire the soul, the heart, the liver, the spirit of Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, with love and affection for Sophia, whom Isara bore, [---] with passion, longing, love. Ênôr thênôr Abrasax Mithra peuchrê Phrê Arsenophrê abari mamarembô Iaô Iabôth, drive, Sun, honey-holder, honeycutter, honey-producer, kme . m Ablanathanalba Akrammachammari Sesengen Barpharaggês, drive Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, to love Sophia, whom Isara bore; burn, set on fire the soul, the heart, the liver, the spirit of burned, inflamed, tortured Gorgonia, whom Nilogenia bore, until she casts herself into the bath-house for the sake of Sophia, whom Isara bore; and you, become a bathwoman. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini, modified) 154 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="155"?> 336 Jordan (1985a: 188) suggested that ‘the writer thought to make a fresh start and turned the tablet over’. 337 For the constitution of the verse sections, cf. Wünsch (1912b: 3-6); Ganszyniec (1922); Kurtz (1922); Eitrem (1923); Maltomini (1980); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 139-141). 338 Norsa (1912: 63). 339 Parallels include Anth. Pal. V, 82 and PGM XXXVI, 333-341; see further Daniel/ Malto‐ mini (1990: 132-133) and Brooten (1996: 89-90). 340 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 149). Bibliography: Norsa (1912); Wünsch (1912b: 3-6, No. 5) Ganszyniec (1922); Kurtz (1922); Eitrem (1923: 61-63); Maltomini (1980: 176, No. 6); Jordan (1985a: 188, No. 151); Harrauer (1987: 83-86); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 132-153, No. 42); Brooten (1996: 81-90, No. II); Graf (2005: 267, No.-91); SEG XLVI, 2129 Commentary: An opisthographic inscription on a lead tablet with an oval shape (18 × 20 cm), preserving an elaborate love spell that is well-worth printing in full, despite it containing only a single adjuration formula. The text contains two metrical sections: ll. 1-8 (repeated in part at the very end) 336 are iambic trimeters, ll. 20-25 choliambic trimeters. 337 Said to be from Hermoupolis Magna (Aschmunên), 338 it is today preserved in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence. The script is consistent with the late 3rd or 4th cent. CE. The spell, which features the most frequent hallmarks of an erotic curse, targets Gorgonia, daughter of Nilogenia, who is restrained by Sophia, daughter of Isara, unless and until she reciprocates the latter’s passion for her. The choice of a bath-house as the place to meet and the wish for Gorgonia to become a ‘bath-woman’ (βαλανίσσα) are motivated by the workings of sympathetic magic—just as the water is heated, so should Gorgonia become enflamed with love for Sophia. 339 A single adjuration formula is attested in the arguably difficult sequence ἐξορκίζω σα̣ι̣ τὸν ὅλον κόσμον, ἀρχὴν μίαν, μεμερισμένον, which continues with voces magicae. We agree, in principle, with the reading proposed by R. Daniel and F. Maltomini (‘[o]ne must probably understand μεμερισμένον as middle, referring to the god […], τὸν ὅλον κόσμον as its object, and ἀρχὴν μίαν as being in apposition to κόσμον’); 340 their translation of this section as ‘I adjure you who divided the entire universe, a single realm’ is certainly possible, especially in light of the vocative κύριε, βα‹σι›λεῦ χθονίων θεῶν (‘lord, king of the chthonic gods’). A plausible, if inferior, alternative would be to understand the sequence τὸν ὅλον κόσμον, ἀρχὴν μίαν, μεμερισμένον as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma—the formula would then contain the verb of adjuration (a prefixed ἐξορκίζω), a direct addressee (σαι, ‘you’), and the mediation, yielding ‘I adjure you (corpse-daemon? ), by the lord, king of the chthonic gods, who divided the entire universe, a single realm’. 3 Greek Defixiones 155 <?page no="156"?> 341 Jordan (2000a: 25). Regarding the iconography of Seth, cf. the commentary to 62. 342 Jordan (1999: 161). 55 Love Spell against Tereous Unprovenanced (Aegyptus), s. IV, ed. Jordan (1999) [---] ἐξορκίζω σαι, δαίμων, κατὰ τοῦ μεγάλου (10) θεοῦ Ερηκισηφθη Αραρα χαραρα Ηιφθησικηρ̣[ε.? ] φερσ̣ογε [---] Ιωη Ιωερβηθ (15) Ιωπακερβηθ Ιωβολχοσηθ Ιωψενχαν Καϊν̣χωωχ· Κλωπάτριν Πατρακίνου, (20) ἄξον {τε} τὴν Τερηου⟨ν⟩, ἣν ἔτεκεν Απια, πρὸς ἐμαί, Δίδυμων, ὣν ἔτεκεν Ταιπιαμ, πυρουμένην, φλεγομένη⟨ν⟩, βασανιζομένη(ν) τὴν ψυχήν, τὸν νοῦν, τὸ γύναιον σῶμα, ἕως ἔλθῃ πρὸς ἐμαί, Δίδυμων, ⟨ὣν ἔτεκεν⟩ Τεπιαμ, (25) καὶ κολλήσῃ αὑτῆς [τ]ὰ χίλη εἰς τὰ χίλη μου, τὴν τρίχαν εἰς τὴν τρίχαν μου, τὴν γαστέραν εἰς τὴν γαστέραν μου, τὸ μελάνιον εἰς τὸ μελάνιόν μου, ἕως τελέσω τὴν συνουσία(ν) μου καὶ τὴν ἀρσενικήν μου φύσιν μετὰ τῆς γυναικίας (30) αὑτῆς φύσεως· ἤδη, ταχὺ βʹ. [---] I adjure you, ghost, by the great god ERÊKISÊPHTHÊ ARARACHARARA ÊPHTHÊSIKÊRE [? ]PHERSOGE[? ]N IÔÊ IÔERBÊTH IÔPAKERBÊTH IÔBOL‐ CHOSÊTH IÔPSENCHAN KAINCHÔÔCH: Kleopatrion, daughter (? ) of Patra‐ kinos (? ), drive Tereous, whom Apia bore, to me, Didymos, whom Taipiam bore, burning, inflamed, wracked in her soul, her mind, her female parts, until she comes to me, Didymos, whom Tepiam bore, and glues her lips to my lips, hair to my hair, belly to my belly, wee black to my wee black, until I accomplish my intercourse and my male nature with her female nature. At once, quickly (twice). (transl. D. Jordan) Bibliography: Jordan (1999); Jordan (2000a: 25, No. 94); Amirav/ Smit (2022: 223-224); SEG XLIX, 2382; SB XXVI, 16650 Commentary: A love spell inscribed on one side of a lead tablet (10.4 × 7.5 cm), said to be from Egypt and housed today in the Special Collections Library of Duke University. Above the text we print is a ‘[d]rawing of ass-headed Seth- Typhon in military tunic, with staff and flail, voces magicae in columns on either side, tabula ansata beneath with vowels inside’. 341 The letter-forms suggest a 4th cent. CE dating. 342 The spell features a single adjuration formula; a prefixed ἐξορκίζω serves as the verb of adjuration. The direct addressee is expressed no less than three times: first, by a pronoun (σαι, ‘you’); second, by the class of beings that she belongs to (δαίμων, ‘[corpse-]daemon’); and, finally, third, by her personal name, ‘Kleopatrion, daughter of Patrakinos’ (Κλωπάτριν Πατρακίνου). Adjurations of corpse-daemons by name are relatively rare, but not unheard of (cf. 51 and 52). 156 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="157"?> 343 Jordan (1999: 168). What makes this particular address special is the gender of the ghost—as D. Jordan pointed out, this is ‘our first instance of a female ghost named in a Greek magical text’. 343 A mediation syntagma is present in the most common prepositional form (κατά + genitive); the entity invoked to ensure the cooperation of the ghost (of) Kleopatrion is ‘great god’; this sequence is followed by a series of voces magicae, likely to be understood as secret names for this divinity. The desired effect, expressed via the imperative (ἄξον) and also subjunctives of command (κολλήσῃ αὑτῆς τὰ χίλη κτλ.), consists in procuring for the beneficiary (here one Didymos) a woman named Tereous. 56 Restraining Spell against Promos and Paomis Unknown provenance (Aegyptus), s. IV, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 34-42, No.-57) ὁρκίζω σε, νεκυδαίμων, ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ, κατὰ τῆς κυρίας Βριμὼ προκύνη Βα̣υ̣β̣ώ̣, νυκτοδρόμα, βιασάνδρα, καλεσάνδρα, κατανικάνδρα, λακι λακιμου Μ̣α̣σ̣κελλει Μασκελλω Φνουκενταβαωθ ορεοβαζαγρα ῥηξίχθων ἱππόχθων π̣υριπηγανυξ, κατάσχεται τὴν ὀργήν, τὸν θυμὸν Παωμίου, ὃν ἔτεκεν (5) [ἡ Τ]ισᾶται, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. [---] βελιας βελιωας αρουηου Ἁρουηλ Χμουχ Χμουχ· δῆσον, κατάδησον τὴν ὀργήν, τὸν θυμὸν Παώμιτος, ὃν ἔτεκεν ἡ Τισᾶτε· (35) ὅτι σὲ ἐπικαλοῦμαι τὸν μέγαν σωματοειδῆ ἀσώματον, [τ]ὸ̣ν τὸ φῶς κατασπῶντα, τὸν κύριον τῆς πρώτης γενέσεως, ιαωη̣ιωιαιεου Ιαβορ Σαβαωθ λενταμαουθ[? ] [ε]ρ̣η̣κισιθ̣φηαραραχαραραηφθισικηρε Ιωβεζεβυθ̣ [? ] μερμεριου Αβρασαξ ιαηιαηε· κατάσχεται τὴν ὀργήν, τ̣ὸ̣[ν] (40) θ̣υ̣μ̣ὸ̣ν̣ Π̣α̣ώ̣μ̣ιτος, ὃν ἔτεκεν ἡ Τισᾶτε, τὸν νοῦν, τὰς φρένας̣ ὅπως μὴ ἀντίπῃ ἡμῖν, ἐμοὶ τ‹ῷ› Ὡριγένι, ὃν ἔτεκεν Ἰούλλη ἡ καὶ Θεοδώρα, ἀλλὰ εὐήκοος ἡμῶν γένηται, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. I adjure you, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, by the mistress Brimo, dogleader (? ), Baubo, night-roamer, subduer of men, summoner of men, conqueror of men, laki lakimou Maskellei Maskellô Phnoukentabaôth oreobazagra rêxich‐ thôn hippochthôn pyripêganyx, restrain the anger, the wrath of Promos, whom Tisatai bore, now now, quickly quickly. [---] Belias beliôas arouêou Harouêl Chmouch Chmouch, bind, bind down the anger, the wrath of Paomis, whom Tisane bore. For I call upon you, the great apparently corporeal incorporeal one, you who bring down the light, the lord of the first creation, iaôêiôiaieou Iabor Sabaôth lentamaouth erêkisithphêararachararaêphthisikêre iôbezebyth 3 Greek Defixiones 157 <?page no="158"?> 344 Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 34); Collart (1930: 249) reported the dimensions as 19 × 25 cm. 345 Collart (1930: 249): ‘Des clous plantés vers le bord de la tabella ont disparu, non sans arracher le métal et laisser au début des lignes 24-25, 41-43 et à la fin de 38-40 des échancrures entourées d’une oxydation blanchâtre assez épaisse.’ Jordan (1985a: 190) contended that ‘Collart reports nail holes at the edges of the tablet, but on examination I cannot find them’—yet Collart reported only ‘indentations’ rather than full-fledged holes. Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 34) objected that ‘their diameters (between 1 and 2 cm) appear to be too large’ to be interpreted as holes caused by nails. 346 Collart (1930: 249); Jordan (1985a: 190). 347 Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 34). mermeriou Abrasax iaêiaêe. Restrain the anger, the wrath of Paomis, whom Tisane bore, and his mind and wits, so that he not speak against us, against me Horigenes, whom Ioulle also called Theodora bore, but so that he be obedient to us, now now, quickly quickly. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Collart (1930); Bonner (1950: 104); Jordan (1985a: 190-191, No. 162); Gager (1992: 211-214, No. 115); Daniel/ Maltomini (1992: 34-42, No. 57); López Jimeno (2001: 254-256, No.-483) Commentary: An inscription on a single side of a lead tablet (16 × 20 cm); 344 sev‐ eral breaks indicate that the tablet was folded repeatedly after the text had been incised. The tablet exhibits three holes on its edges, possibly traces of nails. 345 The exact provenance is unknown, but Egypt as the greater region of origin is beyond doubt; the object is today preserved at the Institut de Papyrologie de la Sorbonne. P. Collart, followed by D. Jordan, dated the inscription to the 5th cent. CE on the basis of letter-forms; 346 R. Daniel and F. Maltomini preferred an earlier dating of the 4th cent. CE on the same grounds. 347 The arrangement of the inscription is rather elaborate, featuring several columns of writing, charaktêres, the central vanishing act in the form of an inverted triangle, and smaller vanishing winged formations featuring the vox magica ευλαμω. We print only the initial part (ll. 1-5) containing the adjuration formula and the final section (ll. 34-43) for context. Of note is also the sequence διὰ τὸ ἅγιον ὄνομα Ιωβεζεβυθ βύθιε Ζεῦ (‘by the holy name iôbezebyth, Zeus of the depths of the sea’), which might be understood as a disjointed mediation syntagma. The adjuration formula employs an unprefixed ὁρκίζω as the verb of adjura‐ tion, followed by a direct addressee, denoted via a pronoun (‘you’, σε) and a functional vocative ‘corpse-daemon, whoever you are’ (νεκυδαίμων, ὅστις ποτὲ εἶ)—an appellation that is frequently found on curse tablets (compare 48, 50, 51, 63, 65, 69). The sequence continues with a prepositional mediation syntagma 158 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="159"?> 348 Bonner (1950: 104) identified Brimô with Persephone; for Gager (1992: 211), it is a name ‘commonly associated with various female figures, among them Artemis, Hekate, Selene, and Persephone’. invoking a deity using two distinct appellatives (Brimô and Baubô) 348 and a series of epithets, which are followed by voces magicae. The desired effect is to ‘restrain the anger’ of the targets, a certain Promos and Paomis; syntactically, the imperative is used to convey the wish of the beneficiary (κατάσχεται = κατάσχετε). 57 Love Spell against Euphemia Lycopolis (Aegyptus), s. V, ed. Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 162-173, No.-45) δεσμεύω σαι δεσμοῖς ἀλοίτοις Μοῖρε χθόνιοι καὶ τὴν κραταιὰν Ἀνάγκην, ὅτι ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς, δέμονες, τοὺς ἐνθάδε κιμένους καὶ ἐνθάδε διατραφομένους καὶ ἐνθάδε διατρίβοντες καὶ τοὺς ἐνθάδε κούρους ἀώρους. ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ἀνικήτου θεοῦ Ϊαω: Βαρβαθια̣ω̣: βριμιαω: χερμαρι: ἐγείρεσθαι δέμονες, οἱ ἐνθάδε (5) κίμενοι, καὶ ζητήσατε Εὐφημίαν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Δωροθέα, Θέων‹ι›, ᾧ ἔτεκεν Προεχία· δι᾽ ὅλης νυκτὸς ὕπνω μὴ δυνη̣θ̣ῇ̣ τυχῖν, ἀλλὰ ἄξατε αὐτήν, ἕως ἔλθῃ εἰς πόδας αὐτοῦ ἐρῶσα ἔρωτα μανιώδη καὶ στοργὶν καὶ συνουσία‹ν›. ἔδησα γὰρ αὐτῆς τὸν ἐγκέφαλον καὶ τὰς χῖρας καὶ τὰ ὑποχόνδρια καὶ τὴν φύσιν καὶ τὴν καρδίαν πρὸς φιλίαν ἐμοῦ Θέωνος. ἐὰν δὲ παρακούσητε καὶ μὴ ταχέως (10) τελέσηται ὃ λέγω ὑμῖν, οὐ δύνετε ὁ ἥλιος ὑπὸ γῆν, οὔτε ὁ Ἅδης οὔτε ὁ κόσμος οὐκ ἔστιν. ἐὰν δὲ ἄξηταί μοι Εὐφημίαν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Δωροθήα, ἐμοὶ Θέωνι, ᾧ ἔτεκεν Προεχία, δώσω ὑμῖν Ὄσιριν Νοφριωθ: τὸν ἀδελφὸν τῆς Ἴσιδος, καὶ ἔρι τὸ ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ καὶ ἀναπαύσηται ὑμῶν τὰς ψυχὰς. ἐ[ὰ]ν δέ μοι μὴ τελέσητε ἃ λέγω ὑμῖν, κατακαύση ὑμᾶς (15) ὁ Εωνεβυωθ: ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς, δέμονες, οἱ ἐνθάδε κίμενοι ιεω: ιιιιαϊα: ηϊα: ϊαω: ιαη: ιαω: αλιλαμψ: κατατίθημι ὑμῖν εἰς τὴν γὴν τῶν κυνῶν· Εὐφημίαν πρὸς φιλίαν ἐμοῦ Θέωνος δεσμεύσατε, δέμονες· ἐναρῶ ὑμῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν θεῶν στήλην, ἐναρῶ ὑμῖν κατὰ τῶν ἐν ἀδύτῳ{ν}, ἐναρῶ ὑμῖν κατὰ τῶν ὀνομάτων τοῦ παντεπόπτου θεοῦ ϊα: ϊα: (20) ϊα: ϊω: ϊω: ϊω: ϊε: ϊε: ϊε: ουωα: Αδωναι. ἐξορκίζω τὸν ἐν ωαπ εὐδοκήσας καὶ τὸ αἷμα, ὃ ἔλαβεν ὁ μέγας θεὸς Ϊωθαθ: ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ καθημένου ἐπὶ τῶν τεσσάρων κέντρων ἀνέμων. μὴ μου παρακούσηται, ἀλλὰ τάχιον ποιήσατε, ὅτι ἐπιτάσσει ὑμῖν Ακραμμαχαμαρι: Βουλομενθορεβ: Γενι̣ο̣μουθιγ: Δημ̣ογενηδ: Ἐνκύκλιε: Ζηνοβιωθιζ: (25) Ησκωθωρη: Θωθουθωθ: Ιαεουωϊ: Κορκουνοωκ: Λουλοενηλ: Μοροθοηπναμ: Νερξιαρξιν: Ξονοφοηναξ: Ορνεοφαο: Πυροβορυπ: Ρερουτοηρ: Σεσενμεν̣ουρες: Ταυροπολιτ: Υπεφενουρυ: Φιμεμαμεφ: Χεννεοφεοχ: Ψυχοπομποιαψ: Ὠρίων ἀληθινέ. μὴ πάλιν ἀναγκασθῶ τὰ αὐτὰ λέγιν ιωη: ιωη: ἄξατε Εὐφημίαν, ἣν ἔτεκεν (30) Δωροθήα, Θέωνι, ᾧ ἔτεκεν μήτηρ Προεχία, 3 Greek Defixiones 159 <?page no="160"?> φιλοῦσάν με ἔρωτι καὶ πόθῳ καὶ στοργῇ καὶ συνουσίᾳ, ἔρωτι μανίωδη· καύσατε αὐτῆς τὰ μέλη, τὸ ἧπαρ, τὸ γυνεκῖον σῶμα, ἕως ἔλθῃ πρὸς ἐμέ, φιλοῦσά με καὶ μὴ παρακούουσά{ν} μου. ὅτι ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῆς κρατεᾶς Ἀναγκης Μασκελλι Μασκελλω Φνουκενταβαωθ ορεοβαζαγρα ῥηξίχθων (35) ἱππόχθων πυρίχθων πυριπηγανυξ λεπεταν λεπεταν μαντουνοβοηλ: εἵνα καταδήσατέ μοι Εὐφημίαν, ἐμοὶ Θέωνι, φιλίᾳ καὶ ἔρωτι καὶ πόθῳ ἐπὶ χρόνων μηνῶν δέκα ἀπὸ σήμερον, ἥτις ἐστὶν Ἁθὺρ κ̅ε̅ β ̅ ‹ἰ›νδικ(τίωνος). καὶ πάλιν ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος ὑμῶν, εἵνα μή μου παρακούσητε· καὶ πάλιν ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ἔχοντος τὸν ἀέρα· καὶ (40) πάλιν ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῶν ἑπτὰ θρώνων αχλαλ: λαλαφενουρφεν‹: › βαλεω: βολβεω: βολβεωχ: βολβεσρω: υυφθω: καὶ κατὰ τοῦ ἀπαρετή του θεοῦ Χμουωρ: Αβρασαξ: ιψενθανχουχαϊνχουχεωχ: συνλάβετε Εὐφημίαν καὶ ἄξατέ μοι αὐτήν, ἐμοὶ Θέωνι, φιλοῦσαν ἔρωτι μανιώδη· καὶ καταδήσατε αὐτὴν δεσμοῖς ἀλύτοις, ἰσχυρῦς, ἀδαμαντίνοις πρὸς (45) φιλίαν ἐμοῦ, Θέωνος, καὶ μὴ ἐάσητε αὐτὴν φαγῖν, μὴ πῖν μηδὲ ὕπνου τυχῖν μηδὲ πε̑ξε μηδὲ γελάσαι, ἀλλὰ ποιήσατε αὐτὴν ἐκπηδῆσαι ἀπὸ παντὸς τόπου καὶ πάσης οἰκίας καὶ καταλῖψε πατέρα, μητέρα, ἀδελφούς, ἀδελφάς, ἕως ἔλθῃ πρὸς ἐμέ, Θέωνα, φιλοῦσά{ν} με, ἐρῶσά{ν} με θῖον ἔρωτα ἀκατάπαυστον καὶ φιλίαν μανικήν· εἰ δὲ καὶ ἕτερο[ν] ἔχι ἐν κόλποις, (50) ἐκῖνον μὲν ὑπερθέσθω καὶ {καὶ} ἐπιλαθέσθω καὶ μισήσῃ, ἐμὲ δὲ φιλήσῃ καὶ ἀγαπήσῃ καὶ στοργήσῃ, καὶ τὰ αὐτῆς ἐμοὶ χασίρητε, καὶ μηδὲν παρὰ ἐμὴν{ν} γνώμην πράξῃ. τὰ ἅγια ὀνόματα ταῦτα καὶ ἑ δύναμις αὗται ἐπισ{σ}χυρήσατε καὶ τελῖτε τελίαν τὴν ἐπαυδήν, ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. I bind you with the indissoluble bonds of chthonic Fate and mighty Necessity, for I adjure you, daemons, you who lie here and who are nourished here and who pass your time here, and the untimely dead youths here. I adjure you by the unconquerable god Iaô Barbathiaô brimiaô chermari; rouse yourselves, daemons, you who lie here, and seek Euphemia, whom Dorothea bore, for Theon, whom Proechia bore. Through the entire night let her not be able to get sleep, but drive her, until she comes to his feet, loving with mad love and affection and intercourse. For I have bound her, brain and hands and abdominal organs and genitals and heart to love me Theon. If you disobey and do not quickly fulfill what I tell you, the sun will not sink below the earth, and neither Hades nor the cosmos will exist. If you drive to me Euphemia, whom Dorothea bore, to me Theon, whom Proechia bore, I will give to you Osiris Nophriôth, the brother of Isis, and he draws cold water and will relieve your souls. If you do not fulfill for me what I tell you, Eônebyôth will burn you up. I adjure you, daemons, you who lie here, ieô iiiiaia êia iaô iaê iaô alilamps. I deposit (this charm) with you in the stele of the gods. Daemons, bind Euphemia to love me, Theon. I adjure you by the stele of the gods, I adjure you by those in the innermost shrine, 160 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="161"?> I adjure you by the names of the all-seeing god, ia ia ia iô iô iô ie ie ie ouôa Adônai. I adjure (you) by the one who takes delight in purity and by the blood which the great god Iôthath received. I adjure you by him who sits over the four cardinal points of the winds. Do not disobey me, but act quickly, because you are commanded by Akrammachamari Boulomenthoreb Geniomouthig Dêmogenêd Enkyklie Zênobiôthiz Êskôthôrê Thôthouthôth Iaeouôi Korkounoôk Louloenêl Morothoêpnam Nerxiarxin Xonophoênax Orneophao Pyroboryp Rheroutoêr Sesenmenoures Tauropolit Ypephenoury Phimemameph Chenneopheoch Psy‐ chopompoiaps Ôriôn, true one. Let me not be again compelled to say the name, iôê iôê. Drive Euphemia, whom Dorothea bore, to Theon, whom his mother Proechia bore, loving me with desire and yearning and affection and intercourse, with mad desire. Burn her limbs, liver, female body, until she comes to me, loving me and not disobeying me. For I adjure you by mighty Necessity, Maskelli Maskellô Phnoukentabaôth oreobazagra rhêxichthôn hippochthôn pyrichthôn pyripêganyx lepetan lepetan mantounoboêl. Bind for me Euphemia, for me Theon, with love and desire and yearning, for the time of ten months as of today, which is Hathyr the 25th of the 2nd indiction. And again I adjure you by the one who rules you in order that you do not disobey me; and again I adjure you by the one who controls the air; and again I adjure you by the seven thrones, achlal lalaphenourphen baleô bolbeô bolbeôch bolbesrô yyphthô, and by the inexorable god Chmouôr Abrasax ipsenthanchouchainchoucheôch; seize Euphemia and drive her to me, to me Theon, loving with mad desire. And bind her with indissoluble, strong, adamantine bonds, so that she love me, Theon, and do not allow her to eat, to drink, to get sleep, to jest, to laugh, but make her rush forth from every place and every house and abandon father, mother, brothers, sisters, until she comes to me, Theon, loving me, desiring me with divine, ceaseless desire and mad love. And if she has another at her breast, let her put him off and forget him and hate him, but me she should love and cherish and feel affection for, and she should grant me her possessions, and she should do nothing against my will. You here, holy names, you here, powers, enforce and fulfil this charm completely, now now, quickly quickly. (transl. R. Daniel/ F. Maltomini) Bibliography: Wortmann (1968a: 85-102, No. 4); Wortmann (1968b); Betz (1986: 307-309); Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 162-173, No. 45); Gager (1992: 101-106, No.-30) Commentary: An inscription on a papyrus sheet of considerable size (55 × 22.5 cm), found in a clay jug, wrapped in a blank papyrus sheet (22-×-10 cm). Inside the papyrus with the curse, a pair of two small wax figurines (ht 7 cm) was 3 Greek Defixiones 161 <?page no="162"?> 349 Wortmann (1968a: 86). According to Gager (1992: 101), it is ‘the only Greco-Roman example portraying such an embrace’. 350 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 162), following Wortmann (1968a: 85). discovered, apparently representing ‘ein Paar in enger Liebesumarmung’. 349 The couple clearly operates in the space of sympathetic magic: just as the two figurines embrace, so should Euphemia (the target of the curse) fall into the arms of Theon (the beneficiary). The group has been found north of Assiut, likely corresponding to the Graeco-Roman city of Lycopolis; today, the objects are preserved in the Institut für Altertumskunde at the University of Cologne. The script suggests the 5th cent. CE as the date of origin. 350 This complex and elaborate spell presents no less than nine adjuration formulae; of note is also the sequence employing the verb ἐναρῶ, which seems to be functionally equivalent to ἐξορκίζω (ἐναρῶ ὑμῖν εἰς τὴν τῶν θεῶν στήλην, ἐναρῶ ὑμῖν κατὰ τῶν ἐν ἀδύτῳ{ν}, ἐναρῶ ὑμῖν κατὰ τῶν ὀνομάτων τοῦ παντεπόπτου θεοῦ, ll. 18-19). All nine formulae are introduced with the same verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω). The direct addressee is also identical across all adjurations (‘you’, ὑμᾶς), except for the fourth adjuration, in which this category is omitted. The first and the third adjuration also identify the direct addressees explicitly as daemons (δέμονες)—these two adjurations lack mediation syntagma, which is present in the remaining seven formulae. The hierarchically superior entities that are invoked to command the dae‐ mons to do the bidding of Theon, the beneficiary, are as follows: ‘the unconquer‐ able god Iaô’ (2nd adjuration, ll. 3-4); ‘the one who takes delight in purity’ and ‘the blood which the great god Iôthath received’ (fourth adjuration, ll. 20-21); ‘the one who sits over the four cardinal points of the winds’ (fifth adjuration, ll. 21-22); ‘mighty Necessity’ (sixth adjuration, ll. 33-34); ‘the one who rules you (scil. the daemons)’ (seventh adjuration, l. 38); ‘the one who controls the air’ (eighth adjuration, l. 39), and, finally, ‘the seven thrones’ and ‘the inexorable god Chmouôr Abrasax’ (ninth adjuration, l. 40-42). Some of these mediation syntagmata are attested elsewhere: the invocation of the ‘unconquerable’ (ἀνίκητος) god is paralleled on a 1st cent. CE Syriac amulet (ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ κυρίου θεοῦ ζῶντος ἀνικήτου, 6); ‘Necessity’ (Ἀνάγκη) is frequently invoked in the mediation syntagmata, cf. the further unqualified ‘Necessity’ (κ‹α›τὰ τῆς ἀνάγκης) on a 4th cent. CE Syriac curse (7) and ‘bitter Necessity’ (κατὰ τῆς πικρᾶς Ἀνά‹γ›κης) on a 3rd to 4th cent. CE Egyptian apotropaic amulet (19). It is noteworthy that in both instances just mentioned, the invocation of Necessity is followed by a Maskelli Maskellô logos, as is the case with our current spell. The seven thrones, invoked in 19, are to be linked with a non-prepositional mediation syntagma invoking ‘seven heavens’ (τοὺς ἑπτὰ 162 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="163"?> 351 Daniel/ Maltomini (1990: 170); so already Wortmann (1968a: 97). 352 Gager (1992: 104, n. 76). For the blood being that of Seth, cf. Wortmann (1968b); regarding the flooding of Nile in a magical context, cf. Wortmann (1966). 353 Wortmann (1968a: 97). For parallels invoking four winds in magical papyri, cf. PGM III, 496; PGM XII, 84, 238; PGM XIII, 761. οὐρανοὺς), attested on an exorcism on a magical gem, possibly from Phrygia and dated to the late 2nd or early 3rd cent. CE (2), and the ‘inexorable’ (ἀπαρετής) god is found in the mediation syntagma of a 4th cent. CE curse found on Cos (κατὰ τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ κ(αὶ) ἀπαραι̣τήτου θ(εο)ῦ, 3). The mediation syntagma of the fourth adjuration, invoking ‘the one who takes delight in purity’ and ‘the blood which the great god Iôthath received’ (ll. 20-21), is unattested elsewhere in the corpus. The former expression (τὸν ἐν ωαπ εὐδοκήσας) is difficult, but the Greek cluster ωαπ probably stands for the Coptic word for ‘purity’ or ‘holiness’. 351 As for the latter expression, according to J. Gager, ‘[t]he reference is to the blood of the enemies of the gods, notably Seth’, with the additional note that ‘this blood was traditionally identified with the flood waters of Nile’. 352 The initial sequence of this adjuration, ἐξορκίζω τὸν ἐν ωαπ εὐδοκήσας, is striking in that (a) it omits the direct addressee (see above) and (b) it employs a non-prepositional form of the mediation syntagma (as opposed to the construction κατά + genitive, which is found in all other instances). There is no reason, however, to qualify it as ‘Einschub’, as D. Wortmann did. As we have seen, there are numerous other attestations of one and the same spell employing both prepositional and nonprepositional mediation syntagmata (cf., e.g., 12, 13, 23, 39). Both the fifth and the eighth adjurations possibly invoke one and the same entity using two different appellatives, ‘the one who sits over the four cardinal points of the winds’ and ‘the one who controls the air’. Wortmann argued that the former designation is that of a supreme deity (‘Allgott’), in this context possibly Amun, Shou, or Isis. 353 The desired effect is present in the usual guise of (a) exhortations to the daemon not to relent until the task is done (the repeated ‘do not disobey me’, μὴ μου παρακούσηται) and (b) the command to restrain the target, Euphemia, and force her to sexually submit to the beneficiary, Theon. The spell is interesting in that it employs both a carrot and a stick to enforce cooperation from the daemons. On the one hand, as a sanction for failing to meet their obligations, the νεκυδαίμονες are threatened with truly apocalyptic consequences (‘the sun will not sink below the earth, and neither Hades nor the cosmos will exist’; ‘Eônebyôth will burn you up’); on the other, the corpse-daemons are promised 3 Greek Defixiones 163 <?page no="164"?> 354 Cf. also 114, an epitaph with an adjuration formula from one Eubios (Hermonthis, 1st or 2nd cent. CE), who despaired that he would no longer drink the ‘cold water of Okeanos’ (οὐδὲ γὰρ Ὠκεανοῦ ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ πίομαι). 355 Zuretti (1892: 8). 356 Zuretti (1892: 9). 357 Jordan (1985: 194). to be handed over to Osiris, who ‘draws cold water and will relieve your souls’, 354 should they fulfil the wishes of Theon. 58 Three Curses from Cyprus Unprovenanced (Cyprus), s. II-III, ed. Zuretti (1892) [---] ὁρκίζω σε [---] ὁρκίζω σε καὶ τοὺς [---]. [---] I adjure you [---] I adjure you and the [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Zuretti (1892); Jordan (1985a: 194) Commentary: Inscriptions on three lead tablets (dimensions not given), discov‐ ered in two Cypriot tombs by L. Palma di Cesnola, diplomat and amateur archaeologist. Palma de Cesnola gifted the tablets to Senator Fabretti, who, in turn, invited C. Oreste Zuretti, the author of the editio princeps, to study them. 355 Current location unknown; Zuretti proposed dating them to the 2nd to 3rd cent. CE on palaeographical grounds. 356 Since Zuretti’s edition—comprising a majuscule reading and a facsimile—leaves much to be desired, very little can be said about the adjuration formulae attested in these texts. As D. Jordan noted, ‘published texts and apparently the drawings as well are incomplete and inaccurate, but I have little doubt that the tablets would prove to be defixiones if more fully read’. 357 The first tablet features no less than ten instances of ὁρκίζω (a verb of adjuration), usually followed by the direct addressee in the form of a pronoun, thus yielding the familiar ὁρκίζω σε (‘I adjure you’); in line 12, we read ὁρκίζω σε καὶ τοὺς (‘I adjure you and the [---]’). Since the tablets were found rolled up in graves, it is likely that the direct addressee was a νεκυδαίμων (‘corpse-daemon’); we might speculate that the adjective καταχθόνιος at l. 3 possibly referred to the god(s) of the underworld, since these are often invoked in mediation syntagmata, not only in defixiones (40, 50, 51, 63, 65, 69), but also on funerary monuments (86, 87, 93, 99, 103, 109). Further, we find several voces magicae, esp. of the βαρβαρ- (ll. 7, 9, 20), φορβορ-, and βορφορ- (l. 19) variety (for parallels, cf., e.g., 51); at l. 4, we read Ιαω Σαβαωθ, and at ll. 11-12, the palindrome Αβλαναθαναλβα. These elements 164 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="165"?> further confirm the assumption that the texts are indeed curses, but do not contribute to the interpretation of the adjuration formulae. 59 Serial Curses from Amathous Amathous (Cyprus), s. II-III, ed. Mitford (1971: 246-249, No.-127) [Δέμονες] οἱ κατὰ γῆν κὲ δέμονες οἵτ[ινές ἐσ]τε κὲ πατέρες πατέρων κὲ μητέρε[ς ἀντιενί]ριοι οἵτινες ἐνθάδε κῖσθε κὲ οἵτινες ἐ[νθάδε κ]άθεστε, θυμὸν ἀπὸ κραδίης πολυκηδέα [π]ρ̣ό̣[σθε λα]βόντες, (5) παραλάβετε τοῦ Ἀρίσστωνος τὸν θυμὸν τ[ὸν] πρὸς ἐμὲ ἔχι τὸν Σοτηριανὸν τὸν κὲ Λίμβαρον κὲ τὴ‹ν› ὀ̣[ρ]γήν, κὲ ἀφέλεσθε αὐτοῦ τὴν δύναμιν κὲ τὴν ἀλκὴν κὲ [ποιή]σετε (sic) αὐτὸν ψυχρὸν κὲ ἄφωνον κὲ ἀπνεύμοναν, ψυχρὸν εἰς ἐμὲ τὸν Σοτηριανὸν τὸν κὲ Λίνβαρον. Ὁρκίσζω (10) [ὑ]μᾶς κατὰ τῶν μεγάλων θεῶν Μασωμασιμαβλα[βοιω] μαμαξω Ευμαζω ενδενεκοπτουρα μελοφθημαραρ[α]κου ρασρωεεκαμαδωρ μαχθουδουρας κιθωρασα κηφο[ζων] θεὰ αχθαμοδοιραλαρ ακου ραεντ ακου ραλαρ ἀκούετε α[λαρ] ουεχεαρμαλαρ καραμεφθη Σισοχωρ ἀδωνεία χθὼ[ν χ]ουχμαθερφες (15) θερμωμασμαρ ασμαχουχιμανου φιλα[εσωσι χθ]όνιοι θεοί, παραλάβετε τοῦ Ἀρίστωνος κὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐ[τοῦ Ἀρ]ίστωναν τὸν θυμὸν κὲ τὴν ὀργὴν τὴν εἰς ἐμὲ ἔχι τὸν Σο[τηριανὸ]ν τὸν κὲ Λίμβαρον, κὲ παράδοτε τῶ κατ᾽ Ἅδη θυρουρῶ [Μ]αθυρευφραμενος κὲ τὸν ἐπὶ τοῦ πυλῶνος τοῦ Ἅ[δους κ]ὲ (20) τῶν κλήθρων τοῦ οὐρανοῦ τεταγμένον Στερξερξ ηρη[ξαῥη]σίχθων αρδαμαχθουρ πρισσγευ λαμπαδευ στενα[κτὰθά]ψατε τὸν προγεγραμμένον ἐπὶ τοῦδε τοῦ φιμωτι[κοῦ κ]αταθέματος. [Ἐνο]ρκίζω ὑμῖν τὸν βασιλέα τῶν κωφῶν δεμόνων· (25) [ἀκο]ύσατε τοῦ μεγάλου ὀνόματος, ἐπιτάσσι γὰρ ὑμῖν ὁ μ[έγ]ας Σισοχωρ ὁ ἐξάγων τοῦ Ἅδους τὰς πύλας, κὲ κατα[δ]ήσατε τοῦ ἀντιδίκου μου τοῦ Ἀρίσστωνος κὲ κατακο[ιμίσ]ατε τὴν γλῶσσαν τὸν θυμὸν τὴν ὀργὴν τὴν εἰς ἐμὲ ἔχι τὸν Σοτηριανὸν τὸν κὲ Λίμβαρον ὁ Ἀρίστων, εἴνα μὴ δύνητέ μοι μη[δεν]ὶ (30) πράγματι ἐναντιωθῆνε. Ὁρκίσζω ὑμᾶ‹ς› δέμονες πολυάνδριοι κὲ βιοθάνατοι κὲ ἄωροι κὲ ἄποροι ταφῆς κατὰ τῆς ῥη[σι]χθόνης κατενενκάσης Μελιούχου τὰ μέλη κὲ αὐτὸν Μελιοῦχον. Ὁρ‐ κίσζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ Αχαλεμορφωφ ὅστις ἐστὶν μόνος ἐπίγι[ος θε]ὸς οσους οισωρνοφρις ουσραπιω ποίησατε τὰ ἐνγεγραμμέ[να]· (35) [τύ]νβε πανδάκρυτε κὲ χθόνιοι θεοὶ κὲ Ἑκάτη χθονία κὲ Ἑρμῆ χ[θόνιε] {κὲ} κὲ Πλούτων κὲ Ἐρινύες ὑποχθόνιοι κὲ ὑμῖς οἱ ὧδ‹ε› κάτω κίμ[ενοι] ἄωροι κὲ ἀνώνυμοι Ευμαζων, παραλάβετε τὰς φωνὰς το‹ῦ› Ἀρίσ[τω]νος τοῦ πρὸς ἐμὲ τὸν Σοτηριανὸν τὸν κὲ Λίμβαρον Μασω[μα]χω· τὴν παραθήκην ὑμῖν πατίθομε (sic) φιμωτικὴν τοῦ Ἀρίσστω[νος] (40) κὲ ἀνάδοτε αὐτοῦ τὸ ὄνομα τοῖς χθονίοις θεοῖς Αλλα αλκη [κὲ αλκ]εω λαλαθανάτω τῶ τριωνύμω Κούρα· οὗτοι μοι πάντοτε [τελιώσ]ουσιν κὲ φιμώσουσιν τὸν ἀντίδικον ἐμοῦ τοῦ Σοτηριανο[ῦ τοῦ] κὲ Λιμβάρου τὸν Ἀρίσστωναν· ἔγιρον δέ μοι κὲ σὺ ὁ ἔχων 3 Greek Defixiones 165 <?page no="166"?> τὸ ὑ[πό]γιον βασίλιόν σε πασῶν τῶν Ἐρινύων. Ὁρκίσζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ [τῶν] (45) ἐν Ἅδι θεῶν Ουχιτου τὴν τάβων δότιραν Αωθιωμος [τιωιει]ωεγοωεοιφρι ὁ ἐν τῶ οὐρανῶ ἔχων τὸ ἐθέριον βασίλ[ιον Μιω]θιλαμψ ἐν οὐρανῶ Ιαω κὲ τὸν ὑπὸ γῆν Σαβληνια Ια[ω] Σαβληφδαυβην θανατοπουτωηρ. Ὁρκίσζω σε Βαθ[υμια χθ]αορωοκορβρα αδιανακω κακιαβαλ̣η θεννανκρα. Ὁρκ[ίσζω] (50) [ὑμ]ᾶς τοὺς ἀ[πὸ] Κρόνου ἐκτεθέντα[ς θε]οὺς Αβλαναιαναλβα [σ]ισοπε[τρον] παραλάβετε τὸ[ν ἀντίδικ]ον [ἐμοῦ τοῦ Σοτηριανοῦ τοῦ] κὲ Λιμβάρου τὸν Ἀ[ρίσ]στωναν Ω[ηαντιχερεχερ βεβαλλοσαλακα]μηθη κὲ σὺ ἡ τὰς [κ]λῖδας τοῦ [Ἅδους κατέχουσα ῥησίχθων. Συνεπι]τέλι δὲ ἐμοὶ κὲ σὺ Ασμιατην[ε ---] (55) γαθη Μασωμασωσισ̣ο [---] λιν παρατέθεμε vacat (charaktêres). Daimones under the earth and daimones whoever you may be; fathers of fathers and mothers (who are a) match (for men), you who lie here and you who sit here, since you take men’s grievous passion from their heart, take over the passion of Aristôn which he has toward me, Sotêrianos also called Limbaros, and his anger; and take away from him his strength and power and make him cold and speechless and breathless, cold toward me, Sotêrianos also called Limbaros. I adjure you by the great gods, MASÔMASIMABLABOIÔ MAMAXÔ EUMAZÔ ENDENEKOPTOURA MELOPHTHÊMARAR AKOU RASRÔEEKA‐ MADÔR MACHTHOUDOURAS KITHÔRASA KÊPHOZÔN goddess ACHTHA‐ MODOIRALAR AKOU RAENT AKOU RALAR hear ALAR OUECHEARMALAR KARAMEPHTHÊ SISOCHÔR ADÔNEIA of the earth CHOUCHMATHERPHES THERMÔMASMAR ASMACHOUCHIMANOU PHILAESÔSI gods of the un‐ derworld, take over from Aristôn and his son the passion and anger they hold toward me, Sotêrianos also called Limbaros, and hand him over to the doorkeeper in Hades, MATHUREUPHRAMENOS, and (to/ of ? ) the one who is appointed over the gate to Hades and the door bolts of heaven, STERXERX ÊRÊR[XA] earthshaker ARDAMACHTHOUR PRISGEU LAMPADEU. And bury in this mournful (grave) the one whose name is written on this curse tablet which brings about silence. I adjure you by the king of the deaf/ voiceless daimones. Hear the great name, for the great SISOCHÔR rules over you, the ruler of the gates to Hades. Of my opponent Aristôn bind and put to sleep the tongue, the passion and the anger he holds toward me, Sotêrianos also called Limbaros, lest he oppose me in any (legal) matter. I adjure you daimones—buried in a single grave, violently slain, untimely dead, not properly buried—by her who bursts forth from the earth and carries down (into the grave) the limbs of MELIOUCHOS and MELIOUCHOS himself. I adjure you by ACHALEMORPHÔPH who is the only god of the earth OSOUS OISÔRNOPHRIS OUSRAPIÔ, do whatever is written herein. O much lamented tomb and gods of the underworld and Hekate of the underworld and Hermes of the underworld 166 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="167"?> 358 References are not limited to the particular tablet we print but include discussions of all relevant Amathous tablets (namely those with an attested adjuration formula). 359 MacDonald (1891). One additional curse, surely from the same magical atelier, has been published separately by Robert (1936: 106-107, No. 60); Giannobile (2009) published another small fragment from the series. and Ploutôn and the infernal Erinues and you who lie here below, untimely dead and unnamed, EUMAZÔN, take away the voice (s) of Aristôn who is opposing me, Sotêrianos also called Limbaros, MASÔMACHÔ. I deposit with you this charge/ spell to make Aristôn silent, and (you) give over his name to the infernal gods. ALLA ALKÊ KE ALKEÔ LALATHANATÔ, three-named Kore. These shall always carry out (my wishes) for me and silence Aristôn the opponent of me, Sotêrianos also called Limbaros. Awaken yourself for me, you who hold (? ) the infernal kingdom of all the Erinues. I adjure you by the gods in Hades, OUCHITOU, the dispenser of tombs, AÔTH IÔMOS TIÔIE IÔEGOÔEOI‐ PHRI, who in heaven rule the upper kingdom, MIÔTHILAMPS, in heaven, IAÔ, and the (kingdom) under the earth, SABLÊNIA IAÔ SABLÊPHDAUBÊN THANATOPOUTÔÊR. I adjure you by BATHUMIA CHTHAORÔOKORBRA ADIANAKÔ KAKIABANÊ THENNANKRA. I adjure you by the gods who were exposed by Kronos, ABLANAIANABLA SISIPETRON, take over Aristôn the opponent of me, Sotêrianos also called Limbaros, ÔEANTICHERECHER BEBALLOSALAKAMÊTHE, and you, earthshaker, who holds the keys of Hades. Carry out for me, you [---] Provide [---]. (transl. J. Gager. modified) Bibliography: MacDonald (1891: 160-190, Nos. 1-17a); Wünsch (1900: 245-246, Nos. 10-12); Audollent (1904: 35-68, Nos. 22-37); Preisendanz (1930: 131); Robert (1936: 106-107, No. 60); Mitford (1971: 246-283, Nos. 127-142); Drew- Bear (1972); Jordan/ Aupert (1981); Jordan (1985a: 193); Harrauer (1987: 58-63); Gager (1992: 132-137, Nos. 45-46); Aupert/ Jordan (1994: 67-71, Nos. 52-53); Jordan (1994b); López Jimeno (2001: 107-137, Nos. 273-289); Graf (2005: 266, No. 84); Aupert (2009: 43); Giannobile (2009); Wilburn (2012: 169-218); Ben Ami/ Tchekhanovets/ Daniel (2013: 228-229); Wilburn (2020); Wilburn (2021); Wilburn (2022); Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (pp. xviii-xix); SEG XLI, 1844 358 Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (25.9 × 14.7 cm). The text we print is that of the first tablet in a series of seventeen defixiones, initially published by L. MacDonald in 1891, 359 which is, in turn, only a small segment of close to 250 lead and selenite tablets in various states of preservation kept today in the British Museum (London) and the Bibliothèque Nationale de France 3 Greek Defixiones 167 <?page no="168"?> 360 Two tablets from the BNF have been published, in French translation, by Aupert/ Jordan (1994: 70-71). 361 Jordan (1985a: 193). 362 One selenite tablet from the collections of the British Museum, edited and discussed by Jordan (1994b), contains important parallels to PGM IV, 1443-1457 (but no adjuration formulae). Another selenite tablet from Amathous, preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France and published in French translation by Aupert/ Jordan (1994: 70, No. 52), appears to contain several adjuration formulae (‘je vous conjure’), but an edition of the Greek text remains (as of the time of writing) unavailable. Wünsch (1900: 245-246) reported about three additional smaller fragments on selenite. 363 Audollent (1904: 35-68, Nos. 22-37). 364 Mitford (1971: 246-283, Nos. 127-142). 365 Gager (1992: 133); Graf (2005: 266). Wilburn (2012: 187) classed the curses as defixiones judiciariae (‘all tablets appear to be juridical in nature’), but elsewhere (ibid.: 190) located them within a ‘border area’ between curses and prayers for justice. Regarding the concept of the ‘border area’, cf. Versnel (2010: 327-342). 366 The only tablet exhibiting important variations is Mitford (1971: 258-260, No. 132). In addition to a slightly different wording of the third adjuration (cf. the discussion below), it contains fragments of two formulae that are not attested elsewhere in the Amathous group. The first adjuration has [ὁρκίσζω] τ̣οὺς̣ [κα]ταχθονίους μαχων μαχων μαχων κτλ. (ll. 13-14), but the verb of adjuration, supplied by the editor, is doubtful. In the second adjuration formula, heavily damaged, we find [--ὑ]μᾶς ἐξορκίσζω [τὸν] μέγαν τῶν [---] (l. 27, ‘I adjure you by the great of [---]’). 367 Wilburn (2022: 1038). 368 MacDonald (1891: 164). 369 Cf., e.g., Wünsch in IG/ III/ 3/ Appendix (p. xviii, repertae Curii prope Paphum Cypro in insula); Audollent (1904: 35, Curii prope Paphum, in insula Cypro); Presiendanz (1930: 131); Robert (1936: 106); Mitford (1971: passim); and Drew-Bear (1972). Kourion is mistakenly named as the place of origin as late as Ben Ami/ Tchekhanovets/ Daniel (2013: 228). (Paris). 360 Unpublished lead tablets that have been read ‘follow the formula of Audollent 22-37 and evidently issue from the same atelier’; 361 the selenite tablets contain different formulae and exhibit greater variation. 362 The collection of curses published by L. MacDonald, reprinted by A. Audollent 363 and, more recently, re-edited by T. Mitford, 364 is most likely to be classed among juridical defixiones  365 since the spells consistently employ virtually identical magical formulae and change only the names of the targets and beneficiaries. 366 The lead tablets were all ‘rolled up and a number were punched through with nails’. 367 The exact provenance of the tables was for a long time shrouded in mystery. The author of the editio princeps stated that the series was found ‘in Cyprus at Curium, in the south-west corner of the island, not far from Paphos’; 368 this information was subsequently reported by a number of other editors and commentators. 369 Almost a century later, however, P. Aupert and D. Jordan showed on the basis of other epigraphic evidence, written by the same hand and 168 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="169"?> 370 Aupert/ Jordan (1981: 184). Cf. Wilburn (2021: 45-51) for a detailed discussion of the discovery and the subsequent fortunes of the curse cache from Amathous. 371 MacDonald (1891: 164). 372 Jordan (1985b: 231, ‘deep shaft, probably but not certainly a well’); Wilburn (2012: 181, ‘[i]t is not clear whether the “disused shaft” was a well’). 373 Gager (1992: 132); Ogden (1999: 17): ‘They were found at the bottom of a shaft under a mass of human bones. These circumstances themselves suggest that the shaft was a mass grave and therefore the home of the prematurely dead, but the tablets also state as much explicitly’. 374 Wilburn (2012: 181-182). 375 Jordan (1985b: 231). 376 Aupert/ Jordan (1981: 184) dated the curses to the 2nd cent. CE; Gager (1992: 133) and Wilburn (2012: 172) to the late 2nd or early 3rd cent. CE; Mitford (1971: 246) and Aupert (2009: 43) to the 3rd cent. CE. 377 Mitford (1971: 246-249). Drew-Bear (1972) criticized Mitford’s edition in no uncertain terms; an addendum is a new fragment published by Giannobile (2009), which allows for a better reconstruction of the final lines of these curses, which suffered the most extensive damage (it does not, however, present any new adjuration formulae). preserved in the British Museum and the Bibliothèque Nationale de France, that the curses come from Amathous. 370 A similar uncertainty is present in the discussions of the exact findspot of the tablets. MacDonald reported that the tablets were found by the local population while digging for a well, ‘at the bottom of a disused shaft, lying under a quantity of human bones’. 371 Some scholars argued that this shaft, possibly a well, 372 was used as a mass grave—this state of affairs would in turn be supported by not only the presence of human remains, but also the third adjuration formula (ll. 30-32), in which the petitioner turns to corpse-daemons ‘buried in a single grave, violently slain, untimely dead, not properly buried’. 373 This sequence is, however, formulaic and its value as an argument for the function of the shaft (or well) is limited. Moreover, as A. Wilburn showed, a stratigraphic analysis revealed an inverted diachronic sequence: the human bones, which indeed were found on the spot, belong to a younger stratum than the tablets and the shaft/ well could not have been considered a mass grave at the time at which the tablets were deposited there. 374 Wilburn also noted that a Roman necropolis was unearthed not far away from the tablets’ findspot and several curses from Athens demonstrate that a νεκυδαίων may be adjured even in defixiones texts in which their deposition in a well is proved beyond any reasonable doubt. 375 The Amathous curse tablets have generally been dated to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE. 376 The archetype of these curses contained seven adjuration formulae, all of which are preserved in the text of the first tablet, which we reproduce in Mitford’s edition. 377 As per the communis opinio, the Amathous curse tablets 3 Greek Defixiones 169 <?page no="170"?> 378 MacDonald (1891: 164); Drew-Bear (1972: 87); Gager (1992: 134); Wilburn (2012: 188, 200-201); cf. now also Wilburn (2020), who provided the most complete argument that ‘ritual specialists, perhaps associated with a temple or collective organization, produced and deposited the curses’ (ibid.: 112). 379 Drew-Bear (1972: 88). 380 In one of the curses, the name of the beneficiary and the target are written ‘not in Greek, but, it would seem, in some bogus imitation not of Hebrew, but of Latin short-hand—not, indeed, to conceal their identity, but to add potency to the curse’; cf. Mitford (1971: 271). 381 For numerous parallels and context, cf. Jordan (1994b: 143) and esp. Wilburn (2021: 52-55); Wilburn (2022: 1041-1042). 382 MacDonald (1891: 172) already noted a ‘carelessness in the use of cases’ on the part of our writer. The Greek expression τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Ἀρίστωναν here should probably be read as τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ Ἀρίστωνος, cf. also Audollent (1904: 39). have been prepared by a small number of professionals, who might have been united in the form of an enterprise, providing the local population with magical services. 378 The texts on the tablets are relatively lengthy (ca. 50-60 lines), contain a large number of voces magicae and (unless the relevant sections are damaged) seven adjuration formulae. All of the curses open with a section that turns directly to the corpsedaemons; this section was probably metrical, and T. Drew-Bear reconstructed the first four lines in dactylic hexameter as follows: Δέμονες οἱ κατὰ γῆν κὲ δέμονες οἵτινές ἐστε / κὲ πατέρες πατέρων κὲ μητέρες ἀντιενίριοι / οἵτινες ἐνθάδε κῖσθε κὲ οἵτινες ἐνθάδε κάθεστε / θυμὸν ἀπὸ κραδίης πολυκηδέα πρόσθε λαβόντες. 379 After this prooemion, we find the explicit identification of the beneficiary (a typical feature of prayers for justice) and the target of the curse. 380 The daemons are then asked to neutralize anger (θυμός, ὀργή) and power (δύναμις, ἀλκή). On two different occasions, the target is to be rendered mute (ll. 8, 42) and the spell itself is referred to as a ‘silencing curse’ (φιμωτικὸς κατάθεμα, ll. 22-23). 381 The first adjuration formula (ll. 9-24) has an unprefixed ὁρκίσζω (= ὁρκίζω) as the verb of adjuration (as do all formulae with the exception of the second; see below); the direct addressee, denoted here only by the pronoun ‘you’ (ὑμᾶς), is clearly the collective of corpse-daemons to which the prooimion turns (ll. 1-4). The sequence continues with a prepositional mediation syntagma invoking ‘great gods’, together with their magical names; the desired effects (realized syntactically using imperatives) are to reinforce the compliance of the corpsedaemons (ἀκούετε) and neutralize the enemy of the beneficiary: παραλάβετε τοῦ Ἀρίστωνος κὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐ[τοῦ Ἀρ]ίστωναν τὸν θυμὸν κὲ τὴν ὀργὴν τὴν εἰς ἐμὲ ἔχι τὸν Σο[τηριανὸ]ν τὸν κὲ Λίμβαρον κτλ. 382 The expression ἀδωνεία 170 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="171"?> 383 Aupert (2008: 355-370), in the context of a discovery of a votive oenochoe with the dedication Ἡλίω Ἄδώνιδι. According to mythical narratives (cf., e.g., Homer, Il. 11.20-23; Ovid, Met. 10.264), Adonis’ father was King Cyniras of Cyprus. 384 As Drew-Bear (1972: 94) correctly pointed out, the meaning of ἐνορκίζω here must be ‘to invoke’ or ‘to adjure’, while LSJ (s.v.) only offered ‘make one swear’, which is, indeed, ‘impossible here’. 385 Mitford (1971: 264): ‘The inscription is unique in stating the cause of litigation: Eutyches and Sozomenos have quarreled about some domesticated animals. θρέμμα is common in Hellenistic and the later κοινή, where it properly denotes a nursling from the flocks ore herds, and more generally cattle or domestic beats; but the word is often used also for slave.’ 386 Mitford (1971: 258-260, No.-132, ll. 17-18). χθών, found in the mediation syntagma of this adjuration, might refer to Adonis, whose worship is attested in Amathous. 383 The second adjuration formula (ll. 24-30) features a very rare prefixed ἐνορκίζω 384 followed by a direct addressee in the dative (ὑμῖν); the pronoun clearly denotes the νεκυδαίμονες. The accusative τὸν βασιλέα τῶν κωφῶν δεμόνων is best understood as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, ‘I adjure you by the king of mute daemons’—this entity is possibly the ‘great SISOCHÔR, [---] the ruler of the gates to Hades’ (ll. 25-26). The desired effect is, again, the ‘binding’ of Ariston (κατα[δ]ήσατε τοῦ ἀντιδίκου μου τοῦ Ἀρίσστωνος); the designation of the curse target as ἀντίδικος points to the juridical background of these defixiones, as does the expression εἴνα μὴ δύνητέ μοι μη[δεν]ὶ πράγματι ἐναντιωθῆνε. The exact nature of the ‘thing’ or ‘business’ (πράγμα) is not made explicit here, but one of the tablets specifies it as περὶ τὰ θρέμματα, meaning a lawsuit concerning domestic animals or servants. 385 The third adjuration formula (ll. 30-32) is introduced with an unprefixed ὁρκίσζω followed by the sequence ὑμᾶ‹ς› δέμονες πολυάνδριοι κὲ βιοθάνατοι κὲ ἄωροι κὲ ἄποροι ταφῆς; since the writer is notoriously nonchalant with cases, it is best reconstructed as ὑμᾶ‹ς› δέμονας πολυανδρίους κὲ βιοθανάτους κὲ ἀώρους κὲ ἀπόρους ταφῆς, in other words as a direct addressee in the accusative. The corpse-daemons were already invoked in the first four lines; here, they are qualified as πολυάνδριοι (buried in a πολυανδρεῖον, i.e. a mass grave), βιοθάνατοι (those who died a violent death, i.e. those murdered or killed by their own hand), ἄωροι (those who died prematurely, esp. newborns and children), and ἄποροι ταφῆς (those lacking proper burial or customary funerary rites). One of the tablets also adds the adjective πεπελεκισμένοι (‘those cut down’ or ‘those with their heads cut off ’) to the list, and then extends the expression ἄποροι ταφῆς to ἄποροι τῆς ἱερᾶς ταφῆς (‘bereft of the sacred burial’). 386 Adjuring these spirits of the dead in particular makes eminent sense, 3 Greek Defixiones 171 <?page no="172"?> 387 For discussion, see esp. Harrauer (1987: 60-62). 388 Mitford (1971: 271-272); Dickie (2001: 215-216); Van der Horst (2006: 118-119). A precious literary testimony by Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. 30.2.11) described Cyprus as a place of singular magical traditions: est et alia magices factio a mose et ianne et lotape ac iudaeis pendens, sed multis milibus annorum post zoroastren. tanto recentior est cypria. non levem et alexandri magni temporibus auctoritatem addidit professioni secundus osthanes comitatu eius exornatus, planeque, quod nemo dubitet, orbem terrarum peragravit. As Dickie (2001: 282) noted, however, ‘[t]here is no reason to believe that there was a school of magicians, let alone Jewish magicians, in Cyprus that lasted from the first until the seventh century’. since members of all four classes of δαίμονες listed in the curse text were likely impeded in their safe and straightforward journey to the underworld, which means that they wandered the lands of the living and—assuming proper magical means are used—could be compelled to act as powerful executors of the wishes of the petitioners. The mediation syntagma in the third adjuration formula is attested in the prepositional form of κατά + genitive; here, the one who ‘bursts forth from the earth and carries down (i.e. into the grave) the limbs of Meliouchos and Meliouchos himself’ is invoked—the reference is likely to the myth of Adonis (cf. the expression ἀδωνεία χθών in the first adjuration formula) and/ or Osiris (cf. the sequence of voces magicae Osous Oisôrnophris Ousrapiô in the adjuration that follows). 387 The desired effect is missing since the text segues right into the fourth adjuration formula (ll. 33-34), employing an identical verb of adjuration and direct addressee (ὁρκίσζω ὑμᾶς). A mediation syntagma in prepositional form invokes an entity called Achalemorphôph and ‘the only god of the earth’, Osous Oisôrnophris Ousrapiô. The proximate desired effect for both adjuration formulae is the compliance of the daemons (ποίησατε τὰ ἐνγεγραμμένα). The last three adjuration formulae follow one another closely: the fifth (ll. 44-48) shares both the verb of adjuration and the direct addressee with the two previous adjurations (ὁρκίσζω ὑμᾶς); the alteration is, again, present in the mediation syntagma. It has the same formal structure (κατά + genitive), but a different object of invocation—here, the ‘gods in Hades’ are supposed to prick into action the corpse-daemons as well as other deities invoked via their magical names. The inclusion of Iaô is noteworthy and might indicate Jewish influences, especially given the strong presence of a Jewish magical tradition in Cyprus; 388 taken together, the invocations of Greek supernatural entities (Erinyes, Hermes, Hecate, Plouton/ Hades, Kore/ Persephone) and the allusions to Egyptian (Osiris) 172 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="173"?> 389 Cf., e.g., Preisendanz (1930: 131, ‘[d]ie Texte zeigen stark entwickelten Synkretismus, Dämonologie, Zauberworte und -logoi’); Gager (1992: 133); Wilburn (2012: 209-210). Papantoniou (2012: 208-294) provided an excellent account of the development of religious traditions at Amathous from its beginnings into Hellenistic times; Aupert (2009) focused on Hellenistic and imperial times; for a concise overview of the location’s traditions of ritual and magic, see Wilburn (2012: 173-176). Nowakowski (2023) surveyed ritual and magical practices in Cyprus of Late Antiquity; the importance of Amathous as a locus for magical practices has been more recently confirmed by a discovery of a late 7th cent. CE defixio, cf. Aupert (2008: 370-378). 390 Ben Ami/ Tchekhanovets/ Daniel (2013: 229). and Jewish (Iaô) sources attest to the essentially syncretistic character of this magical κοινή. 389 The sixth adjuration (ll. 48-49) is notable for the sudden change in the direct addressee from plural to singular (ὁρκίσζω σε); the sequence is followed by a number of voces magicae. Finally, the seventh adjuration formula (ll. 49-54) reverts to the plural (ὁρκίσζω ὑμᾶς) and continues with the sequence τοὺς ἀπὸ Κρόνου ἐκτεθέντας θεούς—the second accusative is best interpreted as a nonprepositional mediation syntagma, yielding ‘I adjure you by the gods who were exposed by Kronos’; compare the restraining spell from Hermoupolis Magna, in which Kronos is adjured directly (53). The desired effect remains the same, namely the neutralization of Sotêrianos, the target of the curse (παραλάβετε τὸν ἀντίδικον ἐμοῦ τοῦ Σοτηριανοῦ). Of note is the publication, in 2013, of a defixio from Jerusalem that shares with the Amathous tablets several important features, including the cursing of the pair θυμός and ὀργή, the self-identification of the writer/ beneficiary (a rare feature among juridical curses), and several magical formulae (but not the adjurations). 390 60 Scorned Husband Cursing His Wife Cumae (Italia), s. III, ed. Jordan (2003) [Oρ..αια]οφιοφοριος [---] ηθι̣τουτω [-] σουπεμο̣νδεσ [---] δαίμονες καὶ πνεύματα οἱ ἐν τῷ [τό]πῳ (5) τούτῳ θηλυκῶν καὶ ἀρρενικ̣[ῶν], ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸ ἅγιον ὄνομ[α τοῦ] Ερηκισι̣φθη αραραραχαραρα ηφθι[σικηρε] Ιαω Ιαβεζεβυθ· λανα ν βεσαφλαν [---] νκη̣ιπαμμουροφαηντιναξο [---] (10) ὁ τῶν ὅλων βασιλεύς, ἐξεγέρθητι, κ̣[αὶ] ὁ τῶν φθιμένων βασιλεύς, ἐξαφέ̣[θητι] μετὰ τῶν καταχθονίων θεῶν. Ταῦτα γὰρ γείνεται διὰ Οὐαλερίαν Κοδράτιλλαν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Οὐαλερία Εὔνοια, ἣν ἔσπειρε (15) Οὐαλέριος Μυστικός. Ὡς τὸ φῶς ἀγγέλει θεοῖς τὰ κ[ατὰ] σκότος κατ’ ἐπιταγὴν [-]οτ̣[-]φε̣ρρο̣[---]ε̣ υορ̣σερχε̣μ̣[-]νε̣[--] μελ[-]ε̣ι̣, διάκ̣ο̣πτ̣[ε τὴ]ν στοργήν, τὴν φιλίαν· δῇς αὐτὴ̣ν [εἰς Τάρ]ταρα. Τοῖς (20) δ̣ὲ ἐν φωτὶ δὸ̣ς α̣[ὐτὴν μ]ε̣ι̣σ̣ε̣ῖ̣ν̣ (? ). Εἰς χόλον 3 Greek Defixiones 173 <?page no="174"?> θεῶν, εἰς φόβον, εἰσ[ε]λθέτω [ἡ Οὐαλερία Κοδράτιλλα, ἣν ἔτεκ]εν Β[αλερία Εὔνοια], ἣν ἔ[σ]πειρε Βαλέριος Μ̣υ̣σ̣τ̣ι̣κό̣ς. Μεισε[ίτω] αὐτήν, λήθην (25) αὐτῆς λαβέτω ν Βετρούβιος ν Φ̣ῆ̣λ̣ι̣ξ, ὃν ἔτεκεν Βετρουβία Μαξίμιλ[λα, ὃ]ν ἔσπει[ρε Βετρού]βιος Εὐέλπιστος [---] ε̣χεαι Τυφῶν μα[---]ο̣ν Βαρβαραου̣θ (30) α̣ατα[-]αχων. Δότε {εἰς μ[εῖ]σος} Βετρουβίῳ Φήλικι, ὃν ἔ[τεκ]ε̣ Βετρουβία Μαξίμιλλα, ὃν ἔσπειρε Β̣[ετ]ρούβιος Εὐέλπιστος, εἰς μεῖσος ἐλθεῖν καὶ λήθην λαβεῖν τῶν πόθων (35) Οὐαλερίας Κοδρ[α]τίλλης, ἣν ἔσπειρε Βα[λέριος Μυστ]ικ[ό]ς, ἣν ἔτεκε Βαλερία [Εὔνοια ---]τ̣ο. Κατέχετε ὑμεῖς [--τα]ῖς λοιπαῖς τειμωρίαις [---]α̣ς̣, ὅτι πρώτη ἠθέτησε (40) [Βετρούβιον Φ]ήλικα τὸν ἑαυτῆς ἄνδρα. [---] Ι̣α̣κουβ̣η̣ει̣υν̣τον[---]τα [---]. OR[---]NAIAOPHIOPHORIOS [---]ÊTH TOUTÔ SOUPEMONDES[---], demons and spirits in this place, of ‹scil. prematurely dead persons› female and male, I adjure you by the holy name of ERÊKISIPHTHÊ ARARARACHARARA ÊPH‐ THISIKÊRE IAÔ IABEZEBYTH LANA BESAPHLAN.[---] NKÊIPAMMOURO‐ PHAÊNTINAXO[---]. King of the [---], arouse yourself, and king of the dead, [---] with the underworld gods. For these things come about through Valeria Quadratilla, whom Valeria Eunoea bore, whom Valerius Mysticus begot. As the light announces to gods the things in darkness under orders of [---], cut off the delight, the love (for her). Bind (? ) her into Tartarus. And grant those in (the) light to (hate her? ). Let Valeria Quadratilla, whom Valeria Eunoea bore, whom Valerius Mysticus begot, enter into hatred of gods, into fear. Let Vitruvius Felix, whom Vitruvia Maximilla bore, whom Vitruvius Euelpistus begot, hate her, come to have forgetfulness of her. [---]ECHEAI Typhon, MA[---]ON BARBAROUTH DATA ACHON, grant {---} Vitruvius Felix, whom Vitruvia Maximilla bore, whom Vitruvius Euelpistus begot, to enter into hatred and to have forgetfulness of his desires for Valeria Quadratilla, whom Valerius Mysticus begot, whom Valeria Eunoea bore. [---] Control (scil. her), you [---], with remaining (? ) punishments [---] because she first broke faith with Vitruvius Felix, her own husband. [---] IAKOUBÊEIYNTON[---]TA. (transl. D. Jordan) Bibliography: Henzen (1846); Minervini (1848: 66-68); Wachsmuth (1863: 562- 563); Wessely (1886a: 18, No. 122); Wessely (1886b: 181-182); Audollent (1904: 271-275, No. 198); López Jimeno (2001: 193-194, No. 411); Jordan (2003); Petrovic (2007: 50); CIG III, 5858b; IG XIV, 872; IGR I, 415; SEG LIII, 1075; AE 2003, 337; Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (p. xv) Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (23.3 × 12 cm), one of the earliest published defixiones (editio princeps 1846). Found in a grave in Cumae (‘in sepolcro cumano’) and preserved today at the British Museum, the curse 174 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="175"?> 391 Henzen (1846). A facsimile was prepared—according to the author’s own confession— under the supervision of Theodor Mommsen, no less. Jordan (2003: 670) pushed the date of origin to the 3rd cent. CE. 392 Jordan (2003). 393 CIG III, 5858b; IG XIV, 872; IGR I, 415; Wachsmuth (1863: 562-563); Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (p. xv). 394 Cf. already Henzen (1846: 208-209): ‘L’espressione almeno ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ, sul cui ristauro credo non cada alcun dubbio, non può riferirsi se non al luogo, in cui il documento venne depositato, voglio dire alla tomba stessa.’ 395 PGM III, 48-50 (ὁρκίζω σε, τὸν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ ἐπηγηρμένον δαίμονα); PGM III, 72-73 (ὁρκίζω σε, τὸν ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ μὲν ἄγγελον κραταιὸν καὶ ἰσχυρὸν τοῦ ζώου τούτου); PGM IV, 345-347 (ὁρκίζω πάντας δαίμονας τοὺς ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ συνπαρασταθῆναι τῷ δαίμονι τούτῳ). 396 Cf. 46, 48, 52, 62. 397 Regarding the voces magicae, see Wessely (1886b: 181-182) and Jordan (2003: 674). 398 Henzen (1846: 206-207) is to be credited for correctly identifying the construction: ‘Singolare poi è la construzione grammaticale, essendo congiunto l’ὄνομα nel semplice accusativo con ἐξορκίζω; e certo, la lacuna alla fine del verso non è siffattamente grande che possa aggiungervisi a compimento la voce λέγων o somigliante verbo.’ has usually been dated to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE. 391 D. Jordan’s 2003 edition, based on an autopsy, 392 supersedes all preceding renditions of the text. 393 The spell features a single adjuration formula, introduced by a prefixed ἐξορκίζω. The direct addressee in the adjuration proper is denoted by a pronoun (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’); the reference is clearly to the ‘demons and spirits in this place, of ‹scil. prematurely dead persons› female and male’, found in the protasis to the verb of adjuration. The expression ἐν τῷ τόπῳ τούτῳ (‘in this place’) recognizes the tomb as the intended location for the deposition of the tablet; 394 topical references like these are routinely found in both the spells attested in the magical handbooks 395 and the curse tablets themselves. 396 A mediation syntagma is present in non-prepositional form; the corpse-daemons are invoked ‘by the holy name’ (τὸ ἅγιον ὄνομα), which is included in the guise of several voces magicae, including palindromes and the name Iao. 397 The sequence ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸ ἅγιον ὄνομα finds parallels (and is functionally identical) to prepositional mediations attested on both amulets and curse tablets; compare, for example, ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀνόματος (14) and ἐξορκίζω σε γὰρ κατὰ τοῦ ἁγίου ὀνόματος (51.2). 398 The desired effects are not expressed as parts of the adjuration formula sensu stricto, but the spell as such turns to the gods of the underworld to offer up one Valeria Quadratilla because of her marital unfaithfulness to Vitruvius Felix (cf. ὅτι πρώτη ἠθέτησε Βετρούβιον Φήλικα τὸν ἑαυτῆς ἄνδρα, ll. 39-40). Valeria should incur the wrath of the divinities (εἰς χόλον θεῶν, εἰς φόβον, εἰσελθέτω ἡ Οὐαλερία Κοδράτιλλα, ll. 20-22); it is quite surprising that the subject of the 3 Greek Defixiones 175 <?page no="176"?> 399 Henzen (1846: 213-214). 400 Minervini (1848: 67), cf. also Audollent (1904: 273, [r]ecte docuit Minervini unum esse hominem eum qui tabellam confecit et Quadratillae maritum et Vitruvium Felicem). This interpretation is regularly accepted today; cf. Jordan (2003: 666) or Petrovic (2007: 50). 401 Jordan (2003: 669). 402 IG XIV, 1047. 403 Audollent (1904: 246-247, No.-188). curse is also her husband, Vitruvius Felix, who should come to hate and forget his wife (μεισείτω αὐτήν, λήθην αὐτῆς λαβέτω Βετρούβιος, ll. 24-25). G. Henzen in his editio princeps denied that the beneficiary could possibly be Valeria’s husband, 399 but the general scholarly consensus over the years tended towards this very interpretation. 400 The spell is best understood as a ‘Trennungszauber’ or separation spell, but, as D. Jordan noted, a rather special one, since the beneficiary is himself one of the subjects of the separation. 401 61 Fever-inducing Curse against Nicomedes Roma (Italia), s. III-IV, ed. Jordan (2004) B: [Σοὶ] λέγω τῷ ἀώρῳ τῷ [ΚΛ--- ---]ουντι Μήρῃ καὶ παρε̣[ιλημμέ]ν̣ῳ ὑπὼ τοῦ ἀνομου Τυφῶ̣[νος, ὥτι] ἐπιτάσσι σοι ὡ μέγας Ὤσε[ιρις ὡ] (15) λ̣αβὼ⟨ν⟩ τὴν κατεζουσίαν κ[αὶ τὼ] βασίλειων τῶν νερτερίων θ̣εῶ̣[ν]· Παράλαβε Νεικωμήδην, δείωκ[ε] καθημερινὰς ἀθαραπεί̣ας [ἐπὶ] τώνδε τὼν ἄνωμων καὶ ἀσεβ̣[ῆ], (20) ὥτι οὕτώς ἐστιν ὡ καύσας τὼν παπυρῶνα τοῦ Ὠσείρεως κα[ὶ] φαγὼν τὰ κρέα τῶν ἰχθύων τῶν ἀλαβήτων, Νεικωμήδην, ἣν ἔτεκα[ι Φ]λ̣αμμεῖνα̣· ἐξω̣ [ρκί]ζω σ̣έ (? ).ΟΥΝΝ.[.] (25) [--- ---]Ω[--]Ο̣Ι̣Σ[---]. B: I speak to you who died prematurely, [---] Meres, and have been taken over by the wicked Typhon, for the Great Osiris who has assumed power and kingship over the nether gods commands you. Take over Nikomedes, drive daily incurable (fevers) onto this wicked and impious one, for he it is who burned the papyrus boat of Osiris and ate the flesh of the alabês fishes—Nikomedes, whom Flaminia bore. I adjure you [---]. (transl. D. Jordan, modified) Bibliography: Audollent (1904: 246-247, No. 188); Bevilacqua (1992/ 1993); Jordan (1994c: 123-124, n. 22); Jordan (2004); López Jimeno (2014); IG XIV, 1047; SEG XLIV, 840; SEG LIV, 1803; SEG LVIII, 1857; Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (pp.-xiv-xv) Commentary: An opisthographic inscription on a lead tablet (7.7 × 10.7 cm). The editio princeps, prepared by G. Kaibel for the IG 402 and reprised in Α. Audollent’s 1904 corpus, 403 was based on an imperfect handwritten copy of the 176 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="177"?> 404 Jordan (1994c: 123, n. 22). 405 IG XIV, 1047 and Audollent (1904: 246): Romae sine dubio reperta lammina ut videtur plumbea; nihil nisi in Vaticano esse notavit Visconti. 406 Jordan (2004: 709): ‘La provenienza? Un luogo abitato da una popolazione mista, recante nomi greci e latini, un luogo con scribi “magici”, con libri di ricette magiche che avevano un’attrattiva, una fragranza egiziana, dovunque nel mondo mediterraneo antico. “Provenienza ignota”.’ 407 López Jimeno (2014: 585). 408 Many improvements over Wünsch’s edition are discussed (and accepted) in the commentary. text produced in the 18th cent. by E. Quirino Visconti. The tablet was long considered lost before being rediscovered in the British Museum by D. Jordan in 1973. 404 Its provenance is uncertain—Kaibel and Audollent confidently put forward Rome; 405 Jordan was much more cautious. 406 We print Side B only; Side A contains numerous voces magicae. There is little to be said about the adjuration formula as the lower portion of the tablet is badly damaged. A prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξωρκίζω) is attested, as is the direct addressee (‘you’, σε); the pronoun must have referred to the ἄωρος, namely the corpse-daemon of someone who died prematurely. Nicomedes, son of Flaminia, is attacked by the unnamed beneficiary of the curse; of note are the reasons given for this magical aggression: Nicomedes is said to have ‘burned the papyrus boat of Osiris and ate the flesh of the alabês fishes’, possibly in an act of perceived violation of ritual norms, and is therefore cursed by one or more of his coreligionists. 407 62 So-called ‘Sethian’ Curse Tablets Roma (Italia), s. IV-V, ed. Wünsch (1898: 14-19, No.-16) 408 A: λό(γος)· ὑμῖς δέε Φρυγια δέε Νυφεε Εἰδωνεα νεοιεκ̣ατοικουσε (15) ἐξορ‐ κίζο ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῆς ὑμε[τέ εἵν]α συνεργήσητε καὶ συνκατήσχητε καὶ ἐπικ[α]τήσχητε καὶ ποιήσητε (20) κατὰ κράβατον τιμορίας τιμωζειβόμενον κακῶ θανάτω κακῆ ἕξι ἐξελθῖν Κάρ[δη]λον ὃν ἔτεκεν μ[ήτηρ] (25) Φωλγεντία· καὶ σε ἅγιε Εὐλάμων {κ} καὶ ἅγιοι χαρακτῆρες καὶ ἅγιοι πάρεδροι οἳ ἐν δεξιῶ κα[ὶ ἀριστ]ε̣ρῶ καὶ ἁγιαγία (30) Συνφωνία· ἅπερ γεγραμμένα ἐν τούτω Εὐλάμων κατέχε Οὔσιρι Μνε Φρι Οὔσιρι Οὔσιρι Ἆπι (35) τῶ πετάλω [τῶ] ψυχρωφώρω εἵνα [ὥ]σπερα ὑμῖν παραδείδουμε τοῦτον τὸν δυσεβὴν (40) καὶ ἐπικατάρατον καὶ δύσμωρον Κάρδηλον ὃν ἔτεκεν μήτηρ Φωλγεντία ἐδεμένον συνδεμένον κατεδεμένον, [Κά]ρδηλ[ον (45) ὃν ἔ]τεκ[εν μ]ήτηρ Φωλγεντία, εἵνα οὕτως κατήσχητε καὶ ποιήσητε κατὰ κράβατον τιμορίας τιμωρισζώμενον κακὸν θάνατον ἐκλιπάνοντα, Κάρδηλον ὃν ἔτεκεν μήτηρ Φολγεντία, εἴσω 3 Greek Defixiones 177 <?page no="178"?> ἡμερῶν πέντε· ὅτι ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ὑπὸ γῆν ἀνανεάζοντος (50) τοῦ κατέχοντος κύκλα καὶ Οιμηνεβενχυχ · βαχυχ · βαχαχυχ · βαζαχυχ · βαχαζαχυχ · βαχαξιχυχ · βαδητοφωθφθωσιρω · καὶ ὑμᾶς ὁρκίζο ἁγίους ἀνγέλους (1) καὶ ἀρχ[ανγέ]λους τῶ καταχθονίω εἵνα ὥσπερα ὑμῖν παραθί[θομ]ε τ[οῦτον τ]ὸν δυσσεβὴν καὶ (5) ἄνομον [καὶ ἐ]πικα[τ]άρα[τ]ον Κάρδηλον ὃν ἔτεκεν μήτηρ Φωλγεν[τία,] οὕτως αὐτὸν ποιήσητε κατὰ (10) κράβατον τιμωρίας τιμωρισθῆνε κακῶ θανάτω ἐκλιπῆν εἴσω ἡμερῶν πέντε, ταχὺ ταχύ. B: ὑμῖς δέ[ε Φρυ]για δέε Νυμφεε Εἰδωνεα νεοικουσε κατακουσε, ἐξορκίζο ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς ὑμετ[έρ]ας (55) καὶ κατὰ τῶν ἁγίων ἐνφερνίων ὑ̣μῶν ὑμῶν, εἵνα [ὥ]σπερα ὑμῖν παραθιθομε τοῦτον τὸν δυσεβὴν καὶ ἄνομ[ον] καὶ ἐπικατάρατον Κάρδηλον ὃν ἔτεκεν μήτηρ Φωλγεντία ἐδεμέμων συνδεμένον κατεδεμένον [εἵνα αὐτ]ὸν συνεργήσητε καὶ κατησχῆτε καὶ παραδ[ώσ]ητε (60) τῶ [καταχθονίω εἰς τ]ὸν τῶν ταρτάρων οἶκον τῶν ἐνφερνίον τὸν δυσεβὴν καὶ ἄνομον καὶ δύσμορον Κάρδηλον ὃν ἔ[τεκεν] μήτηρ Φωλγεντία καὶ ὥσπερα οὗτος ✝ωπιονεπι ψυχρ[ὸς,] καταψυχρένετε ἐπανχωνίζετε μαρ[έ]νετε κ[ατα]μαρέ[νετ]ε ἐπανχωνίζετε συνζαρι καταραζι ὄντα· (65) καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ τὸ ὀστέα καὶ τοὺς μυαλοὺς καὶ τ[ὰ] νεῦρα καὶ τὰς σάρκας καὶ τὴν δύναμιν Καρδήλου [ὃν] ἔτεκεν μήτηρ Φωλγεντία ἀπὸ τῆς ἄρτι ὥρας καὶ ἡμέρας Ἄρεως εἴσω ἡμερῶν πέντε· ὅτι ὁρκίζο ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ὑπὸ γῆν [ἀν]ανεάζοντος τοῦ κατέχοντος κύκλα καὶ Οιμηνεβεχυχ · βαχυχ · βαχαχυχ · βαζυχυχ · βαχαζαχυχ · βαενχαζιχυχ · βαδητοφθωθφθωσισιρω κρε · ὅτι ὑμᾶς ὁρκίζο ἁγ[ίους ἀν]γέλους καὶ ἀρχανγέλους καὶ ἅγιον Εὐλάμοναν καὶ ἁγίους παρέδρους καὶ [ἁγί]α Συνφων[ία καὶ] ἁγίους χ[αρα]κτῆρες οὕσπερ γεγραμμένους ἐν τούτω τῶ πετάλω τῶ ψυχρωφώρω εἵν[α] συ[νκα]τήσχητε (75) [καὶ συνδήσητε] καὶ συ[νεργήσητε] καὶ καταψύξητε τ[ὴν] ἰσ[χὺν] τοὺς μυαλοὺς [τὰ νεῦρα] τὰς σάρκας τὴ[ν δύναμιν, ἐν] ἡλικία Κάρδηλον [ὃν ἔτεκεν μ]ήτηρ Φωλγε[ντία ---]ρτ[---]χ[---]ουσπ[--]να[---]εν (80) χ[---]υχ[---]κα[τάσχ]ε[τ]ε τοὺς [---]αχ[---]την [---] κ[α]ὶ τ[ὴν ἡ]λικίαν απαδυσχαρ [---]ενης Κάρδηλον [ὃν ἔτε]κεν μ[ήτη]ρ Φ[ωλγεντ]ία ἀπὸ τῆς σήμερον ἡμέρας Ἄρεως κ[--]ω ε[-]τε σχ[--]ε εἴτε ἑβδόμης [--]εω [---] (85) ταχὺ ταχύ. A: Spell: To you, you water nymphs, goddesses of the underworld, you who inhabit this place, I adjure you by your [---] in order that you lend a hand and restrain and hold back Kardelos, to whom his mother Pholgentia gave birth; and make him bedridden and (make him) suffer the penalty of an evil death and come to his end in a bad condition. And [I adjure you], holy EULAMÔN and holy charaktêres and holy assistants, those on the right and on the left, and holy vowels, who are written down on this tablet—EULAMÔN restrain OUSIRI OUSIRI API OUSIRI MNE PHRI—in order that just as I hand over to you this impious, accursed, and miserable Kardelos, to whom his mother Pholgentia gave 178 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="179"?> birth, bound, fully bound, and altogether bound, in order that you may in the same way restrain him—Kardelos to whom his mother Pholgentia gave birth— and make him bedridden and (make him) suffer the penalty of an evil death and expire within five days—Kardelos to whom his mother Pholgentia gave birth. For I adjure you by the one who renews itself under the earth, and restrains the circles and OIMÊNEBENCHUCH BACHUCH BACHACHUCH BAZACHUCH BACHAZACHUCH BACHAXICHUCH BADEGOPHÔTHPHTHÔSIRÔ. And I adjure you holy angels and archangels by the (one in the) underworld in order that just as I hand over to you that impious, lawless and accursed Kardelos, to whom his mother Pholgentia gave birth, so put him on a bed of torment and make him suffer the penalty of an evil death and expire within five days. Quickly, quickly! B: You, water nymphs, goddesses of the underworld, you who inhabit this place, I adjure you by your power and by your holy underworld spirits, just as I place this one beside you, this impious and accursed and ill-fated Kardelos, whom the mother Pholgentia bore, bound, bound hand and foot, bound down, this one, cooperate and bind down and give him over to the one beneath the earth, in the infernal house of those in Tartaros, this impious and accursed and ill-fated Kardelos, whom the mother Pholgentia bore and just as this is ÔPIONEPI cold, make very cold, melt down again, make wither, make waste away, melt down again, SUNZARI KATARAZI the being and the life and the bones and the marrow and the sinews and the flesh and the power of Kardelos, whom the mother Pholgentia bore, within five days from the very hour and day of Ares. I adjure you by the power that renews itself under the earth and restrains the circles. OIMÊNEBECHUCH BACHUCH BACHACHUCH BAZUCHUCH BACHAZACHUCH BAENCHAZICHUCH BADÊTOPHTHÔTH PHTHÔSISIRÔ CHRE. I adjure you, holy angels and archangels and holy Eulamôn and holy magical assistants and holy vowels and holy charaktêres which I have written on this sheet, a cold water pipe, together bind down and bind hand and foot and work together and chill the strength, the marrow, the sinews, the flesh, and the power in his prime of life, Kardelos, whom the mother Pholgentia bore [---] and the prime of life [---] Kardelos, whom the mother Pholgentia bore, from this day of Ares [---] the seventh [---] Quickly! Quickly! (transl. J. Gager/ A. Wilburn, modified) Bibliography: Matter (1852: 28-40); De Rossi (1880: 6-10); Wünsch (1898); Réville (1900); Audollent (1904: 198-246, Nos. 140-187); Delatte (1914: 190-212; 232- 234); Ganschinietz (1914: 343); Preisendanz (1927a: 22-41); Preisendanz (1930: 134-135); Procopé-Walter (1933: 51-53); Bonner (1950: 114); Schreckenberg (1964: 144-145); Gager (1992: 67-72, Nos. 13-14); Heintz (1998: 338-339); Heintz 3 Greek Defixiones 179 <?page no="180"?> 409 Wünsch (1898). 410 Matter (1852: 29, ‘plusieurs petits sarcophages, les uns en marbre, les autres en terre cuite, contenant une certaine quantité des feuilles de plomb toutes roulées.’). Cf. also De Rossi (1880: 6-7), Wünsch (1898: 1-5) and Preisendanz (1930: 134-135). For more recent assessments, see esp. Heintz (1999: 197-198) and Wilburn (2012: 1-2); Bevilacqua (2014: 521-522) highlighted the discrepancies between Matter’s and De Rossi’s accounts, suggesting an even earlier date of discovery (‘non si può escludere che il ritrovamento di queste laminette potesse avere a che fare con gli scavi effettuati nel 1843 nella stessa Vigna Marini’). 411 McKie (2022: 17) noted that they were ‘the product of either a single professional practitioner or a closely connected group’. 412 Wünsch (1898: 75-76). 413 Wünsch (1898: 62). 414 Heintz (1998: 338-339). 415 Gager (1992: 68); Wilburn (2012: 2) considered the target of the curse, Kardelos, to be a charioteer, but supported this identification with a reference to Lee-Stecum (2006), who did not mention our tablet at all. Wilburn (2012: 7) even admitted that ‘there is no mention of a racetrack, horses, chariots, or competition - that information derives (1999: 196-199); Jordan (2000c); López Jimeno (2001: 167-192, Nos. 366-408); Friggeri (2001: 178); Tremel (2004: 181-217; Nos. 70-89); Mastrocinque (2005b); Bevilacqua (2012: 602-610); Wilburn (2012: 269-271); Németh (2013: 159-162); Bevilacqua (2014: 515-516); Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 195-196, No. 60); Martín Hernández (2022) Commentary: Under heading 62, we include the adjuration formulae found in a series of close to sixty Greek and Latin epigraphic documents, which are—following their edition in 1898 by R. Wünsch—collectively referred to as ‘Sethian curse tablets’ (sethianische Verfluchungstafeln). 409 These objects were first reported by J. Matter in 1852; according to him, the lead tablets were found two years prior during excavations in the area of Vigna Marini, close to the Porta San Sebastiano, inside several diminutive sarcophagi. 410 The tablets were undoubtedly prepared by magical professionals 411 and, in addition to the texts of the spells, include magical signs and advanced iconography. Three distinct hands may be identified, 412 and the date of origin is to be placed between ca 390 and 420 CE. 413 Since most of these objects are agonistic curses, F. Heintz also observed that the columbarium in which the tablets were found was conveniently situated between Circus Maximus and Circus Maxentii. 414 As mentioned above, the so-called ‘Sethian’ curses from Rome are, for the most part, agonistic, meaning they were meant to influence the outcome of events such as chariot races (as is the case here) or gladiatorial games. Two of these curses, however, are non-specific—some scholars explicitly or implicitly treat them as agonistic curses because they belong to the same cache; 415 others 180 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="181"?> from other objects within the cache’. Bevilacqua (2012: 610) argued in a similar vein and based the identification of Kardelos as a charioteer on parallels with other, clearly agonistic curses, yet the style and similar iconographical features prove only that all of the objects from the cache come from the same workshop—and not necessarily that all of the curses preserved in the cache are agonistic. 416 Heintz (1999: 198): ‘It is worth noting that two of the Greek tablets which contain a standard binding spells against an isolated individual start in exactly the same way as all the circus spells start. In other words, the workshop responsible for producing the tablets was versatile enough to produce generic defixiones inflicting illness and death on people who had nothing to do with chariot racing, and to “crank out” dozens of tablets aimed at destroying horses and drivers in the circus.’ 417 Wünsch (1898: 70-118, esp. 110): ‘Und da glaube ich nun, daß unmöglich in dieser Sekte, bei dem weitgehenden Assimilationstriebe der damaligen Zeit, beide Namensvettern lange getrennt von einander bestanden; sie haben eine Personalunion eingehen müssen, und so wurden Typhon-Seth, der Eselköpfige, und Christus-Seth, der Gekreuzigte, zu einem Wesen.’ 418 Réville (1900: 445). —rightly, in our opinion—have pointed out their ambiguous nature. 416 All of the curses are of considerable length and complexity, containing vowel series, magical signs, charaktêres, drawings, and manipulations of the text. By way of example, the lead tablet that serves as a template for our commentary has every other line of its text written backwards and the letters are inverted (the writer clearly rotated the tablet 180 degrees after finishing each line). The adjuration formulae are, however, consistent and exhibit only minor differences. In keeping with our firm focus on the performative adjuration formulae, we print the bestpreserved version of each in this entry to avoid unnecessary repetitions. R. Wünsch, the first editor of this series of curses, considered them to be products of the Gnostic sect of the ‘Sethians’, which he believed to be operating in the city of Rome in the late 4th and early 5th cent. CE. To support this thesis, Wünsch employed the following arguments: (a) on two of the curse tablets, the god Seth is mentioned explicitly; (b) several tablets have a drawing of a daemonic figure, which, according to the German scholar, has the head of an ass, a visual marker of Seth or Seth-Typhon; (c) the famous ‘Spottkruzifix’ from Palatine, also called the ‘Alexamenos grafitto’, was interpreted by Wünsch as testimony for identifying Seth-Typhon with Seth, son of Adam, who was in turn identified by Gnostics with Jesus Christ. 417 In line with his hypothesis, Wünsch also believed that the direct addressee of the third adjuration formula was Seth- Typhon (see below). Despite Wünsch’s best efforts, the attribution of the curse tablets to a Gnostic sect worshipping Seth has been met with fierce resistance; J. Réville presented his reserved view already in 1900, 418 and K. Preisendanz effectively disproved 3 Greek Defixiones 181 <?page no="182"?> 419 Preisendanz (1927a: 30, ‘Keinesfalls glaube ich, auf das jetzt vorhandene Material gestützt, an Seth-Typhon als Hauptgott dieser Verfluchungstexte, die ich damit auch nicht für “sethianische” halten kann.’). 420 Gager (1992: 67); Bevilacqua (2012: 602). 421 This strange arrangement is likely due to the writer having run out of space: the formula starts at the last line of the recto (l. 53) and continues at the upper right corner of the tablet (ll. 1-14), in a space that was likely left blank; parts of this formula, invoking Eulamôn, ‘holy charaktêres’ and ‘holy assistants’ (πάρεδροι), and ‘holy vowels’, are also found in ll. 26-31. 422 Other variations on this introit on the ‘Sethian’ tablets run as follows: ὑμῖς δέε Φρυγια δέε Νυμφεε Εἰδωνεα νεαενκωαενκωρω; [ὑμῖς δέ]ε Φρυγια δέε [Νυμφεε Αἰ]δωνεα [νεαενκωρω νεοι]κου[σε]; ὑμῖς δέε Φρυγια δέε Νυφεε Εἰδωνεα νεαενκωρω κατοικωσε; [ὑμῖς δέε Φρυγια] δέε [Νυμφ]εε Εἰδ[ωνεα] νεεν[κωρω], cf. Wünsch (1898, Nos. 17, 23, 24-25, and 32, respectively). 423 Gager (1992: 70); López Jimeno (2001: 170). 424 Wünsch (1898: 82) termed any association with Cybele ‘eine zufällige Wortähnlichkeit, die keine feste Thatsachenverknüpfung gestattet’; cf. also Preisendanz (1927a: 32). 425 Wünsch (1898: 81-82, 86). the aforementioned arguments in 1927. 419 More recent takes closely follow Preisendanz’s critique in rejecting an exclusively ‘Sethian’ interpretation and emphasizing the essential syncretistic nature of the magicians who produced these extraordinary spells. 420 The text of the curse presents six adjuration formulae; upon closer inspection, however, their number may be reduced by half, since the last three formulae are best seen as variations on the first three. Accordingly, we may differentiate (a) the formula that seems to adjure ‘Phrygian goddess’ and ‘water nymphs’ (ll. 14-26, 53-64); (b) the formula adjuring, inter alia, ‘holy angels and archangels’ (ll. 1-14, 26-31, 53, 71-78); 421 and, lastly, (c) the enigmatic formula that turns to ‘the one who grows young under the earth’ and ‘the one who restrains the circles’ (ll. 48-51, 68-71). The first formula, introduced in its first iteration with the abbreviation λό(γος), ‘spell’ (clearly copied by mistake from the magical formulary), be‐ gins with the complicated sequence ὑμῖς δέε Φρυγια δέε Νυφεε Εἰδωνεα νεοιεκατοικουσε (first iteration) or ὑμῖς δέ[ε Φρυ]για δέε Νυμφεε Εἰδωνεα νεοικουσε κατακουσε (second iteration). 422 The interpretation of this compound expression is difficult; some scholars understood δέε Φρυγια as Dea Phrygia and assumed that the writer invoked the ‘Phrygian goddess’, namely Cybele. 423 Her name is, however, absent from all of the tablets and both Wünsch and Preisen‐ danz were sceptical vis-à-vis this lectio facilior. 424 Wünsch himself proposed an interpretation that assumed that the expression δέε is best taken as a vocative of the Latin deus, and the word Νυμφεε as a vocative of Νυφμεος (= Νυφμαῖος, ‘god of nymphs, god of waters’). 425 Considering the first vocative (δέε Φρυγια), the 182 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="183"?> 426 Wünsch (1898: 29, No.-21, l. 1). 427 Cf. LSJ, s.v. ἐφυδριάς (‘of the water, “Νύμφαι” Alex. Aet. 3.22, AP 9.327 (Hermocr.), 329 (Leon.)’. Wünsch (1909: 22-24) later tried to reinforce the validity of his reading by pointing to a magical gem that purportedly depicts Seth-Typhon standing on a hydria: ‘Aber einen Entscheid für die richtige Etymologie von Ephydrias und einen Beleg dafür, daß auch Seth als ὁ ἐφ’ ὑδρίας gefaßt worden ist, gibt erst diese Gemme’. This argument has been accepted by, amongst others, Wild (1981: 224, ‘[t]he phrase dee phudria dee phrugia seems to be a Latinized Greek form of theos eph’ hydria, the god on top of the hydria’). 428 Wünsch (1898: 82). 429 Wünsch (1898: 86). 430 Preisendanz (1927a: 32). 431 Preisendanz (1927a: 32-33). 432 Jordan (2000c: 130-131). 433 Bevilacqua (2012: 608). German scholar pointed to the variant spelling δέε Φυδ[ρια], 426 which he read as δέ(ε) ἐφυδρία, assuming the adjective ἐφυδριάς, -άδος, attested elsewhere. 427 Finally, in the Εἰδωνεα, according to Wünsch, ‘sind, nach dem Schwanken in der Schreibung zu schließen, offenbar der jüdische Adonaï und der hellenische Aïdoneus zusammengeflossen’. 428 His overall interpretation of the introductory section is Deus Ephydrias deus Nymphaeus Aidoneus (Adonai), to be identified with Osiris, who was murdered by his brother Seth. 429 K. Preisendanz tried to improve on Wünsch’s reading ever so slightly, proposing deae Phrygia, deae Nymphae, Aidonea (Eidonea), assuming that the first plural (deae) is applicable to all three entities listed in the introit. 430 The expression dea Phrygia does not necessarily denote Cybele, but rather personifi‐ cations of different kinds of fever; the second expression, deae Nymphae, should not make us think of the god Nymphaios, but rather ‘an die weiblichen Geister der Wasserleitung oder der Quelle oder des Brunnens, wo der Schadenzauber niedergelegt wurde’—Preisendanz here conveniently disregards the fact that these tablets were found in sarcophagi, not in a well or water container of any kind. The last expression, according to the later editor of the Greek magical papyri, denotes Hecate. 431 The most persuasive reading of the sequence ὑμῖς δέε Φρυγια δέε Νυφεε Εἰδωνεα νεοιεκατοικουσε and its variants has been offered by D. Jordan— he reads ὑμεῖς δὲ, ἐφρυγιάδες νύμφαι, ἀϊδώνιαι, ἔγχωροι κατοικοῦσαι ‘you water nymphs, goddesses of the underworld, you who inhabit this place’. 432 This solution has been accepted in most recent scholarly assessments of this difficult section: G. Bevilacqua reads ὑμῖς δε Ἐφρυγιάδες Νύφεε Εἰδωνεα but translates (quite like Jordan) ‘voi, infernali Ninfe Ephydriades che abitate in questo luogo’; 433 A. Mastrocinque likewise accepted Jordan’s reading with little 3 Greek Defixiones 183 <?page no="184"?> 434 Mastrocinque (2005b: 53): ‘David Jordan ha proposto recentemente di intendere il logos come ὑμεῖς δὲ, ἐφρυγιάδες νύμφαι, ἀϊδώνιαι, ἔγχωροι κατοικοῦσαι “E voi, ninfe acquatiche, Infernali, che vivete nel territorio”. Questa interpretazione sembra preferibile […] δέε Νυφεε andrà allora inteso come θεαὶ Νύμφαι in una forma influenzata dal latino deae Nymphae. Εἰδωνέα è una menzione del dio greco degli inferi Aidoneus, cioè Hades. Poiché il construtto non richiede un accusativo singolare, si potrà pensare, con D. Jordan, ad un aggettivo femminile plurale Aidoneiai.’ 435 Mastrocinque (2005b: 59). 436 The term is difficult, but the identification of these ‘infernal spirits’ with angels and archangels (also invoked in the text), proposed by Wünsch (1898: 96), seems far-fetched. improvement. 434 This widely accepted interpretation is complicated by the exact findspot of the tablets. As already noted in the discussion of Preisendanz’ suggestions, the tablets are from a funerary archaeological context, not a place associated with water, as the invocation of ‘water nymphs’ (which expressis verbis emphasizes ‘the place which they inhabit’) would presuppose. Mastro‐ cinque cleverly diffused this incongruence by pointing out that the tablets were written by ‘aurighi o da adepti delle arti malefiche strettamente legati agli aurigi ed instruiti a tale fine’, and, as such, ‘il redattore di una serie di lamine avesse usato la formula dell’Ephydria senza capire di cosa si trattava; egli probabilmente l’aveva imparata da un testo scritto, e non da un mago che conosceva la natura dei riti che si dovevano celebrare’. 435 Assuming the most plausible interpretation of the introit, which turns to water nymphs, we may parse the adjuration formula as follows: in both iterations, it is introduced by the same verb of adjuration (prefixed ἐξορκίζο); likewise, in both iterations, the direct addressee is the same. The addressee is denoted obliquely by a pronoun (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’), but it is quite clear that the entities that are being adjured are the water nymphs, as per the introit. The mediation syntagma is present in both iterations of the first adjuration formula, but in the first it is defective, as the writer apparently omitted one line of text when transcribing the spell from the formulary onto the lead tablet. The second iteration presents a well-preserved prepositional mediation syntagma introduced by the usual κατά—the nymphs are adjured ‘by their power’ (κατὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς ὑμετ[έρ]ας) and ‘by their holy infernal spirits’ (κατὰ τῶν ἁγίων ἐνφερνίων ὑμῶν). 436 The reinforcement of the adjuration by means of a ‘self-referential’ mediation syntagma, in which an entity is adjured ‘by itself ’, is rare, but not unparalleled—in a juridical curse from the Upper Maiandros valley, dated to the 2nd cent. CE, we find structures such as ὁρκίζω σε κατ᾽ ἑαυτῆς and ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν (39). The desired effect in the first iteration is the destruction of the charioteer Kardelos, expressed using a series of imperatives (συνεργήσητε, συνκατήσχητε, 184 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="185"?> 437 For a facsimile, cf. Wünsch (1898: 16). 438 For a full discussion, see Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 196-197, No.-61). 439 There are numerous parallels which co-opt the coldness of the lead tablet in a performative simile; cf. Franek/ Urbanová (2019a: esp. 30-32) and now also Lamont (2019). ἐπικατήσχητε κτλ.); of particular note is the use of the expression ποιήσητε κατὰ κράβατον τιμορίας ‘make him bedridden and suffer the penalty’, which is reminiscent of the ‘bed of torture’ from a 4th cent. CE curse from Cos (cf. φλογισθῇ πυρετοῖς ἀγρίοις ἐν κρεβάττῳ ταλεπωρίας, 37). The desired effect in the second iteration of the first adjuration formula is much more elaborate and involved a simile formula referring to a crude engraving of a seemingly mummified human figure, which is bound by two snakes, found in the lower-right section of the tablet’s Side A. 437 The figure, likely representing Kardelos, the target of the curse, is visually represented as bound and neutralized (possibly even dead), and the spell is to transfer the real Kardelos into the same state as his engraved effigy. 438 The second simile formula is possibly ὥσπερα οὗτος †ωπιονεπι ψυχρ[ὸς,] καταψυχρένετε ἐπανχωνίζετε μαρ[έ]νετε κ[ατα]μαρέ[νετ]ε ἐπανχωνίζετε κτλ.—the sense is most likely that of ‘just as this [lead tablet? ] is cold, so make very cold, melt down again, make wither, make waste away, melt down again [---] the being and the life and the bones and the marrow and the sinews and the flesh and the power of Kardelos’. 439 The second adjuration formula presents a number of difficulties. First, it seems to be relatively loosely scattered across the text (ll. 1-14, 53, 71-78), and, more importantly, the line between direct addressee and mediation syntagma is blurred. The verb of adjuration is always the same (an unprefixed ὁρκίζο); the direct addressee is twice expressed using a pronoun in the plural (ὑμᾶς) and once a pronoun in the singular (σε). Following the verb of adjuration, we find a number of entities being invoked. These include (a) Eulamôn, (b) holy angels and archangels, (c) holy charaktêres, (d) holy assistants, and (e) holy vowels. Are these entities adjured directly (and, as such, function as direct addressees for the verb of adjuration)? Alternatively, is the pronoun ὑμᾶς (‘you’) denoting the water nymphs and Eulamôn and the angels, charaktêres, assistants, and vowels are mediating the operation between the magical professional and the ultimate executor of the beneficiary’s wishes, the nymphs? The latter is certainly possible, as the sequence of a double accusative following the verb of adjuration, with the first accusative denoting the direct addressee and the second accusative functioning as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, is common enough across all types of inscriptions studied in this survey. It is, however, more likely that the aforementioned entities are adjured directly, for two reasons. 3 Greek Defixiones 185 <?page no="186"?> 440 Wünsch (1898: 84). 441 Preisendanz (1927a: 35-37). 442 Ganschinietz (1914: 344). 443 Jacoby (1930: 283-284); Kotansky (1994: 327-328); Bevilacqua (2012: 602). 444 Arnold (1996: 88); cf. also Janowitz (2001: 27): ‘Angels, though they could bring blessings into one’s life, could also be “fallen angels” who caused harm.’ 445 Wünsch (1898: 98): ‘Die heiligen Stiere Ἆπις und Μνεῦις leben in der Unterwelt weiter und werden dadurch zu Hypostasen des Osiris, zu Osiris-Apis und Osiris-Mnevis. Sie treten dann als Beisitzer zu Osiris und bilden mit ihm das Totenrichter-Kollegium, entwickeln sich aber zugleich als θεοὶ πάρεδροι zu der Bedeutung vermittelnder Dämonen, deren Hilfe man im Zauber anruft. Als solche θεοὶ πάρεδροι schlechthin sind First, the iteration at ll. 26-31 lacks a verb of adjuration (the ἐξορκίζο from l. 16 is likely to be assumed here) and contains the sequence καὶ σε ἅγιε Εὐλάμων, which is difficult to translate in any other way than ‘I adjure you, holy Eulamôn’, in other words as a combination of a verb of adjuration and a direct addressee. This would suggest that Eulamôn, at the very least, is adjured directly and does not form part of a non-prepositional mediation syntagma. We further note that the sequence continues with nominatives/ vocatives, not accusatives (as the other two iterations of the second adjuration formula do). Second, all of the other mediation syntagmata in this curse are attested in prepositional form (κατά + genitive), and the mixing of prepositional and non-prepositional mediation syntagmata in one and the same text is attested, but nonetheless quite rare (in defixiones, cf. 39, 57, 59, 65). Leaving the question of direct addressee vs. mediator aside, the first three entities are relatively well-attested elsewhere. According to Wünsch, a retro‐ grade reading of a hypothetical ‘Grundform’ Εὐλάμως would yield σῶμα λῦε, and the name may, then, be seen as a sort of magical wordplay. 440 Preisendanz derived the name from the Semitic lam (‘light’) and understood it accordingly as an appellative of Osiris. 441 A more likely etymological explanation was first proposed by R. Ganschinietz, who already in 1914 argued that the vox magica Εὐλάμω is derived from the Assyrian ullamu (‘eternal’), 442 a hypothesis accepted by a number of distinguished scholars. 443 The angels and archangels, invoked rarely in the curse tablets (but cf. 41 and 44), are simply ‘accessible supernatural beings who came to the aid of people in need’, and not necessarily a Christian marker. 444 The ἅγιοι χαρακτῆρες refer to the magical signs engraved on the tablet; they form part of the mediation syntagma also in 20 and 43. The two entities that are not found elsewhere in the corpus are the πάρεδροι and the ἁγιαγία Συνφωνα. The holy assistants are, according to Wünsch, the sacred bulls Apis and Mneuis, hypostases of Osiris (both mentioned in the curse texts); 445 it is, however, more likely that the πάρεδροι are ‘assistants to the 186 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="187"?> sie dann mit Typhon-Seth, dem mächtigsten Unterweltsgotte, zusammengekommen, dem zur Rechten und Linken sie in den Zeichnungen der Bleitafeln erscheinen, während der eigentliche Osiris in der Ecke auf einem Sarge isoliert ist.’ 446 Wünsch (1898: 109), followed by Bevilacqua (2012: 602). 447 Preisendanz (1927a: 34); regarding the vowel series in magic, cf. Dornseiff (1925: 35-60); for the identification of the vowels and the planets, cf. (ibid.: 82-83). 448 Wünsch (1898: 95). 449 Wünsch (1898: 20, No.-17, ll. 13-16). 450 Friggeri (2001: 178) stated that ‘[l]e dee sono invocate in nome del demone Ananke, la Necessità, per opprimere, legare e privare dei piedi gli stessi aurighi [---]’, but this does not seem to be entirely correct. The water nymphs are adjured through the mediation of the horse-daemons of chariot races, who, in turn, have a certain connection to ἀνάγκη, possibly with the connotation of ‘fate’ or ‘destiny’, appropriate for the context of games. Regarding ἀνάγκη in the mediation, see further Schreckenberg (1964: 144-145). He is reserved toward Wünsch’s Platonic or Pythagorean parallels, but in no way denies that the entity described as ‘the one who restrains the circles’ is Seth-Typhon. magician’, both possibly depicted on either side of the central anthropomorphic figure with an equine head. The expression ἁγιαγία Συνφωνα has been emended by Wünsch into ἁγία Συνφωνία (‘holy Symphony’) and is supposed to express the Pythagorean notion of a harmony of spheres. 446 We consider more likely Preisendanz’ proposal (ἁγία σύμφωνα), thereby denoting the vowel series (αεηιουω)—they are both present on the tablet itself (under the left arm of the central figure, see below) and form a mainstay of the ancient Mediterranean magical κοινή. Since the seven Greek vowels often represented the seven thenknown planets, the trench between Wünsch’s and Preisendanz’ interpretation might be relatively easy to cross. 447 The third adjuration formula, differing in its two iterations only in the sequence of the voces magicae, starting with Οιμηνεβενχυχ and containing the βαχυχ βαχαχυχ logos, is straightforward in terms of the verb of adjuration (a simple ὁρκίζω/ ὁρκίζο) and the direct addressee (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’), referring to the water nymphs, as per the discussion above. The sequence continues with a prepositional mediation syntagma, which invokes an entity that is described only periphrastically as ‘the one who renews himself under the earth’ (τοῦ ὑπὸ γῆν ἀνανεάζοντος) and ‘the one who restrains the circles’ (τοῦ κατέχοντος κύκλα). The first expression has been interpreted by Wünsch as ‘eine ägyptische Anschauung’, related to the myth of Isis and Osiris, with the body parts of the latter, murdered by Seth, being reconstituted in the underworld. 448 The different wordings of this particular section of the mediation syntagma on other ‘Sethian’ curse tablets, such as ἀξιῶ ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ὑπὸ τὴν Ἀνάγκην τοῦ κατέχοντος κύκλα, 449 puts into play Necessity or Ἀνάγκη, 450 which is commonly featured also in other adjurations (cf. 19, 36, 41, 57, 65, 120, 122-123). 3 Greek Defixiones 187 <?page no="188"?> 451 For a facsimile, cf. Wünsch (1898: 16). Regarding the iconography of Egyptian Seth in general, cf. Gwyn Griffiths/ Barb (1959); Te Velde (1967: 7-26); Gwyn Griffiths (1975: 162). 452 Wünsch (1898: 36, No.-25, ll. 1-2, 8, 19) 453 Wünsch (1898: 86-96). 454 Delatte (1914: 191-192). 455 Preisendanz (1927a: 17-41). 456 Procopé-Walter (1933: 51): ‘Letztere sind nun aber in Wirklichkeit pferdeköpfige Dämonen, die unter den römischen Jockeys und Wagenlenkern eines großen Ansehens genossen, was Preisendanz festgestellt hat und wofür meines Erachtens u. a. auch ein außer Acht gelassenes Detail spricht, die auffallend plumpen Füße dieser Dämonen nämlich, welche wohl als Pferdehufe anzusehen wären. Die gründliche Untersuchung Any attempt at an interpretation of the expression ‘the one who restrains the circles’ inevitably brings about major questions about the ‘Sethian’ curse tablets. It seems likely that the reference to circles (κύκλα) is to be connected to the central drawing on the tablet the text of which we print—it depicts an anthropomorphic figure with a head belonging to some genus of the Equidae family; in the creature’s right hand, we find a rod (? ), in its left hand, a circle. A large charaktêr is inscribed on the chest; its small feet are clearly shaped like hooves. 451 The outline of the general argument presented by Wünsch, which gave this series of curses its name, would look as follows: the head of the central figure is that of an ass (Wünch considered this ‘unzweifelhaft’), and the ass is the sacred animal of Seth-Typhon; the figure holds a circle in its left hand, and Seth is routinely invoked in magical papyri; and, finally, both Seth-Typhon and Seth are directly mentioned by name on one of the extant tablets in this series. 452 On the strength of this evidence, ‘the one who restrains the circles’ must be Seth- Typhon, a magical amalgamation of two distinct entities, namely (a) Egyptian Seth, brother and murderer of Osiris; and (b) Gnostic Seth, third son of Adam and Eve. 453 This argument was, in turn, supported not long after the publication of Wünsch’s seminal monograph by A. Delatte, who purported to strengthen the case through the identification of Seth-Typhon as an anthropomorphic, ass-headed creature on two magical gems. 454 In the late 1920s, however, the paradigm defended by Wünsch and Delatte came under attack by another doyen of the study of ancient magic, K. Preisendanz. Preisendanz argued that the creature’s head emphatically resembles that of a horse (not an ass) and assumed that the ‘the one who restrains the circles’ is simply a horse-daemon, appropriately invoked in the context of an agonistic curse directed against Kardelos, a charioteer. 455 This line of argument was supported in the early 1930s by A. Procopé-Walter, 456 and by the time of the publication, in 1950, of C. 188 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="189"?> von Preisendanz widerlegt solcherweise endgültig die vermeintliche Zugehörigkeit der betreffenden Bleitäfelchen zu den Sethianern, d. i. christlichen Gnostikern.’ 457 Bonner (1950: 114): ‘But Preisendanz is probably right in rejecting the Sethian interpre‐ tation of these monsters, and calling them simply horse-headed demons; certainly the heads resemble those of horses, particularly in the short, pointed ears.’ 458 Gager (1992: 68, n. 85). 459 Németh (2013: 162). His interpretation of the Alexamenos graffito in this light is also interesting (ibid.): ‘Most probably we should consider Alexamenos an ill-fortuned gambler who lost all his property at chariot races. The image depicts the demon of the races crucified as a disobedient slave. Alexamenos is standing in front the cross, watching the painful agony of the demon that destroyed him financially. The inscription may indicate that Alexamenos (used to) worship a deity that makes his followers bankrupt.’ 460 Mastrocinque (2005b: 50-51). 461 Martín Hernández (2022: 45). 462 Löhr (2006: 1063). 463 Van den Broek (2013: 28). Bonner’s opus magnum, Studies in Magical Amulets, the communis opinio seems to have shifted in favour of horse-daemons. 457 This shift is attested by a number of (relatively) recent studies on the topic: J. Gager in 1992 considered Preisendanz’ view ‘more plausible’; 458 G. Németh, drawing on further evidence from a thitherto unpublished tablet from Audollent’s bequest, depicting another horse-daemon, concluded in 2013 that ‘it is obvious that the anonymous demon of chariot races had the head of a horse and not of an ass’. 459 The jury is still out, however, since A. Mastrocinque in 2005 maintained that the central figure represents Seth, 460 and most recently, an excellently researched study on the topic by R. Martín Hernández argued that ‘it is more plausible to understand the demonic figure of the curses of Porta San Sebastiano as Seth, given the “Osirian” context of the rest of images, the texts, and, above all, because of the iconographic varieties that Seth suffers in other similar execration texts dated more or less to the same period’. 461 In terms of the identification of ‘Egyptian Seth’ and ‘Gnostic Seth’, Wünsch’s proposal fared even worse—on a general level, scholars expressed substantial doubt as to the very existence of a distinct ‘Sethian’ community. W. Löhr concluded that ‘[m]odern scholarship has as yet reached no agreement whether or not there existed in Late Antiquity a distinct religious group or sect that took its name from Adam’s son Seth’ 462 and R. van den Broek likewise surmised that ‘it is highly questionable whether “Sethianism” ever existed as a clearly recognizable movement’. 463 The identification of Osiris’ evil brother with the third son of Adam has been met with even stronger scepticism—J. Fossum and B. Glazer reckoned that ‘neither Seth, the son of Adam, nor Christ ever welded with 3 Greek Defixiones 189 <?page no="190"?> 464 Fossum/ Glazer (1994: 92). 465 Pearson (1981: 500). 466 Mastrocinque (2005b: 50, ‘[…]l’identificazione tra il figlio di Adamo e l’uccisore di Osiris, proposta dal Wünsch, è totalmente sbagliata[---]’); cf. also Mastrocinque (2005c: 202, ‘[…]the authors of many Christian Gnostic texts, like those of Nag Hammadi or the Codex Brucianus, differed from the authors of magic texts not only in their aims but also in their mindset.’). the Egyptian god Seth-Typhon’ 464 and B. Pearson sarcastically remarked that although ‘[i]t is often averred that the figure of Seth in Gnosticism is identifiable with, or assimilated to, or otherwise related to, the Egyptian god of the same name […], no evidence is given for this assertion, for the very good reason that there is none’. 465 Ultimately, A. Mastrocinque, despite siding with Wünsch in identifying the central figure as Seth (see above), strongly objected to the identification of ‘Egyptian Seth’ with ‘Gnostic Seth’. 466 63 Series of Agonistic Curses from Carthage Carthago (Africa), s. II-III, ed. Audollent (1904: 314-316, No.-237) Ἐξορκίζω σε, νεκυδαίμ[ων] ἄωρε, ὅστις ποτ’ οὖν εἶ, κατὰ τῶν κραταίων ὀνομάτων σαλβαθβαλ αυθγερωταβαλ βασυθατεω α[λεω σαμαβηθωρ, κ]ατάδησον τοὺς ἵππους ὧν τὰ ὀνοματά σοι καὶ τὰς [ε]ἰδαίας ἐν τούτω τῶ σκεύει παρακατατίθημε, ῥοσεον Σιλουανὸν (5) Σερουᾶτον Λοῦε Ζέφυρον Βλάνδον Ἰμβραῖον Δεί[ο]υιτε Μάρισκον Ῥάπιδον Ὀριέντε Ἀρβοῦστον, τῶν οὐενετιανῶν Ἠμ[ινέντε Δίγνον Λην]ῶνε Παίζοντε Χρύσασπιν Ἀρ[γ]οῦτον Δηρεισῶρε Φρουγίφερον Εὐφράτην Σάνκτον Αἰθίοπε Πραικλᾶρον· κατάδησον αὐτοῖς τὸν δρόμον τὴν δύναμιν τὴν ψυχὴν τὴν (10) ὁρμὴν τὴν ταχύτητα, ἄφελε αὐτῶν τὴν νείκ[ην, ἐμπόδισ]ον αὐτοῖς τοὺς πόδας, ἐκκόψον ἐκνεύρωσον αὐτοὺς ἵνα μὴ δυνασθῶσιν τῆ αὔριον ἡμέρα ἐν τῶ ἱπποδρόμω μηδὲ τρέχειν μηδὲ περιπατεῖν μηδὲ νεικῆσαι μηδὲ ἐξελθεῖν τοὺς πψλῶνας τῶν [ἱππαφ]ίων (15) μήτε προβαίνειν τὴν ἀρίαν μήτε τὸν σπάτιον, ἀλλὰ πεσέτωσαν σὺν τοῖς ἰδίοις ἡνιόχοις, Εὐπρέπητε τὸ[ν] Τελεσφόρου τὸν καὶ Γέντιον καὶ Φηλεῖκε καὶ Διονύσιον τὸν ἀποδάκνοντα καὶ λαμυρόν· ἐπιτάσσουσιν γάρ σοι αμυηκαρπτιρ ερχονσοι (20) ραζααβυα δρυενεφισι νοινισθεργα βηφυρωρβηθ· κατάδησον τοὺς ἵππους ὧν τὰ ὀνόματά σοι καὶ εἰδαίας παρακατατέθηκα ἐν τούτω τῶ σκεύει, ῥοσεον Σιλουανόν Σερουᾶτον [Λ]οῦε Ζέφυρον Βλάνδον Ἰμβραῖον (25) Δείουιτε Μάρισκον Ῥάπιδον Ὀριέντε Ἀρβοῦστον καὶ τῶν οὐενετιανῶν Ἠμιν[έ]ντε Δίγνον Ληνῶνε Παίζοντε Χρύσασπιν Ἀργοῦτον Δηρεισῶρε Φρουγίφερον Εὐφράτην Σάνκτον Αἰθίοπε Πραικλᾶρον· κατάδησον (30) αὐτοῖς τὸν δρόμον τὴν δύναμιν τὴν ψυχὴν τὴν ὁρμὴν τὴν ταχύτητα, ἄφελε αὐτῶν τὴν νείκην, ἐμπόδισον αὐτοῖς τοὺς πόδας, ἐκκόψον ἐκνεύρωσον αὐτοὺς 190 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="191"?> ἵνα μὴ δυνασθῶσιν (35) τῆ αὔριον ἡμέρα ἐν τῶ ἱπποδρόμω μηδὲ τρέχειν μηδὲ περιπατεῖν μηδὲ νεικῆσαι μηδὲ ἐξελθεῖν τοὺς πυλῶνας τῶν ἱππαφίων μήτε προβαίνειν τὴν ἀρίαν (40) μήτε κυκλεῦσαι τοὺσ καμπτῆρας, ἀλλὰ πεσέτωσαν σὺν τοῖς ἰδίοις ἡνιόχοις, Εὐπρέπητε τὸ[ν] Τελεσφόρου Γέντιον καὶ Φηλεῖκε καὶ Διονύσιον τὸν (45) ἀποδάκνοντα καὶ λαμυρόν· καταδησον αὐτοῖς τὰς χεῖρας, ἄφελε αὐτῶν τὴν νείκην τὸν ἀπόβασιν καὶ τὴν ὅρασιν ἵνα μὴ δυνασθῶσιν (50) βλέπειν τοὺς ἰδίους ἀντιπάλους ἡνιοχοῦντες, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἅρπασον αὐτοὺς ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων (55) ἁρμάτων καὶ στρέψον ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ἵνα πεσέτωσαν μόνοι ἐμπαντὶ τόπω τοῦ (60) ἱπποδρόμου συρόμενοι, μάλιστα δὲ ἐν τοῖς καμπτῆρσιν, (65) μετὰ βλάβης τοῦ σώματος, σὺν τοῖς ἵπποις (70) οὓς ἐλαύνουσιν· ἤδη, τα[χ]ύ. I adjure you, spirit of one untimely dead, whoever you are, by the mighty names salbathbal authgerötabal basuthateö aleö samabethör. Bind the horses whose names and images/ likeness on this implement I entrust to you; of the Red (team): Silvanus, Servator, Lues, Zephyrus, Blandus, Imbraius, Dives, Mariscus, Rapidus, Oriens, Arbustus; of the Blues: Imminens, Dignus, Linon, Paezon, Chrysaspis, Argutus, Diresor, Frugiferus, Euphrates, Sanctus, Aethiops, Praeclarus. Bind their running, their power, their soul, their onrush, their speed. Take away their victory, entangle their feet, hinder them, hobble them, so that tomorrow morning in the hippodrome they are not able to run or walk about, or win, or go out of the starting gates, or advance either on the racecourse or track, but may they fall with their drivers, Euprepes, son of Telesphoros, and Gentius and Felix and Dionusios ‘the biter’ and Lamuros. For amuekarptir ERCHONSOI RAZAABUA DRUENEPHISI NOINISTHERGA bephurörbeth command you. Bind the horses whose names and images I have entrusted to you on this implement; of the Reds: Silvanus, Servator, Lues, Zephyrus, Blandus, Imbraius, Dives, Mariscus, Rapidus, Oriens, Arbustus; and of the Blues: Imminens, Dignus, Linon, Paezon, Chrysaspis, Argutus, Derisor, Frugiferus, Euphrates, Sanctus, Aethiops, Praeclarus. Bind their running, their power, their soul, their onrush, their speed. Take away their victory, entangle their feet, hinder them, hobble them, so that tomorrow morning in the hippodrome they are not able to run or walk about, or win, or go out of the starting gates, or advance either on the racecourse, or circle around the turning point; but may they fall with their drivers, Euprepes, son of Telesphoros, and Gentius and Felix, and Dionysius ‘the biter’ and Lamuros. Bind their hands, take away their victory, their exit, their sight, so that they are unable to see their rival charioteers, but rather snatch them up from their chariots and twist them to the ground so that they alone fall, dragged along all over the hippodrome, especially at the turning points, with damage to their body, with the horses whom they drive. Now, quickly. (transl. J. Gager, modified) 3 Greek Defixiones 191 <?page no="192"?> 467 Gager (1992: 60). 468 Jordan (1996: 115, n. 2). 469 Tremel (2004: 158). Bibliography: Delattre (1888: 297-300); Audollent (1904: 308-322, Nos. 234-240); Gager (1992: 60-62, No. 9); Jordan (1996: 115); López Jimeno (2001: 203-213, Nos. 433-439); Tremel (2004: 152-167, Nos. 53-59); CIL VIII, 12508; Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (pp. xv-xvi) Commentary: The agonistic curse that we print (7.7 × 7.7 cm) is the bestpreserved out of seven defixiones found in the graves of Roman imperial officers at Bir-el-Djebbana (Carthage); as J. Gager noted, however, ‘[t]he person who deposited the tablet clearly did not know in whose grave he was placing it’. 467 These curses, inscribed on thin lamellae of lead, were probably prepared by the same professional magician and employ largely similar, if not identical, formulaic expressions; the text of each inscription is arranged in a ‘wingedformation’ with progressively diminishing line length. The tablets, preserved today for the most part at the Musée National de Carthage, 468 were found rolled up and may be dated to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE. 469 A single adjuration formula opens the curse; we find a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω) followed by the direct addressee (σε, ‘you’). As the text makes clear, the entity behind the pronoun is the corpse-daemon (νεκυδαίμων), who is further qualified as ‘the one who died untimely’ (ἄωρος) and invoked in the most inclusive fashion imaginable as ‘whoever you are’ (ὅστις ποτ’ οὖν εἶ). The latter expression is commonly found in curses from Egypt (48, 50, 51, 56), but also on the serial curses from Amathous, Cyprus (59). The formula continues with a prepositional syntagma introduced by κατά—the corpse-daemon is invoked by the power of ‘mighty names’ (κατὰ τῶν κραταίων ὀνομάτων). These ‘names’ are surely the voces magicae σαλβαθβαλ αυθγερωταβαλ κτλ. which follow immediately after the mediation syntagma (or, rather, are extending it). The proximate desired effect is the ‘binding’ of the horses (κατάδησον τοὺς ἵππους); we find further imperatives commanding the corpse-daemon to hinder the movement of the horses (ἐκκόψον, ἐκνεύρωσον) and also final clauses constructed with ἵνα + subjunctive (ἵνα μὴ δυνασθῶσιν […] μηδὲ τρέχειν μηδὲ περιπατεῖν μηδὲ νεικῆσαι). The curse does not target exclusively horses, but also their drivers (ll. 14-19). In two curses from this series, the mediation syntagma is constructed differently. In the first, the mediation suffers from a sizeable lacuna, for which A. Audollent suggested κατ[ὰ] τοῦ θ[εοῦ καὶ τῶ? ]ν ὄντων ἐν α[υδυν]ασ[οι] 192 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="193"?> 470 Audollent (1904: 311, No.-235, ll. 1-2). 471 Audollent (1904: 320, No.-240, ll. 1-2). ‘by god and those being in [---]’; 470 in the second instance, we find κατὰ τῶν [ἑ]π[τ]ὰ [σ]υνθρόνων χθωνίου βασιλεος (‘by the seven enthroned with the king of the underworld’). 471 A love spell from Lycopolis (57), dated to the 5th cent. CE, contains a similar invocation of ‘seven thrones’ (ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῶν ἑπτὰ θρώνων); it is noteworthy that some of the voces magicae in this Egyptian amatory curse (αχλαλ, βολβεσρω) are almost identical to our agonistic curse from Carthage. 64 Agonistic Curse against Victoricus Carthago (Africa), s. I-III, ed. Audollent (1904: 323-324, No.-241) Σεμεσιλαμ δαματαμενευς ληοννα λλελαμ [-] λαικαμ ερμουβελη ιακουβιαι ωερβηθ ιωπακερβηθ ηωμαλθαβηθ αλλασαν καταρα, ἐξορκίζω (5) ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῶν μεγάλων ὀνομάτων ἵνα καταδήσητε πᾶν μέλος καὶ πᾶν νεῦρον Βικτωρικοῦ ὅ[ν] ἔτεκεν [γ]ῆ μήτηρ παντὸς ἐνψύχου, τοῦ ήνιόχου τοῦ βενέτου, καὶ τῶν ἵππων αὐτοῦ ὧν μέλλι ἐλαύνιν, Σεκουνδινοῦ Ἰούβενιν καὶ Ἀτβοκᾶτον καὶ Βούβαλον, καὶ Βικτωρικοῦ (10) Πομπηϊανοῦ καὶ Βαϊανοῦ καὶ Βίκτορος καὶ Ἐξιμίου, καὶ τῶν Μεσσαλῶν Δομινάτορα, καὶ ὅσοι ἐάν συνζευχθῶσιν αὐτοῖς· κατάδησον αὐτῶν τὰ σκέλη καὶ τὴν ὁπμὴν καὶ τὸ πήδημα καὶ τὸν δρόμον, ἀμαύρωσον αὐτῶν τὰ ὄμματα ἵνα μὴ βλέπωσιν, στρέβλωσον αὐτῶν (15) τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ τὴν καρδίαν ἵνα μὴ [π]νέωσιν. Ὡς οὗτος ὁ ἀλέκτωρ καταδέδεται τοῖς ποσὶ καὶ ταῖς χερσὶ{τ} καὶ τῆ κεφαλῆ, οὕτως καταδήσατ[ε] τὰ σκέλη καὶ τὰς χιρας καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν καὶ τὴν καρδίαν Βικτωρικοῦ τοῦ ἡνιόχου τοῦ βενέτου ἐν τῆ αὔριν ἡμέρα καὶ τοὺς ἵππους οὓς μέλλι ἐλαύνιν, (20) Σεκουνδινοῦ Ἰούβενιν καὶ Ἀτβοκᾶτον καὶ Βούβαλον καὶ Λαυριᾶτον, καὶ Βικτωρικοῦ Πομπηϊανὸν καὶ Βαϊανὸν καὶ Βίκτορα καὶ Ἐξιμίου[μ], καὶ τῶν Μεσσάλης Δομινᾶτον, καὶ ὅσοι ἐὰν αὐτοῖς συνζευχθῶσιν. [Ἔ]τι ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς κατὰ τοῦ ἐπᾶν[ω] τοῦ οὐρανοῦ θεοῦ, (25) τοῦ καθημένου ἐπὶ τῶν Χερουβι, ὁ διορίσας τὴν γῆν καὶ χωρίσας τὴν θάλασσαν, Ιαω αβριαω αρβαθιαω σαβαω αδωναϊ, ἵνα καταδήσητε Βικτωρικ{τ}ὸν τὸν ἡνίοχον τοῦ βενέτου καὶ τοὺς ἵππους οὓς μέλλι ἐλαύνιν, Σεκουνδινοῦ Ἰούβενιν καὶ Ἀτουοκᾶτον, καὶ Βικτωρικοῦ (30) Πομπηϊανὸν καὶ Βαϊανὸν καὶ Βίκτορα καὶ Ἐξιμίουμ, καὶ τῶν Μεσσάλης Δομ[ι]νᾶτον, ἵνα ἐπὶ νείκην μ[ὴ] ἔλ[θωσι]ν ἐν τῆ αὔριν ἡμέρα ἐν τῶ κίρκω· ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ τα[χύ]. SEMESILAM DAMATAMENEUS IESNNA LLELAM LAIKAM ERMOUBELE IA‐ KOUB IA IÖERBETH IÖPAKERBETH EÖMALTHABETH ALLASAN. A Curse. 3 Greek Defixiones 193 <?page no="194"?> 472 Audollent (1904: 323). 473 Jordan (1996: 115, n. 2). 474 Regarding the functionality of enclosing the text of the spell inside voces magicae and/ or charaktêres, see Gordon (2005: 78-79). 475 Gager (1992: 65); Tremel (2004: 167). I adjure you by the great names so that you will bind every limb and every sinew of Victoricus—the charioteer of the Blue team, to whom the earth, mother of every living thing, gave birth—and of his horses which he is about to race; under Secundinus (are) Iuvenis and Advocatus and Bubalus; under Victoricus are Pompeianus and Baianus and Victor and Eximius and also Dominator who belongs to Messala; also (bind) any others who may be yoked with them. Bind their legs, their onrush, their bounding, and their running; blind their eyes so that they cannot see and twist their soul and heart so that they cannot breathe. Just as this rooster has been bound by its feet, hands, and head, so bind the legs and hands and head and heart of Victoricus the charioteer of the Blue team, for tomorrow; and also (bind) the horses which he is about to race; under Secundinus, Iuvenis, and Atvocatus and Bubalus and Lauriatus; under Victoricus, Pompeianos, and Baianus and Victor and Eximius and Dominator who belongs to Messala and any others who are yoked with them. Also I adjure you by the god above the heaven, who is seated upon the Cherubim, who divided the earth and separated the sea, iaö, abriaö, arbathiaö, adönai, sabaö, so that you may bind Victoricus the charioteer of the Blue team and the horses which he is about to race; under Secundinus, luvenis, and Advocatus, and under Victoricus Pompeianus and Baianus and Victor and Eximius and Dominator who belongs to Messala; so that they may not reach victory tomorrow in the circus. Now, now, quickly, quickly. (transl. J. Gager, modified) Bibliography: Delattre (1888: 300-302); Audollent (1904: 323-324, No. 241); Wünsch (1912: 9-13, No. 3); Gager (1992: 65-67, No. 12); Jordan (1996: 115, n. 2); López Jimeno (2001: 213-214, No. 440); Tremel (2004: 167-168, No. 60); Gordon (2005: 79); CIL VIII, 12511; AE 1888, 104; Wünsch in IG III/ 3/ Appendix (p. xvii) Commentary: An inscription on one side of a rectangular lead tablet (11.5 × 11.5 cm), found (alongside six other defixiones) in an official’s tomb at Carthage (reperta in cippo quodam sepulcreti officialium imperatoriorum) 472 and preserved today at the Musée National de Carthage. 473 On all four sides of the central block of text, we find voces magicae and large charaktêres. 474 J. Gager and J. Tremel both date the curse tablet to the 1st to 3rd cent. CE. 475 In the text of the spell, we find two full-fledged adjuration formulae. They both share a verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω) and a direct addressee (‘you’, ὑμᾶς). 194 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="195"?> 476 For possible parallels in the text of the Hebrew scriptures, cf. Gager (1992: 67, n. 82). Although the entities referred to via the pronoun are never explicitly named in the curse, its deposition into the grave makes it plausible that corpse-daemons are adjured to assist the beneficiary of this magical operation. The mediation syntagmata in the two adjuration formulae share a form (a prepositional mediation via κατά + genitive) but differ considerably in content. In the first, νεκυδαίμονες are commanded by the power of ‘the great names’ (κατὰ τῶν μεγάλων ὀνομάτων); in the second, by the God of Israel, designated here as the ‘the god above the heaven, who is seated upon the Cherubim, who divided the earth and separated the sea’ (κατὰ τοῦ ἐπᾶνω τοῦ οὐρανοῦ θεοῦ, τοῦ καθημένου ἐπὶ τῶν Χερουβι, ὁ διορίσας τὴν γῆν καὶ χωρίσας τὴν θάλασσαν). 476 Invocations of a ‘great name’ are also attested in 1, 2, 36, 59, and 68; the description of the god as sitting ‘upon the Cherubim’ is found in 43 and 58; and finally, the invocation of the Creator God is often present in amulets, compare 3, 8, 10, and 11. The desired effect is identical in both adjurations—the binding of the charioteer Victoricus and his horses. On a syntactic level, the wishes of the beneficiary are expressed by means of a final clause (ἵνα καταδήσητε πᾶν μέλος καὶ πᾶν νεῦρον Βικτωρικοῦ; ἵνα καταδήσητε Βικτωρικτόν). 65 Agonistic Curse against the Red Team Carthago (Africa), s. II-III, ed. Audollent (1904: 325-330, No.-242) Ἐξορκίζω σε ὅστ[ι]ς ποτ’ εἶ, νεκυδαίμ[ω]ν, τὸν θεὸν τὸν κτίσαντα γῆν κ[α]ὶ οὐρανὸν Ιωνα· ἐξορκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἔχοντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν χθονίων τόπων Νειχαροπληξ· ἐξορκίζω σε τὸν θε[ὸν ---] ο--ω̣α̣ε̣--ο πνευμάτων α[---]β· [ἐ]ξορκί[ζω σε] τὸν θεὸν τῆς Ἀνάγκης τὸν μέγαν Αρουροβααρζαγραν· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν (5) θεὸν τὸν πρωτόγονον τῆς Γῆς Εφονκεισαιβλαβλεισφθειβαλ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τῶν ἀνέμων καὶ πνευμάτων Λαιλαμ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν τειμωριῶν παντὸς ἐνψύχ[ου --]ραπω̣κμη̣φ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τῶν οὐρανίων στερεωμάτων δεσπότην Αχραμαχαμαρει· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν χθόνιον τὸν δεσπόζοντα παντὸς ἐνψύχου Σαλβαλαχαωβρη· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν (10) θεὸν τὸν νεκυαγωγὸν τὸν ἅγιον Ἑρμῆν, τὸν οὐράνιον Αω̣νκρειφτον ἐπίγειον ἀ̣λ̣έ̣ον [---] βνιν, τὸν χ[θό]νιον Αρχφ̣η̣σ̣ον· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς ψυχοδοσίας παντὸς ἀνθρώπου γεγεγεγεν κ(ε)ίμενον Ιαω· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν φωτίζοντα καὶ σκοτίζοντα τὸν κόσμον Σεμεσειλαμ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν πάσης μαγείας τὴν ἔω̣γ̣σιν (15) ἀνθρωπίνην σειυπν̣[---] Σαβαωθ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τ[ὸν] τοῦ Σα[λο]μόνος Σουαρμιμωουθ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τοῦ δευτέρου στερεώματος ἐν ἑαυτῶ τὴν δύναμιν ἔχοντα Μαρμαραωθ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τῆς παλινγενεσίας Θωβαρραβαυ· 3 Greek Defixiones 195 <?page no="196"?> ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τοὺς ληνοὺς ὅλους -α[---] ι̣ευ· ὁρ[κί]ζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τῆς ἡμέρας ταύτης ἧσσε (20) ὁρκίζω Αωαβαωθ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἔχοντα τῆν ἐξουσίαν τῆς ὥρας ταύτης ἧσσε, ὁρκίζω Ἰσοῦ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τῶν οὐρανίων στερεωμάτων δεσπόζοντα Ιαω ιβοηα· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν οὐράνιον Ιθυαω· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν [τ]ὴν δι[ά]νοιαν παντὶ ἀνθρώπω χαρισάμενον Νεγεμψενπ̣υενιπη· (25) ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν πλάσαντα πᾶν γένος ἀνθρώπ[ων] Χωο̣ι̣χαρε̣αμων· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τὴν ὅρασιν παντὶ ἀνθρώπω χαρισάμενον Η̣χεταρωψιευ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν χαρισάμενον τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὴν διὰ τῶν ἄρθρων κ‹ε›ίνησιν Θεσθενοθριλ.χεαυνξιν· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν πατροπάτορα Φνουφοβοην· ὁρκίζω (30) σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τὴν κοίμησίν σοι δεδωρημένον καὶ ἀπολύσαντά σε ἀπὸ δ[εσμῶ]ν τοῦ βίου Νεθμομαω· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν παντὸς μ̣ύ̣θου κυριεύοντα Ναχαρ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν τοῦ ὕπνου δεσπόζοντα Σθομβλοην· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἀέριον τὸν πελάγιον (35) τὸν ὑπόγειον τὸν οὐρ[ά]νιον τῶν πελάγων τὴν ἀρχὴν συνβεβλημένον τὸν μονογενῆ τὸν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἀναφανέντα τὸν πυρὸς καὶ ὕδατος καὶ γῆς καὶ ἀέρος τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντα Ωηιαωεεηαφετι· προσεξορκίζω σε κατὰ τὴν̣ γ̣ῆ̣ν̣ ὀνόματα Ἑκάτης τριμόρφου (40) μαστειγοφόρου δε̣δούλου λαμπαδούχου χρυσοσανδαλι̣αι̣μοποτιχθονίαν τὴν ἱππειτρο̣ ακτ̣ι̣ [--] φι ερεσχειγαλ νεβουτοσουαντ· εἴπω σοι καὶ τὸ ἀλιθινὸν ὄνομα ὃ τρέμει Τάρταρα γῆ βυθὸς οὐρανὸς Φορβαβορφορβαβορφ.ορορ (45) βασυνετειρ̣ω μολτιη̣α̣ιω φυλακή ν̣α̣πυφεραιω Ἀνάγκη μασκελλι μασκελλω φνουκενταβαωθ ὀρεοβαρζαργρα ησθανχουχηνχουχεωχ, ἵνα διακονήσης μοι ἐν τῶ κίρκω τῆ πρὸς ιζ´ ἰδὼν (50) [ν]οεμβρίων καὶ καταδήσης πᾶν μέλος πᾶν νεῦρον τοὺς ὤμους τοὺς καρποὺς τοὺς ἀνκῶνας τῶν ἡνιόχων τοῦ ῥουσσέου Ὀλύμπου καὶ Ὀλυμπιάνου καὶ Σκοπτίου καὶ Ιουυένκου· (55) βασάνισον αὐτῶν τὴν διανοίαν τὰς φρένας τὴν αἴσθησιν ἵνα μὴ νοῶσιν τι π[ο]ιῶσιν, ἀπόκνισον αὐτῶν τὰ ὄμματα ἵνα μὴ βλεπῶσιν μήτε αὐτοὶ μήτε οἱ ἵπποι οὓς μέλλουσιν (60) ἐλαύνειν, Αἴγυπτον Καλλίδρομον καὶ εἴ τις σὺν αὐτοῖς ἄλλος ζευχθήσεται, Οὐαλε[ν]τεῖνον καὶ Λαμπαδ[---]ν̣ον καὶ Μαῦρον Λαμπαδίου (65) καὶ Χρύσασπιν Ἴουβαν καὶ Ἰνδόν Παλμάτον καὶ Σούπερβον καὶ .ηιον Βούβαλον Κηνσοράπου Ἔρεινα καὶ εἴ τινα (70) ἄλλον ἵππον ἐξ αὐτῶν μέλλει ἐλαύνε[ι]ν, καὶ εἴ τις ἄλλος ἵππος τούτοις μέλλει (75) συνζεύγνυσθαι προλαβέτωσαν, ἐπὶ νείκην μὴ ἔλθωσιν. I adjure you, whoever you are, spirit of the dead, Iöna, the god who established earth and heaven. I adjure you by Neicharoplex, the god who holds the power of the places down beneath. I adjure you by [---] the god [---] of the spirits. I adjure you by great Arourobaarzagran, the god of Necessity. I adjure you by Blableisphtheibal, the firstborn god of Earth ‘on which to lie (? )’. I adjure you by Lailam, the god of winds and spirits. I adjure you by [---]rapökmeph (? ), the 196 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="197"?> god who presides over all penalties of every living creature. I adjure you by lord Achramachamarei, the god of the heavenly firmaments. I adjure you by Salbalachaöbre, the god of the underworld who lords over every living creature. I adjure you by Archpheson (? ) of the underworld, the god who leads departed souls, holy Hermes, the heavenly Aönkreiph, the terrestrial [---] I adjure you by Iaö, the god appointed over the giving of soul to everyone, Gegegegen. I adjure you by Semeseilam, the god who illuminates and darkens the world. I adjure you by [---] Sabaöth, the god who [brought] knowledge of all the magical arts. I adjure you by Souarmimöouth, the god of Solomon. I adjure you by Marmaraöth, the god of the second firmament who possesses power in himself. I adjure you by Thöbarrabau, the god of rebirth. I adjure you by [---] the god who [---] the whole wine-troughs [---] I adjure you by Aöabaöth, the god of this day in which I adjure you. I adjure you by Isos ( Jesus? ), the god who has the power of this hour in which I adjure you. I adjure you by Iaö Iboea, the god who lords over the heavenly firmaments. I adjure you by Ithuaö, the god of heaven. I adjure you by Negempsenpuenipe, the god who gives thinking to each person as a favor. I adjure you by Chöoichareamön, the god who fashioned every kind of human being. I adjure you by Echetaröpsieu, the god who granted vision to all men as a favor. I adjure you by Thesthenothril.cheaunxin, who granted as a favor to men movement by the joints of the body. I adjure you by Phnouphoboen, the Father-of-Father god. I adjure you by Nethmomaö, the god who has given you the gift of sleep and freed you from the chains of life. I adjure you by Nachar, the god who is the master of all tales. I adjure you by Sthombloen, the god who is lord over slumber. I adjure you by Öe iao eeeaph, the god of the air, the sea, the subterranean world, and the heavens, the god who has produced the beginning of the seas, the only-begotten one who appeared out of himself, the one who holds the power of fire, of water, of the earth and of the air. I further adjure you by the earth (and) names of triple-form Hekate, the tremor-bearing, scourge-bearing, torch-carrying, golden-slippered, blood-sucking, netherworldly, by horse-riding Akti[---]phi Erescheichal Neboutosouant. I utter to you the true name that shakes Tartarus, earth, the deeps and heaven, phorbaborphorbaborphoror ba suneteirö moltieaiö protector napupheraiö Necessity maskelli maskellö phnoukentabaöth oreobar‐ zargra esthanchouchenchoucheöch, in order that you serve me in the circus on the eighth of November and bind every limb, every sinew, the shoulders, the wrists, and the ankles of the charioteers of the Red Team: Olympos, Olympianos, Scorteus, and Iuvencus. Torture their thoughts, their minds, and their senses so that they do not know what they are doing. Pluck out their eyes so that they cannot see, neither they nor their horses which they are about to drive: the 3 Greek Defixiones 197 <?page no="198"?> 477 Molinier (1897: 212). 478 Jordan (1996: 115, n. 2). 479 Wünsch (1900: 252); the dating has been accepted by Audollent (1904: 325, scripta probabiliter, ut Wuenschio visum est, tertio p. Chr. n. saeculo) and also more recent scholars; cf., e.g., Gager (1992: 62) and López Jimeno (2001: 214). Egyptian steed Kallidromos and any other horse teamed with them; Valentinus and Lampadios [---] Maurus who belongs to Lampadius; Chrysaspis, Juba and Indos, Palmatus and Superbus [---] Boubalus who belong to Censorapus; and Ereina. If he should ride any other horse instead of them, or if some other horse is teamed with these, let them [not] outdistance [their foes] lest they ride to victory. (transl. J. Gager, modified) Bibliography: Molinier (1897); Wünsch (1900: 248-259, No. 15); Audollent (1904: 325-330, No. 242); Wünsch (1912: 13-21, No. 4); Gager (1992: 62-64, No. 10); Jordan (1996: 115, n. 2); López Jimeno (2001: 214-217, No. 441); Tremel (2004: 169-171, No.-61); Graf (2005: 267, No.-94) Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (15.1 × 12.8 cm), found at Carthage in a Roman tomb at the cemetery for imperial officials. 477 The text is arranged in a ‘winged-formation’ with progressively diminishing line length, as is the case with other curses found in the same area (cf. 63). The defixio is preserved today at the Musée National de Carthage. 478 R. Wünsch noted that there is little in terms of letter-forms or language that would allow for a precise dating, thereby proposing the 3rd cent. CE on the basis of affinities with similar agonistic curses from Hadrumetum. 479 The text of the curse exhibits no fewer than thirty-three performative uses of the verb ὁρκίζω and its prefixed compounds, thus making it the most ‘adjuration-heavy’ epigraphic document in the entire survey. The extraordinary accumulation of adjurations is best understood as a pre-emptive device designed to ensure the cooperation of the corpse-daemon. Individual adjurations share, for the most part, a single structural pattern. The verb of adjuration is attested in three different forms, namely ἐξορκίζω (in the first four adjurations), ὁρκίζω (the fifth through thirty-second adjurations), and a rare double compound unattested elsewhere, προσεξορκίζω (the last adjuration). As is always the case in defixiones, ἐξορκίζω does not mean ‘I exorcise’ or ‘I cast out’, but rather functions as strengthened, emphatic ὁρκίζω (‘I adjure you, I bind you by oath’). Following the verb of adjuration, we find the direct addressee, always expressed via the pronoun ‘you’ (σε). In the very first adjuration, the writer unequivocally identifies this ‘you’ with a corpse-daemon (νεκυδαίμων)—the 198 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="199"?> 480 Cf. the commentary on 63 for more examples. 481 Gager (1992: 62). 482 López Jimeno (2001: 214). 483 Wünsch (1900: 259). 484 Molinier (1897: 218-219). expletive designation ὅστις ποτ’ εἶ (‘whoever you are’) is relatively common in this context. 480 After the verb of adjuration and direct addressee, the adjuration formulae continue with a mediation syntagma. With the exception of the very last adjuration (ll. 39-42), which seemingly combines the prepositional and nonprepositional forms of mediation, all of the other instances employ the nonprepositional form—syntactically, the construction is that of a verb of adjuration followed by a double accusative, where the first expresses the direct addressee (namely the corpse-daemon) and the second a hierarchically superior entity through which the direct addressee is being drawn to the will of the beneficiary of the spell. By way of example, the second adjuration, ἐξορκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν ἔχοντα τὴν ἐξουσίαν τῶν χθονίων τόπων Νειχαροπληξ, is to be understood as ‘I adjure you by the god who holds the power of the places down beneath, Neicharoplex’. Neither of the available translations of these serial adjurations into modern languages, English by J. Gager and Spanish by A. López Jimeno, recognize this structure and interpret the sequence as ‘I bind you by oath, Neicharoplêx, the god who holds the power of the places down beneath’ 481 and ‘Yo te conjuro a ti, dios que tienes el poder de los Lugares Subterráneos Neicharoplex’, 482 respectively. The evidence collected in this corpus provides strong support for the conclusion that (in the case of defixiones) it is almost always the corpse-daemon (i.e. the restless ghost of a dead person) that is being directly adjured. The wide range of divinities invoked in this tablet, a true pandemonium of ‘Hellenistic, Jewish, Orphic, Egyptian, Pythagorean and Christian’ entities, 483 do not directly execute the wishes of the beneficiary; rather, these gods (and their magical names) are used as means to rouse and control the νεκυδαίμων. The entities invoked in the mediation syntagmata are many and varied. We find attested the usual suspects of Jewish extraction, such as Iaô, Sabaôth, and Solomon. Marmaraôth (l. 17) is invoked both on apotropaic devices (9, 25) and in love spells, esp. from Egypt (48, 50, 51, 52, 54). The likes of Semeseilam are rarer but also attested elsewhere in the corpus (54, with the spelling Semeseilamps). The sequence ὁρκίζω Ἰσοῦ (l. 21) was taken already by the author of the editio princeps, R. Molinier, to reference Jesus in his capacity as a Gnostic aeon, 484 a reading that has been (almost too) eagerly followed by authorities such as 3 Greek Defixiones 199 <?page no="200"?> 485 Wünsch (1900: 58, ‘In Ἰσοῦ hat M ohne Zweifel richtig den Namen Ἰησοῦ erkannt.’); cf. also Wünsch (1912a: 18); Audollent (1904: 328). Wünsch and Audollent. 485 The desired effect is (somewhat atypically) found only after the long series of adjurations. The beneficiary commands the corpsedaemon to utterly destroy the red team from the chariot races; both horses and drivers are targeted, as is usually the case in agonistic curses in this context. Syntactically, we find a combination of final clauses (ἵνα διακονήσης μοι ἐν τῶ κίρκω […] καὶ καταδήσης πᾶν μέλος κτλ.) and imperatives (βασάνισον αὐτῶν τὴν διανοίαν, ἀπόκνισον αὐτῶν τὰ ὄμματα). 66 Bilingual Agonistic Curse against Ziolus and Adesicla Carthago (Africa), s. II, ed. Audollent (1904: 339-341, No.-249) A: [Ἐξορκίζω σε ὅ]σ̣τις -π̣[οτ’ οὖν εἶ --- ---]κιτο οτ[--δαιμόνιον] πνεῦμα κα[τὰ το]ῦ̣τον ου[---] τοὺς ὅρους ο[--- ---]ι̣ κατα [--- ---]μ̣ενου κ̣ι̣μέ̣[νου? --- ---]ενου (5) [---]οση ἄρκους̣ με̣ [--- ---]εθε τὸν [--- ---]οσιτ̣ζ̣ η εν ἔθηκεν Οὐικτωρία [---]ει̣ τὸν Τζείου{ο̣υ}λον ης [--ἔ]θηκεν Ῥεστοῦτα σουμβ̣ιετα ο̣[--- ---]ολι̣μη φιλίαν επρα[--- ---]ολ̣ιμε σωματει μὴ ι̣π̣τουκια α̣ν̣[--- ---]εστωσιν σουω εἰς τω[--- ---]γ̣εβραγμένος ἐν τοῦ βυθοῦ κ[--- ---] καθίσας ἐπί τῆς πέτρα[ς ---]ω (10) ὄνομα ὁ ἀληθι̣νὸν ανε̣τ̣[--- ---]εινωνι στωματει λ̣α[--- ---]ελ̣ευ̣ εἰς ἀποδετοι εἰς ε̣ταυ̣[--- ---] εἰς τὸ πλακιον δήσατε [--συν]δήσατε μὴ δυ̣νάσθωσαν̣ θη̣[ρεύει]ν μὴ {ε}ἰδεῖν μὴ κρα̣[τεῖν ---] μηδὴ [δυνάσθ]ωσαν καὶ μη [---]ειν̣ειν τοὺς ἄρκους [---] ἐξορκίζ[ω ---]ον̣ [--- ---]ε τὸν Τζίο[υλον] (15) [---]σορονα [---]δ̣εχας ζε[---] εχιφ̣ισ̣ατο. B: ẹṛ lẹg̣ [- T]zeiolu q p Restụ[t]a eto (20) [Ade]ṣiola q p Victoṛia. A: [I adjure you,] whoever [you are, --daemonic] spirit by [---] the podium [---] by [---] moving [---] bears [---] whom Victoria bore [---] Ziolus, whom Restuta bore, living with [---] daughter [---] in body, lest [---] into [---] inscribed in the depth [---] sitting on the rock [---] true name [---] in the mouth [---] welcome in [---] into the frame, bind, bind [them] fast so that they are unable to fight with animals, unable to see, unable to retain [their] strength [---] unable and [---] the bears [---] I adjure [---] Ziolus [---] day [---] B: Ziolus, whom Restuta bore, and Adesicla, whom Victoria bore. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Audollent (1904: 339-341, No. 249); López Jimeno (2001: 218, No.-444); Tremel (2004: 223-224, No.-95) 200 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="201"?> 486 Tremel (2004: 223). 487 Audollent (1904: 339). 488 Audollent (1904: 340, [t]emptavi dubitanter e supra editis [---] agitatorum tabellis). Commentary: Three fragments of an opisthographic lead tablet (approx. 12 cm wide after joining the fragments), found in a spoliarium of the Carthage amphi‐ theatre and preserved in the Musée Lavigerie de Saint-Louis de Carthage. 486 The curse is bilingual, with Side A inscribed in Greek and Side B in Latin. Dated by A. Audollent to the 2nd cent. CE. 487 The fragmentary state of preservation with text missing on both edges, as well as between the fragments, complicates interpretation of the adjuration formulae. The opening ἐξορκίζω (l. 1) has been supplied by Audollent on the basis of other curses from Carthage, such as our 63 and 65. 488 The proposed reading is speculative at best since there is nothing in the text of 66 that would parallel those defixiones. The second verb of adjuration found in the curse (ἐξορκίζω, l. 14) is attested beyond doubt, but it is followed by a series of lacunae. Despite significant damage to the tablet, the general purpose of the spell seems clear enough: Ziolus, son of Restuta, and Adesicla, son of Victoria, are targeted with the intention of impeding their proper functioning at a hunting spectacle in the amphitheatre, with possibly lethal consequences for the duo of venatores. A double reference to ‘bears’ (τοὺς ἄρκους, ll. 5, 13) and the use of the verb θηρεύειν (‘hunt’)—if we accept Audollent’s reading—provide some additional context to the nature of this particular show. Both men are also cursed in another bilingual defixio, mostly written in Latin; see 121. 67 Two Bilingual Curses against venatores Carthago (Africa), s. II-III, ed. Audollent (1904: 348-350, No.-252) ερεκισιφθη αραρα[χ]αραρα εφθισικεκ̣ε ευλαμω ιωερβηθ ιωπακερβηθ ιωβ[ο]λχωσηθ βολκοδηφ̣ βασουμπαντα θνυ̣χ̣θεθωνι̣ ρ̣ινγχοσεσρω (5) απομψπακερβωθ [π]ακαρσ̣αρα ρακουβ̣α ααακ̣αχο̣χ ραβκαβ καὶ συ θεοξηρ ἄν[α]ξ κατάσχων τὸν καρπὸν τῶν ἀπ̣οδομων καὶ τὸ ὁμοιων κατάσχες τοῦ Σαπαυτούλου ὃν ἔτεκεν Πονπονία, δῆσον αὐτὸν καὶ ρ̣ε [--] ε τὴν δύναμιν τὴν καρδίαν τὸ ἧπαρ τὸν νοῦν τὰς φρή̣νας· (10) ἐξορκίζω ὑμᾶς αλ̣κ . ον αμηνη̣γ̣εισε̣ι̣χεεε βασίλιον ὑμῶν ἵνα βλεπ̣ . εινπλικατε λακινια Σαπαυτούλο ι̣ν καβια κορονα αμπιθεατρι [---] (25) ἐπικαλοῦμέ σε ὁ μέγας καὶ ἰσχυ[ρ]ὸς [----] υ̣ [--] τος κρατῶν καὶ δω̣μεύων καὶ κατόχων δεσμοῖς ἀλύτοις αἰωνίοις ἰσχυροῖς ἀδαμαντίνοις καὶ πόσον ψυχὴν κράτησον καὶ κατασ̣λ̣ δ̣ κατάδησον ὑπόταξον προσκλίσον τὸν̣ Σ[α]παυ[τού]λ[ον] (30) κατάδησον αὐτὸν σ̣μαύρησον ιν πα [---] ἵνα ἐξέλθες τόνδε τὸν τόπον μεδὲ τὴν πύλη[ν] ἐξέλθε μ̣έτ̣ε̣ τὴν 3 Greek Defixiones 201 <?page no="202"?> 489 For this reading, cf. Jordan (1994a: 323-325). 490 Audollent (1904: 349) in his editio princeps presumed that the text concerns a gladiator who used nets when fighting in the arena (venator). Tremel (2004: 231) considered lacinia to refer to a piece of cloth (such as a hem of a garment) and translated as ‘ein Stoffetzen soll um ihn gewickelt werden’. 491 The phrase pugni illi solvantur is ambiguous—it may mean either that Sapautulus is supposed to lose his strength in his hands, or that the straps around his fists are supposed to loosen. τυμηθη . ἀπέλθινι . τὸν τόπον ἀλλὰ μίνη . κατὰ σοῖς δεσμοῖς ἱσχυροῖς ἀιωνίοιθ ἀδαμαντίνοις τὴν ψυ[χ]ὴν (35) τοῦ Σαπαυτούλου ενεκε τὸν Πονπωνία ε [--] υ ριανι π̣οτιατουρ λακινια ιλλι ινπλικητουρ οβλιγητουρ ουρσελλου νον ρεσπικιαντ νον λιγετ νημινεμ πουγνι ιλλι σολβανσ τουρ νον σιτ ποτεστατις qυα̣ βουλνερητουρ (40) σανγουινητουρ Σαπαυτούλους κουρρερε νον ποσσιτ οβλιγηντουρ ιλλι πεδες νερβια ι̣λ̣α̣ κοντρα γῆς κοντα . εντε σοῦ φακιτε Σαπαυτούλου ομν [--] φ̣αζελο[υ]νε συι ιανουαριας ιν ομνι μομεντο ἤδ[η τα]χύ (45) ευλαμω [ερεκισι]φθη αραρα̣χ[αραρα ηφθισικερε]. Erekisiphthê Araracharara Ephthisikeke Eulamô Iôerbêth Iôpakerbêth Iôbol‐ chôsêth Bolkodêph Basoumpanta Thnuchthethôni Ringchosesrô Apompspaker‐ bôth Pakarsara Rakouba Aaakachoch Rabkab and you, godbrining barrenness, lord, having bewitched the fruit of Sodom and Gomorrah, bewitch 489 Sapau‐ toulos, whom Pomponia bore, bind him and [break? his] power, heart, liver, mind, and understanding. I adjure you by [---] your royal, so that [he cannot? ] see. Entangle the nets/ straps? of Sapautulus in the arena during the games in the amphitheatre[---] Entangle the nets (straps? ) of Sapautulus 490 in the arena during the games in the amphitheatre [---] I call upon you, great and mighty [---] powerful and ruling, the one who binds with unbreakable, eternal, mighty, adamantine chains, make [his] soul stop, dominate [him], and [---] bind fast, subdue, strike down Sapautoulos, bind him fast, enfeeble [---] so that he escapes neither this place nor this gate, so that he does not escape or [---] leave this place but stays down, [bound by] your chains, mighty, eternal, adamantine, the soul of Sapautoulos, whom Pomponia bore, may he suffer, may his ropes (cloth? straps? ) become entangled, may he be chained, may he not spot the bear, may he not tie anyone up, may his fists become weak, 491 may there be no possibility of him staying unharmed. May Sapautulus bleed, may he be unable to run, may his feet, muscles/ nerves be tied up, and may [he lie on the ground] prone, make Sapautulus [---] in January, immediately, right now, quickly, Eulamo, Erekisiphthê Araracharara Ephthisikeke. (transl. J. Franek/ D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Audollent (1904: 348-354, Nos. 252-253); Jordan (1988b: 120-126); Jordan (1994a: 323-325); Jordan (1996: 115, n. 2); López Jimeno (2001: 218-221, 202 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="203"?> 492 Jordan (1996: 115, n. 2). 493 Audollent (1904: 348). 494 Jordan (1988b: 120-126, No.-1). Nos. 445-446); Tremel (2004: 229-233, Nos. 98-99); Kropp (2008: 11.1.1/ 27); Urbanová (2018: 474-447, Nos. 134-135) Commentary: An agonistic bilingual curse against one Sapautoulos, son of Pomponia, inscribed on one side of a lead tablet (20 × 13 cm), found rolled in the Carthage amphitheatre and preserved in the Musée National de Carthage (cf. also 66). 492 We do not print the voces magicae that frame the central block of text on both sides nor those intervening between lines 13 and 25. The curse is, for the most part, written in Greek; Latin (written in the Greek alphabet) appears at ll. 11-12 and again at ll. 36-44. A. Audollent suggested that the lower portion of the curse (possibly starting at ll. 35) was inscribed by a second hand. 493 A second defixio (23 × 11.5 cm), directed against Vincentius Zarizo, son of Concordia, was likely prepared by the same professional, since the two curses have been found at the same location and share voces magicae, a general structure, and most parts of the Greek text. The significant difference between the two defixiones lies in the Latin portion of the text—the curse targeting Vincentius Zarizo employs Roman script and its Latin sections are more elaborated. Yet another agonistic curse from the Carthage amphitheatre, written exclusively in Greek, clearly following the same template, but without an adjuration formula, was published by D. Jordan in 1988. 494 Like other agonistic curses from Northern Africa, the late 2nd or 3rd cent. CE is the most probable date of origin for these defixiones. Both curses present a single adjuration formula; the verb of adjuration is a prefixed ἐξορκίζω, followed by a direct addressee (‘you’, ὑμᾶς). Unfortunately, the sequence continues with a section that is not readily interpretable on either of the defixiones—the curse against Sapautoulos has αλ̣κ . ον αμηνη̣γ̣εισε̣ι̣χεεε βασίλιον ὑμῶν, the curse against Vicentius Zarizo αωωηναμηγισεχει τὸ βασίλιον ὑμῶν. The expression βασίλιον ὑμῶν might refer to either a place (‘kingly dwelling’, meaning a place of power) or an implement (a diadem or tiara, meaning a token of power). In both curses, the desired effect is the paralysis and failure of the venatores. 68 Love Spell against Urbanus, son of Urbana Hadrumetum (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 373-378, No.-271) Horcizo se daemonion pneumn to enthade cimenon to onomati to agio Aωθ Αβ[α]ωθ, τὸν θεὸν τοῦ Αβρααν καὶ τὸν Ιαω τὸν τοῦ Ιακου, Ιαω Αωθ Αβαωθ, 3 Greek Defixiones 203 <?page no="204"?> θεὸν τοῦ Ισραμα, ἄκουσον τοῦ ὀνόματος ἐντείμου καὶ φ[οβ]εροῦ καὶ μεγάλου, καὶ ἄξον αὐτὸν πρὸς τὴν (5) cae apelthe pros ton Orbanon hon ethecn Urbana, Δομιτιανὴν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Κ[αν]διδά, ἐρῶντα μαινόμενον ἀγρυπνοῦντα ἐπὶ τῆ φιλία αὐτῆς καὶ ἐπιθυ[μ]ία καὶ δεόμενον αὐτῆς ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ σύμβιο[ν] γενέσθαι. Ὁρκίζω σε τὸν μέγαν θεὸν τὸν αἰώνιον καὶ ἐπαιώνιο[ν] καὶ παντοκράτορα τὸν ὑπεράνω τῶν (10) ὑπεράνω θεῶν· ὁρκίζω [σ]ε τὸν κτίσαντα τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν διαχωρίσαντα τοὺς εὐσεβεῖς· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν διαστήσαντα τήν ῥάβδον ἐν τῆ θαλάσση, ἀγ̣αγεῖν καὶ ζεῦξαι τὸν Οὐρβανόν, ὃν ἔτεκεν Οὐρβανά, πρὸς τὴν Δομιτιανάν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, ἐρῶντα βασανιζόμενον ἀ̣γρυπνοῦντα ἐπὶ τῆ ἐπιθυμία αὐτῆς (15) καὶ ἔρωτι, ἳν’ αὐτὴν σύμβιον ἀπάγη εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν ἑαυτοῦ· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν ποιήσαντα τὴν ἡμίονον μὴ τεκεῖν· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν διορίσαντα τὸ φ[ῶς] ἀπὸ τοῦ σκότους· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν συντρείβοντα τὰς πέτρας· ὁρκί[ζω] σε τὸν ἀπορ(ρ)ήξαντα τὰ ὄρη· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν συνστρέφοντα τὴν γῆν ἐ[πὶ τ]ῶν θεμελίων αὐτῆς· ὁρκίζω σε τὸ ἅγιον ὄνομα ὃ οὐ λέγεται· ἐν (20) τῶ ι̣σ̣α [----] ω̣ ὀνομάσω αὐτὸ καὶ οἱ δαίμονες ἐξεγερθῶσιν ἔκθαμβοι καὶ περίφοβοι [γ]ενόμενοι, ἀγαγεῖν καὶ ζεῦξαι σύμβιον τὸν Οὐρβανόν, ὃν ἔτεκεν Οὐρβανά, πρὸς τὴν Δομιτιανάν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, ἐρῶντα καὶ δεόμενον αὐτῆς· ἤδη, ταχύ. Ὁρκίζω σε τὸν φωστῆρα καὶ ἄστρα ἐν οὐρανῶ ποιήσαντα διὰ φωνῆς προστάγματος, ὥστε φαίνειν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις· (25) ὁρκίζω σε τὸν συνσείσαντα πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην καὶ τὰ ὄρη ἐκτραχηλίζοντα καὶ ἐκβρά[ζ]οντα, τὸν ποιοῦντα ἔκτρομον τὴν [γ]ῆν ἅπασ(αν καὶ) καινίζοντα πάντας τοὺς κατοικοῦντας· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν ποιήσαντα σημεῖα ἐν οὐρανῶ κ[αὶ] ἐπὶ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης, ἀγαγεῖν καὶ ζεῦξαι σύμβιον τὸν Οὐρβανόν, ὃν ἔ[τ]εκεν Οὐρβανά, πρὸς τὴν Δομιτιανήν, ἣν (30) ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, ἐρῶντα αὐτῆς καὶ ἀγρυπνοῦντα ἐπὶ τῆ ἐπιθυμία αὐτῆς, δεόμενον αὐτῆς καὶ ἐρωτῶντα αὐτὴν ἵνα ἐπανέλθη εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν αὐτοῦ σύμβιο[ς] γενομένη· ὁρκίζω σε τὸν θεὸν τὸν μέγαν τὸν αἰώνιον καὶ παντοκράτορα, ὃν φοβεῖται ὄρη καὶ νάπαι καθ’ ὅλην τὴν οἰκουμένην, δί’ ὃν ὁ λείων ἀφείησιν τὸ ἅρπασμα καὶ τὰ ὄρη τρέμει (35) καὶ [ἡ γῆ] καὶ ἡ θάλασσα, ἕκαστον ἰδάλλεται ὃν ἔχει φόβον τοῦ Κυρίου α[ἰ]ω[νίου] ἀθανάτου παντεφόπτου μεισοπονήρου ἐπισταμένου τὰ γ[ενόμ]ενα ἀγαθὰ καὶ κακὰ καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν καὶ ποταμοὺς καὶ τὰ ὄρη καὶ [τὴν] γῆ[ν], Αωθ Αβαωθ, τὸν θεὸν τοῦ Αβρααν καὶ τὸν Ιαω τὸν τοῦ Ιακου, Ιαω Αωθ Αβαωθ, θεὸν τοῦ Ισραμα, ἄξον ζεῦξον τὸν Οὐρβανόν, ὃν (40) ἔτεκεν Οὐρβα(νά), πρὸς τὴν Δομιτιανάν, ἣν ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, ἐρῶντα μαι[ν]όμενον βασανιζόμενον ἐπὶ τῆ φιλία καί ἔρωτι καὶ ἐπιθυμία τῆς Δομιτιανῆς, ἣν ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, ζεῦξον αὐτοὺς γάμω καὶ ἔρωτι συμβιοῦντας ὅλω τῶ τῆς ζωῆς αὐτῶν χρόνω, ποίησον αὐτὸν ὡς δοῦλον αὐτῆ ἐρῶντα ὑποτεταχθῆναι, μηδεμίαν ἄλλη[ν] (45) γυναῖκα 204 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="205"?> μήτε παρθένον ἐπιθυμοῦντα, μόνην δὲ τὴν Δομιτια[νάν], ἣν ἔτεκεν Κανδιδά, σύμβιον ἔχειν ὅλω τῶ τῆς ζωῆς αὐτῶ[ν χρόνω·] ἤδη ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. I adjure you, daemonic spirit who lies here, by the holy name AÔTH ABAÔTH, by god of Abraham and IAÔ, by god of Jacob, IAÔ AÔTH ABAÔTH, by god of Israma, hear the honoured, dreadful and great name, go away to Urbanus, to whom Urbana gave birth, and bring him to Domitiana, to whom Candida gave birth, (so that) loving, frantic, and sleepless with love and desire for her, he may beg her to return to his house and become his wife. I adjure you by the great god, eternal and more than eternal, almighty and exalted above the exalted ones. I adjure you by the one who created the heaven and the sea. I adjure you by the one who set aside the righteous. I adjure you by the one who divided the staff in the sea, to bring Urbanus, to whom Urbana gave birth, and unite him with Domitiana, to whom Candida gave birth, loving, tormented, and sleepless with desire and love for her, so that he may take her into his house as his wife. I adjure you by the one who made the mule unable to bear offspring. I adjure you by the one who separated light from darkness. I adjure you by the one who crushes rocks. I adjure you by the one who breaks apart mountains. I adjure you by the one who hardened the earth on its foundations. I adjure you by the holy name which is not spoken. [---] I will mention it by a word with the same numerical equivalent and the daemons will be awakened, startled, terrified, to bring Urbanus, to whom Urbana gave birth, and unite him with Domitiana, to whom Candida gave birth, loving and begging for her. Now! Quickly! I adjure you by the one who made the heavenly lights and stars by the command of your voice, so that they should shine on all men. I adjure you by the one who shook the entire world, who breaks the back of mountains and casts them up out of the water, who causes the whole earth to tremble and then renews all its inhabitants. I adjure you by the one who made signs in the heaven, on earth and on sea, to bring Urbanus, to whom Urbana gave birth, and unite him as husband with Domitiana, to whom Candida gave birth, loving her, sleepless with desire for her, begging for her, and asking that she return to his house and become his wife. I adjure you by the great, everlasting and almighty god, whom the heavens and the valleys fear throughout the whole earth, through whom the lion gives up its spoil and the mountains tremble with earth and sea, and (through whom) each becomes wise who possesses fear of the Lord who is eternal, immortal, vigilant, hater of evil, who knows all things that have happened, good and evil, in the sea and rivers, on earth and mountain, AÔTH, ABAÔTH, the god of Abraham and IAÔ of Jacob, IAÔ AÔTH, ABAÔTH, god of Israma, bring Urbanus, to whom Urbana gave birth, and unite him with Domitiana, to whom Candida gave birth, loving, frantic, tormented with love, passion, and desire for Domitiana, whom 3 Greek Defixiones 205 <?page no="206"?> 495 Maspero (1893: 303-304). 496 Maspero (1893: 303); Audollent (1904: 373); Gager (1992: 112); López Jimeno (2001: 223). 497 Cf. esp. Deissmann (1901: 281-300) for a detailed discussion. Candida bore; unite them in marriage and as spouses in love for all the time of their lives. Make him as her obedient slave, so that he will desire no other woman or maiden apart from Domitiana alone, to whom Candida gave birth, and will keep her as his spouse for all the time of their lives. Now, now! Quickly, quickly! (transl. J. Gager, modified) Bibliography: Maspero (1893: 308-311, No. 2); Deissmann (1901: 270-300); Audollent (1904: 373-378, No. 271); Wünsch (1912: 21-26, No. 5); Gager (1992: 112-115, No.-36); López Jimeno (2001: 223-225, No.-452) Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (25 × 25 cm), found in 1890 at the Hadrumetum cemetery, rolled up, with several holes, likely traces of nails with which the lamella was pierced. The entirety of the text is in Greek, but the first line, as well as ll. 4-5, are written in Roman letters; according to G. Maspero, two hands may be distinguished. 495 There is a general consensus on dating the tablet to the 3rd cent. CE. 496 The love spell contains fifteen adjuration formulae, which makes it second only to 65 (a coaevous agonistic curse from Carthage) in terms of the total number of performative adjurations attested in a single epigraphic document. All of the instances employ a simple, unprefixed ὁρκίζω as the verb of adjuration. The direct addressee is always referred to via a pronoun (‘you’, σε), as is usual; in the first adjuration, however, the entity that is being adjured is specified as daemonion pneumn to enthade cimenon (δαιμόνιον πνεῦμα τὸ ἐνθάδε κείμενον), meaning a corpse-daemon or spirit of the dead, preferably of someone who died before their time. In the first adjuration, the mediation syntagma is present via the dative construction to onomati to agio (τῷ ὀνόματι τῷ ἁγίῳ, ‘by the holy name’) and accusatives (τὸν θεὸν τοῦ Αβρααν κτλ., ‘by the god of Abraham’ etc.). In the remaining fourteen adjurations, the sequence is that of a verb of adjuration followed by a double accusative—the first accusative denoting the direct addressee (always σε, ‘you’, i.e. the corpse-daemon), and the second functioning as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, denoting the god of Israel in various appellations that are taken, for the most part, from the Septuagint and other texts of Jewish extraction, such as the Prayer of Manasseh. 497 By way of example, the third adjuration (ὁρκίζω [σ]ε τὸν κτίσαντα τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν) must be understood as ‘I adjure you (scil. the corpse-daemon) by the one who created the heaven and the sea’. The Creator 206 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="207"?> 498 Gager (1992: 113). 499 López Jimeno (2001: 223). 500 For the same reason, the translations by Maspero (1893: 306, ‘je t’adjure par celui qui a fondé le ciel et la mer’) and Deissmann (1901: 277, ‘I adjure thee by Him who created the heaven and the sea’) are preferable. 501 Gager (1992: 112). is not adjured directly; rather, he is invoked as a superior entity to ensure the compliance of the νεκυδαίων with the wishes of the magical practitioner. Thus, the translations by J. Gager (‘I invoke you, who created the heaven and the sea’) 498 and A. López Jimeno (‘[t]e conjuro a ti, creador del cielo y del mar’) 499 are confusing as they seem to suggest that the pronoun σε (‘you’) refers to the god of Israel and not to the corpse-daemon. 500 This is especially surprising in Gager’s translation as he correctly pointed out in his short discussion of this defixio that ‘[t]he spell is addressed, as was frequently the case, to the spirit of a dead person’, acknowledging that ‘the greater power invoked, whose function was to command the local spirit, is the god of Israel’. 501 The desired effect of the spell is to make Urbanus, son of Urbana, take for a wife Domitiana, daughter of Candida, with Domitiana clearly being the one who commissioned the spell. On a syntactical level, the wishes of Domitiana are expressed by both imperatives and dynamic infinitives—one may directly compare, for example, ἀγαγεῖν καὶ ζεῦξαι τὸν Οὐρβανόν (l. 12-13) with ἄξον ζεῦξον τὸν Οὐρβανόν (l. 39). 69 Prayer for Justice against Sasseikos Ammaedara (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1910a) Ὀνείρεσον σεαυτῷ κατέ[χο]ντι αὐτοὺς̣ [ο]ὕ̣ς σοι λέγω̣ δαίμων διακόνησόν μοι, Οὐε̣ιταλ̣ιαν̣ῷ, ὃν ἔτεκεν Σατ[ουρν]ῖν[ν (? )]α, πρὸς τὸ̣ν σασσεικον ὃν ἠτηκην Κερτα[---] [---]η̣ωθεις. ὦ σεβετα θελ̣ηθεα, εἶπον αὐτῷ κατ’ ὕπνους δὸ̣ς Οὐειταλιαν[ῷ μει]ρακίῳ δη̣νάρι̣α ἑ̣κατὸν καὶ εἱμάτια (5) Ναυταραρε δι̣’ οὐ̣ρανῶν δραμετα α̣ε̣ρ̣ο̣π̣α̣ ἐπιπεμπο σε Ἑ̣[κ]άτη νυχία ὁ̣ριοδείτη φανταστε φανταστ̣[ικε] πολιοτρι̣ο̣δε δυν̣ά̣[στ]ειρα ἀνανκάστειρα βουρροροβορκηω ωοφόρβη πανφό[ρ]βη [ἀν]ανκανφορβαιε. α̣ι̣λ̣ε[---] ὅστις ποτ’ εἶ, νε̣κύδαιμον, καὶ ἐξο̣ρ̣κ̣ίζω σε κατὰ τῶν ὀνομάτω̣ν ὧν οὐ δύνῃ παρακοῦσαι μ̣ε̣λος δο̣ρκη̣νιωνη π̣ληναρειον δρα[---]ε ταχὺ ἐάν μοι διακονήσῃς μ̣υ̣ρρίσω σε καὶ στεφανώσω καὶ θ̣ύσω σοι εἰ δὲ μὲ βαλῶ̣ σε (10) εἰς ὅλμον μολυβοῦν καὶ μετὰ παλιούρων κατακόψω σε δραμετα̣ τ̣αχὺ ταχύ. You who hold fast, invade the dream of those I tell you about, serve me, Vitalianus, whom Saturnina bore, against Sasseikos, whom Certa[---] bore, [---]. 3 Greek Defixiones 207 <?page no="208"?> 502 Gœtschy (1895: 568). 503 Audollent (1910a: 545). 504 Wünsch (1900: 267). 505 Audollent (1910a). August goddess [of will? ], tell him during sleep, ‘Return to Vitalianus one hundred denarii and [his] clothes! ’ Nautarare, you who run across the heavens, [---] I send towards you Hecate, goddess of the night, she who imposes limits, mistress of illusion, thrice-[? ], powerful, inescapable, [voces magicae]. I adjure you, corpse-daemon, whoever you are, by names which you cannot but obey [voces magicae], quickly, if you serve me, I will anoint you with myrrh and I will crown you and I will sacrifice to you; if not, I will cast you into a lead mortar and I will strike you with Christ’s thorn (Ziziphus spina-christi); runner[? ], quickly, quickly. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Gœtschy (1895: 567-568); Wünsch (1900: 266-268, No. 19); Au‐ dollent (1904: 413-414, No. 299); Audollent (1910a); López Jimeno (2001: 266, No.-454) Commentary: An inscription on an opisthographic lead tablet (5 × 16 cm), discovered at Haïdra (ancient Ammaedara) in a grave located in the vicinity of the triumphal arch. 502 Reportedly preserved in the Cirta Museum (Constantine, Algeria) 503 and dated to the end of the 3rd cent. CE on the basis of letter-forms. 504 The facsimile and editio princeps by Audollent in his 1904 landmark monograph have been superseded by a new edition based on a fresh autopsy, published by the same scholar six years later. 505 This curious prayer for justice contains a single adjuration formula. A prefixed ἐξορκίζω is used as the verb of adjuration, followed by a direct addressee expressed via the pronoun ‘you’ (σε). As the protasis of the adjuration formula makes clear, the entity invoked here is a νεκυδαίμων (‘corpse-daemon’); the qualification ὅστις ποτ’ εἶ (‘whoever you are’) finds numerous parallels in our corpus, especially in the defixiones from Egypt (48, 50, 51, 56) and Carthage (63, 65). A mediation syntagma is present in prepositional form and invokes ‘names which you cannot but obey’, thereby conveying expressis verbis the primary function of this part of the adjuration formula—namely, to ensure the cooperation of the entity that is being adjured (in this particular case, the corpsedaemon). The desired effect is omitted in the adjuration formula proper but was stated earlier in the text and consists in the return of (likely stolen) goods, comprising one hundred denarii and clothing. In addition to its oneiric opening sequence, the spell is notable for its elaborated and unique statement of both the sanction 208 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="209"?> 506 Gaffino (2002: 188). and the reward that is to befall the corpse-daemon should they fail to obey the wish of the practitioner or fulfil it, respectively. 70 Fever-inducing Spell against Nonos Unprovenanced, s. III-IV, ed. Gaffino (2002) λισσωθ αλισσωθ μου μευρακτρα θασσιμο̣ρ αχωρ αραμεχρεμειν στικψψ θαβαψραβου θαιβαφριξ ζαμενη θ̣ζ αταρατα κυφαρθ αννα (5) αννα̣ Ερεσχιγαλ πλανγαριβοωθ εοηιαλη Θαθ Θαθ διαραξ σωεαρα σιερσιεηρ συνμυθαφεννωιβαθαω αγιλαεχοιρεγακεστρευ ιω αξ αρ̣νευκορυννευ̣κνυωρε αλισσω (10) σωχ δωδεκακιστη ἀκρουροβόρε σωχ αρουχ με σουχιηρ ανοχ ανοχ βριταδινδρ̣α σκυλμαχαλ βαθραηλ εμαβριμαχρημιλλαοστρακιν αμου σαληι̣ νασαυ Τατ χολ ασσω̣ρ (15) σανγαρμαδουλερεβολσαρδουλ σ̣αρδουχ ασια̣ι̣ψ̣ρ̣ω ζαραχω [..]ιβι βαρβηλ σωβουχος Αρου ωρι Αζηλ ωβαδαων ιω ωβαδαων βερβερ σωχ ω υυυ φθωβαλλαι μαχχαμ αρχωθ (20) βασαρα βαθ̣αραρ ιιενπε Βες χιωχ φορ φορ ιυζζε ιυζζε χυχ χυχ χυχ· θαιο̣ὶ̣ μεγάλοι καὶ στήλη Πλούτονος τῶν καταχθωνίω⟨ν⟩, κατασχέσται, κλίναται εἰς πυρετὸν καὶ τριταία⟨ν⟩ τὼν Νόνον, τὴν (25) ἔτεκεν Σωπάτρα, ἤδη, ταχύ· ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς [κ]ατὰ τῆς ὑμεταίρα⟨ς⟩ δυνόμεω⟨ς⟩, ὅτι κατάσ[χ]ε̣σται, κλίναι εἰς κράβατων Νόνον, [τ]ὴν ἔταικεν Σωπάτρα, ἤδη, ταχύ· ναί, [ν]αί, μὴ ἐκβῇ καὶ μὴ ἀνα⟨σ⟩τῇ τοῦ κρα[β]ατίου αὐτοῦ, ἀλ⟨λ⟩ὰ κριθῇ αὐτο⟨ῦ⟩ τὴν ψυ[χ]ὴ̣ν (30) ε̣ἰ̣ς̣ τὸ κράβατον, ἤδη, ταχὺ ταχύ. [voces magicae] Great gods and the stele of Pluto, [lord] of the gods of the underworld, hold fast, lay down with a tertian fever Nonos, whom Sopatra bore, now, quickly. I adjure you by your own power, hold fast, lay down to bed Nonos, whom Sopatra bore, now, quickly. Yes, yes, do not let him leave, do not let him rise from his bed, let his soul be confined to the bed, now, quickly, quickly. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Gaffino (2002) Commentary: An inscription on one side of a lead tablet (7.5 × 5.1 cm) from a private collection; S. Gaffino argued with some reason for a Syro-Palestinian or (in our view more likely) Egyptian provenance. 506 The letter-forms and spellings suggest the 3rd or 4th cent. CE; the voces magicae in ll. 1-21 are, to a great extent, found also in 54. The spell contains one adjuration formula, introduced with a simple, unprefixed ὁρκίζω; the pronoun ‘you’ (ὑμᾶς) serves as the direct addressee. In curse tablets, the most frequently adjured beings are corpsedaemons, yet the sequence preceding the adjuration proper suggests that, in 3 Greek Defixiones 209 <?page no="210"?> this case, it is the ‘great gods’ and Pluto (or rather, his stele, in an otherwise unattested oblique address). The mediation syntagma κατὰ τῆς ὑμεταίρας δυνόμεως (‘by your own power’) is directly paralleled in the sequence ἐξορκίζο ὑμᾶς κατὰ τῆς δυνάμεως τῆς ὑμετέρας, attested in the ‘Sethian’ curses from Rome (62). The desired effect, expressed via a series of imperatives, is to confine to bed (but probably not kill) a certain Nonos; the mention of κράβατος (‘bed, couch, mattress’) as the place of suffering is attested also in 37 and 62. 210 3 Greek Defixiones <?page no="211"?> 507 Bees (1941: 47); Harvey (1966: 196). 508 Robert (1966: 769). 509 Walbank (2010: 264). 4 Greek Epitaphs J. Franek 71 Fragment of a Titulus from Corinth Corinthus (Achaia), s. IV, ed. IG 2 IV, 3, 1416 [--εἰ δ]έ τεις ἂν τορ[μήσῃ χωρὶς τῆς] ἐμῆς γνώμης ἀ̣[νοῖξαι τάφον τοῦ]τον, ὃ ἐ{ο}γὼ ἠγόρα̣[σα ---] πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν κα̣--- ---] (5) τ̣οῦ Θεοῦ‧ [---] ἐνορκίζ̣ [ω ---]. [---] should someone dare to open this grave, which I bought, without my permission [---] before God [---] of God. I adjure [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Bees (1941: 47-48, No. 23); Kent (1966: 196-197, No. 643); Robert (1966: 769); Feissel/ Philippidis-Braat (1985: 362, No. 33); SEG XI, 165; IG 2 IV/ 3, 1416 Commentary: A fragment of a marble slab (20.5 × 10 cm), found in 1929 in the eastern part of the theatre in ancient Corinth; dated variously to the 4th or 5th cent. CE. The state of preservation does not allow for any analysis of the adjuration formula beyond a clear attestation of the performative use of the verb of adjuration (ἐνορκίζω). The readings suggested by N. Bees and J. H. Kent (‘I swear before God [by the eternal judgement] of God’) 507 have been rightly dismissed by L. Robert. 508 It is likely that the original text also contained a sanction that was to befall those who would dare to disturb the grave. The acknowledgment of a purchase (‘which I bought’) is attested no less than 35 times in the Corinth area. 509 72 Epitaph for Archelais Sparta (Achaia), s. V-VI, ed. IG V/ 1, 822 ὁρκίζω ὑμᾶς ἐγὼ Ἀρχελαείς, ἡ δούλη τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ{ς}, τοὺς τοῦ εὐλογη(τοῦ) κλήρου πάντας τοῦ τε νῦν ὄντο[ς] καὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος εἶναι, κατὰ τῆς αἰωνίου (5) κρίσεως καὶ τῆς δόξης τοῦ θ(εο)ῦ, μηδενεὶ συνχωρῆσαι ἀνασκευάσαι τὸ μνῆμα τοῦτο, ἔνθα νῦν ἀναπαύομαι. <?page no="212"?> 510 Dressel/ Milchhöfer (1877: 440). 511 Tod/ Wace (1906: 76). 512 Regarding epitaphs with maledictions and adjurations involving clergy, see also Feissel (1980: 468-470). I, Archelais, servant of God, adjure you, (members) of the blessed clergy, the one that is today, as well as the one that shall be, by the Last Judgement and the glory of God, let no one destroy this grave in which I now rest. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Dressel/ Milchhöfer (1877: 440, No. 22); Zesiou (1892: 13, No. 10); Tod/ Wace (1906: 76, No. 634); Zesiou (1917: 41); Bradford (1977: 73); Feissel (1980: 468); Feissel (1983a: 616); Feissel/ Philippides-Braat (1985: 372, No. 139); IG V/ 1, 822; ICG 3368 Commentary: An inscription on a marble slab (26 × 59 cm), introduced by three crosses. H. Dressel and A. Milchhöfer reported in 1877 that the slab was preserved in the house of one Georgios Manusakis at Sparta; 510 by 1906, the epitaph had found its new home in the Archaeological Museum of Sparta. 511 The contents and paleography are consistent with the late 5th or early 6th cent. CE. The epitaph assumes the form of a single extended adjuration formula. The verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω) is followed by the name of the beneficiary (Archelais, servant of God), syntactically the subject of the verb, and a pronoun (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’), syntactically the object of the verb and functionally the direct addressee. The direct addressee is clearly specified thereafter as ‘the blessed clergy’, in both its current and future iterations. The adjuration formula con‐ tinues with a prepositional mediation syntagma invoking the ‘Last Judgement’ and ‘glory of God’; the desired effect is, as usual, to protect the grave against desecrators and/ or future burials. The prohibition is here realized by means of a dynamic infinitive (μηδενεὶ συνχωρῆσαι ἀνασκευάσαι τὸ μνῆμα τοῦτο). The adjuration of the clergy in particular (as opposed to the more common address to every passer-by) may also be found in 85 and 100. 512 73 Epitaph for Demetrios Elis (Achaia), s. V-VI, ed. Keil/ Premerstein (1911: 108, modified) Χ ̅ Μ ̅ Γ ̅ ☩ Ὁ δοῦλος τοῦ Χριστοῦ Δημήτριος ἐνθάδε κατάκιτε χρηστῶς κ(αὶ) εὐσεβῶς ζήσας. Κ(αὶ) ὁρκῶ ὑμᾶς τὸν θ(εὸ)ν ὑμῖν τὸν παντοκράτορα, μηδὶς (5) ἀνύξη τὸ μνῆμα τοῦτο· εἰ δέ̣ τις τολμήσῃ, μὴ εὕρη ἀπολογίαν ἐν τῇ ἡμέρα τῆς κρίσεως. T. 212 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="213"?> 513 Only one of many possible interpretations of the letter sequence ΧΜΓ; cf. Blumell (2012: 47-48) for a brief overview of different proposals. 514 Keil/ Premerstein (1911: 108, ‘ein beliebter Begräbnisplatz’). 515 Fleischer (1961/ 1963: 83-84) considered two different interpretations, either ‘ich besch‐ wöre euch bei Gott’ or ‘ich rufe den Gott um Hilfe an’—the former option is clearly preferable. God helps. 513 ☩ Demetrios, servant of Christ, lies here, having lived orderly and piously. And I adjure you by God Αlmighty, let no one open this tomb; if someone dares (to do it), he/ she will not find a defence on the Day of Judgment. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Keil/ Premerstein (1911: 108); Fleischer (1961/ 1963: 79-84, No. 2); Feissel (1980: 464); Feissel/ Philippidis-Braat (1985: 373, No. 150); Kloppenborg (2017: 3, n. 4); BE 1966, 213; ICG 3372 Commentary: An inscription on a rectangular marble plate (117 × 79 cm), first described by J. Keil and A. von Premerstein in 1911; they saw the stone in the area of the Roman baths in Elis, which in Byzantine times was used as a ‘favourite place of burial’. 514 The ductus of the text is peculiar, ranging from haphazard to circular. Well-developed Christian markers, such as the ΧΜΓ, an identification of the deceased as a ‘servant of Christ’, the invocation of ‘God Almighty’, and the allusion to the Last Judgement, are consistent with a 5th to 6th cent. CE dating. The formula opens with ὁρκῶ, a form that is rarely used when compared to forms acquired by the productive derivational suffix -ίζω (namely ὁρκίζω and its prefixed variants). The double accusative that follows, ὑμᾶς τὸν θ(εὸ)ν τὸν παντοκράτορα, contains both the direct addressee (‘you’) and a nonprepositional mediation syntagma, invoking God Almighty; 515 the intervening ὑμῖν (‘you’) is best understood as dativus ethicus. The desired effect is to prevent the opening of the tomb (μηδὶς ἀνύξη τὸ μνῆμα τοῦτο) and the sanction involves the workings of divine justice—a threat of perdition at the Final Judgement is also attested in 116, 119, 136, 138-139, 142-143, 148, and 151. 74 Anonymous Epitaph in Verse Tanagra (Achaia), s. V, ed. IG VII, 582-584 Μηκαίτι σῶμα δέχου, σῆμα, μετὰ τούσδε κλιθέντας· / οἵδε γὰρ ὥρκωσαν μερόπων μετόπισθε γενέθλην / μηκέτι τόνδε λάαν κεινεῖν τινα μηδὲ σαλεύειν. / μάρτυς ἐστὶ δὲ τῶνδ’ ἀτρεκὴς ὁ ἅγιος μάρτυς / (5) ὡς καὶ ἐπὶ κάρατος γεγραφήατε ὄβριμος ὅρκος. / Μή ποτε κερτομέων ἐπὶ φθιμένοισι γελάσσῃς, / μηδ’ ἐκ θυμοῦ δολεροῦ ῥῆμά ποτε ἐξεμέσῃς, / μηδὲ κατ’ οὐκέτ’ ἐόντος ἔπος 4 Greek Epitaphs 213 <?page no="214"?> 516 Regarding this dramatic expression as a part of a ‘jewelled style’, see Agosti (1998). 517 Duchesne (1879). 518 Agosti (2008a: 688, n. 77); Agosti (2008b: 200). 519 Peek (1955: 607). ψευδήγορον εἴπῃς, / μή σε λάβῃ πυρόεσσα κρίσις δεινήεσσα Γεέννης / (10) καὶ Ταρτάρου ἐκ κροιεροῦ ψυχῆς πολυώδυνον ἄλγος. / Ἄνθρωπε, ἔτ’ ὕπερθεν ἐὼν μὴ πάτει τοὺς ὑπένερθεν, / μηδὲ μὴ̣ν ἀμπαυόμενος ἐφίζανε τοῖς φθιμένοισιν· / τοῖον γὰρ καὶ σὲ σῆμα μένει ἤματι τελεσφόρῳ· / τῶν δ’ αὐτῶν καὶ σὺ μεθέξεις, ὧν αὐτὸς δρᾶν οὐκ ἐφυλάξω, / (15) οἴσεις δὲ τάδε πάντα, ὅταν σε λάβῃ ἔννυχος ἠώς. / Ταῦτα. O, grave! Do not accept any other body in addition to those lying here! For they have adjured the future generation of men to never move or stir this stone. Their unerring witness is the holy martyr, in accordance with what the solemn oath on the top states. Never mock contemptuously the deceased! And never emit a word out of deceitful mind or say an untruthful word about anyone who is not alive anymore. Or else the burning whirling condemnation of Gehenna and the bitter pain of soul of the freezing Tartarus will take hold of you! Man, while still being above (the earth surface) do not tread on those who are underneath (the earth surface), nor, indeed, sit upon the deceased to take a rest—for such a grave is waiting also for you on the final day, and what you didn’t care to observe will come upon you yourself, and you will bear it all when the dawn of night 516 seizes you. That is (life/ it). (transl. M. Veksina, modified) Bibliography: Duchesne (1879); Peek (1955: 607-608, No. 1952); Trombley (1989: 225); Agosti (1998); Agosti (2008a: 688, n. 77); Agosti (2008b: 200); IG VII, 582-584; SEG XXXIX, 423; SEG LVIII, 1885; ICG 4066 Commentary: A black marble plate found during excavations at Tanagra, reported by M. Homolle to L. Duchesne, who prepared the editio princeps. 517 No dimensions given; current location unknown. The text consists of 15 metric lines and a concluding ταῦτα; with the exception of l. 8, the first ten lines are ‘more or less regular hexameters’, while the last stanza (ll. 11-15) is metrically insecure, with the final two verses more akin to prose than verse, in the judgement of G. Agosti. 518 W. Peek sensibly dated the text to the 5th cent. CE. 519 The adjuration attested in this epitaph is unique, and its very inclusion in our survey may be questioned since the performative force of ὥρκωσαν (‘they have adjured’) is by no means certain. One could, however, construct the adjuration employing the categories adopted in this survey as follows: the use of the aorist establishes the adjuration as permanently valid, since it has been already 214 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="215"?> 520 Trombley (1989: 225). 521 Duchesne (1879: 145). activated and targets ‘future generations’ (μερόπων μετόπισθε γενέθλην); these are the direct addressees, as is usual for the first accusative following the verb of adjuration. The desired effect, expressed using a sequence of two dynamic infinitives, conveying a negative command (μηκέτι τόνδε λάαν κεινεῖν τινα μηδὲ σαλεύειν), is very much in line with other funerary adjurations and aims to preserve the sanctity of the tomb. No mediation syntagma in its usual form is present, but its functional equivalent may be found in the following line, where an ‘unerring holy martyr’ is invoked as a guarantor of the adjuration. A sanction of fire and ice, the ‘burning whirling condemnation of Gehenna’ and the ‘bitter pain of soul of the freezing Tartarus’, showcase ‘a convenient syncretism of Christian and Hellenic ideas’, as F. Trombley observed. 520 Duchesne (followed by Dittenberger in his IG edition) assumed that the inscription is incomplete in view of the following: (1) the absence of the name(s) of the deceased, (2) l. 5 refers to a part of the text we do not possess, and (3) the concluding ΤΑΥΤΑ is to be interpreted as a part of the expression γένοιτο ταῦτα (‘let these things come to pass’). 521 None of these reasons are compelling since (1) names are at times absent from funerary inscriptions even in case where damage to the stone is excluded (cf., e.g., 113 in our survey); (2) the mention of a prior ‘solemn oath’ (ὄβριμος ὅρκος) may simply reference the performative ὥρκωσαν (l. 2); and (3) in Greek, omission of the verb γίγνομαι is perfectly common. 75 Tomb of an Ecclesiastical Family Melos (Achaia), s. IV, ed. Kiourtzian (2000: 87-93, No.-24) [Ἐν Κ(υρί)ῳ. Οἱ πρε]σ̣βοίτ̣[εροι οἱ πάσης μνήμ]ης [ἄ]ξιοι Ἀσκλῆπις [καὶ Ἐλπίζων κὲ Ἀσκληπι(όδο)τ(ο)ς] κὲ Ἀγαλίασις [(δ)ιάκονος καὶ Εὐτυχία παρθενεύ]σασα κὲ Κλαυδιανὴ (5) [παρθενεύσασα καὶ Εὐτυχία ἡ τ]ούτ̣ω̣ν̣ μήτηρ [ἔνθα κεῖντε, καὶ ἐπὶ γέμι τὸ θη]κ̣ί̣[ον] τοῦτο, [ἐνορκίζω ὑμᾶς τὸν ὧδε ἐφεστ]ῶ̣τα ἄνγελον, [μή τίς ποτε τολμῇ ἐνθάδε τ]ι̣ν̣ὰ̣ καταθέσθε. Ἰ[ησοῦ Χρειστὲ βοήθει] τῷ γρ̣[άψ]αντι πανοικί. In (the name of the) Lord. Priests worthy of every remembrance, Asklepi(o)s and Elpizôn and Asklepiodotos, and Deaconess Agaliasis, and Eutychia, who preserved her virginity, and Klaudianê, who preserved her virginity, and their mother Eutychia, are lying here. And since this tomb is full, I adjure you by the 4 Greek Epitaphs 215 <?page no="216"?> 522 Kiourtzian (2000: 87, ‘Catacombe B, salle a, 6e tombe à arcosolium à droite’). 523 Marucchi (1905: 311) reported that the red pigments are autochthonous to the island Melos. 524 Roß (1845a: 146-147). 525 Guarducci (1978: 369) called it, with some reason, ‘il particolare più interessante della nostra epigrafe’; cf. also Kiourtzian (2000: 92, ‘[l]a formule de Mélos est très rare’). 526 For parallels, including the use of πλήρης, cf. Robert (1986: 445-448). angel that stands guard here, let no one dare to place here anyone else. Jesus Christ, help the one who wrote this and all his family. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Roß (1845a: 145-154); Roß (1845b: 9, No. 246c); Marucchi (1905: 310-311); Grégoire (1922: 62, No. 209); Robert (1968: 446); Guarducci (1978: 368-370); Kiourtzian (2000: 87-93, No.-24); CIG IV, 9288; IG XII/ 3, 1238 Commentary: This inscription, discovered in 1844 by L. Roß in the Christian catacombs at Melos, 522 is engraved into a white-painted wall (68-×-6 cm). The text is enclosed in a tabula ansata; in addition to being engraved, the letters (as well as the tabula ansata and the horizontal lines separating individual lines of the text) were painted in red ochre. 523 Today, only the right side of the inscription is legible; the rest, however, may be safely reconstructed on the basis of Ross’ report. 524 The formula, introduced by a prefixed form, ἐνορκίζω, is followed by a direct addressee (‘you’ in the plural, likely denoting any individual that could interfere with the tomb). A mediation syntagma is present in non-prepositional form and invokes the help of a guardian angel. While the invocations of angels in the mediation syntagmata of adjuration formulae are common enough (1-5, 12, 15, 23, 62, 158, 162, 165), it is quite peculiar to see invoked an angel imagined to be guarding the tomb. 525 The expression of the desired effect, namely the denial of repeated burials and reuse of the tomb, is realized via a negative prohibition using a subjunctive form (μή τίς ποτε τολμῇ ἐνθάδε τινὰ καταθέσθε). Of note is the explicit reason given for the final resting place of the family to remain intact: it is full (γέμι) and therefore cannot possibly contain more bodies. 526 76 Epitaph for Stephanis, Daughter of Melon Melos (Achaia), s. IV-V, ed. Kiourtzian (2000: 82-86, No.-22) Ἐν Κ(υρί)ῳ. [Ἔνθ]α δι κῆτε Στεφαν[ὶ]ς ἡ [τ]οῦ πρεσβοιτέρου [Μήλ]ωνός, ὁρκί[ζ]ω [ὑμᾶς] τὰς μεγ[άλας] τοῦ [ἀλη]θοῦς [Θ(εο)ῦ δ]υν[άμις μὴ] μο[ῦ τὴν θήκη]ν ἅ[ψητε μ]η[δ]ὲ κατάθητα[ί] (5) [τινα] πλέον ἐμοῦ τ[οῦ π]ρεσ[βοιτ]έρου Μήλωνος [εἰ μή] τι τέκνον [ἢ τὴν ἐμὴν σύγ]γαμον. In (the name of the) Lord. Here lies Stephanis, daughter of the priest Melon. I adjure you by the great powers of the true God, do not touch my tomb, do 216 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="217"?> 527 Kiourtzian (2000: 83, ‘Catacombe A, galerie 1, 3 e tombe à acrosolium à droite’). 528 Roß (1845b: 10). 529 Kiourtzian (2000: 82). not place anybody else inside, except for me, the priest Melon, and any (of my) children or my wife. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Roß (1845b: 10, No. 246d); Marucchi (1905: 310); Grégoire (1922, 62-63, No.-210); Kiourtzian (2000: 82-86, No.-22); CIG IV, 9289; IG XII/ 3, 1239 Commentary: An inscription found on the wall of a Christian catacomb at Melos, in a different sector than previous one (73), 527 with which it shares important material elements: the text was engraved on a white-painted wall; the letters, the tabula ansata, and the horizontal lines were then painted with red ochre. This epitaph (74) measures ca 60-×-14 cm and is in a considerably worse state of preservation than its sibling (73). Ross’ 1845 reading is already dependent on a copy made two years earlier by M. Prokesch von Osten; 528 we print the fresh new edition from G. Kiourtzian, who dated the inscription to the 4th or 5th cent. CE. 529 The formula is introduced by a non-prefixed verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω); the direct addressee (generic ὑμᾶς, possibly referencing passers-by) is followed by a non-prepositional mediation syntagma invoking the ‘great powers of the true God’. The text, as reconstructed by Kiourtzian, spells out the desired effect of the adjuration by employing both an imperative/ prohibitive subjunctive (ἅψητε) and a dynamic infinitive (κατάθηται); due to the poor state of preservation, the exact forms remain inconclusive. The usual wish pronounced by or on behalf of the deceased—to not have their rest disturbed—is not unconditional here, as Stephanis may be joined by her parents and siblings. 77 Fragment of a Lost Titulus from Naxos Naxos (Achaia), s. V-VI, ed. Kiourtzian (2000: 104, No.-35) Ἐ̣νο̣ρ̣κί[ζ]ομε τ̣[ὸν Θ(εὸ)ν τὸν] παντοκρά(τορα) καὶ τὸν ἡμῶν [---] Κ(ύριον) Ἰ(ησοῦν) Χρ(ιστὸν) μηδένα ἕτερ̣ον τεθῆναι. We adjure (you? ) by God Almighty and our [---] Lord Jesus Christ, let no one else be buried (here). (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Ridder (1897: 23-24, No. 10); Feissel (1980: 464); Kiourtzian (2000: 104, No.-35); SEG XXX, 1060 Commentary: An inscription on the side of a sarcophagus (79 × 34 × 40 cm). According to A. de Ridder, who first transcribed the titulus, the sarcophagus was at the time (the late 19th cent.) located at the Catholic cemetery of Panaghia tou 4 Greek Epitaphs 217 <?page no="218"?> 530 De Ridder (1897: 23). 531 Kiourtzian (2000: 104, ‘non retrouvée’). 532 Feissel (1980: 464). 533 IG XII/ 5, 697. Gatou; 530 G. Kiourtzian in his more recent edition of Christian inscriptions from the Cyclades stated that the sarcophagus was no longer to be found there. 531 The inscription is best dated to the 5th or 6th cent. CE. Following Kiourtzian’s reading, which in turn draws on D. Feissel, 532 the adjuration formula opens with a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐνορκίζομε) and continues with a non-prepositional mediation syntagma invoking God Almighty and Jesus Christ. Under Feissel’s and Kiourtzian’s reading, the direct addressee is not present in the formula, which is highly unusual. It cannot be excluded, therefore, that the space posited by Kiourtzian and restored as τ̣[ὸν Θ(εὸ)ν τὸν] contained a pronoun, possibly σε or ὑμᾶς, yielding ‘I adjure you by the Almighty’ and so on. The use of the verb of adjuration in the plural is rather rare but attested elsewhere (unequivocally in 87, 91, 94, 106, 109, and 116). It is not excluded that the form ἐ̣νο̣ρ̣κί[ζ]ομε is to be understood as ἐνορκίζομαι, especially in light of a sequence such as ἐνορκίζομε ‹ἐ›γὼ αὐτὴ ‹ἡ› Ματρώνα on a 3rd cent. CE epitaph from Thessaloniki (83). The desired effect, expressed by a dynamic infinitive (τεθῆναι), is to prevent reuse of the sarcophagus, as is customarily the case with tituli. 78 Funerary Inscription for Julia Memmia Syros (Achaia), s. II-IV (? ), ed. IG XII/ 5, 697 Οὔλπιος Μ[--- ---] ΚΙΠΛΙϹ Ἰ[ουλίᾳ] Μεμ[μίᾳ τῇ συμ]βί[ῳ] μ[νήμης χ]άριν. [ἐ]νορκίζομαι ὑμεῖν τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν (5) εὐσεβεῖν τὸν [τό]πον [---] Ἀλέξανδρος [στ]ρα[τιώ]τ[η]ς [ἐκ] τῶν τοῦ πραιτωρίου τ[ο]ῦ ἀνθυπάτου Ἰουλίᾳ Μεμμίᾳ [---]. Ulpius M[---] for Julia Memmia, (his) wife, for the sake of remembrance. I adjure those of you who dwell here to preserve the sanctity of (this) place [---] Alexander, soldier of the proconsular praetorium, for Julia Memmia [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Magie (1905: 37); Egger (1966: 26); Zucca (1992: 635, No. 38); Haensch (1997: 620); Haensch (2007: 93); CIG II, 2347q; IG XII/ 5, 697; SEG XXXI, 1705 Commentary: This inscription is known only from reports; the edition in IG is reprising A. Boeckh’s entry in CIG, 533 which itself is dependent on earlier 218 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="219"?> 534 CIG II, 2347q (ex schedis Kokkonis). 535 Boeckh in CIG II, 2347q: Nexum huius tituli non perspicio. Fortasse contra quam statui Memmia marito hoc sepulchrum fecit. 536 Magie (1905: 37). 537 Haensch (2007: 93). 538 Haensch (1997: 620). 539 Egger (1966: 26). graphic plates. 534 Once located on the top of the gate to the hypogeum of a private house. Its dimensions are unknown; the first three lines have larger letters than the rest of the text does. May possibly be dated to the late imperial period. Notwithstanding the lacuna, the adjuration formula is to be normalized as ἐνορκίζομαι ὑμῖν τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν εὐσεβεῖν τὸν τόπον, meaning ‘I adjure those of you who dwell here to preserve the sanctity of (this) place’. The prefixed verb of adjuration with ἐνlikely conditioned the rather unconventional use of the dative for the direct addressee (ὑμῖν τοῖς κατοικοῦσιν). The desired effect is present in the form of a dynamic infinitive (εὐσεβεῖν τὸν τόπον); the plea to ‘preserve the sanctity of (this) place’ undoubtedly served to avert grave-robbing and/ or repeated burials. Notwithstanding the adjuration formula proper, the epitaph is rather confusing in that it is difficult to establish the relationship among the three named individ‐ uals (Ulpius, Julia Memmia, Alexander). Boeckh himself was unsure about the interpretation; 535 in addition to the reading printed in CIG (and reprised in IG), it is possible to read Ἰ[ουλία] Μεμ[μία τῷ συμ]βί[ῳ], meaning ‘Julia Memmia for (her husband)’, either Ulpius or Alexander. A reuse of the tomb that occasioned a textual addition at a later date cannot be excluded either. The substantive πραιτῶριον is to be understood as the praetorium militare; 536 specifically in this context, the expression [ἐκ] τῶν τοῦ πραιτωρίου τ[ο]ῦ ἀνθυπάτου designated a group that was serving the proconsul, and as such probably the highest rank attained by the soldier Alexander. 537 Despite the provenance, R. Haensch argued that the proconsul whom Alexander served with was located in Asia; 538 R. Egger assumed that the province must have been Achaia. 539 79 Funerary Stele of Dionysus and Olympias Cephallenia (Achaia), s. II-III, ed. IG IX/ 2 1/ 4, 1556 Τίτος Φλάβιος Διονύσιος ❦ ἐνορκίσζομαί σοι τὸν Σεβάσστιον ὅρκ{ι}ον, (5) μηδενὶ ἐξὸν εἶναι ἀνῦξαι [τὴν] σορὸν Ὀλυνπιάδ‹ο›ς‧ εἰ δέ τις ἀνύξι, δώσει τῷ φίσσκῳ δην(άρια) ἀργυρᾶ (10) δισχείλια πεντακόσια, καὶ ὑφέξι λόγον ἀσεβείας. 4 Greek Epitaphs 219 <?page no="220"?> 540 IG IX/ 2 1/ 4, 1556. 541 Luciani (2013: 300). 542 Cf. IG IX/ 1, 643. 543 Price (1984: 119). Titus Flavius Dionysius. I adjure you by the oath of the Emperor, let it be allowed to no one to open the sarcophagus of Olympias. Should anyone open (it), they shall give the treasury 2,500 silver denarii and be liable for the charge of impiety. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Biedermann (1887: 80, No. 5); Price (1984: 119); Favaretto (1991: 90, n. 24); Favaretto (2002: 219, n. 218); Luciani (2013: 300); CIG II, 1933; IG IX/ 1, 643; IG IX/ 2 1/ 4, 1556 Commentary: An inscription framed by a tabula ansata on a marble stele; no dimensions given by either K. Hallof in the recently published volume in the IG series 540 or F. Luciani in his edition of the text from the Belluno Museum. 541 First seen in the late 17th cent. by I. Meletios in the town of Fiskardo (εἰς τὸ ἀκρωτήριον τῆς Κεφαληνίας, Πισκάρδο τανῦν καλούμενον), 542 the piece was later moved to Corcyra and then to Venice; today housed in the Museo Civico di Belluno. The letter-forms suggest a 2nd or 3rd cent. CE dating. The adjuration formula present on the stele is interesting in numerous ways: introduced by a prefixed verb of adjuration in the mediopassive voice (ἐνορκίσζομαι), the formula continues with a direct addressee in the dative (σοι), denoting passers-by or any individual with an eye on a tomb already reserved by Titus Flavius Dionysius. The use of a prefixed verb with ἐν-, the mediopassive voice, and the general-purpose direct addressee in the dative are directly comparable to the previous text (78). The accusative τὸν Σεβάσστιον ὅρκον is to be understood as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, namely ‘I adjure you by the oath of the Emperor’. This invocation is rare in the domain of adjuration formulae proper (cf. 80, 83, and 104), but the elements of the cult of the Emperor invoked in the context of funerary inscriptions to safeguard the grave from any unwelcome visitors are well attested. 543 Also of note is the construction μηδενὶ ἐξὸν εἶναι ἀνῦξαι [τὴν] σορὸν Ὀλυνπιάδ‹ο›ς, as the relationship between Titus Flavius Dionysus and Olym‐ pias is not clear. The last segment of the inscription, namely a monetary and legal sanction that is to be exacted from anyone who would dare to act contrary to the adjuration’s explicit command and open the tomb, is best taken as an extension of the adjuration formula itself. Monetary sanctions are commonly found in the Greek tituli of Late Antiquity (cf. 80, 83, 94, 99, 102, 105-106), 220 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="221"?> 544 But compare ἔνοχος ἔστω τυμβωρυχίᾳ (‘they shall be guilty of grave-robbing’) as part of the sanction for violating the sanctity of the tomb in 89, a coaevous titulus from Sardis. and, on occasion, also in Latin funerary inscriptions (149, 152), but the legal angle—here liability to be charged with impiety—is much rarer. 544 80 Epitaph for Allidius Macedo Thessalonica (Macedonia), s. II-III, ed. IG X/ 2/ 1 Suppl. I, 1422 Ἀλ[λ]ιδία Ἀθηνὼ Ἀλλιδίῳ Mακεδόνι μνήμης χάριν· ἐξορκίζω δὲ τὴν [τοῦ] Αὐ[το]κράτορος τύχην τὴν κυρίαν μου Ἀλλιδίαν Ἀθηνὼν καὶ τοὺ[ς] ὄν[τα]ς κληρονόμους αὐτῆς μηδένα ἀνoῖξε τὴν ληνὸν μήτε σὲ μήτε ἄλ[λον] τιν[ά]· ἐὰν δέ τις ἐπιβουλεύσῃ τῶν κληρονόμων αὐτῆς τοῦ ἔσω κατατεθῆ[ναι] (5) ❦ ἢ ἄλλος τις, δώσι τῷ ταμείῳ προστείμου· ⁎ ͵ε. ❦ Allidia Atheno for Allidius Macedo, for the sake of remembrance. I adjure my mistress Allidia Atheno and those who are her heirs by the good fortune of the Emperor, let no one open the sarcophagus, neither you nor anyone else. Should any of her heirs or somebody else illegally attempt to be laid to rest inside, he/ she will pay the treasury a penalty of 5,000 denarii. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Nigdelis (2006: 391-395, No. 12); Stefanidou-Tiveriou/ Nigdelis (2014: 239-240, No. 141); IG X/ 2/ 1 Suppl. I, 1422; SEG LVI, 804; SEG LIX, 630; AE 2006, 1322; EGRB 2010, 180; BE 2011, 418 Commentary: An inscription on a marble sarcophagus (73 × 221 cm), three incomplete fragments of which survive. Found on property belonging to the Faculty of Law of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, corresponding to the eastern necropolis of the ancient city; today preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki. May be dated to the late 2nd or early 3rd cent. CE. The formula opens with a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω), followed by a construction with a double accusative. The syntax of this particular text is interesting in that the first accusative constitutes a non-prepositional mediation syntagma and the second accusative the direct addressee; the usual order (direct addressee first, mediation syntagma second) is therefore reversed here. The meaning must be that of ‘I adjure my mistress Allidia Atheno and those who are her heirs by the good fortune of the Emperor’; to adjure the τύχη of the Emperor by Allidia Atheno would make little sense. Adjurations in which the good fortune or the genius of Roman Emperor is invoked in the mediation syntagma are quite rare, but we may compare 79, 83, and 104. As P. Nigdelis 4 Greek Epitaphs 221 <?page no="222"?> 545 Nigdelis (2009: 524-527). 546 Stefanidou-Tiveriou/ Nigdelis (2014: 109). 547 Cf. AE 2006, 1322: ‘Sarcophage d’une affranchie qui porte le même nom que son ancienne maîtresse, installé dans l’ensemble funéraire familial de cette dernière’. 548 Salomies (2001: 147-148). showed, this invocation is, however, commonly found in decrees, testaments, and bequests in the Roman province of Macedonia. 545 The desired effect is to prevent the opening of the sarcophagus; the sanction for disregarding the wish of Allidia is of a monetary nature and set at 5,000 denarii, payable to the local imperial treasury. The sum of 5,000 denarii was the most common penalty for the reuse of tombs at Thessaloniki (attested nine times), followed by 10,000, 12,500, and 15,000 denarii (attested five times each). 546 The epitaph is slightly confusing in that it apparently mentions two different women, both named Allidia Atheno: the first is a freed servant, wife of the deceased (Allidius Macedo); the second is her former mistress (κύρια). 547 O. Salomies showed that the gens of the Allidii might have come to Macedonia from Delos, but he does not mention our epitaph. 548 81 Fragment of a Titulus Thessalonica (Macedonia), s. III-IV, ed. IG X/ 2/ 1 Suppl. I, 1547 [---]ΟMΕNOIXN[---]ν μισθαποδο[---] ἐνορκιζομε[[---]]ς ἀναγινωσκ[---]. [---] salary [---] We adjure [---] read [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: IG X/ 2/ 1 Suppl. I, 1547 Commentary: An inscription on a small fragment of a marble tabula (16-×-38 cm) from Thessaloniki, today preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki. The letter-forms indicate the 3rd or 4th cent. CE as the most likely date of origin. The IG edition lists the text under ‘Incerta’, but the presence of a verb of adjuration in the first person indicates a performative use, which in turn points to a funerary context. Due to the state of preservation, little more can be said about this titulus; the attested ἐνορκιζομε[---] might be either the singular or plural. 82 Epitaph for Secundio Thessalonica (Macedonia), s. II-III, ed. IG X/ 2/ 1, 630 (tituli B & C) B: εὐδαίμων̣ Σ̣ε̣κ̣ουνδίων Θεσσαλονεικεὺ[ς] ἐνθάδε κεῖμαι. / μήτε δίκην εἴπας, (5) μήτε γυναῖκα λ̣αβ̣ών, / ἀλλ’ ἔθα̣νον τριακοντ̣[α]έτης, βιότου μέτρ̣α̣ λεί̣ψας. / καὶ φωνῆς ἐ̣πάκουε φίλης· χ̣α̣ί̣ροις, παροδεῖτα. 222 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="223"?> 549 Mordtmann (1889: 192). 550 IG X/ 2/ 1, 630 (titulus A): Ἰουλία Σεκοῦνδα Πο(πλίῳ) Αἰλίῳ Πω̣λλίω̣νι μετὰ τῶ̣ν τ̣έ̣κνων μνήμης χάριν. Πωλλίων, χαῖρε. χαῖρε καὶ σύ, τίς ποτ’ εἶ. C: κύματα πορθμεύσας κεῖμαι νέκυς ἔνθα Σεκουνδίων / γῇ π̣α̣τρίδι κρυφθείς, συνομαίμο̣σ̣ι δάκρυ προλείψας· / τρὶς δέκατον πλήσας ἐτ̣έ̣ω̣ν τὸ π̣α̣νύ̣στα̣τα βαίνω, / (5) λύπην μητρὶ λιπὼν καὶ πᾶσι βροτοῖς φιλίοισιν, / δίχα μάχη̣ς ζήσας, ἐν συ̣μ̣ποσ̣ίοις δὲ πρόπασιν / π̣ο̣λ̣λοὺς ἐς φιλίην ἐκτησά̣μ̣ην̣ ἄνδρας ἑτα̣ίρους· / οὔτε̣ γυνα̣ῖ̣κ’ ἔλαβον, ἔζησα δ’ ἐ̣ν ε̣ὐσε̣βίῃσιν / λοιπ̣ὸν ἀ̣πῃτή̣θ̣ην τὸ τέλος, ὃ̣ ἔ̣δ̣ε̣ι ποτὲ̣ δο̣ῦνα̣ι. / (10) ἀλλὰ̣ δ’ ἐ̣νορκίζω συνομα̣ίμονα̣ς, οὓς προλέ̣λοιπα̣· / ‘μητέραν εὐσεβί̣ῃ π̣ολλῇ δ̣ι̣α̣σώσαθ̣’, ἱκνοῦμα̣ι, / εἰδότες ἀνθ̣ρώπων γενεὴ τ̣αχέως ὅτ̣ι λήγει / σώματα γὰ̣ρ κα̣τέλυσε Δίκη, ψυχὴ δὲ πρόπα̣σα̣ / ἀθ̣άν̣ατος δ̣ι’ ὅλου πωτ̣ω̣μ̣ένη πά̣ντ’ ἐπακούει’. B: Happy Secundio from Thessaloniki lies here. I have never stood before the court, nor did I take a wife. I have died as a 30-year-old, leaving behind the due measure of life—but listen to (this) friendly voice: Be well, you who pass by! (transl. J. Franek) C: Carried over by the waves I, Secundio, lie here dead, covered by the earth of my ancestors, leaving behind twin tears. Having lived for thirty years, I depart for the last time, leaving grief for (my) mother and all the mortals whom I befriended. I have lived without strife and at every banquet I made many friends and companions. I have never taken a wife, I lived in reverence. In the end, I was asked to pay a due which must be given back someday. I adjure (my) brothers and/ or sisters, whom I am leaving behind: please, protect (my) mother, full of reverence. You know how rapidly the race of men comes to an end. Dike destroys bodies, but the soul, complete and undying, flies all around and hears all things. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Kaibel (1878: 208-209, No. 522); Mordtmann (1889: 192-194); Peek (1955: 620-621, No. 1979); Edson/ Daux (1974: 550, No. 630); Stefanidou- Tiveriou/ Nigdelis (2014: 225-226, No.-117); CIG II, 1988b; IG X/ 2/ 1, 630 Commentary: A lidless marble sarcophagus (63.5 × 216.5 × 85.5 cm), olim located in the garden of the German consulate in Thessaloniki, 549 today in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki. Three inscriptions are engraved on a single side of the sarcophagus: titulus A, which we do not print, is a simple epitaph for Publius Aelius Pollio, engraved in the centre of the rectangular side of the sarcophagus, inside a tabula ansata. 550 The other two tituli (B & C) flank the centrally positioned titulus A—to the right, we find an elegiac couplet followed by two hexameters in larger script (titulus B); to the left of the tabula ansata 4 Greek Epitaphs 223 <?page no="224"?> 551 Boeckh in CIG II, 1988b (p.-59, ‘[p]essima haec metrica epigrammata’). 552 Stefanidou-Tiveriou/ Nigdelis (2014: 226); pace Mordtmann (1889: 194), who erroneously assumed the inverse to be true: ‘Julia Secunda war also nicht die Mutter des Secundion, sondern irgend eine Person, welche mehrere Decennien später den Sarkophag des lustigen Bootsführers sich aneignete, und nach Entfernung seines Inhalts ihren Mann Pollion darin beisetzte.’ are fourteen hexameters written in smaller script (titulus C). Neither of these tituli is metrically adequate; already A. Boeckh in the middle of the 19th cent. complained about their quality (or rather, the lack thereof). 551 Both inscriptions mention Secundio, whose relatives apparently repurposed the sarcophagus of Publius Aelius Pollio to accommodate a new arrival. Under the tabula, a small vessel is engraved, possibly in reference to Secundio’s occupation (cf. κύματα πορθμεύσας κεῖμαι νέκυς ἔνθα Σεκουνδίων). All three tituli are dated to the 2nd cent. CE; titulus A must be anterior to tituli B and C. 552 Although this is not the only metrical adjuration formula in the context of funerary inscriptions (compare 74; metrical elements are also found in 112 and 114), it is unique in that its desired effect does not comprise prevention of repeated burials or damage to the funerary monument. Following a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐνορκίζω), Secundio’s closest relatives (συνομαίμονες, usually denoting brothers and/ or sisters) are singled out as the direct addressees. A mediation syntagma is omitted, as is the sanction for not paying heed to the adjuration. The desired effect is the preservation of the well-being of Secundio’s mother, who is presumably to be placed under the care and protection of her remaining children, Secundio’s siblings. 83 Epitaph for Aurelia Matrona and Aurelia Alexandra Thessalonica (Macedonia), s. III, ed. IG X/ 2/ 1, 609 Αὐρηλία Ματρώνα ἐπιδὲ(! ) κατεθόμην τὴν ἑαυτῆς(! ) θυγατέρα Αὐρηλίαν Ἀλεξάνδραν εἰς πατρικὸν ἀνγεῖον Κλαυδίου Λύκου βουλευτοῦ, ἐνορκίζομε ‹ἐ›γὼ αὐτὴ ‹ἡ› Ματρώνα τὸν σεβάσ‹μ›ιον ὅρκον (5) μὴ ἄλλον τινὰ τεθῆνε εἰς τοῦτο ‹τὸ› ἀνγεῖον ‹ἢ› ἐ̣{μ}μὲ αὐτὴν τὴν Ματρώνα‹ν›. τ{ν}εὶς ἂν δὲ εὑρεθῇ ἀνύγων [τ]ὸ σκεῦος τοῦτο, δώσι προστίμου δηνάρ‹ι›α {⁎} μύ(ρια) (πεντακισχίλια). I, Aurelia Matrona, have buried my own daughter Aurelia Alexandra in the family tomb of Claudius Lycus, the councillor. I, Matrona, adjure (you) by the Emperor, do not let anyone else be buried in this tomb, except myself, Matrona. Should anyone be caught while opening the sarcophagus, he/ she shall pay the penalty of 15,000 denarii. (transl. J. Franek) 224 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="225"?> 553 IG X/ 2/ 1, 608: Τι(βέριος) Κλαύδιος Λύκος ἑαυτῷ ζῶν καὶ Μεινουκίᾳ Θεοπρεπίδι τῇ φιλοστόργῳ γυναικὶ καὶ Κλαυδίᾳ Ῥόδᾳ τῇ θυγατρὶ καὶ Κλαυδίᾳ Θεοπρεπίδι τῇ θυγατρὶ, εἰδὼς ὅτι ἀγρός, οἰκία, κῆπος, τόπος· ταύτην τὴν ληνὸν ἐποίει μνήμης χάριν. μὴ ἐξὸν δὲ πωλῆσαι μήτε δανιστῇ μήτε κληρονόμῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐμὴν τελευτὴν τὸ ἡρῷον τοῦτο καὶ τὰς ληνοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἀνδριάντες. ἐὰν δέ τις τούτων τι πωλήσηι, τότε(! ). ἔτους θορ ⟦Σ̣ε̣β̣αστοῦ⟧. Regarding this epitaph and Tiberius Claudius Lycus, see esp. Kubińska (2001). 554 Kubińska (2001: 153). 555 Bartels (2008: 127, n. 213) seems to have suggested as much. 556 Themelis (1963: 438). 557 Stefanidou-Tiveriou/ Nigdelis (2014: 222). 558 Themelis (1963: 444). 559 Daux (1973: 598). Bibliography: Themelis (1963); Daux (1973: 598, No. 609); Robert (1974: 233); Mihailov (1975: 52, No. 609); Price (1984: 119); Kubińska (2001: 160); Bartels (2008: 127, n. 213); Stefanidou-Tiveriou/ Nigdelis (2014: 220-222, No. 109); IG X/ 2/ 1, 609 Commentary: An inscription on a marble gable-roof type lid (62 × 286 × 148 cm) with acroteria featuring two reliefs depicting a woman and a child; the lid covers a marble sarcophagus (118 × 264 × 135 cm) with an epitaph for Tiberius Claudius Lycus. 553 Tiberius failed to secure his funerary precinct (ἡρῷον) with a proper adjuration: not only does his epitaph lack the formula, but even his sanction is an incomplete shambles of ‘should someone sell any of these (scil. sarcophagi or other paraphernalia of the precinct), then! ’ (ἐὰν δέ τις τούτων τι πωλήσηι, τότε). Then what? It is to the surprise of absolutely nobody, then, that Aurelia Matrona (the titular of our titulus) reused the sarcophagus of Tiberius for herself and her daughter, Aurelia Alexandra, an operation she openly admits to in her epitaph. In the view of this admission, the implication that the two Aurelias might have been related to Tiberius Claudius Lycus is certainly possible, 554 but by no means certain. 555 The sarcophagus (together with the lid) was discovered in 1962 at Ἁγίου Δμημτρίου Street in Thessaloniki; 556 today, it is preserved in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki. The inscription on the sarcophagus dates it to 147/ 148 CE; the inscription on the lid was likely added in the first half of the 3rd cent. CE. 557 For the opening of the formula, several different proposals have been put forward: in addition to our text (reprinting IG), P. Themelis read ἐνορκίζομ’ ἐγὼ αὐτὴ ‹ἡ› Ματρώνα; 558 G. Daux suggested ἐνορκίζομε ’γώ, in addition to Theme‐ lis’ solution, which he considered equally likely. 559 The basic form is undoubtedly that of ἐνορκίζομε (= ἐνορκίζομαι) τὸν σεβάσ‹μ›ιον ὅρκον, ‘I adjure (you) by the 4 Greek Epitaphs 225 <?page no="226"?> 560 Mihailov (1975: 52) proposed keeping the form of the adjective as σεβάσβιον (lap. CEBACBION). 561 Lagogianni-Georgakarakos (1998: 77): ‘Im flachen Relieffeld ist eine Büste wiedergegeben, die die gesamte Brustpartie abbildet und unten horizontal abschließt. Dargestellt ist eine Frau mittleren Alters in Chiton und Mantel. Sie besitzt ein faltenloses, dreieckiges Gesicht mit großen mandelförmigen Augen, einer geraden Nase und einem kleinen Mund mit vollen Lippen. Das Haar ist in der Mitte gescheitelt und in Wellen zu den Seiten gestrichen; es rahmt bogenförmig die Stirn und verdeckt den größten Teil der Ohren.’ oath of the Emperor’. 560 The closest parallel is a roughly coaevous titulus from Cephallenia (79), which has ἐνορκίσζομαί σοι τὸν Σεβάσστιον ὅρκ{ι}ον, with a personal pronoun in the dative to denote a (generic) direct addressee. The same construction must be assumed here, with the direct addressee omitted and the ‘oath of the Emperor’ interpreted as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma. One may also compare the sequence ἐξορκίζω δὲ τὴν [τοῦ] Αὐ[το]κράτορος τύχην (80), likewise from Thessaloniki. The desired effect is to protect the tomb, expressed by a single dynamic infinitive (μὴ ἄλλον τινὰ τεθῆνε); the sanction is of a monetary nature, with the penalty set to 15,000 denarii. 84 Epitaph for Cleopatra Thessalonica (Macedonia), s. II, ed. IG X/ 2/ 1 Suppl. I, 1217 Ἐπίγονος Kλευπάτρᾳ τῇ γλυκυτάτῃ καὶ Παράμονα τὸ τέκνον τῇ μητρὶ μνείας χάριν· ἐγώ, Kλευπάτρα, ἐξορκίζω σε τὸν Kάβειρον, ἀναγνοὺς ὀρχῆσε. Epigonos, for most beloved Cleopatra, and Paramona, (her) child, for mum, for the sake of remembrance. I, Cleopatra, adjure you by Kabeiros, read and dance! (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Alexandrescu-Vianu (1975: 194, No. 28); Lagogianni-Georgakar‐ akos (1998: 77, No.-83); IG X/ 2/ 1 Suppl. I, 1217; SEG XLV, 817; SEG XLVIII, 853; BE 1999, 354 (p.-641) Commentary: A marble stele (38 × 37 cm) with a bust of an aged woman in relief; 561 the inscription is under the relief. Found in 1970 at Μοναστήριου Street in Thessaloniki; today in the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki. The style of the sculptural decoration and the letter-forms are consistent with a 2nd cent. CE dating. The formula is simple, but unique in two distinct ways. Introduced by a prefixed verb of adjuration (ἐξορκίζω), the construction of the double accusative that follows is to be interpreted as a sequence denoting the direct addressee (the first accusative) and a non-prepositional mediation syntagma (the second accusative), thus yielding ‘I adjure you by Kabeiros’. While the use of a double accusative after the verb of adjuration is common enough, this is the only attested invocation of 226 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="227"?> 562 Thomas (2010: 110). 563 Tzanavari (2003: 229-230). 564 Perdrizet (1894: 426). 565 Feissel (1983b: 180). the god Kabeiros: in Thessaloniki, the cults of the Kabeiroi (and Dionysus) were ‘prominent features of religious life’; 562 Kabeiros in particular was closely connected with the city as its patron and guardian. 563 The desired effect is also unique in that it invites the passer-by to dance, no doubt echoing the cult of the Kabeiroi. It is also one of only three tituli in which the desired effect does not consist in maintaining the integrity of the tomb, the others being 82 and 114. 85 Epitaph for Likkon Amphipolis (Macedonia), s. V-VI, ed. Feissel (1983b: 180-181, No.-215) ☩ τὸν κοινὸν ἀνθρώπινον βίον εὐσχημόνως ❦ διαγαγών, διὰ παντὸς τὴν ἐλπίδα ☩ τῆς ἐωνίου ζοῆς ἱκετεύσας ἀπολαβῖν παρὰ τῆς μεγάλης καὶ ζωοποιοῦ ἀχράντου Τριάδος, (5) ἐγὼ Λίκκων ἐνθάδε κῖμε· ὁρκίζω οὖν τὴν εὐλογημένην τῆς Ἀμφιπολιτῶν ἁγίας ἐκκλησίας ἐπισκοπὴν καὶ τὸν ταύτης θεοφιλῆ κλῆρον κατὰ πατρὸς καὶ υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου πν(εύματο)ς μὴ συνχωρῆσε ἕτερόν τινα τοῦ λοιποῦ τεθῆνε (10) ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κοιμητηρίῳ μου. ❦ ☩ ☩ Having passed through ordinary human life with dignity and having always pleaded to obtain the hope of eternal life from the great, vivifying, and incorrup‐ tible Trinity, I, Likkon, lie here. I adjure the blessed bishops of the holy Church of Amphipolis and her God-loving clergy by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, do not allow anyone else to be buried in this my tomb in future. ☩ (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Perdrizet (1894: 426-427, No. 8); Feissel (1980: 467-468); Feissel (1983b: 180-181, No.-215); ICG 3236 Commentary: An inscription on a marble slab (47 × 120 cm), found under the portal of the church in the village of Yeni Köy; part of a Christian necropolis. 564 Both the church and the village were destroyed during the Second World War; the stone has disappeared. According to D. Feissel, a photograph of the inscription, taken by P. Perdrizet (author of the editio princeps) and stored at the École des Hautes-Études in Paris, has disappeared as well. 565 The lettering and contents are consistent with a 5th or 6th cent. CE dating. The adjuration formula, introduced by ὁρκίζω, has bishops and the clergy of the city of Amphipolis as its direct addressees, presumably due to their regulatory functions in the domain of funerary arrangements. Adjurations addressed specifically to the members 4 Greek Epitaphs 227 <?page no="228"?> 566 So already Feissel (1980: 467-468). 567 Mihailov in IGBulg III/ 1, pp.-76-77. of the ecclesiastical hierarchy are rare, but the present text invites a direct comparison with the epitaph for Archelais (72), which adjures members of the ‘blessed clergy’ with a similar phrasing. 566 A mediation syntagma is attested in prepositional form, introduced by κατά and invoking the Trinity, which is also mentioned in the opening part of the epitaph. The desired effect, expressed syntactically by means of a dynamic infinitive (μὴ συνχωρῆσε for συνχωρῆσαι), is, as usual, to prevent future burials. 86 Epitaph for Alexander Philippopolis (Macedonia), s. II-IV, ed. IGBulg III/ 1, 999 Ἀ(λ)εξάνδρῳ παιδὶ [---] Αἰμίλιος [---] μνή[μης] χάριν. ἐξορκί(ζω) [δὲ] θεοὺς καταχθονίους (5) μηδεν(ὶ ἐ)[ξὸν εἶναι] μετακεινῆσαι [τὴν θήκην] ἡμῶν [ἢ ἐνθεῖναι ἄλλον]. εὐτύχει. For Alexander, son [---] Aemilius [---] for the sake of remembrance. I adjure the gods of the underworld, let it be permitted to no one to remove our tomb or bury somebody else (in it). Fare well. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: IGBulg III/ 1, 999 Commentary: A stone found at the cemetery of olim Ottoman Ortamezar (modern Plovdiv, ancient Philippopolis); today, the inscription is unaccounted for. G. Mihailov, author of the edition printed here, suggested that it was likely a tabula antica sarcophagi; its prior editor, G. Tsukalas, did not provide any description or measurements. 567 The adjuration formula is introduced by ἐξορκίζω, which is rarely used in tituli; the direct addressees are ‘the gods of the underworld’. The meaning is surely that of ‘I adjure the gods of the underworld’ (i.e. I put them under oath and petition them to come to my aid), as opposed to ‘I exorcise (i.e. cast away) the gods of the underworld’, which would make little sense. A mediation syntagma is omitted; the desired effect is, as usual, to protect the integrity of the tomb. 87 Epitaph for Asclepiades and His Family Brouzos (Asia/ Phrygia), s. II, ed. Waelkens (1986: 185-186, No.-463) Ἀσκληπιάδης Τίτου καὶ ἡ γλυκυτάτη αὐτοῦ γυνὴ Πονπεΐα ἡ φίλανδρος τὸ μνημῖον κατεσκεύασαν ἑαυτοῖς καὶ τέκνοις μνήμης χάριν. Ἐνορκιζόμεθα δὲ τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοὺς καταχθονίους δαίμονας (5) μηδένα ἀδικῆσαι 228 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="229"?> 568 Ramsay (1897: 683). 569 Waelkens (1986: 463): ‘Inschrift auf dem Türsturz (Z. 1-6), der Buchrolle (Z. 7-14) und auf dem unteren Querrahmen des linken Türflügels (Z. 15).’ τὸ μνημῖον, μηδὲ ἄλλον τινὰ τεθῆναι χωρὶς Γαίου καὶ Ἀσκληπιάδου τέκνων. οὐκ ἤμην, ἐγενόμην, οὐκ (10) ἔσομαι, οὐ μέλι μοι· ὁ βίος ταῦτα. (15) χαίρετε παροδεῖται. Asclepiades, son of Titus, and his sweetest, husband-loving wife Pompeia commissioned this tomb for themselves and (their) children, for the sake of remembrance. We adjure (you? ) by the greatness of god and the divinities of the underworld, let no one cause damage to the tomb or allow anybody else to be buried (here), except for Gaius and the children of Asclepiades (or: except for Gaius and Asclepiades, [our] children). I did not exist, I was born, I shall perish. It does not concern me, (since) such is life. Fare well, you who pass by. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Ramsay (1882: 515-516); Ramsay (1897: 700-702, No. 635); Parrot (1939: 179-180); Robert (1960: 406, n. 1); Waelkens (1986: 185-186, No. 463); Türktüzün/ Wörrle (1994: 100, n. 32) Commentary: An inscription on a ‘doorway of a Greek temple, which has been utilized for the outer gateway of the mosque’, 568 located in the late 19th cent. in Karasandıklı (modern Turkey), roughly coextensive with the Greek settlement of Brouzos. Marble, no dimensions given by W. Ramsay or C. Waelkens; the inscription consists of three discrete parts—an epitaph for the family of Asclepiades and Pontia, which includes the adjuration formula (ll. 1-6); a memento mori section (ll. 7-14); and the final ‘fare well’, directed to passersby (l. 15). 569 The letter-forms are consistent with the 2nd cent. CE. The adjuration is introduced by the verb ἐνορκίζω in the mediopassive voice and the plural. The sequence τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοὺς καταχθονίους δαίμονας may be interpreted as a non-prepositional syntagma, in which case one has to assume that the direct addressee has been omitted and the meaning would be akin to ‘we adjure (you) by the greatness of god and the divinities of the underworld’; alternatively, it is possible to take the expressions τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ θεοῦ and τοὺς καταχθονίους δαίμονας as the direct addressees of the adjuration. The former reading is probably to be preferred, since expressions such as ‘great god’ and/ or ‘the great name of god’ are generally found in the mediation syntagmata rather than as direct addressees, in both the non-prepositional and 4 Greek Epitaphs 229 <?page no="230"?> 570 For the former, cf., e.g., μέγα ὤνωμα τοῦ θεοῦ (1); τὸν μέγα θεόν (5); or θεὸν τὸν μέγαν (9); for the latter, cf., e.g., κατὰ τοῦ μεγάλου ὑψίστου θεοῦ (10) and ἐπὶ τοῦ μεγάλου καὶ ἁγίου ὀνόματος τοῦ ζῶντος κυρίου θεοῦ (30). 571 Ramsay (1897: 734). prepositional variety of the mediation syntagma. 570 The desired effect is the customary protection of the tomb, expressed by two dynamic infinitives (μηδένα ἀδικῆσαι τὸ μνημῖον; μηδὲ ἄλλον τινὰ τεθῆναι). 88 Epitaph for Sestullianos and His Wife Stektorion/ Pentapolis (Asia/ Phrygia), s. II-III, ed. MAMA XI, 142 Σηστυλλια[νὸ]ς Ἐπικτ̣[ή[του ---] γ̣υ̣να̣ικὶ [γλυκυ]τάτῃ (5) μνή̣μ̣[ης] χάριν καὶ ἑα̣[υ]τῷ ζῶν· ἐνορκ[ί]ζομέ σ̣ο⟨ι⟩ τὸν̣ θεὸν μή τις συ̣λ̣ήσει (10) τύ̣νβον σώ̣μα̣τ̣ος ἡμ̣ετ̣έρου. Sestullianos, son of Epiktetos, (built this tomb) for [---], his sweetest wife, for the sake of remembrance, and for himself, while still living. I adjure you by god, let nobody plunder the tomb of our body. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Ramsay (1897: 734, No.-661); ICG 1478; MAMA XI, 142 Commentary: An inscription on a limestone βωμός, broken into two parts (ca. 45 × 63 cm and 92 × 50 cm); the lower half of the stone was first seen by W. Ramsay at Menteş (ancient Stektorion in the Pentapolis region) in the late 19th cent., with the report published in 1897. 571 The letter-forms indicate the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE as the most likely date of origin. The adjuration formula is introduced by the verb ἐνορκίζω, seemingly in the plural, quite like 27, which is both geographically and chronologically close; unlike 27, however, we find the verb here attested in the active voice. Another option is to interpret the form ἐνορκίζομε as ἐνορκίζομαι. The pronoun ‘you’ (σοι) serves as the direct addressee, possibly denoting passers-by or any individual that would entertain designs of violating the sanctity of the tomb—the prevention of such an action is also the desired effect of the adjuration, as is customary. Of note is the use of a finite form (μή τις συλήσει τύνβον) to express the negative prohibition, as opposed to the more commonly used dynamic infinitive. 89 Epitaph for Andreas and His Family Sardis (Asia/ Phrygia), s. II-III, ed. Keen/ Petzl (2014: 190-192, No.-2) Ἀνδρέας βʹ Τ[---]νος ζῶν κατεσ[κεύασ]εν τὸν τάφον· ἐνσ̣[ό]ριον τοῖς θρέμμασ̣[ιν]· (5) Φαίνῳ ἐτῶν ιδ´, ΑΠṬ[---]ΤΩ, Πρείμᾳ ἐτῶν ιθ´ παρ̣θένῳ. εἰς 230 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="231"?> 572 Keen/ Petzl (2014: 190). ὃ ἐνσόριον ἐνορκίζομαι τοὺς καταχθονίους θεοὺς μηδένα (10) ἕτερον τεθῆναι. ἐὰν παρὰ ταῦτά τις τολμήσῃ, ἔνοχος ἔστω τυμβωρυχίᾳ. ❦ Andreas, (son of Andreas,) T[---]nos (? ), has built the tomb during his lifetime: a funerary niche for his foster-children, for Phainos Apt[o]tos (? ), (who died) aged 14 years; for the maiden (? ) Prima, (who died) aged 19 years. I adjure the gods of the underworld that nobody else be buried in this funerary niche. If anybody dares to contravene this, he shall be liable to grave-robbing. (transl. P. Keen/ G. Petzl, modified) Bibliography: Keen/ Petzl (2014: 190-192, No.-2) Commentary: An inscription on a ‘roof-shaped lid of a cinerary chest’ (52 × 35 cm); 572 one side of the marble stone has a Latin inscription—Cn(aeus) Caecilius, Cn(aei) f(ilius)—; may be dated to the 1st cent. BCE. Since Gnaeus Caecilus did not use an adjuration formula to protect his final resting place from all future machinations, several centuries after his death the lid has been repurposed as a funerary stele for Andreas and his family, whose Greek epitaph we print. The object, reportedly from Sardis, came to Valparaiso (Indiana) in 1899 as a gift from J. Madden (the former American consul to Smyrna) and is today housed in the Brauer Museum of Art at Valparaiso. The shape of the letters in the Greek inscription points to the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE as the date of origin. In line with the previous two inscriptions (87, 88), the adjuration formula opens with the compound verb ἐνορκίζω (here used in the first-person singular). Either the direct addressee is omitted (compare ἐνορκ[ί]ζομέ σ̣ ο⟨ι⟩ in 88), in which case the ‘gods of the underworld’ are invoked in a non-prepositional mediation syntagma, or one may take τοὺς καταχθονίους θεούς as the direct addressee and read ‘I adjure the gods of the underworld’, possibly a better solution in light of parallels such as 86 (ἐξορκίζω θεοὺς καταχθονίους) and 87 (ἐνορκιζόμεθα […] τοὺς καταχθονίους δαίμονας). The desired effect is, as usual, the prevention of any reuse of the tomb, realized syntactically via a dynamic infinitive (μηδένα ἕτερον τεθῆναι). The adjuration terminates in a sanction, applicable in the event of a violation of Andreas’ expressed wish not to share the tomb with additional tenants, and consists in a legal liability for ‘grave-robbing’. Legal liabilities—as opposed to monetary sanctions—are quite rare, but one may compare 89 to the liability for a charge of ‘impiety’ in 79 (ὑφέξι λόγον ἀσεβείας). 4 Greek Epitaphs 231 <?page no="232"?> 573 Lanckoronski (1890: 162, ‘[i]n der Stadtmauer gegen Osten oben’). 574 Regarding the use of κενοτάφιον—meaning ‘funerary cavity’ rather than sarcophagus—, see Robert/ Robert in BE (1950: 204). 90 Sarcophagus of Aurelia Anna and Demos Pakkonios Attalia (Lycia/ Pamphylia) s. II-IV, ed. Lanckoronski (1890: 162, No. 20, modified) Αὐρ. Αννα καὶ Δ(έκμος) Πακκώνιος ἀνο̣[ικοδόμησαν] ἑαυτοῖς περίβολον καὶ κενο[τάφιον ἐν ᾧ] σορὸς Προκοννησσία Π․ΙΙΙΕ̣[---, βούλομαι δὲ] ΚΑΜΕΤΗΝ Ανναν [ἐν αὐτῇ ἐνκηδευθῆναι], (5) καὶ ἐνορ̣κίζομαι ΗΝΝΟ[․ θ]υγατέρα μ[ου, ἀδελφὴν] δέ μου Ἀρτεμεισίαν καὶ τὸν ἄνδρα [αὐτῆς] Λούκιν καὶ Κει[λι]ανὸν (? ) καὶ Ἀνθ̣η[---]. Aur(elia) Anna and D(ekmos) Pakkonios built for themselves (this) guarded funerary cavity, with a sarcophagus made from Prokonnessian marble [---] I want [Anna] to be buried here and I adjure [---] daughter and my sister Artemisia and her husband Loukos and Keilianos (? ) and Anthe[---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Lanckoronski (1890: 162, No. 20); BE (1950: 204-205); Russell (2013: 15, n. 39); CIG III, 4340e Commentary: An inscription on a block of Prokonnessian marble which in the late 19th cent., when K. Lanckoronski transcribed it, formed part of the city walls of Attalia. 573 Its measurements are unknown; the imperial period is the most likely date of origin, although it is hard to be sure due to the lack of a facsimile or a photograph. Little can be said about the adjuration formula, except that it provides yet another attestation of a prefixed verb of adjuration in the mediopassive voice (ἐνορκίζομαι), which is typical for this geographical region. The text that follows is partly damaged and partly uninterpretable. It is exceedingly unlikely that the daughter and sister of the wedded couple are the direct addressees of the adjuration; rather, they are to be taken as persons to whom explicit permission is given to be buried in the κενοτάφιον. 574 The adjuration is possibly to be reconstructed as ‘I adjure NN, (by NN), do not let anyone else be buried here, except for (my) daughter and my sister Artemisia and her husband Loukos etc.’. 91 Tomb of Deacon Paul Iconium (Galatia), s. IV-V, ed. Ameling (2004: 485-488, No.-226) ὁ θε(ὸς) τῶν φ˹υλ˺ῶν τοῦ Ἰστραὴλ. ἔνθα κεῖντε ὀστέα τοῦ σώφρονος Παύλου διακόνου. ἐνορκιζόμ[ε]θ[α] (5) τὸν παντ[ο]κράτο˹ρ˺α θ(εὸ)ν ΠΑ[---]. 232 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="233"?> 575 Pace Ameling (2004: 486, ‘Wir beschwören den allmächtigen Gott’). 576 Suggested already by E. Curtius and A. Kirchhoff in CIG IV, 9270. 577 Ameling (2004: 488). 578 Cf. Ramsay (1897: 541, No.-404): Κύριε βοήθι. ααααα Μιχαὴλ ε Γαβριὴλ Ἰστραὴλ Ῥαφαήλ (from Hierapolis, Phrygia), and a fragment of an inscription from Eleuthera (Crete), edited by Halbherr (1896: 607-608, No. 4), for the forms Ἰσαραήλ and Ἰσδραήλ. F. Halbherr commented on the Cretan inscription that ‘[t]hough it appears to be an invocation it may, however, be a sepulchral inscription.’ We note that it can easily be both. 579 So Ramsay (1897: 667, n. 3, ‘clearly Jewish-Christian’); see also Ramsay (1908: 403). God of the tribes of Israel. Here lie the bones of prudent deacon Paul. We adjure (you) by God Almighty [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Cumont (1895: 260, No. 281); Halbherr (1896: 608); Ramsay (1897: 667, n. 3, 734); Oehler (1909: 300, No. 79); Ramsay (1908: 402-403); Feissel (1980: 464); Ameling (2004: 485-488, No.-226); Hübner (2005: 52, n. 211); CIG IV, 9270 Commentary: A fragmentarily preserved inscription on a further unspecified stone, first described by P. Lucas as early as 1705 in the area of modern Konya (the ancient city of Iconium), today unaccounted for. Its dimensions are unknown; possibly stemming from the 4th cent. CE or later. The formula is unfortunately incomplete; the only attestation is the verb of adjuration (ἐνορκίζω) in the mediopassive firstperson plural, followed by ‘Almighty God’ in the accusative. It is highly unlikely that the expression τὸν παντοκράτορα θεόν is to be taken as a direct addressee of ἐνορκιζόμεθα; 575 rather, the direct addressee is omitted and ‘Almighty God’ is invoked in a non-prepositional mediation syntagma. It would be rather imprudent for deacon Paul, supposedly a prudent person (σώφρων), per the words that marked his final resting place, to place the Almighty under oath. There is little doubt that the adjuration followed with an expression of the desired effect, and while it is overwhelmingly likely that it entailed the preservation of the tomb, 576 it is by no means certain that Paul intended to prevent all future burials simpliciter, 577 as there are numerous instances of exceptions allowed for extended family (including family members proper and servants). Of note are the spelling Ἰστραήλ in the part of the inscription preceding the adjuration formula 578 and the religious and cultural identity of Paul, possibly a Judaeo-Christian. 579 92 Tomb of Patroclus Iconium (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. CMRDM I, 148 [Δο]υδης Μ[ενεδήμου --- Πα]τροκλεῖ τῷ ἀνδρὶ αὐτῆς τὸν κείονα ἀνέστησεν, μ(νήμης) χ(άριν), [--- ---]τος καὶ Τείμονα θρεπτοὺς αὐτοῦ [---] ἐλεύθερον [---] 4 Greek Epitaphs 233 <?page no="234"?> 580 Cronin (1902: 356). 581 Testimonies of his cult have been collected by E. Lane in CMRDM; older overviews by Drexler (1894/ 97: 2687-2770) and Perdrizet (1896) remain important, if somewhat dated. (5) Ὁρκίσζω δὲ Μῆνα καταχθόνιον μηδένα [ἕτερον εἰσενεχθῆναι] εἰ μὴ μόνον τὴν δούλην μου [---]. Doudes, son of M(enedemus) [---] for Patroclus, her husband, built a columnar gravestone, for the sake of remembrance. [---] and Teimon, their servants (or: adopted children) [---] free [---]. I adjure Mên of the underworld, let no one else be brought inside, except for my (female) servant [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Cronin (1902: 356, No.-112); CMRDM I, 148; RECAM IV, 99 Commentary: An inscription on a stone of an unspecified type and unknown dimensions, reported by H. S. Cronin in 1902, who saw it at Araplar/ Konya (ancient Iconium); 580 reprinted with little to no improvement by E. Lane in his corpus of inscriptions related to Mên. May possibly be dated to the imperial period. The adjuration formula is introduced by a simple ὁρκίζω, albeit with an idiosyncratic spelling; the direct addressee is ‘Mên of the underworld’, a local Anatolian deity, 581 encountered in several other tituli from Iconium in particular and the region of Galatia in general (cf. 93-99). Cronin’s proposed restoration of the lacuna specifically as [ἕτερον εἰσενεχθῆναι] is highly conjectural but the attested μηδένα does imply that the desired effect must have entailed protecting the integrity of the tomb, as does the expression εἰ μὴ μόνον τὴν δούλην μου following the lacuna, allowing for the reuse of the tomb for the burial of specific individuals linked to the deceased through ties of blood or service. 93 Epitaph for Neikanor and Tattis Sidamaria (Galatia), s. II-III, ed. Engelmann/ Üner (1992: 18-19, No.-29) Col. I: Ἀ̣θ̣ή̣ν̣α̣[ιος καὶ Νει]κομήδης υἱοὶ Νεικάνορος Νεικάνορα Ἀθηναίου τὸν ἑαυτῶν (5) πατέρα καὶ Ταττιν Τατεου ἐγ Νεικομήδους τὴν μητέρα αὐτῶν οἰκτίσαντες, τὸν τάφ[ον] εὐνοίας ἕνεκεν. Col. II: ἐνορκίζω δὲ Μῆνας τόν τε οὐράνιον καὶ τοὐς καταχθονίους· μὴ ἐξῖναί (5) τινι πωλῆσαι τὸ περίβολον τοῦ τάφ̣ου μήτε ἀγοράζειν ἐκτὸς του[---]γου[---]. Col. I: Athenaios and Neikomedes, sons of Neikanor, grieving Neikanor, son of Athenaios, their father, and Tattis, daughter of [? ], their mother, (built) this tomb as an expression of goodwill. 234 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="235"?> 582 Callander (1906: 164). 583 Lane in CMRDM I, 156 (p.-99). Col. II: I adjure Mênes, the heavenly one, and those of the underworld, do not let anyone sell (this) grave precinct or buy it, except for [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Callander (1906: 164, No. 23); Swoboda/ Keil/ Knoll (1935: 18); Strubbe (1991: 35); Laminger-Pascher (1992: 106, No. 150); Engelmann/ Üner (1992: 18-19, No.-29); CMRDM I, 156; SEG XLII, 1280 Commentary: An inscription in two columns on two joining limestone fragments (64 × 64 × 29 cm and 100 × 56 × 29 cm), used as a doorstep in the ruins of Kale Köy (Turkey), corresponding to the ancient city of Sidamaria. First reported by T. Callander in 1906, may likely be dated to the early imperial period. The adjuration formula occupies the second column; Athenaios and Neikomedes, sons of the deceased couple, use the verb ἐνορκίζω in the singular, but a lack of congruence of this kind is relatively common throughout the survey. The direct addressee is the god Mên, in the dual incarnation as a divinity reigning in both heavens and the underworld; according to Callander, ‘it seems better to understand the Mens here as a vague plural conception’. 582 The desired effect is expressed by means of a dynamic infinitive (μὴ ἐξῖναί τινι πωλῆσαι […] μήτε ἀγοράζειν) and entails a ban on selling and buying the precinct in which the tomb is located. The following ἐκτός (‘apart from’, ‘except for’) introduces the usual exemption for a specific individual; unfortunately, the subsequent text is damaged. E. Lane in his corpus of inscriptions related to Mên read ἐκτὸ[ς] το[ῦ] [ἀδελφοῦ], 583 possibly denoting Athenaios and/ or Neikomedes, who commissioned the tomb for their parents. 94 Epitaph for Apouleios and Aurelia Mistea and surroundings (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. CMRDM I, 144 Ἀπουλ[ήιος Ε]ὐφρόσυνος καὶ Αὐρη̣[λ]ί̣α Μάσγαρι̣ς̣ ἡ̣ γυν(ὴ) αὐτοῦ μνήμης χάριν. Ἐπεξορκίζομεν Μῆνας κατακθονίους μετὰ ἡμᾶς μηκέτι μηδίνα (5) τεθ̣ῆνε. Εἰ δέ ποτέ τις θέλῃ ἀνῦξε ἢ κακυργήσει εἰδούν, δώσει (δηνάρια) εˊ το͂ εἱερῷ. Apouleios Euphrosynos and Aurelia Masgaris, his wife, for the sake of remem‐ brance. We adjure Mênes of the underworld, let no one ever be buried (here) after us. If someone dares to open (the sarcophagus), once seen (the insides? ), dares to do evil, he/ she shall pay 5,000 denarii to the (treasury of the) sanctuary. (transl. J. Franek) 4 Greek Epitaphs 235 <?page no="236"?> 584 Swoboda/ Keil/ Knoll (1935: 18). 585 Lane in CMRDM I, 144 (p.-92). 586 Sterrett (1888: 174, No.-284). Bibliography: Swoboda/ Keil/ Knoll (1935: 18, No.-18); CMRDM I, 144 Commentary: An inscription on a shallow rock sarcophagus (ht 45 cm, other dimensions not given); the text is framed by a rectangular box, flanked by wreaths on both sides. The sarcophagus was found at an elevated necropolis to the northwest of Fasıllar (about 10 km east of ancient Mistea). As with other instances of funerary inscriptions adjuring the god Mên from Galatia, the inscription is best placed in the imperial period. The adjuration formula is introduced by ἐπεξορκίζομεν, a rare instance of a use of a double prefix. The direct addressees are Mênes of the underworld; a mediation syntagma is omitted, as is usual in the case of adjurations invoking Mên from Galatia. The desired effect, realized syntactically via a dynamic infinitive, intends to prevent future burials; of note is the emphatic cluster of negations (μηκέτι μηδίνα τεθ̣ῆνε). The adjuration is further extended by a sanction of a monetary nature: anyone who would open the sarcophagus or commit some evil deed (presumably involving the remains of the deceased or the integrity of their final resting place) is liable to a penalty, to be paid to the treasury of the sanctuary in whose precinct the tomb was likely located. The symbol preceding the numeral 5,000 (εˊ) was interpreted by H. Swoboda et al. as δραχμάς, 584 by E. Lane as δηνάρια. 585 95 Epitaph for Aramoos’ Daughter Ouasada and surroundings (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. CMRDM I, 143 [Ἡ δεῖνα] Ἀραμόου ἑαυτῇ καὶ ἀνδρὶ μνήμης χάριν, ἐνο̣ [ρκιζόμεθα δ]ὲ̣ Μῆνα καταχθόνιον εἰς τοῦτο μνημεῖον μηδένα εἰσελθεῖν. NN, daughter of Aramoos, for herself and (her) husband, for the sake of remembrance. We adjure Mên of the underworld, let no one enter this tomb. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Sterrett (1888: 174, No. 284); Drexler (1894/ 97: 2719-2720); Per‐ drizet (1896: 68, No.-1); CMRDM I, 143 Commentary: An inscription on a ‘diminutive sarcophagus in the court of a house’, 586 found in Dereköy, northeast of Seydişehir. Today unaccounted for, its dimensions are unknown; as with other inscriptions adjuring Mên, the imperial period is the likely date of origin. The adjuration formula is introduced by the 236 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="237"?> 587 Callander (1906: 160). 588 Swoboda/ Keil/ Knoll (1935: 18). 589 Lane in CMRDM I, 155 (p.-98). 590 Calder/ Cormack in MAMA VIII, 234a. compound verb ἐνορκίζω, which is rather typical for the region of Galatia. Resolution of the lacuna with the form of the first-person plural (ἐνορκιζόμεθα) is possible (one may compare ἐνορκιζόμ[ε]θ[α] of 91), but the first-person singular is no worse a candidate (cf. the ἐνορκίζω of 93). The direct addressee is the god Mên in his capacity as an underworld deity; a mediation syntagma is missing altogether. The desired effect is to preserve the integrity of the tomb (εἰς τοῦτο μνημεῖον μηδένα εἰσελθεῖν), realized syntactically via a dynamic infinitive and expressing a negative prohibition. 96 Epitaph for Diadoumenos and Helias Savatra (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. RECAM IV, 125 ❦ Διαδούμενος ἑαυτῷ καὶ Ἡλ̣ι̣άδι τῇ̣ σ̣υνβίῳ τὸν βωμὸν (5) καὶ τὴν στήλην καὶ τὰ πέλτα· καὶ ἐνορκῶ τρὶς θˊ Μῆνας ἀνεπιλύτους μηδένα ἕτερον (10) ἐπεισενεχθῆναι ἢ μόνην Ἀρτεμεισίαν τὴν ❦ ἐμήν. ❦ Diadoumenos (made) this altar, stele, and platforms for himself and for Helias, (his) wife; and I adjure three times the nine inescapable Mênes, that no other (corpse) be brought into (this tomb) except my own Artemisia. (transl. B. McLean, modified) Bibliography: Callander (1906: 160, No. 9); Swoboda/ Keil/ Knoll (1935: 18); MAMA VIII, 234a; CMRDM I, 155; RECAM IV, 125 Commentary: An inscription on a marble block (97 × 50 cm), which was, at the beginning of the 20th cent., ‘built into doorway of a hut’ 587 in Ennek (modern Yağlıbayat, ancient Savatra). Today, the stone is preserved in the Konya Archaeological Museum and best dated to the imperial period. The adjuration formula is introduced by the comparatively rare prefixed form ὁρκῶ (as opposed to the usual ὁρκίζω and its compounds). Equally rare is the explicit indication that Mênes are invoked three times (τρίς) and that they are nine in number. The reading proposed by H. Swoboda, 588 and adopted by E. Lane, 589 ἐνορκῶ τρεῖς θ(εοὺς) Μῆνας (‘I adjure three gods, Mênes’), is to be rejected; as W. Calder and J. Cormack observed already in 1962, the theta ‘is preceded by a stop-mark’ 590 and is therefore a numeral, not an abbreviation for ‘gods’. 4 Greek Epitaphs 237 <?page no="238"?> 591 McLean in RECAM IV, 125 (p.-44). 592 Callander (1906: 160, ‘[w]e should not read τρῖς for τρεῖς, but should rather understand that Men Ouranios and Katachthonios are thrice adjured’). Callander’s reading is, however, vitiated by his interpretation of the theta as an abbreviation for θεοί. 593 Bean/ Mitford (1970: 118). B. McLean correctly suggested that ‘τρῖς should be associated with the verb ἐνορκῶ (“I invoke three times”)’, 591 a solution proposed already by T. Callander at the very beginning of the 20th cent. 592 That Mênes were believed to be nine in number is also confirmed by our 98, which contains an almost identical formula with the unabbreviated numeral nine (ἐννέα). The desired effect is the usual prohibition of the reuse of the tomb, expressed by a dynamic infinitive (μηδένα ἕτερον ἐπεισενεχθῆναι); an exception is made for Artemisia, whom Diadoumenos lovingly calls ‘his own’. It is therefore probably not too far-fetched to assume that the woman is his daughter, since Helias is identified as his wife in a previous section of the epitaph. 97 Anonymous Titulus Invoking Mên Region of Isauria (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. CMRDM II, A 5 [Ὁ]ρ̣κίσ̣ζω Μῆνα καταχθόνιον καὶ οὐράνιον [---] μηθένα δόλον τῷ ἔργῷ (scil. γενέσθαι). I adjure Mên of the underworld as well as the heavenly one, [---] let no one try any tricks with this work (i.e. tomb). (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Bean/ Mitford (1970: 118, No.-5); CMRDM II, A 5 Commentary: An inscription on a ‘bossed rectangular block of limestone’ (49 × 105 cm), found at a cemetery in the settlement of Tosuntaşı (Turkey). 593 Along with other adjurations of Mên attested in a funerary context, the imperial period seems the most probable date of origin. The adjuration formula is intro‐ duced with a simple ὁρκίζω, followed by a direct addressee in the accusative, namely the god Mên in his subterranean and celestial qualities. A mediation syntagma is omitted, as is usual in the group of adjurations that turn to Mên to protect tombs (cf. 92-99). The desired effect is the customary preservation of the sanctity of the final resting place; here, however, the wish is expressed with the unique locution μηθένα δόλον τῷ ἔργῷ, ‘let no one try any tricks with this work’ or ‘let no one scheme about this work’; in both cases, the ‘tricks’ and ‘scheme’ would clearly involve damaging the tomb, disturbing its tenants, or reusing it for future burials. 238 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="239"?> 594 McLean in RECAM IV, 120 (p.-42). 595 Cronin (1902: 373). 98 Epitaph for Ioulitta and Celsus Savatra (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. RECAM IV, 120 Κ. Ἰουλίττῃ γυναικὶ παναρέστῳ [---] φιλάνδρω[---]ΗΙ Στρατονείκη ἡ μήτηρ αὐτῆς καὶ Κ. Κέλ[σος ---]Τ[---] καὶ ἑαυτῷ ὁ Κέλσος μόνοις τὴν λάρνακα Μ[--ἐνορκοῦμεν δὲ τ]ρὶς ἐννέα Μῆνας καταχθονίους μηδένα μ[ετὰ ἡμᾶς --τὸν] (5) ἀνδρά [---]. Stratonike, her mother, and C. Celsus [---] (made) this larnax for C. Iulitta, his wife, most pleasing of all [---] who loved her husband [---] and for himself, Celsus, for (them) only, [---] and we adjure three times the nine Mênes of the underworld that no one [is to be interred here after [---] her] husband [---]. (transl. B. McLean, modified) Bibliography: Cronin (1902: 373, No. 147); Robert (1965: 38); MAMA VIII, 234; RECAM IV, 120 Commentary: An inscription preserved on three fragments of a lid of a marble sarcophagus (59 × 196 cm); ‘on the lid is the sculpted form of a reclining woman holding her drapery with the right hand; her left hand also holds the drapery up to the left side of her face; the inscription is engraved on a bevelled edge on the side of the lid with moulding below; below mouldings, a vine and leaf pattern’. 594 First seen and described by H. Cronin in 1902 at the site identified by him as ancient Savatra, 595 the fragments are today in the Konya Archaeological Museum. The adjuration of Mên and letter-forms are consistent with the late imperial period, possibly the late 2nd to early 4th cent. CE. While the verb of adjuration is supplied by the editors, the presence of a direct addressee in the form of ‘nine Mênes of the underworld’ and the numeral τρίς (‘three times’) invite a direct comparison with the formula ἐνορκῶ τρὶς θˊ Μῆνας ἀνεπιλύτους (‘I adjure three times the nine inescapable Mênes’) of 96. As is usual in this region, a mediation syntagma is omitted. The interpretation of the rest of the formula is vitiated by its state of preservation, but the word μηδένα immediately following the direct addressee clearly points to a desired effect, which would consist in preventing other persons being interred in the grave, with a possible exception made for members of the family of Ioulitta and Celsus. 4 Greek Epitaphs 239 <?page no="240"?> 596 Lane (1964: 46). 597 Printed by Cronin (1902: 346-347). 598 Lane (1964: 46, n. 167). 599 Strubbe (1997: 230). 99 Epitaph for Larkios and Posille Surroundings of Iconium (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. Strubbe (1997: 229-230, No. 375) Λάρκιο[ς ---] ζῶν ἑαυ[τῷ καὶ τῇ γυναικὶ] Πωσίλλῃ [καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις] τὴν σο[ρὸν κατεσκεύασεν]. (5) ἐνορκῶ [δὲ Μῆνα καταχθόνιον] καὶ θεοὺς [καταχθονίους μη]δένα ἀδικ[ήσειν τὸ μνῆμα μη]δὲ ἐπεισε̣ [νέγκειν σῶμα· ὃς δ’] ἂν ἐπεισε[νέγκῃ ἢ ἀδικήσῃ, δώσει] (10) τῷ φίσκῳ [δηνάρια δισχίλια] πεντακόσ[ια καὶ ἕξει Μῆνα κε]χολωμένο[ν]. Larkios [---] while living, commissioned this tomb for himself and for (his) wife Posille and for (their) children. I adjure Mên of the underworld and the gods of the underworld, let no one cause harm to the gravestone or bring inside (another) body. Should anyone bring inside (a body) or cause harm (to the tomb), he/ she shall give the treasury 2,500 denarii and suffer the wrath of Mên. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Cronin (1902: 346-347, No. 82); Lane (1964: 46, No. 5); Strubbe (1997: 229-230, No.-375); CMRDM I, 147 Commentary: An inscription on a stone of an unspecified type and dimensions, said to be from Meiram, near Konya (the ancient city of Iconium). 596 The fragmentary text is heavily dependent on a proposed reading by W. Ramsay; 597 the restoration, including the very mention of the god Mên, certainly does not possess the quality of ‘virtual certainty’, as E. Lane would have it, 598 but the parallels are persuasive enough to accept Ramsay’s effort into this survey. The inscription may likely be dated to the imperial period; J. Strubbe proposed the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE on account of Larcius (presumably a Roman citizen) omitting his praenomen. 599 Of the adjuration formula, only the verb of adjuration (ἐνορκῶ) is safely preserved; a comparison with previous adjurations from the same region, however, makes the identification of the god Mên as the direct addressee likely enough. ‘Gods of the underworld’ are invoked elsewhere in Asia Minor (e.g. 87, 89), but the combined invocation of Mên and other infernal deities is otherwise unattested. The desired effect is, as usual, the preservation of the integrity of the tomb. This titulus, however, also includes a penalty for disrespecting the wish of the family of Larkios and Posille in the form of a monetary sanction. The imperial treasury (φίσκος) is mentioned also in 79 (Cephallenia, 2nd or 3rd 240 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="241"?> 600 McLean in RECAM IV, 222. 601 Łajtar (2003a: 51-52, No. 2) and Thonemann (2003: 93-94); we print the SEG text, a combination of the two readings. 602 Thonemann (2003: 94). cent. CE), with the penalty equal to this inscription’s (2,500 denarii); a monetary sanction twice as high, payable to the treasury of the sanctuary, is attested in 94 (province of Galatia; possibly late 2nd to the early 4th cent. CE). An additional penalty for failure to abide by the stipulations of the adjuration is to incur the wrath of the god himself. 100 Collective Tomb of Priests Iconium? (Galatia), s. III-V, ed. SEG LII, 1866 Μνῆμα εἱερέων τῆς κατολικῆς κὲ ἀποστολικῆς ἁγίας (5) τοῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ἐκλησίας· ἐνορχίζω ὑμᾶς τὸν κλῆρον τὸν νῦ[ν] κὲ τὸν ⟦TOY⟧ ἐπερκόμενον κὲ πάντας τοὺς (10) ἐν τῷ γένῳ μου Π(ατέ)ρα κὲ Υ(ἱὸ)ν κὲ ἅγι(ον) Π(νεῦμ)α τὸν τάφον κοσμήσατε. Memorial of the priests of the universal and holy apostolic Church of Christ. I adjure you, the current clergy and those to come, and all in my family, by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, to safeguard the tomb. (transl. A. Łajtar, modified) Bibliography: Łajtar (2003a: 51-52, No. 2); Thonemann (2003: 93-94); RECAM IV, 222; SEG LII, 1866 Commentary: An inscription on one side of a square terracotta plaque (36 × 36 cm). B. McLean declared ‘unknown provenance’, 600 but the actual presence of the object in the Konya Archaeological Museum suggests that it may have come from the ancient city of Iconium or its surroundings. Theologically ‘sound’ and well-developed expressions, such as τῆς κατολικῆς κὲ ἀποστολικῆς ἁγίας τοῦ Χ(ριστο)ῦ ἐκλησίας and the invocation of the Trinity, as well as the Chi- Rho symbol between the first two lines, point to a later dating than other adjurations from Galatia excerpted in this survey, which are for the most part pagan, invoking Mên or gods of the underworld; the most probable range is the late 3rd to 5th cent. CE. The text of the adjuration formula, first published by McLean in his catalogue of inscriptions from the Konya Archaeological Museum, has been significantly improved by A. Łajtar and P. Thonemann, 601 although Thonemann’s classification of the adjuration as a ‘mysterious oath formula’ is wide off the mark. 602 4 Greek Epitaphs 241 <?page no="242"?> 603 This ‘double’ adjuration of clergy finds a parallel in the epitaph to Archelais, from 5th or 6th cent. CE Sparta (our 72): τοὺς τοῦ εὐλογη(τοῦ) κλήρου πάντας τοῦ τε νῦν ὄντο[ς] καὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος εἶναι. 604 McLean in RECAM IV, 222, followed by Łajtar (2003a: 52). 605 Cf. LSJ s.v. κοσμέω, III.3. The plaque, which originally must have adorned the last resting place of ‘priests of the universal and holy apostolic Church of Christ’, features a single adjuration formula, introduced by a prefixed ἐνορκίζω, with two distinct direct addressees: the clergy of the Catholic Church, both those currently exercising their service 603 and those to come after them, and members of the priests’ families (πάντας τοὺς ἐν τῷ γένῳ μου). It makes eminent sense to adjure these particular groups since members of the clergy and the family were usually the ones in charge of funerary monuments. The formula continues with a non-prepositional mediation syntagma invoking the Father, the Son, and the holy Spirit and concludes with the expression of a desired effect in the imperative (as opposed to the much more common dynamic infinitive). The translation of the desired effect (τὸν τάφον κοσμήσατε) as ‘adorn this tomb’ 604 is inappropriate; the verb κοσμέω means ‘to honour’ here, 605 and the expression τὸν τάφον κοσμήσατε is best understood as ‘honour the tomb’, in other words, preserve its integrity by preventing any damage or further unsanctioned burials. 101 Epitaph for Eros and His Family Iconium (Galatia), s. II-IV, ed. RECAM IV, 49 Ἔρως Ἡγησίππου ἀνέστησεν Ζμύρνῃ τῇ μητρὶ καὶ ἑαυτῷ (5) ζῶν κα[ὶ] Δᾳ τῇ γυνα[ι]κὶ αὐτοῦ ζ[ῶ]σιν (μνήμης) ἕνεκα· κα[ὶ] ἐνορκίσζω (10) τοὺς καταχθονίους μετὰ τὴν ἰδίαν τελευτὴν καὶ τῆς γυναικός (15) μου ἄλλον μὴ εἰσενεχθῆναι· ὃς ταύτ‹η›ν στήλην ἀδικήσει ὀρφανὰ τέκνα (20) λίποιτο [---]ΚΛΙ[---]. Eros, son of Hegesippos, erected (this) for his mother, Zmyrne, and for himself while he was still alive, and for Da, his wife, while they were still alive, in (memory); and I adjure those in the underworld, that after the end of my (life) and that of my wife, no other (bodies) shall be interred (here). (As for) anyone who causes damage to this stele, may his/ her children be left behind as orphans [---]. (transl. B. McLean, modified) Bibliography: Calder (1912: 64-65, No. 29); Buckler/ Calder/ Cox (1924: 36); Strubbe (1997: 231, No.-347); RECAM IV, 49 242 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="243"?> 606 McLean in RECAM IV, 49 (p.-19). 607 Calder (1912: 64). Commentary: An inscription on a limestone stele (169 × ca. 50 cm), ‘with upper moulding, pediment (right side destroyed), and central acroteria (damaged); on shaft is carved a small, deeply recessed aedicula with the figure of a woman’; 606 W. Calder classed the stele within the ‘anthropomorphic series’. 607 From Iconium, today in the Konya Archaeological Museum, it may be dated to the imperial period. As is usual for the region of Galatia, the formula is introduced by ἐνορκίζω as the verb of adjuration. The direct addressees are ‘those of the underworld’ (οἱ καταχθόνιοι), an expression likely equivalent to ‘gods of the underworld’ (οἱ θεοὶ καταχθόνιοι); compare, for example, ἐξορκίζω [δὲ] θεοὺς καταχθονίους (86). A mediation syntagma is omitted; the specification of the desired effect is present in the form of a negative prohibition realized syntactically by way of a dynamic infinitive (ἄλλον μὴ εἰσενεχθῆναι). Of note is the inclusion of a sanction that is to befall those who would contravene the wish of Eros and his wife not to share their tomb with additional tenants: the periphrastic, well-nigh poetic ὀρφανὰ τέκνα λίποιτο (‘may his/ her children be left behind as orphans’) suggests that—unlike in most other cases, where the sanction is of a legal and/ or monetary nature—Eros simply wanted those who would damage the stele dead. It is quite likely that the verb ἀδικέω in the expression ὃς ταύτ‹η›ν στήλην ἀδικήσει also includes additional unsanctioned burials, not only physical damage to the tomb, since unsanctioned burials are precisely the one thing the beneficiaries are trying to prevent in the segment of the adjuration formula detailing the desired effects (ἄλλον μὴ εἰσενεχθῆναι). 102 Epitaph for Bianor Andronicus and His Wife Derbe (Galatia), s. III-V, ed. Laminger-Pascher (1992: 65, No.-61) [--ἐ]π̣ο̣ί̣η̣σ̣εν ἑαυτῇ καὶ σ̣υ̣ν̣β̣ί̣ῳ̣ [Β]ιάνορι Ἀνδρο̣(? )[νικου (? ) καὶ] τοῖς συνγενεῦσι καὶ ἀνχιστεῦσι πᾶσι· ἐνορκίσ[ζω δὲ φείδ]εσθαι τοῦ μνημίου τούτου καὶ μὴ βιάσζεσ[θαι. ὃς ἂ]ν̣ τούτῳ καταφρονήσῃ (5) [δη]ν̣άρια μύρια δισχίλια πεντακόσι[α]. [---] made for herself and her husband, Bianor Andronicus, and for all the relatives, the close ones and the more distant ones. I adjure (you) to have consideration for this grave and not use violence. Whoever would flout this (shall pay the penalty of) 12,500 denarii. (transl. J. Franek) 4 Greek Epitaphs 243 <?page no="244"?> 608 Cronin (1902: 358). 609 Sterrett (1888: 19). Bibliography: Cronin (1902: 358, No. 118); Sterrett (1888: 19, No. 15); Laminger- Pascher (1992: 65, No.-61) Commentary: An inscription on a stone of an unspecified type and dimensions, first described by H. Cronin in 1902; 608 J. Sterrett in 1888 reported that the stone was found ‘in the wall of the house’; 609 current whereabouts are unknown. The comparatively high penalty for those who would violate the sanctity of the tomb speaks to a later dating, possibly the late 3rd to 5th cent. CE. The adjuration formula is highly unusual in that it omits both the direct addressee and a mediation syntagma. The verb of adjuration, yet again ἐνορκίζω, with the signature ἐνprefix that is typical of this geographical region, is followed immediately by the statement of the desired effect (φείδεσθαι τοῦ μνημίου τούτου καὶ μὴ βιάσζεσθαι). One may assume that the addressees are passers-by or people involved in decision-making regarding the tomb (religious officials, family, etc.); the vast majority of adjuration formulae, however, employ—even in their minimalist iterations—at least one generic pronoun, usually ‘you’ (either in singular or plural). The sanction for the failure to comply with the wishes of the proprietors of the tomb is of the monetary type, establishing a penalty of 12,500 denarii—a sum considerably higher than the 2,500 denarii of 79 and 99 or 5,000 denarii of 94. The penalty might also be indicative of currency depreciation. 103 Epitaph for Inzasou Balamoa (? ) and His Family Zenonopolis (Cilicia), s. II-III, ed. Bean/ Mitford (1970: 211-212, No.-240) Ινζασου Βαλαμωα ἀ̣πήρτισεν τò ἡρώϊον ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων σὺν καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Νινιατο̣ς̣ (5) Σανδεους ἐν τοῖς ἰδίοις χωρίοις σὺν καὶ Πωπα καὶ Τ̣αρασει υἱῶν· ἐπιορκ[ί]ζω δ̣ὲ τὴν φαίνουσαν Σελήνην κ̣αὶ ̣τοὺς καταχθονίους θεοὺς (10) μηδένα τίθεσθαι εἰ μὴ ἐ̣κ τῶν υἱῶν τινα. Inzasou Balamoa (? ) completed (this) tomb at his own expense and on his own lands, with his wife Niniatos Sandeous (? ) and with (their) sons Popa (? ) and Tarasis. I adjure shining Selene and the gods of the underworld, let no one be placed (inside) except our sons. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Bean/ Mitford (1970: 211-212, No. 240); BE 1972, 552 (p. 503); Türktüzün/ Wörrle (1994: 100, n. 32); Hagel/ Tomaschitz (1998: 398, No. Zen‐ onopolis 2); Şahin/ Özdizbay (2014: 102, n. 116) 244 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="245"?> 610 Bean/ Mitford (1970: 211). 611 Regarding these, cf. Şahin/ Özdizbay (2014). 612 As remarked already by Robert in BE 1972, 552 (p.-503). Commentary: An inscription on a rectangular panel (210 × 190 cm), situated above the doorway of a tomb, found in Halimiye (Eskizerbağ), to be identified with the ancient settlement of Zenonopolis. 610 The editors left the stone undated, but the invocation of Selene and the gods of the underworld suggests the 2nd or 3rd cent. CE. The formula is introduced with ἐπιορκίζω, one of the rarer prefixed versions of the verb of adjuration. As is often the case in performative funerary adjura‐ tions in Asia Minor, the following accusatives, τὴν φαίνουσαν Σελήνην καὶ τοὺς καταχθονίους θεοὺς, might be interpreted as denoting the direct addressees (‘I adjure shining Selene and the gods of the underworld’) or as parts of a mediation syntagma, assuming that the direct addressee is omitted (in which case a generic ‘you’ might be supplied). The meaning would then be akin to ‘I adjure you by shining Selene and the gods of the underworld’. The former interpretation seems more likely since followers of the Graeco-Roman cults were more inclined to adjure their gods and divinities directly, whereas Christians often did so in an oblique way. The entities invoked in the mediation syntagma—Selene and the gods of the underworld—are also found in other funerary adjurations in Cilicia (Selene in 106-108); 611 the expression φαίνουσα Σελήνη is, however, unique. 612 The desired effect is realized syntactically via a dynamic infinitive (μηδένα τίθεσθαι), its purpose being the prevention of repeated burials; an exception is made for the sons of the married couple. 104 Epitaph for Kallistratos Elaioussa Sebaste (Cilicia), s. II-IV, ed. Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 57, No.-132) Καλλίστρατος Ἑρμογένους ὁρκῶ τὸν σεβασμιώτατον ὅρκον Καλλίστρατον βʹ τὸν καὶ Ἑρμογένη τὸν υἱὸν μηδένα ἔξωθεν τῆ σορῶ ταύτη ἐναποθέσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὸν μάλιστα ἐγγυτάτω μηδὲ ἀποδόσθαι μηδὲ παραχωρῆσαί τινι τὸν τάφον [---]. Kallistratos, son of Hermogenes. I adjure (my) son Kallistratos, son of Kallis‐ tratos, also known as Hermogenes, by the oath of the Emperor, let no stranger be placed inside this sarcophagus, with the exception of the closest relatives; do not give the tomb away, do not let anyone be transferred here. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 57, No. 132); Hagel/ Tomaschitz (1998: 133, No. Kanytelis 6); Harter-Uibopuu (2019: 176, No.-66); EBGR (2010, 180) 4 Greek Epitaphs 245 <?page no="246"?> 613 Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 57). Commentary: An inscription on a sarcophagus in the eastern part of Elaioussa Sebaste (Kanytelis), copied by R. Heberdey and A. Wilhelm in the late 19th cent. 613 No dimensions given; current location unknown. The editors have not proposed a date of origin, but other performative formulae referencing ‘august oaths’ (namely oaths in which the Emperor is invoked as a guarantor of the desired effect of the adjuration) suggest a rather loose range of the 2nd to 4th cent. CE. The formula is notable in two different respects. First, it employs ὁρκῶ as the verb of adjuration, a rare occurrence attested only in a handful of other funerary tituli (cf. ὁρκῶ in 73 and ἐνορκῶ in 96, and 99). Second, the following double accusative, which in virtually every other instance denotes the direct addressee of the adjuration (the first accusative) and a non-prepositional mediation syntagma (the second accusative), is here used in the reverse. The expression ὁρκῶ τὸν σεβασμιώτατον ὅρκον clearly must mean ‘I adjure (you) by the most august oath’ and ‘Kallistratos, son of Kallistratos, also called Hermogenes’ is surely the direct addressee. An attempt to preserve the usual sequence (direct addressee first, mediation syntagma second) would yield ‘I adjure the most august oath by Kallistratos’, which is nonsensical. The desired effect—a negative command that prohibits reuse of the tomb for future burials or its selling—is expressed syntactically by three dynamic infinitives (μηδένα ἔξωθεν τῆ σορῶ ταύτη ἐναποθέσθαι; μηδὲ ἀποδόσθαι μηδὲ παραχωρῆσαί τινι τὸν τάφον). An exception is granted to relatives, as is often the case. 105 Epitaph for Ioulia Neikolais Elaioussa Sebaste (Cilicia), s. II-III, ed. Borgia/ Sayar (1999: 66-67, No.-5) Ἰουλ(ία) Νεικολαὶς ἡ καὶ Πρόκλα ἐξορκίζει μετὰ τὸ ἐμὲ κοιμηθῆναι μηδένα μοι ἐπεμβληθῆναι· εἰ δ’ οὖν, δώσει (5) τῷ μὲν φίσκῷ δηνάρια ͵α καὶ τῇ πόλει δηνάρια ͵αφʹ. Ioulia Neikolais, also called Prokla, adjure, after my death let no one be piled (i.e. buried) on me. If so, he/ she shall give 1,000 denarii to the imperial treasury and 1,500 denarii to the (treasury of the) city. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 65, No. 142); Borgia/ Sayar (1999: 66-67, No.-5); Polosa (2018: 390, No.-3) Commentary: An inscription on a sarcophagus once located next to a road close to the ancient city of Elaioussa Sebaste, first recorded by R. Heberdey and A. Wilhelm in 1896. No dimensions given; current whereabouts unknown. Dating 246 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="247"?> 614 Borgia/ Sayar (1999: 67). 615 It is safely attested only in 77, 87, 91, and 94; in 95 and 98, the plural form is restored by the editors where the singular could have been employed just as well. 616 So already Borgia/ Sayar (1999: 66, ‘Ioulia Neikolais, chiamata anche Procla, […]’). 617 Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 65, ‘Die πόλις ist selbstverständlich Σεβαστή.’). 618 Regarding monetary sanctions for violations of tombs in the Elaioussa Sebaste region, see Polosa (2018). 619 Athetized (with reason) by Keil/ Wilhelm (1915: 47). is difficult because of a lack of surviving photographs or descriptions of the letter-forms; because of the nature of the sanction for repeated burials and the level of the penalty, the text likely originated in the early imperial period. E. Schneider’s proposed dating to the 1st cent. CE seems too early. 614 The formula is unique in that the verb of adjuration is employed in the thirdperson singular (ἐξορκίζει), as opposed to the consistent use of the first-person in adjurations with performative force (another exception to this rule is 74, which has ὥρκωσαν). Even so, the element of performativity is not to be doubted in this case; the owners of the sarcophagus are simply referring to themselves in an oblique way. If we assume that Ioulia Neikolais and Prokla are two people, the use of the verb of adjuration in the singular prima facie seems to be a strange choice, but it should be noted that we routinely find the verb of adjuration in the first-person singular even in cases where the tomb belongs to a group of people and not a single individual—in fact, the use of a plural form in performative adjurations is quite rare. 615 Given the use of the feminine article (ἡ καὶ Πρόκλα), however, it is more likely that ‘Prokla’ is a Greek nickname for Ioulia. 616 The adjuration omits both direct addressee and a mediation syntagma, continuing with the desired effect; as usual, Ioulia wishes to prevent further burials (μηδένα μοι ἐπεμβληθῆναι). The monetary sanction for contravening Ioulia’s wishes is set to 2,500 denarii (the exact sum that is found also in 79 and 99); an interesting choice is the distribution of the penalty between the imperial treasury and the treasury of the city (Elaioussa Sebaste), 617 with 1,000 denarii due to the former and 1,500 to the latter. 618 106 Epitaph for Firmina and Quirilina Elaioussa Sebaste (Cilicia), s. II-III, ed. Borgia/ Sayar (1999: 72-73, No.-16) [Ἑρμᾶς τοῦ --ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς? ] Φιρμείνας Ἑρμογένους καὶ Κυριλίνης Αππα μητρὸς αὐτῆς κατεσκεύασεν τὴν μάκραν ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων. Ἐξορ‐ κίζομεν ὑμᾶς τὸν ἐπουράνιον (5) Θεὸν καὶ Ἥλιον καὶ Σελήνην καὶ τοὺς παραλαβόντας ἡμᾶς καταχθονίους θεοὺς μηδένα τῶν ἐμῶν ἢ ἴδιον ἢ ἀλλότριον ἢ τῶν υἱῶν μου ἢ τῶν ἐγγόνων μου {ἐγγόνους} 619 ἢ ἀρρένων ἢ θηλυκῶν μήτε 4 Greek Epitaphs 247 <?page no="248"?> ἐπενβαλεῖν τοῖς (10) ὀστοῖς ἡμῶν ἕτερον πτῶμα μήτε πρᾶσιν ποιήσασθαί τινα τῆς μάκρας ἢ μόνον τεθῆναι Ἑρμᾶν ἐν τῇ μάκρᾳ. Ὃς δ’ ἂν παρὰ τα[ῦ]τα ποιήσῃ, ἀποτεισάτω εἰς τὸν θησαυρ[ὸν] τῆς Σελήνης (δηνάρια) ͵β καὶ τῷ κυ[ρι]ακῷ τ[α]μ[ε]ίῳ (δηνάρια) [--καὶ τῇ (15) Σεβαστηνῶ[ν πόλει (δηνάρια) --σ]ιμου τάφῳ οἰκοδομητῷ κοινῷ τῷ ὄντι πρόσβασον ὄντι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ τόπῳ, οὗ ἐστιν. Hermas, son of [---], for himself and (his) wife (? ) [---] commissioned at his own expense the tomb of Firmina, daughter of Hermogenes, and Quirilina, daughter of Appas, her mother. We adjure you by the god who is in the heavens (i.e. Zeus) and by Helios and by Selene and by the gods of the underworld who received us, let no other corpse be piled upon our bones, not even our own kin or others, not even my sons or grandchildren, whether male or female, (let no one) sell the tomb or let anyone else be placed inside except for Hermas. Whoever shall oppose this, he/ she will send 2,000 denarii to the treasury of Selene and to the imperial treasury [---] denarii and to the city of Sebaste [---] denarii [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Keil/ Wilhelm (1915: 46-48); Strubbe (1991: 35); Borgia/ Sayar (1999: 72-73, No.-16); Polosa (2018: 390-391, No.-5) Commentary: An inscription on a sarcophagus; with the exception of the first and last two lines, the text is engraved on its frontal side inside a tabula ansata (40 × 112 cm). Its provenance is confirmed by the inscription itself, with a portion of the monetary sanction for the reuse of the tomb dedicated to ‘the city of Sebaste’ (τῇ Σεβαστηνῶ[ν πόλει]). May likely be dated to the earlier imperial period (2nd to 3rd cent. CE), together with 105 (also from Sebaste). The adjuration formula is elaborate and exhibits several peculiarities. Intro‐ duced by a compound verb in the plural (ἐξορκίζομεν), it continues with a generic direct addressee, ‘you’ (ὑμᾶς), and a non-prepositional mediation syn‐ tagma. Two distinct groups of deities are invoked—the gods ‘above’, including Helios, Selene, and a ‘god of the heavens’ (possibly Zeus in his ancient capacity of a sky-god), and the gods ‘below’, namely the deities of the underworld, who are quite frequently invoked in funerary adjurations (cf. 86, 87, 89, 101, 103), to say nothing about curse tablets. The desired effect, realized syntactically through the usual dynamic infinitives (μήτε ἐπενβαλεῖν […] μήτε πρᾶσιν ποιήσασθαι […] μόνον τεθῆναι Ἑρμᾶν ἐν τῇ μάκρᾳ), includes two negative and one positive command: do not let anyone be buried here, do not let anyone sell the tomb, and (in a modification of the first injunction) let only me, Hermas (possibly the person that commissioned the tomb), be placed in the tomb. It is striking that Hermas did not allow family members, even his children, to be joined with him, since permissions of this kind, circumscribing the general 248 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="249"?> 620 Borgia/ Sayar (1999: 72) translated this section as ‘avvicínati alla tomba construita che è comune, che si trova nello stesso luogo dove è’, which makes little sense to us; a resigned non liquet, proposed by Keil/ Wilhelm (1915: 48), is probably preferable. 621 Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 125). prohibition of any future burials, were exceedingly common. Might the explicit exclusion of progeny point to difficult family relationships? Of note is also the sanction that is set up for those who would oppose Hermas’ wishes. The monetary penalty is distributed across no less than three potential beneficiaries, namely the sanctuary of Selene (2,000 denarii), the imperial treasury, and the treasury of the city of Sebaste. Unfortunately, the sums dedicated to the latter two institutions are not recoverable due to the wear damage to the inscription. The state of preservation also vitiates the interpretation of the final two lines (σιμου τάφῳ οἰκοδομητῷ κοινῷ τῷ ὄντι πρόσβασον ὄντι ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ τόπῳ, οὗ ἐστιν). 620 107 Tomb of Eianbias (? ), Husband of Tattis Dalisandus (Cilicia), s. II-III, ed. Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 125, No.-205) Ταττὶς Ὀρόντου ἐπόισε Εἰανβία τῷ ἀνδρὶ μνήμης χάριν· κατορκίσζω δὲ τὴν (5) Σελήνην μὴ ἐξὸν [ἐ]νβαλῖν τινα ‹ε›ἰ μὴ ἐμὲ ἢ θυγατέρα. Tattis, daughter of Orontes, commissioned (this sarcophagus) for Eianbias (? ), (my) husband, for the sake of remembrance. I adjure (you) by Selene, let no one insert anybody (here), except for myself and (our) daughter. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Heberdey/ Wilhelm (1896: 125, No.-205); Hagel/ Tomaschitz (1998: 72, No. Dalisandos 40) Commentary: An inscription on a sarcophagus inside a tabula ansata (dimen‐ sions not given), flanked by rosettes; to the right of the tabula is an engraved half-moon, likely an attribute of Selene, who is invoked in the text. 621 First recorded in Dalisandus by R. Heberdey and A. Wilhelm in the late 19th cent.; dating is difficult, the inscription likely originated in the early imperial period. A rather straightforward adjuration formula is introduced by κατορκίσζω, one of the rarer prefixed forms of the verb. The construction κατορκίσζω δὲ τὴν Σελήνην may be understood either as ‘I adjure (you) by Selene’ or ‘I adjure Selene’; the former interpretation assumes an ellipsis of the direct addressee and takes τὴν Σελήνην as a non-prepositional mediation syntagma; the latter interpretation assumes that the Moon-goddess is the direct addressee and the mediation syntagma is omitted. The desired effect is expressed by a rare μὴ ἐξὸν 4 Greek Epitaphs 249 <?page no="250"?> 622 Adopting improvements proposed by Strubbe (1997: 257). 623 Strubbe (1997: 258). 624 Keil/ Wilhelm in MAMA III, 56 (p.-40). 625 Already Keil/ Wilhelm in MAMA III, 56 (p.-40) understood ἀραί as ‘imprecations’ carrying the force of divine law: ‘Wahrscheinlich sollte die Inschrift durch die Worte αἵδε ἀραί […] ausdrücklich als eine bei der göttlichen Gerichtsbarkeit eingebrachte Anklage gegen jeden Weiterbenützer des Grabhauses kenntlich gemacht werden’. Strubbe (1997: 258) is right to point out that ‘a clear distinction between adjurations and imprecations was not made’. 626 Parrot (1939: 121). (also used in 79) and consists in the prevention of additional burials, with an exception being made for Tattis, the wife of the deceased, and their daughter. 108 Epitaph for Neon and His Wife Olba (Cilicia), s. II-IV, ed. MAMA III, 56 622 Νέων Ἐγγόλεως· ὁρκίζω τοὺ[ς] χθονίους θεοὺς [καὶ] τὸν πάτριον Ἥλιον μηδένα ‹ἕ›τερον τε]θῆ̣[ν]α̣ι ἐπάνω ἐμοῦ κ[α]ὶ̣ [--γ]υ̣ναι̣[κ]ός μου. Αἵδε ἀραί. Neon, son of Engoleus. I adjure the gods of the (under)world and ancestral Helios, let no one be placed (i.e. buried) upon me and [---] my wife. These are curses! (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Parrot (1939: 121); Krischan (1957: 214); Strubbe (1991: 35); Strubbe (1997: 257-258, Νο. 382); Hagel/ Tomaschitz (1998: 59, No. Canbazlı 6); MAMA III, 56 Commentary: An inscription on the lintel above the door that belonged to a funerary mansion to the northwest of the village of Canbazlı, to be identified with the ancient settlement of Olba. Dimensions not given; current location unknown. J. Strubbe proposed dating it to the imperial period on the basis of the letter-forms. 623 The formula opens with a non-prefixed ὁρκίζω; the accusatives τοὺς χθονίους θεούς and τὸν πάτριον Ἥλιον could be understood as direct addressees (more likely) or parts of a mediation syntagma (less likely). The former solution, then, would translate to ‘I adjure the gods of the (under)world and ancestral Helios’, the latter to ‘I adjure (you) by the gods of the (under)world and ancestral Helios’. Of note is the adoption of the adjective χθόνιοι, as compared to the more common καταχθόνιοι, to which it is most probably equivalent. J. Keil and A. Wilhelm assumed that the adjective πάτριος suggests the presence of a local cult of Helios. 624 The desired effect is to prevent further burials in the tomb, possibly with an exception to be made for Neon’s wife. One peculiarity is the concluding remark, αἵδε ἀραί (‘these [are] curses’). 625 Notwithstanding the possible, but unlikely, interpretation by A. Parrot, which reads Ἀραί (i.e. the Erinyes), 626 the 250 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="251"?> 627 Robert (1981: 25) proposed reading παρανοίξῃ as ‘aura ouvert le tombeau illégalement’, taking the prefix παραas denoting a violation of a norm. 628 Strubbe (1997: 259). 629 Linnemann (2013: 126). qualification provides a clear link between funerary adjurations and defixiones, and the expression ‘these [are] curses’ probably served as a fair warning to passers-by. 109 Epitaph for Appianos Mena and His Family Diocaesarea (Cilicia), s. II-IV, ed. Linnemann (2013: 126) Ἀππιανὸς Μηνᾶ καὶ Ἄβα Ἀππιανοῦ ἡ γυνὴ αὐτοῦ· ἐνορκίζομεν τοὺς οὐρανίους θεοὺς καὶ τοὺς καταχθονίους εἰς τὸ μεθ’ ἡμᾶς καὶ γονεῖς (5) ἡμῶν μέχρει τέκνου Καικα καὶ γαμβροῦ Μόου ἐξὸν εἶναι τεθῆναι ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ σορῷ· ὃς δ’ ἂν τολμήσῃ ἢ ἐπιτηδεύσῃ ἕξει πάντα τὰ θεῖα κεχολωμένα (10) καὶ τὰς στυγερὰς Ἐρεινύας καὶ ἰδίου τέκνου ἥπατος γεύσεται, ὃς ἂν παρακούσῃ τῶν ἀρῶν καὶ παρανοίξῃ ἢ ἄλλο πτῶμα ἐπενθῇ. Appianos Mena and Aba, wife of Appianos. We adjure the heavenly gods and those in the underworld, let no one be placed into this tomb after us and our parents, with the exception of (our) child Kaikas and son-in-law Moas. Whoever would dare to try (this), he/ she shall incur the wrath of everything divine and the abominable Furies. Whoever would disregard (these) curses and open 627 (this tomb) or place another corpse (inside) shall devour the liver of his/ her own child. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Hicks (1891: 266-267, No. 59); Zingerle (1926: 59); Parrot (1939: 121-122); Krischan (1957: 213); Robert/ Robert in BE (1959: 244); Robert (1978: 248, n. 43); Feissel (1980: 465); Robert (1981: 25); Strubbe (1997: 258-259, No. 384); Linnemann (2013: 126); MAMA III, 78 Commentary: An inscription on a rock-cut sarcophagus (95 × 185 cm), found with two other sarcophagi in a grave chamber at the site of the village of Uzuncaburç, at the necropolis of the ancient town of Diocaesarea. A large part of the description (ll. 2-15) is engraved in two columns, separated by a rosette, inside a rectangular tabula. The first line is placed between the tabula and the lid of the sarcophagus; to the left of the tabula is a leaf, to the right, an outline of a ναΐσκος. J. Strubbe dated it to ‘perhaps 2nd cent. AD.; more probably 3rd cent. or later’ on the basis of the letter-forms; 628 J. Linnemann opted for the 3rd cent. CE. 629 The formula is introduced by a prefixed verb of adjuration in the first-person plural (ἐνορκίζομεν); the following accusative, invoking the gods above and 4 Greek Epitaphs 251 <?page no="252"?> 630 Parrot (1939: 122). 631 Robert/ Robert in BE (1959: 244). 632 Robert (1978: 247-248, with n. 43 mentioning our epitaph). 633 Zingerle (1926: 59, ‘was nur den Sinn haben kann, daß der Verfluchte selbst einer dieser Dämonen, ihre unstete blutrünstige Natur teilend, an seinem eigenen Kinde zum Vampyr werden soll.’). 634 Strubbe (1997: 259). those below, is best taken as a direct addressee. The sequence τοὺς οὐρανίους θεοὺς καὶ τοὺς καταχθονίους is used to emphasize the inclusivity (and, as such, the force) of the adjuration—‘the heavenly gods and those in the underworld’ are simply all gods. To take the term ‘heavenly gods’ to denote only Helios and Selene, as A. Parrot proposed, 630 is unnecessarily reductive, especially in light of 106, where the two aforementioned divinities are joined by ἐπουράνιος θεός (Zeus). The desired effect, adopting the form of a rare syntagma ἐξὸν εἶναι + infinitive (compare 79), is, as usual, to prevent future burials. Another common feature is the stated exception to this rule, which includes relatives of Appianos and Aba. The adjuration is interesting in that it features a double (and particularly gruesome) sanction for those who would dare to violate the letter of these ‘imprecations’ or ‘curses’ (ἀραί; the same term is used to denote the adjuration formula in 108). In the first sanction, the wrongdoer is threatened with incurring the wrath of ‘everything divine’ (ἕξει πάντα τὰ θεῖα κεχολωμένα), including the ‘abominable Furies’. The notion of πάντα τὰ θεῖα is likely developing the inclusive invocations of the gods of the heavens and the underworld; the suggestion to understand the expression as linked in some way to a divinity called ‘Theion’, advanced by J. Robert and L. Robert, is far-fetched. 631 As L. Robert noted, the invocation of the Erinyes is not necessarily a pagan marker, since they may simply represent the instruments of divine justice (Δίκη). 632 In the second sanction, potential transgressors are subject to the punishment of consuming the flesh of their own child (ἰδίου τέκνου ἥπατος γεύσεται). J. Zingerle interpreted this threat as that of a monstrous transformation of the grave desecrator into a vampire-like creature; 633 more sensibly, J. Strubbe argued that ‘one probably has to think of madness leading to cannibalism’. 634 110 Epitaph for Publius Anazarbos (Cilicia), s. II, ed. Sayar (2000: 97-98, No.-135) ρκʹ ἔτους· Πόπλιος ζήσας δικαίως (5) καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων κόπων πορίσας κατεσκεύασα τὸ μνῆμα τοῦτο· θάψας δ’ ἐν αὐτῷ ἄρρενα τέκνα δύο καὶ (10) παρθένον, παρανγέλλω τοῖς λέγουσι συνγενέσιν εἶναι τὰ ἴδια πράσσειν μετὰ 252 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="253"?> 635 Sayar (2000: 97). τὸν ἐμὸν θάνατον ἀπὸ τοῦ (15) μνήματος τούτου· ἐγὼ γὰρ συνγενῆ οὐδένα οἶδα· καὶ ὁρκίζω θεοὺς ἐπουρανίους καὶ καταχθονίους μετ̣’ ἐμὲ (20) καὶ τὴν ἐμὴν γυνα[ῖ]κα μήτε ἀνοῖξαι μήτ̣[ε] θιγεῖν· ἐὰν δέ τις τολ̣μήσῃ ἀνοῖξαι, μήτε τ̣[έ]κνων μήτε βίου ὄνη[σιν (? )] (25) λάβοι. καὶ εἰ δὲ κολ[---]. Year 120. (I,) Publius, lived righteously and commissioned this tomb at my own expense. I buried in it two male children and one girl. After my death, I proclaim from this tombstone to those who say that they are my relatives that they should be concern with their own business, since I know not of any relatives (of mine). And I adjure the gods in the heavens and those of the underworld, let no one open or touch (this grave). Should anybody dare to open (it), let them have no delight in their children and their life. And if [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Sayar (2000: 97-98, No.-135) Commentary: An inscription on a funerary stele with a pediment (118 × 49 cm); found in the west necropolis of Anazarbos; in the late 1990s, the stele was located ‘im Garten der Wächterin Hatun Dilei in Dilekkaya’. 635 One of the few funerary inscriptions in this corpus that is datable with precision—the text is dated to the local year 120, which translates to 101 CE. The formula is introduced with a simple ὁρκίζω; the accusative θεοὺς ἐπουρανίους καὶ καταχθονίους most probably serves as the direct addressee of the verb of adjuration; one may directly compare the sequence with a similar one (τοὺς οὐρανίους θεοὺς καὶ τοὺς καταχθονίους) stemming from the same region (109). A mediation syntagma is omitted (unless one intends to interpret the accusative as a non-prepositional mediation); the desired effect, expressed via two dynamic infinitives (μήτε ἀνοῖξαι μήτε θιγεῖν), is, as is customary, the preservation of the integrity of the tomb. The sanction imposed for violating the wish of Publius to rest in peace alone is yet again a sort of a curse—the wrongdoer should ‘have no delight in their children or life’ (μήτε τέκνων μήτε βίου ὄνησιν λάβοι). A penalty of this type is akin to the ones attested in 108 and 109 (both from Cilicia) and stands in contrast to the more common sanctions of a monetary or legal nature. 111 Epitaph for Lucius and His Family Themiscyra (Bithynia/ Pontus), s. IV-V, ed. Anderson/ Cumont/ Grégoire (1910: 26-27, No.-14) Λούκιος Κασάνδρου τοῖς παράγουσι χαίρειν. Ἐποίησεν μνῆμα ἑαυτῷ καὶ τῇ γυνηκὶ καὶ (5) φύσι τέκ[νοις καὶ] ἀδ[ε]λφ[οῖς], ὥστε μὴ ἐ[ξ]ὼν ἄλλον 4 Greek Epitaphs 253 <?page no="254"?> 636 Anderson/ Cumont/ Grégoire (1910: 26). 637 One may compare it with ὥρκωσαν, attested in 74. 638 For further attestations of θεὸς ὁ ζῶν in Greek epigraphical material, cf. Łajtar (2003b: 163-164). [νεκρ]ὸν [εἶναι τοῦ]δε ὑποκῖσθε τάφου· [ὃς δὲ ἀντ? ]έχει ἐμοῖς κλ[ηρο]νόμοις, κατό[ρ]κισα διὰ (10) Θεὸν τ[ὸν] ζῶντα. Lucius, son of Casandrus, greets passers-by. He commissioned (this) tomb for himself and for (his) wife and (his) own children and brothers. It is therefore prohibited to lay (to rest) into this grave any other corpse. Should anyone oppose my heirs, (let him/ her know? ) that I have adjured by the living God. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Anderson/ Cumont/ Grégoire (1910: 26-27, No. 14); Łajtar (2003b: 163); Destephen (2010: 190, No.-273) Commentary: An inscription on a brick (11 × 26 cm) with a rectangular form, extended with two circular handles on both the left and the right side. The shape is therefore that of a tabula ansata, with circular, rather than triangular, extensions. Found in the area of today’s Çarşamba (northern Turkey), ancient Themyscira. Dating is difficult; the early post-imperial period seems most likely. The text is only partially intelligible—in addition to the lacunae, editors noted that the inscription is written in ‘bad, irregular letters’. 636 The verb of adjuration is not in the present tense (as in virtually all other instances of the adjuration formula), but rather in the aorist (κατόρκισα); 637 its performative force, however, cannot be doubted. The direct addressee is omitted but may be identified as passers-by (παράγοντες), who are mentioned at the very beginning of the inscription. The mediation syntagma is introduced by the preposition διά (as opposed to the more usual κατά) and invokes the ‘living God’, who is often present in amulets (cf. 7, 17, 25, 31). 638 The sequence [ὃς δὲ ἀντ? ]έχει ἐμοῖς κλ[ηρο]νόμοις is difficult; if we accept the slightly implausible emendation proposed by the editors, the meaning would probably be that of ‘should anyone oppose my heirs, (let them know) that I have adjured by the living God’ (scil. to subject them to the workings of divine vengeance if they contravene my wishes). If we interpret the verb κατορκίζω as ‘I curse’, one could construct the bit as ‘I have cursed the one who opposes my heirs’; it makes precious little sense, however, to curse ‘by the living God’. The desired effect is present (μὴ ἐ[ξ]ὼν ἄλλον [νεκρ]ὸν [εἶναι τοῦ]δε ὑποκῖσθε τάφου), but it is disconnected from the formula. 254 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="255"?> 639 Jalabert/ Mouterde in IGLSyr IV, 1297 (p. 49) considered this to be more likely (‘dans les apostrophes μάκαρ […] et ὦ φίλε la morte s’adresse à son époux[…]’). 112 Epitaph for Tryphera in Dactylic Hexameter Gabala (Syria), s. II-III, ed. IGLSyr IV, 1297 εὐθύμει, Τρυφέρα· τὰ δεδογμένα σαῖσι γραφαίσιν / πάντ’ ἐπόησα Φίλων, γαμέτης ὁ σός, ὦ μακαρεῖτι. / — Ὁρκίζω σε, μάκαρ, τὸν Πλουτέα καὶ νεκύων Γῆν, / ὦ φίλε, μή μου θιγεῖν· οὐ γὰρ κεῖμαι πολύολβος, / (5) τὰς δὲ γραφὰς ἀνάγνωθι καὶ εἴσῃ πῶς μετάκειμαι. Be of good cheer, Tryphera! I, Philon, your husband, carried out everything you envisaged in your writings (scil. testament), oh blessed one! — I adjure you, blessed one, by Ploutos and Ge of the dead—Oh friend, do not touch me! I do not lie here rich in wealth; read the writings (inscriptions? ) and you will know how I was transported (here). (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Robert/ Robert in BE (1954: 176, No. 246); Merkelbach/ Stauber (2002: 241); Garulli (2014: 80-82); IGLSyr IV, 1297 Commentary: A funerary epigram in five dactylic hexameters, engraved on the lid of a small marble sarcophagus (35 × 78 cm), decorated with acroteria and palmettes. A leaf separates the second and third lines. From the necropolis of Gabala, today in the National Museum of Beirut; may be dated to the early imperial period. The epigram assumes the form of a dialogue of a deceased person (Tryphera) with a loved one that has been left behind (Philon, her husband). In the first two lines, the husband assures his wife that her testament has been carried out according to her wishes. Tryphera then responds with an adjuration formula—introduced by simple ὁρκίζω, the direct addressee is expressed by the pronoun ‘you’ (σε), qualified as μάκαρ (blessed) and φίλος (friend, beloved). The extension of the term ‘you’ is either Philon, her husband, 639 or passers-by and those who would contemplate doing harm to her final resting place. The use of terms of endearment (μάκαρ, φίλος) speaks to the former option; Tryphera’s explicit profession of poverty (οὐ γὰρ κεῖμαι πολύολβος) to the latter. A mediation syntagma is present in non-prepositional form; the invoked deities are Ploutos/ Hades and Ge/ Earth, unattested elsewhere in the survey. The desired effect is expressed by means of a dynamic infinitive (μή μου θιγεῖν) and aims, as usual, to preserve the integrity of the tomb. The last line of the epigram, τὰς δὲ γραφὰς ἀνάγνωθι καὶ εἴσῃ πῶς μετάκειμαι, does not form part of the adjuration proper, but presents two 4 Greek Epitaphs 255 <?page no="256"?> 640 Merkelbach/ Stauber (2002: 241, ‘μετάκειμαι bezeichnet wohl das Umbetten der Toten vom Krankenbett ins Grab’). 641 Garulli (2014: 81, ‘un riposo che presuppone una trasformazione avenuta: se tale formulazione presupponga una concezione del destino post mortem o semplicemente uno speciale rituale funebre […] è difficile dirlo’). 642 Prentice (1908: 167). 643 Cf. Jalabert/ Mouterde in IGLSyr IV, 1535 (p.-170, ‘Je vous adjurerai’). distinct difficulties, namely the meaning of ‘writings’ (γραφαί) and the verb μετάκειμαι (compare the simple κεῖμαι in the preceding line). Are the writings of the last line equivalent to the ‘your writings’ (σαῖσι γραφαίσιν) of the first line? If so, why would Tryphera want to make her testament public? The term γραφαί routinely designates sacred writings from the Judaeo-Christian tradition, but the epigram is pagan, invoking Ploutos and Ge. The semantics of μετάκειμαι are also unclear; R. Merkelbach and J. Stauber interpreted the verb as denoting the transport of the deceased from the deathbed to the grave, 640 while in the view of V. Garulli, the term acquires the meaning of rest as the outcome of a previous transformation, referencing either a funerary ritual or a transition from earthly existence into the afterlife. 641 113 Anonymous Funerary Adjuration Apamea (Syria), s. III-IV, ed. IGLSyr IV, 1535 Ὁρκίσω ὑμᾶς πρὸς τὸν Θ(εό)ν, εἵνα μήτις τολμήσῃ ἀ‹ν›ῖξε καὶ κυνῆσε (5) τὰ λύμψανά μου. I adjure you by God, let no one dare to open (this sarcophagus) and move my remains. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Prentice (1908: 167, No.-171); IGLSyr IV, 1535 Commentary: An inscription in a ‘dove-tail plate on a stone, otherwise perfectly plain, lying among other blocks at the west side of a shaft-tomb’; 642 the dimensions of the stone block are 134 × 83 cm. There is a monogrammatic cross inside each triangular extension of the tabula and a Chi-Rho cross at the end of the inscription. From Syrian Apamea, it may be dated to the late imperial period. A simple, unassuming adjuration formula. Following the verb of adju‐ ration, we find the direct addressee (‘you’, ὑμᾶς) and a prepositional mediation syntagma invoking the Christian God, introduced by πρός (one of the rarer prepositions to be used in mediation). Rather than the future tense, 643 ὁρκίσω is better understood as a spelling variant of the normative ὁρκίζω—performative adjurations never employ the future tense because they are supposed to take 256 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="257"?> 644 Marshall (1916: 208). 645 Jouguet (1896: 433). effect immediately, not at some further unspecified point in future; also compare the frequent spelling variants with -σζ-, such as ἐνορκίσζομαι (79), ὁρκίσζω (92), ἐνορκίσζω (101), and κατορκίσζω (107). The desired effect, set to prevent the opening of the tomb and manipulation of the anonymous owner’s mortal remains, is rather unique in that it uses a final clause employing εἵνα (i.e. ἵνα) + subjunctive, as opposed to the much more frequently used dynamic infinitives. 114 Epitaph for Eubios, Son of Andromachos Hermonthis? (Aegyptus), s. I-II, ed. Bernand (1969: 85-89, No.-13) — Εὔβιος Ἀνδρομάχου παρ’ ἐμοὶ κεῖτ’ ὦ παροδεῖτα. — Ἐξορκίζω ἡμᾶς, σύσκηνοι φίλοι καὶ συστρατιῶται, (5) ἐὰν παράγητε ΑΡΥϹΑΝ, Νίλου τῷδ’ ἐπίχει σταγόνας καὶ λέγετε· Εὔβιε, ἄωρε, χρηστὲ χαῖρε. Οὐκέτ’ ἐγὼ γὰρ γονέων μέλος ὄψομαι (10) οὐδὲ γυναικός. Πάτρα γάρ μ’ ἀτέκνωσε. οὐδὲ γὰρ Ὠκεανοῦ ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ πίομαι. (Ἔτους) εʹ, Ἐπὴπ ιηʹ. ἦν δὲ ὡς ἐτῶν κεʹ. (15) Ἔγραψε Κάλλις. You who pass by, (know that) Eubios, son of Andromachos, lies next to me. — I adjure you, fellow companions and comrades in arms, should you ever pass (by Arousa? ), sprinkle a few drops of Nile on this (grave) and say: ‘Valiant Eubios, you who died prematurely, fare well! ’ I shall never again see the (corporeal) form of (my) parents and (my) wife. My home country deprived me of children, nor shall I drink the cool water of the Okeanos. 5th year (of the reign of NN? ), 18th (of the month of) Epiph. He was around 25 years old. Kallis wrote (this). (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Sayce (1896); Jouguet (1896); Marshall (1916: 207-208, No. 1077); Bernand (1966: 162-163); Bernand (1969: 85-89, No. 13); Wild (1981: 249, n. 155); Boyaval (2001: 53-55); Santin (2009: 197-201) Commentary: An inscription on a rectangular limestone funerary stele (31.5 × 27.5 cm); present are traces of red pigment, used to highlight the letters. As F. Marshall quipped, the epitaph is ‘in bad Greek and worse meter’ as it is ‘impossible to force the quaint mixture of hexameters and pentameters into anything like scansion’. 644 The stone, today in the British Museum, was first edited in full by P. Jouguet, who saw it at an antiquities store in Luxor in 1896. 645 Coincidentally, the stele was seen at the same place in the very same year by A. Sayce, who reported it as a ‘curious Greek sepulchral inscription of the late 4 Greek Epitaphs 257 <?page no="258"?> 646 Sayce (1896: 310). 647 Marshall (1916: 207). 648 Most recently, Bernand (1969: 85, ‘il s’agit vraisemblablement d’un Empereur’). 649 Santin (2009: 197). 650 Bernand (1969: 85), in the very title (‘épitaphe du soldat Eubios’); cf. also Santin (2009: 200, ‘un giovane soldato’). 651 Boyaval (2001: 55, ‘[…]je crois probable qu’Eubios ait été un jeune officier méritant[…]’). 652 Cf. West (1981: esp.-123-128 and 155-158; for our text, see 249, n. 155). 653 Jouguet (1896: 434). 654 Cautiously Marshall (1916: 208, ‘may be a place-name’), less cautiously Bernand (1969: 87): ‘Il s’agit sans doute d’un lieu-dit inconnu par ailleurs où est enterré le mort’. Roman age from Erment’. 646 In the catalogue of Greek inscriptions in the British Museum from 1916, Marshall lists ‘Baḳarawiyah’ (Sudan) as its provenance. 647 The epitaph is dated with exactitude to the 5th year, the 18th of the month of Epiph. There is little doubt that the date references the 5th year of somebody’s rule—most scholars assumed the reign of an emperor, 648 but E. Santin pointed out with some reason that a reference to a Hellenistic ruler is not excluded and argued that the letter-forms are consistent with the 1st cent. BCE to 1st cent. CE range. 649 Following a short opening address in hexameter to the passers-by, the epitaph continues with an adjuration formula. A prefixed ἐξορκίζω is employed as the verb of adjuration; the direct addressees are ‘fellow companions and comrades in arms’ (σύσκηνοι φίλοι καὶ συστρατιῶται). The expression betrays Eubios’ martial background; it has usually been assumed that he was a common soldier, 650 but B. Boyaval showed that poetic epitaphs are more often than not reserved for the higher-ups in the military hierarchy. 651 A mediation syntagma is omitted. The adjuration at hand is unique in that its desired effect does not involve preservation of the tomb against damage and/ or unsanctioned future burials—it simply asks for a small water offering (Νίλου τῷδ’ ἐπίχει σταγόνας) and a few kind words. A reference to water is found also in subsequent lines that do not form part of the adjuration formula proper (οὐδὲ γὰρ Ὠκεανοῦ ψυχρὸν ὕδωρ πίομαι); the ‘cool water’ mentioned here, together with the wish for sprinkling the grave with drops of water, may point to the cult of Osiris. 652 Both references to water are complementary: since Eubios cannot drink it anymore (and thus partake in its vivifying power), Kallis asks his friends to sprinkle his grave with it. The sequence ἐὰν παράγητε ΑΡΥϹΑΝ is unclear; Jouguet tried to connect it with ἀρύω (‘to draw water’) and related terms; 653 most other commentators assumed a local toponym. 654 258 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="259"?> 655 Schwartz (1960: 77, transl. J. Franek). 656 First by Sijpesteijn (1976: 147); followed by Goette (1989: 184), Bernand (1991: 59), and Bernand (1999: 138). 115 Epitaph for Marcus Aurelius Ammonius Hermopolis Magna (Aegyptus), s. III, ed. Bernand (1999: 138-143, No.-49) Μᾶρκος Αὐρήλιος Ἀμμώνιο[ς] νε[ωκόρ]ος τοῦ μεγάλου Σαράπιδ[ος --ν]ί̣κης ξυστάρχης, γενόμενο[ς ἀρχιδ]ικαστὴς τῆς λαμπροτάτης πόλεως [τῶν Ἀλ]εξανδρέων. (5) Ὁρκίζω σέ, ἄνθρωπε, τὸν̣ [παρ]ελ̣[θό]ν̣τα θεοὺς καὶ θεὰς καὶ δαίμονα[ς τοὺς μεγ]ίστους τὸν χῶρον κατέχοντας μήτ[ε ἕν γ]ράμμα ἀφανίσαι τῶν ἐνγεγραμμένων μήτε λ[ί]θ̣ον ἀφελεῖν. Τὰ γὰρ ἔνδον σώματά ἐστιν π[α]τρός (10) μου καὶ μητρὸς καὶ ἀδελφοῦ καὶ ἀδελφῆς καὶ ἀδελφιδῆς καὶ μάμμης καὶ φίλου πολλά μοι συναποδημήσαντος καὶ καμόντος παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἀθλήσεως. Ταῦτά σου δέομαι· οὕτως τυχεῖν γένοιτο τῶν (15) ἐν βίῳ ἀγαθῶν εὐορκοῦντι, παρακούοντι δὲ τὰ ἐναντία. Marcus Aurelius Ammonius, warden of the temple of great Sarapis, [---] of victory, president of an athletic association, supreme judge of the most illustrious city of Alexandrians. I adjure you, fellow passer-by, by the gods and the goddesses and the greatest divinities who guard this place, do not efface a single letter of this inscription, do not remove the stone. The bodies inside are those of my father and (my) mother and (my) brother and (my) sister and (my) niece and (my) grandmother and (my) friend, a companion on many journeys and a relentless benefactor of my athletic endeavours. This is what I ask of you. Let the one who heeds this adjuration enjoy the good things in life; the one who would disregard (it, let him/ her suffer) the opposite. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Schwartz (1960: 77-79); Fraser (1961: 141, No. 9); Sijpesteijn (1976: 147); Robert (1981: 25, n. 77); Goette (1989: 184, No. 27); Drew-Bear (1991); Bernand (1991); Bernand (1999: 138-143, No. 49); Fauconnier (2023: 156); SEG XVIII, 692 (Schwartz); SEG XLI, 1627 (Bernand); SB VIII, 10057 Commentary: An inscription on a blue-tinged marble plaque, broken into several fragments (dimensions not given). J. Schwartz first copied the text in the late 1950s in Tuna el-Gebel, coextensive with the ancient necropolis of Hermopolis Magna, where the fragments were ‘deposed against a mansion close to the funerary monument to Padykam’. 655 Since then transferred to the Mallawi National Museum; its current location could not be ascertained since the museum suffered catastrophic looting in 2013, with most pieces stolen, burned, or otherwise destroyed. There is broad consensus on dating the piece to the 3rd cent. CE. 656 The identification of Marcus Aurelius Ammonius with the person 4 Greek Epitaphs 259 <?page no="260"?> 657 Drew-Bear (1991). 658 As other documents of this corpus make clear, the construction ὁρκίζω with a double accusative—the first expressing the direct addressee and the second a non-prepositional mediation syntagma—is common and there is no need to look for κατά, as Schwarz (1960: 78) would have us do. 659 The striking parallelism of 109 and 115 was first highlighted by Robert (1981: 25, n. 77). 660 Cf. already Fraser (1961: 141). of the same name mentioned on a papyrus from Hermopolis (Stud. Pal. V, 7, col. II, l. 4), advocated by M. Drew-Bear, 657 would narrow down the date to the first third of the 3rd cent. CE. The formula opens with a simple verb of adjuration (ὁρκίζω), followed by direct addressee, expressed first through the generic pronoun ‘you’ (σε). The addressee is explicitly identified as a ‘passer-by’ (παρελθών) and a fellow ‘human being’ (ἄνθρωπος). The accusative θεοὺς καὶ θεὰς καὶ δαίμονας τοὺς μεγίστους τὸν χῶρον κατέχοντας must be taken as a non-prepositional media‐ tion syntagma; 658 the guarantors of the adjuration are all the gods and goddesses, especially those that are presiding over the necropolis. The desired effect is to preserve to tomb intact; two dynamic infinitives (μήτε […] ἀφανίσαι […] μήτε ἀφελεῖν) are used to communicate the last wish of the deceased. The sequence following the expression of the desired effect lists the tenants of the tomb, whose rest is not to be disturbed; the adjuration is then terminated by a delightful carrot-and-stick formula, which spells out not only a potential sanction (as is almost always the case in funerary inscriptions), but also a reward for those who would take the words of the epitaph to heart (which is exceedingly rare). The participle εὐoρκῶν is best understood to denote the ones who pay heed to the adjuration; for παρακούω (to disregard a command or a wish), compare 9 (μὴ παρακούσῃς τὸ οὔνομα τοῦ θεοῦ) and, more importantly, 109, a funerary inscription from Diocaesarea (ὃς ἂν παρακούσῃ τῶν ἀρῶν κτλ.). 659 Schwartz was right to emphasize the distinct nature of this dual sanction/ reward, as compared to more ‘menacing’ curses and frequent monetary sanctions on epitaphs from Asia Minor; even so, we find frequent non-monetary sanctions in that region. 660 116 Epitaph for Soterianos Soloi (Cyprus), s. IV-V, ed. Mitford (1950: 165-167) σορὸς Σωτηρειανοῦ, Ἀ(γγέ)λω(ν) δεσποτε[ί]α δεικέως ἁγοσθεῖσα· ὁ‹ρ›κεί‐ ζομεν ὑμᾶς τὸν Θεὸν τὸν π‹α›ντοκράτορα (5) κὲ πατέρα ❦ κὲ ὑειὸν κὲ τὸ 260 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="261"?> 661 Beaudouin/ Pottier (1879: 165-166). 662 Mitford (1950: 165-167). 663 Mitford (1950: 165). 664 Idem. ἅγειον πενεῦμα μή τις παράξενα τοῦ γέ[μο]υ μου ἐ‹φ›ισθῇ ἐ‹πε›ὶ ἔχ[ε]ι πρὸς (10) τὴν μέλλυσα[ν] κρείσιν. Tomb of Soterianos. The power of angels, properly sanctified: we adjure you by the Almighty God and by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, let no one place (here) things that are alien to my own load (i.e. corpses) because (this will weigh heavy on them) at the Final Judgement. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Beaudouin/ Pottier (1879: 165-166, No. 7); Mitford (1950: 165-167); Feissel (1980: 464); Nikolaou (2013: 248) Commentary: First copied by E. Pottier and M. Beaudouin in the 19th cent.; 661 T. Mitford produced superior edition of the text after his 1939 autopsy. 662 The inscription is engraved on a rectangular panel (27 × 46.5 cm) on one side of a white marble sarcophagus (82 × 160 cm), ‘built into a water-tank at the N end of the gardens of the monastery of Xeropotamos at Pendayia’. 663 The current location is roughly coextensive with ancient city of Soloi. To the left of the panel is a female in drapery; to the right, a male bust; above the inscription, a winged head and two garlands. These visual elements have no bearing on the interpretation of the inscription, which is ‘clearly a palimpsest’ (Mitford). 664 The presence of the Nicene formula points towards a 4th or 5th cent. CE dating. The verb of adjuration (ὁρκείζομεν) is followed by the construction of a double accusative. The first (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’) is undoubtedly to be understood as the direct addressee; the second, invoking God Almighty and the Trinity, is a nonprepositional mediation syntagma. The desired effect is the usual protection of the tomb, but the phrasing is a little strange and without parallel; the use of μή + subjunctive to express a negative command is also rather rare in adjurations. The sanction for violating the integrity of the sarcophagus involves the Final Judgement; the sense of ἔχει πρὸς τὴν μέλλυσαν κρείσιν is probably akin to ‘it (scil. profanation of the tomb) shall be counted towards your transgressions in the judgement that is to come’. The Final Judgement as the ultimate threat to those who would not respect the sanctity of graves and tombs is also attested in 73, 119, 137, and 143. 4 Greek Epitaphs 261 <?page no="262"?> 665 Korhonen (2004: 272) cautiously suggested a theological context for the expression (‘il re e la regina di tutto l’universo’). 666 Manganaro (1994b: 88-89): [Ὁ δεῖνα [---] ἐποίησα [---] τὸ]ν̣ κόσμον ἅπαντα ἐν [τύμβῶ (Nomen) ---]έως καὶ Bασιλίδος· [oὗτοι (? ) ἀμέμπ]τως καὶ ἀκαταγνώ[στως ἔζη]σαν μοι ἔτη ιδ΄ ἕν, (? ) [ἑτέρα πληρώσ]ασα ἔτη κη΄ (vac.) Ὁρκί[ζω τὸν Παντο]κράτορα καὶ [--τὸν μέλλ]οντα αἰῶνα [κληρονόμων μη]δέν’ ἀνῦξαι [ἢ σκυλήσαι [---] ἐκεί]νων, κατ[άθεσιν ---]. 667 For an almost identical adjuration, see also 119 (ὁρκίζομε δὲ ὑμᾶς [τὸν θ(εὸ)ν τὸν πα]ντοκράτορα). 117 Anonymous Sicilian Epitaph Catania (Sicilia), s. IV-V, ed. Korhonen (2004: 271-272, No.-212) [--τὸ]ν̣ κόσμον ἅπαντα Ε+[--βασιλ]έως (? ) καὶ βασιλίδος· [--ἀμέμ]π̣τως καὶ ἀκαταγνώ[στως ἔζη]σάν (? ) μοι ἔτη ῑδˊ, ἐν (5) [---]ασα ἔτη κ̄η̄ˊ· ὁρκί[ζω τὸν παντο]κράτορα καὶ [τὸν ἔτι μέλ]λοντα αἰῶνα [---]+ΕΝ ἀνῦξαι [--ἐκεί]νων (? ) κατ[άθεσιν (? ) ---]. [---] the entire universe [---] of king and queen 665 [---] lived blamelessly, not deserving condemnation, aged 14 years [---] in [---] aged 28 years. I adjure (you? ) by the Almighty and future life [---] (let no one? ) open [---] their burial [---]. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Manganaro (1994b); Korhonen (2004: 271-272, No. 212); SEG XLIV, 765 Commentary: A fragment of a marble stele (27 × 32 cm), likely from the region of Katane in Sicily. May be dated to the 4th or early 5th cent. CE. We print K. Korhonen’s more conservative edition; a significantly different reading has been proposed by G. Manganaro. 666 The interpretation of the formula is unfortunately vitiated by the fragmentary nature of the inscription. The verb of adjuration is attested with relative safety (ὁρκίζω); the accusatives that follow may be taken as either direct addressees (less likely) or parts of a non-prepositional mediation syntagma (more likely). In a coaevous funerary titulus from Cyprus (116), we find ὁρκείζομεν ὑμᾶς τὸν Θεὸν τὸν παντοκράτορα, clearly to be understood as ‘we adjure you by God Almighty’. 667 Constructions in which the direct addressee is omitted are nonetheless well-attested; compare, for example, ἐνορκιζόμεθα τὸν παντοκράτορα θ(εὸ)ν (91). It is not to be ruled out that the lacuna between ὁρκίζω and παντοκράτορα might have originally contained a pronoun (possibly σε). The infinitive ἀνῦξαι certainly formed part of a sequence of the formula expressing the desired effect; one might imagine something such as ‘(let no one) open (this tomb)’ on the basis of a plethora of parallels from other tituli. The 262 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="263"?> 668 Sgarlata (2017: 105). 669 Wessel (1989: 146). sequence [τὸν ἔτι μέλ]λοντα αἰῶνα finds a close parallel in the sanction of 116 (τὴν μέλλυσαν κρείσιν). 118 Epitaph for Photine and Philoumene Syracusae (Sicilia), s. IV-V, ed. Wessel (1989: 145-146, No.-616) αἱ μακάριε παρθένοι Φωτίνη κὲ Φιλουμενὴ ἐνθάδε κῖντε σεμνέ, ἁγνὲ παρθένοι, ζήσασε βίου καλοῦ (5) ἡ μιζοτέρα ἐτῶν πʹ καὶ ἡ μικροτέρα ἐτῶ‹ν› πδʹ. ὁρκοῦ σε κατὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ παντοκράτορος μηδένα αὐτὰς σκῦλέ (10) ποτε. Blessed virgins Photine and Philoumene lie here, honourable, pure virgins. Having lived a good life, the older one (died) aged 80 and the younger one aged 84. I adjure you by God Almighty, let no one ever trouble them. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Robert (1937); Agnello (1953: 21, No. 15); Feissel (1980: 464); Ferrua (1989: 48, No. 180); Wessel (1989: 145-146, No. 616); Noy (1993: 201); Felle (2005: 246, n. 61); Rizzone (2011: 187, Nos. E3-4); Sgarlata (2017: 105); IG XIV, 187 Commentary: An inscription on a marble slab (dimensions not given), found in 1875 in the catacombs of San Giovanni at Syracuse and today preserved in the Museo Archeologico Regionale Paolo Orsi. May most likely be dated to the 4th or 5th cent. CE; one of the tituli found in the same chamber has a consular dating range of 339-360 but has likely been reused. 668 Apart from the use of the relatively rare ὁρκοῦ (= ὁρκῶ) 669 as the verb of adjuration (as opposed to ὁρκίζω and its prefixed variants), the formula is rather simple and straightforward. Following the verb, we find a generic direct addressee in the form of a pronoun (‘you’, σε); the prepositional mediation syntagma, introduced by κατά, invokes God Almighty. The desired effect is present in the form of a dynamic infinitive (μηδένα αὐτὰς σκῦλέ ποτε) and aims to prevent any disturbances of the tomb. 119 Epitaph for a Citizen of Theodosia Roma (Italia), s. V, ed. ICUR (n.s.) I, 1942 (ll. 1-5) & Feissel (1980: 465) (ll. 6-10) [ἐνθά]δε κεῖτε Εὐ[--- Θεο]δοσειοπολίτ[ης ἀμέμπτως ζήσας] μικρῷ πλέω ἔ[τη --ἐκοιμήθη τ]ῇ πρὸ ιε´ καλ(ανδῶν) σεπτ(εμβρίων) [ὑπατίᾳ Βινκεντί]ου (5) καὶ Φραβίτου τῶ[ν λαμπροτάτων]. ὁρκίζομε δὲ ὑμᾶς [τὸν θ(εὸ)ν τὸν πα]ντοκράτορα· εἴ τις το̣[λμήσει σκυ]λῖσε τὰ ὀστέα αὐτοῦ [ἢ ἄλλον τινὰ θῖνε, ἔσ]τε ἔνοχος τῇ [κρίσει ---]α̣ν (10) ἡμαίραν τῆς [ἀναστάσεως (? )]. 4 Greek Epitaphs 263 <?page no="264"?> 670 Paribeni (1910: 5, ‘rivenuta, dicesi, nel suburbio’). Here lies E. [---], citizen of Theodosia, (who) lived blamelessly (and) at an age slightly surpassing [---] years he died 15 days before the September Kalendae, when the most illustrious Vincentius and Fravita held the office of consul. We adjure you by God Almighty, should anyone dare to disturb my bones or place somebody else (in this tomb), he/ she shall be subject to judgement [---] day of resurrection. (transl. J. Franek) Bibliography: Paribeni (1910: 5-9, No. 1); Heisenberg (1911: 355-356); Feissel (1980: 464-465); ICUR (n.s.) I, 1942; SEG XXX, 1208 Commentary: An inscription on a fragment of a marble tabula (34 × 26 cm), preserved in the Museo Nazionale Romano (Terme di Diocleziano). R. Paribeni in his editio princeps reported that the stone was acquired by the museum as a gift from A. Barsanti, an antiquities dealer; cautiously provenanced to the suburbs of Rome. 670 Consular dating allows placing the inscription to the year 401 CE. The formula opens with a simple, non-prefixed ὁρκίζομε as the verb of adjuration, followed by the construction of a double accusative, where the first (ὑμᾶς, ‘you’) denotes the direct addressee and the second (τὸν θ(εὸ)ν τὸν παντοκράτορα) invokes God Almighty in a non-prepositional mediation syntagma. The sequence is virtually identical to one from Soloi (Cyprus; 116), which reads ὁρκείζομεν ὑμᾶς τὸν Θεὸν τὸν παντοκράτορα. The adjuration concludes with a conditional clause that combines the desired effect and a sanction: if anyone dares to violate the sanctity of the tomb, they shall be subject to judgement—the expression ἔνοχος τῇ κρίσει points to divine, not earthly, justice. 264 4 Greek Epitaphs <?page no="265"?> 671 The text is slightly disrupted; more than half of it is missing in the first ten lines so that only an approximative interpretation may be stated. 5 Latin Defixiones D. Urbanová 120 Love Spell Made for Martialis Carthage (Africa), s. II-III, ed. Audollent (1904: 303-305, No.-231) [---]περα [---] / [---] [κου]ωρουμ [---] / [---] [κ]ουω ρορ̣[---] / [---] μαγνα ουτ / [---] διας̣ [---]τ κουωμο/ [δο ---] ανουντιο ρηγις / [---]ι̣ μορτους αβ ιλ/ [λα ---]ι̣νητουρ ανιμα / [---] οκ λοκο σικ ετ / [---] κουιους εστ / [---]τη δητινεατουρ / [ιν ομ]νε τεμπους ιν α/ [μωρ]ε ετ δεσιδερι[ο] Μαρ/ [τ]ι̣αλικι κουεμ πεπεριτ / Κορωναρια σερρουσεμ [---]λω / κνημεω τριπαρνωχι̣ α/ [β]ρασαρξ σχωομονοε ευ/ φ̣νεφερησα μαλχαμα / ιαρεμμουθου χεννειθ / ατιουρο ουως περ ουνκ πρε/ ποσιτου σουπερ νεκεσσι/ τατης τερρε σικ ετ τε/ [---] δομινους αιη απερ / [---]ουτ ε[ξ] ακ διη οκ μομεντο / [---] ις [---] / [------] / [---]ατε ιλλ[α]ς̣ ησου [---] / αμετ Μαρτιαλε ουτ ομ/ ‹μ›νι μουλιεβρι ωρας μ[ε] ιν / μεντε αβεατ ετ τωτα διε / [ιν α]νιμω αβεατ αμωρε με/ [ουμ] [--- ]νιμ[ω---] / [---]τις μαγνα τυ [---] / [--δομ]ι̣νουμ ιαμ ιαμ [---] / [---]πεηια. Transcription in Latin script: [---]pera[---][qu]orum[---] [q]uo ror magna ut[---]dias[---]t quomo[do] [---] anuntio regis [---]i mortu(u)s ab il[a [---]det]inetur anima [---] [in h]oc loco, sic et [---] cuius est [---]te detineatur [in om]ne tempus in a[mor]e et desideri[o] Mar[t]ialiki (= Martialis), quem peperit Coronaria. (voces magicae in Greek letters: Serrousem[---]lo knemeo triparnochi abrasarx schoomonoe euphnepheresa malchama iaremmouthou chenneith.) Atiuro vos per (h)unc pre‐ positu(m) super necessitates terr(a)e sic et te [---] dominus [---] ut [---] e[x] (h)ac die, (h)oc momento [---]is[---]ate ill[a]s [---]esu[---] amet Martiale(m), ut o‹m›mni muliebri (h)oras m[e] in mente (h)abeat et tota die [in a]nimo (h)abeat amore(m) me[um] (a)nim(o) [---] tis magna tu[---] [dom]inum iam iam [---] penia (= veniat? ). [The beginning of the text is damaged but could be interpreted based on the fragmentary simile formula quomo(do) mortu(u)s and what follows]: Just like the soul [of the deceased one] is bound to this place, 671 may she [the woman’s name was not preserved] be bound by love and desire all of the time [for] Martialis, whom Coronaria bore. (voces magicae). I adjure you for this purpose [---] by the inevitability/ necessity of the earth [---] and in that way <?page no="266"?> 672 See Audollent (1904: 467) and No.-159. 673 For other mentions of ‘necessity’ in the mediation syntagma of Greek inscriptions in this corpus, see 19, 36, 41, 57, 65. also you [---] Lord, from this day on, from this moment on [---] may she love Martialis, may she all of the time think of nobody else but me and feel love for me throughout the whole day [---] now, now [---] [may she come to me? ] [---] (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Niedermann (1908: 75); Jeanneret (1916); Dickie (2000: 574); Kropp (11.1.1/ 17); Kropp (2008a: 162); Marco Simón (2012: 138, n. 41); Zellmann-Rohrer (2016: 466); Urbanová (2018: 469, No. 125); Franek/ Urbanová (2019a: 39-51); McKie (2022: 210-211) Commentary: An inscription on a lead lamella (ca 14 × 8.4 cm), fragmentary (broken), found rolled in an urn in a grave in Bir ez Zitoun in 1896, dated to the 2nd to 3rd cent. CE (Kropp). The Latin text is written unilaterally in the Greek alphabet; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 153. The inscription represents a love spell; the man Martialis, son of Coronaria, sought the love of a woman whose name has apparently not survived due to text deterioration. The writer wanted to bind the woman to himself using a simile formula preserved incompletely. As for the adjuration formula attested in this text, it is introduced by the verb of adjuration atiuro and has the pronoun vos as the direct addressee, undoubtedly referencing daemons or other higher powers, whose identity may be hidden under the sequence of unidentifiable voces magicae (secret names of higher powers) immediately preceding the verb. The usual mediation syntagma (adiuro te per) is here modified; while the initial per specifies the purpose of the love spell (per hunc prepositum), the proper mediation is introduced by super necessitates terrae, ‘by the inevitability/ necessity of the earth’ and the purpose of the adjuration is to compel the woman in question to always love and think only of the writer. One rarity for Latin defixiones is the expression necessitates terr(a)e. Some curse texts (e.g. 122, 123) make use of nomina necessitatis (‘the holy names of inevitability/ necessity’): Et te ad(iu)ro, quisquis inferne es daemon per h(a)ec sancta nomina necessitatis μασκελλει μασκελλω[---]. Audollent saw an analogy in the Greek formula with Aνάγκη, 672 but it is not clear what should we imagine under the ‘necessity of the earth’. 673 266 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="267"?> 674 According to M. Jeanneret (1917, 48), the tablet dates to the beginning of the 3rd cent. CE. The graphic treatment displays the late ancient assibilation of the ti̯ group (the writing of Z after the dental consonant T); see also Urbanová (2018: 472, No.-131). 675 Audollent (1904: 338). 121 Agonistic Curse against Three Gladiators: Ziolus, Zelica, Adesicla Carthage (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 337-339, No.-248) A: [---]be sancte ati/ [iuro t]e per deum vivu/ [m ut] facias Tziolu[m] q(uem) p(eperit) / [Rest]uta et Tzelica[m] / [appa]ritorem en[---]a / [Ades]icla[m] q(uem) p(eperit) Victoria / victos / per/ vic/ tos / exaclos exi/ liatos ex‹i›/ pilatos / plaga/ tos / obligo / [et] impli/ [co et tib]i traḍo / [Adesiclam q(uem) p(eperit)] Victoria / [---] ementia / [---]ivi Adesicla q(uem) p(eperit) / [Victoria facias] B: vulneratos [cru]/ entatos de an[pit]/ eatro exire i(n) di[e] / muneris fili[os Ae]/ miliani pri[di]e Idus / Ianuarias sive Id/ us age age iam / iam cito cito ἤ[δη] / ἤδη τα̣[χὺ ταχύ]. A: [---] Holy, I adjure you by the living God to make Ziolus, whom Restuta bore, and Zelica, the servant [---], and Aedesicla, whom Victoria bore, defeated, completely outdone, exhausted, expelled, devastated, beaten. I bind and entwine [them with spells] and commend [them] to you [---] B: to make the sons of Aemilianus leave the amphitheatre injured and stained with blood on the day of the games, either before or on the Ides of January. Hurry up, now, now, quickly, quickly, now, now, quickly, quickly. (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Jeanneret (1916); Preisendanz (1926); Versnel (1976: 398); Adams (1992: 5); Kropp (11.1.1/ 23); Poccetti (2002: 31); Tremel (2004: 222-223, No. 94); Urbanová (2018: 472, No.-131); Urbanová (2019b: 438, No.-3); McKie (2022: 70) Commentary: Latin text written bilaterally in Latin script; one Greek formula written in Greek alphabet; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 168-169. An inscription on an opisthographic tablet in the form of a lead lamella (6 × 5.3 cm), found rolled in an amphitheatre (spoliarium) in Carthage, dated to the 3rd cent. 674 CE. The text is partially damaged at the left side and in the middle. It is an agonistic curse against gladiators. In the centre of Side A is a schematic and partially illegible depiction of a standing daemon, apparently with the head of a donkey, in semiprofile, holding objects that are difficult to identify. Audollent stated: Daemon stans longis auribus et asinino? capite insignis, pateras (? ) duas sinistra gerens, fascem (? ) dextra. 675 On Audollent’s facsimile (published in v Suppl. Aud. p. 168) the text runs along the image of the daemon on both sides. The time formula at the end is written in Greek. 5 Latin Defixiones 267 <?page no="268"?> 676 For the depictions of daemons as parts of persuasive analogy, see Franek/ Urbanová (2019b) and Sánchez Natalías (2022, No.-117 and 118). There is one corrupted adjuration formula at the beginning of the inscription introduced by sancte ati[iuro t]e. The name or specification of the daemon who is the direct addressee of this curse is not preserved in the text, but it stood most probably at the very beginning of the text (which is now lost); it was most likely a corpse-daemon (νεκυδαίμον). The higher power in the mediation clause introduced by per is deus vivus ‘the living god’, probably depicted on Side A of the tablet. He is to ensure that all three gladiators mentioned in the text will be wounded during the fight in the circus. 676 Two of the names of the gladiators cursed on this tablet also appear on a Greek-Latin bilingual curse, see 66, the text of which, however, is quite damaged. 122 Agonistic Curse against the Gladiator Maurussus Carthage (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 341-345, No.-250) A: Βαχα[χυχ ---] qui es in Egipto magnu[s] / demon obliges perobliges Maur‐ ussum vena/ torem quem peperit Felicitas / Ιεκρι auferas somnum non dormiat / Maurussus quem peperit F[e]licitas / Παρπαξιν deus omnipotens adducas / ad domus infernas Maurussum quem / peperit Felicitas / Νοκτουκιτ qui possides tractus Ita/ lie et Campanie qui tractus es per / Acerushium lacum ‹perducas ad / domus Tartareas intra dies septe ›/ perducas ad domus Tartareas Maurus/ sum quem peperit Felicitas intra dies septe(m) / Βυτυβαχκ demon qui possides Ispani/ am et Africam qui solus per marem / trassis pertransseas {h}animam et {i}spiri/ tum Maurussi quem peperit Felici/ tas pertranseas omnem remedium et / omnem filacterium et omnem tuta/ mentum et omnem oleum libutorium / et perducatis obl[i]getis pe[r]obligetis / [oblig(? )]etis apsumatis desumatis consu/ [m]at[i]s cor membra viscera interania / [M]auruss[i venatoris (? )] quem pe‐ perit / [Felicitas] / et te ad/ [iu]ro quisquis inferne / [es] demon per h(a)ec sancta nomina necesitatis (written vertically) B: μα[σ]κελλει μασκελλω φνουκεν[τα]βα[ωθ] ὀρεοβαρζαγ[ρα] / ῥηξίκθων ἱππόκτων πυρ̣κτων [---]φιτ[---]ιτ[---]η[---]ω[---]ρ[---] / κερδερωσάνδαλε κατανεικάνδα[λε] depre[ndatis] / [e]t faciatis pallidum mextum tristem [---] / [---] mutum non se regentem Maurussum quem pe[pe]r[it] Felicitas / in omnem proelium in omni certamine evanescat ruat[---]tr[---]e / Maurussus quem pe‐ perit Felicitas desub ampitiatri corona [---] / eatem auram patiatur Maurussus quem peperit Felici[t]as [vinc(? )]ere [non] / possit perversus sit perperversus sit Maurussus quem [p]e[pe]rit Fe[licitas ---] / nec lac[ueos] possit super ursum mittere non alligare [ursum possit (? )] / [c]onlega[m] tenere omnino non possit 268 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="269"?> manos illi et ro[bur (? ) ---] / pe]des illi obligentur non possit currere lassetu[r ---]e / [a]nimam et {i}spiritum deponat in omnem pro(e)lium [in] omni[bus con/ g]ressionibus depannetur vapulet vulneretur [vinca(? )]ur [et d(? )]e [ma/ n]us alienas inde [f]igatur tra(h)atur exiat Maurussu[s quem peperit] / F[elicit]as desub ampitiatri corona facie at terrae [iam iam? ] / [ci]to (? ) cito depremite defigite perfigite consu[mite --- Mau]ru[s/ sum] quem peperit Felicitas et remise ferarum morsus [patiatur (? )] fe[---] / [t]am tauros tam apros tam leones quae [---]l[--- Mau/ rus]sus quem peperit Felicitas occidere possit[---]m [---]. A: Bachachuch, [you] who are the great Egyptian daemon, bind and tie up Maurussus the hunter, whom Felicitas bore. Iechri, deprive him of sleep, may Maurussus, the hunter, whom Felicitas bore, not sleep. Parpaxin, the almighty god, bring Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore, to the infernal dwellings. Noktoukit, [you] who hold the territories of Italy and Campania, you who were dragged through the swamps of Acheron, [lead to the infernal regions within seven days] lead Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore, to the infernal regions within seven days. Bytybachk, [you] the daemon who hold the territories of Hispania and Africa, the only [daemon] who pervades across sea, pervade the soul and spirit of Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore. Pervade through any defence, through all amulets and protective means and all protecting oils[---] and lead [him to the underworld]), bind [him], bind [him] fast[---] ruin, destroy, consume the heart, limbs, guts, intestines of Maurussus [the hunter], whom Felicitas bore. And I adjure you, whoever infernal daemon you are, by these holy names of inevitability. B: (voces magicae) [---] Catch Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore, and make him pale, unhappy, and sad [---] mute, may he not hold control over himself; in each combat, in each contest, may [he] lose, fall down[---] Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore[---] At the games in the amphitheatre[---] may Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore, suffer; may he be unable to win? May [he] be knocked down, beaten hollow, Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore, may he be unable to throw nets over the bear nor tie him up, may he be unable to hold back the corrival[---] May his hands and strength? and feet be bound up, may he be unable to run[---] may he fatigue himself[---] may he leave his soul and spirit in each combat, in all contests, may he be torn to pieces, flogged, hurt, may he be transfixed, dragged with alien hands. May Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore, die[or get out] with his face to the ground in the amphitheatre[---] quickly press down, pierce, transfix, consume[---] Maurussus [in the accusative], whom Felicitas bore. And may he [suffer? ] the bites of wild beasts[---] so bulls, boars, lions who[---] Maurussus, whom Felicitas bore, [may he be unable to kill any beast? ]. (interpretation and transl. Tremel, modified) 5 Latin Defixiones 269 <?page no="270"?> 677 See PGM VII, 302; and Gager (1992: 268). Bibliography: Delattre (1897: 318-320); AE (1899, No. 105a); Wünsch (1900, 260-265, No. 16); Cagnat (1903: 256-264); Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Versnel (1976: 396); Solin (1998: 291); Poccetti (2002: 32); Tremel (2004: 224-227, No. 96); Kropp (11.1.1/ 25); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Sparreboom (2016: 157-159); Urbanová (2018: 472-474, No. 132); Urbanová (2019b: 441-442, No. 11); McKie (2022: 215-218) Commentary: An inscription on an opisthographic tablet in the form of a lead lamella (11.5 × 15.5 cm), found rolled in an amphitheatre (spoliarium) in Carthage (Africa), dated to the 3rd cent. CE by the editor and to the 4th cent. CE by Kropp. The text is written in Latin script; the names of daemons and voces magicae are written in the Greek alphabet, facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 171-172. The text is slightly damaged. The text of this long, complex, and very detailed agonistic curse, which includes remarkable rhetorical features, is directed against a gladiator (venator) named Maurussus. The entire adjuration formula was written vertically (probably as an addition) on Side A. It is introduced by the verb of adjuration: et te adiuro quisquis inferne es demon. The direct addressee is an infernal daemon specified preemptively with quisquis es ‘whoever you are’. The mediation clause introduced by per invokes the ‘holy names of necessity’ sancta nomina necessitatis (see also 123), in this case using the so-called μα[σ]κελλει μασκελλω formula, which is attested in both curses and magical papyri. The complete formula attested goes as fol‐ lows: maskelli maskellô aphnoukentabaô oreobazagra rêxichthôn hippochthôn puripêganux. 677 These magical words contain some Greek elements, but their meaning is obscure. In addition, the writer invokes by name the five daemons who are to attack Maurussus, addressing them collectively in the plural (faciatis) on Side B. These higher powers are ordered to ensure the defeat or death of the gladiator in the games. 123 Agonistic Curse against Seven Gladiators Carthage (Africa), s. II, ed. Audollent (1904: 345-348, No.-251) [Adiuro vos a]nime [---]n[---]asse [h]uius loci / [per] [ha]ec sancta nomina Psarchyrinχ / oncrobrotescirvio arcadams / ter v‹o›os adiuro anime [h]uius loci / ererecisipte araracarara / eptisicere [c]ycbacyc bacaci/ cyχ bacaχicyc obrimemao / saum / obriulem patatnaχ apoms/ psesro [i]aω iossef ioerbet / [i]opacerbet bolcoset date / interitu[m] [h]is venatoribus / Metrete Syndicio Celsano / Atsurio Felici Cardario / Vincentio ne viribus suis / placere possint / 270 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="271"?> 678 For interpretation, see Tremel (2004, No.-97). adi[u]ro vos per nomin[a] / [---] audita o[---] / [------] / / [Adiuro vos per hec no]mina neces/ [sitatis] temae[---]cerciel baciel / [---]aciχecese amestubal / merteme perturacrini mascel/ li mascello fnycentabaot / zosagrac hunc epitto e/ reπton ypo ton lepeta oreo/ peganyχ et per magnum Caos vos adiuro / iabezepat erecisipte araracarara / eptisicere coggens enim vos et reges / demo‐ niorum bacaχicyχdemenon / bacaχicyχ cogens enim vos et iu/ dices exsenγium animarum qui vos / in tachymorey vite iodicaverunt / criny arincbor cogens enim vos / sangtus deus Mercurius in/ fe[rnu]s coge[ns] ipse se[---]s[---] / [------] / / [---]ine fiat / decsocemri obligate / (h)os venatores. [I adjure you], spirits [---] of this place, [by] these holy names (the names of daemons and more magical words follow), I adjure you three times, spirits of this place (voces magicae), bestow death upon these hunter gladiators Metreta, Syndicius, Celsanus, Asturius, Felix, Cardarius, Vincentius, may they be unable to take [the audience’s] 678 fancy with their strengths. I adjure you by the names [---] heard. [I adjure you by these] names of necessity (voces magicae), [and] by this dead, who is mentioned on the tablet lying under the urn (voces magicae) and I adjure you by the big Chaos (voces magicae), who thus forces you and the lords of daemons (voces magicae), who forces you and the judges of bloodless souls who condemned you to a short life (voces magicae) forces thus you; the holy god Mercury of the underworld, who himself forces [---], let it happen, bind these hunters. (transl. Tremel, modified) Bibliography: Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Tremel (2004: 227-229, No. 97); Kropp (11.1.1/ 26); Marco Simón (2012: 138, n. 35); Urbanová (2018: 474, No. 133); McKie (2022: 218-219) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (9 × 23.5 cm) rolled, found in an amphitheatre (spoliarium) in Carthage in 1900, dated to the 2nd Cent. CE by Audollent. Latin text written unilaterally in three columns, some letters in the Greek alphabet and isolated words in Greek but written in Latin script; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 173. The tablet is slightly damaged (broken in two pieces); sections of the text in the lower and upper parts and the last column are not preserved. This agonistic curse is directed against seven gladiator (venatores) hunters. The formula with adiuro is repeated five times (three times attested with certainty, and the other two occurrences are based on plausible additions by Audollent, the text being formulaic); the second instance of adiuro is reinforced by ter (ter vos adiuro), followed by the imperative (date interitum his venato‐ 5 Latin Defixiones 271 <?page no="272"?> 679 Audollent (1904: 347). ribus). The direct addressees appear twice: animae huius loci corpse-daemons (νεκυδαίμονες) are also present, following the ancient belief in amphitheatres where gladiators died. A mediation syntagma is attested only two times with per; the higher powers invoked are sancta nomina (voces magicae or the names of daemons), further nomina audita and nomina necessitatis (see 122). In the last mediation syntagma, the higher power invoked is magnum chaos, followed by, syntactically loosely attached, other higher powers, who are specified as cogentes (cogens enim vos et reges demoniorum) and other voces magicae, concluding with the sanctus deus Mercurius infernus. Audollent assumed in light of the voces magicae written in Latin script and partly Latinized Greek words such as e/ reπton ypo ton lepeta that the text was written by a Greek speaker. 679 124 Love Spell Made by Septima to Gain the Love of Sextilius Hadrumetum (Africa), s. II, ed. Audollent (1904: 370-373, No.-270) Αδ[ιουρ]ο επ[---] περ μαγνουμ δεουμ ετ / περ [ἀν]θέροτας [--] ετ περ εουμ κουι αβετ / αρχεπτορεμ σουπρα χαπουθ ετ περ σε/ πτεμ σθελλας ου⟨υ⟩θ εξ κουα ορα / οχ σομπποσουερο νον δορμιαθ Σεξ/ τίλλιος Διονισίε φιλιους ουραθουρ / φουρενς νον δορμιαθ νεκουε σεδεατ / νεκουε λοκουατουρ σεδ ιν μεντεμ αβ/ ιατ με Σέπθιμαμ Ἀμένε φιλια ουρα/ θουρ φουρενς αμορε ετ δεσιδεριο / μεο ανιμα ετ χορ ουραθουρ Σεξτί/ λι Διονισίε φιλιους αμορε ετ δεσιδε/ ριο μεο Σεπτίμες Ἀμένε φιλιε του αου/ τεμ Αβαρ Βαρβαριε Ελοεε Σαβαοθ / Παχνουφυ Πυθιπεμι φαχ Σεξτι/ λίουμ Διονισίε φιλιουμ νε σομνου/ μ χονθινγαθ σεθ αμορε ετ δεσιδε/ ριο μεο ουραθουρ ουιιους σιπιριτους / ετ χορ χομβουρατουρ ομνια μεμ/ βρα θοθιους χορπορις Σεξτίλι Διονι/ σίε φιλιους σι μινους δεσχενδο ιν α/ δυτους Ὀσυρις ετ δισσολουαμ θεν / θαπεεν ετ μιτταν ουθ α φουλ / α φλουμινε φερατουρ / εγω ενιμ σουμ μαγνους / δεχανους δει μαγνι δει / ΑΧΡΑΜΜΑΧΑΛΑΛΑ Ε. Transcription in Latin script: Adiuro ep [--] per magnum deum et per Anterotas [--] et per eum, qui habet accipitrem supra caput et per septem stellas, ut, ex qua hora hoc composuero, non dormiat Sextilius, Dionysiae filius, uratur furens, non dormiat neque sedeat neque loquatur, sed in mente habeat me Septimam, Amoenae filia(m); uratur furens amore et desiderio meo, anima et cor uratur Sextili, Dionysiae filius, amore et desiderio meo Septimes, Amoen(a)e fili(a)e. Tu autem Abar Barbarie Eloe Sabaoth Pachnouphy Pythipemi, fac Sextilium, Dionysiae filium, ne somnum contingat, sed amore et desiderio meo uratur, huius spiritus et cor comburatur, omnia membra totius corporis Sextili, Dionysiae filius. Si minus, descendo in adytus Osyris et 272 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="273"?> 680 τὴν ταφὴν—acc. sg.: ἡ ταφή—a grave. 681 See Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 180-188). dissolvam τὴν ταφὴν  680 et mittam ut a fulmine feratur; ego enim sum magnus decanus dei, magni dei AXRAMMAXALALA E. I adjure [---] , by the great god, and by Anterotes, and by the one with a hawk head, and by the seven stars, from the moment I put this tablet [into the grave], may Sextilius, son of Dionysia, not sleep, may he burn [with passion] in a frenzy, may he not sleep, or sit, or speak, but may [only] I, Septima, daughter of Amoena, be on his mind; may he burn with love and longing for me, may the mind and heart of Sextilius, son of Dionysia, burn with love and longing for me, Septima, daughter of Amoena. And you, Abar, Barbarie, Eloe, Sabaoth, Pachnouphy, and Pythipemi, make Sextilius, son of Dionysia, unable to sleep, but burn with love and longing for me, may his spirit and heart, and all of the limbs of Sextilius’ body be consumed by love: if not, I will descend into the shrine [grave] of Osiris, open his grave and throw him [into the river], so that he will be carried away by the current; because I am the great decanus of a god, the mighty god AXRAMMAXALALA E. (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Bréal/ Maspero (1890: 68); Maspero (1893: 297-311 and 297-303); Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Kagarow (1929: 51); Adams (1992: 5); Sichet (1999: 123-124); Kropp (11.2.1/ 8); Urbanová (2018: 482-484, No. 148); Urbanová (2011: 639-649); Urbanová (2014: 1047-1098). Zellmann-Rohrer (2016: 473); Franek/ Urbanová (2019b: 177‒207). Urbanová (2019b: 438); McKie (2022: 224-225) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella, folded; the tablet (19.5 × 11.5 cm) was found in 1889 near Hadrumetum in a grave at a gravesite on the way to Kairouan, folded. The Latin text is written unilaterally in the Greek alphabet; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 190. It is a very complex Latin love spell written in the Greek alphabet, probably ordered from a professional magician. In this text, Septima tries to make Dionysius love her. The direct addressee of the verb of adjuration is unnamed, but very probably the νεκυδαίμον of the grave where the tablet was found is meant, and further in the text other daemons (Abar, Barbarie, Eloe) are addressed directly; the higher powers addressed by per in the mediation syntagma are magnus deus—probably Osiris as Audollent stated—, Anteros (personified requited love), Horus (et per eum qui habet accipitrem supra caput), and seven planets (per septem stellas). The text contains a menacing formula made by the writer-magus in the form of a historiola. 681 This is the only preserved Latin love spell ordered by a woman to gain the love of a man. 5 Latin Defixiones 273 <?page no="274"?> 125 Agonistic Curse against Racehorses and Charioteers Hadrumetum (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 396-399, No.-286) A: Cuigeu / censeu / cinbeu / perfleu / diarunco / deasta / bescu / berebescu / arurara / baζagra (voces magicae written in column) / / Antmo/ arait/ to/ / (written on the daemon’s chest) Noctivagus / Tiberis Oceanus (names of the cursed horses) B: adiuro te demon qui/ cunque es et demando ti/ bi ex (h)anc (h)ora ex (h)anc di/ e ex (h)oc momento ut equos / prasini et albi crucies / ocidas, et agitatore(s) Cla/ rum et Felice(m) et Primu/ lum et Romanum ocidas / collida(s) neque spiritum / illis lerinquas (= relinquas); adiuro te / per eum qui te resolvit / temporibus deum pela[g]i/ cum aerium Ιαω Ιasdaω / οοριω aηια. A: contains voces magicae and three names of the cursed horses: Noctivagus / Tiberis Oceanus B: I adjure you, daemon, whoever you are, and I command you, from this hour on, from this day on, from this moment on, to torment and kill the horses of the green and white [teams], and kill Clarus and Felix and Primulus and Romanus, the charioteers, strike them, leave them breathless, I adjure you by the one who freed you by then [from the hardships of life], by the god of sea and air (voces magicae). (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Villefosse (1892: 226-227); AE (1893, No. 27); Wünsch (1900, 246- 248, No. 14); AE (1902, Nos. 54-55); ILS 8753; Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Kagarow (1929: 4); Dessau (1974, No. 8753); Solin (1998: 291); Sichet (1999: 125-126); Tremel (2004: 132, No. 36); Gordon (2005: 69-76, 80-81); Unceta Gómez (2006: 65); Kropp (11.2.1/ 22); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Urbanová (2018: 491, No. 162); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022: 169-171) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (9.5 × 7.3 cm), rolled/ folded; found near Hadrumetum in the grave of an ahoros at a gravesite on the way to Kairouan. The Latin text is written bilaterally, facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 200. Side A of the tablet depicts a long-bearded anthropomorphic daemon standing on a ship holding an urn? in his right hand and a torch in his left. On the left side of the daemon is a column of ten magical words: Cuigeu, Censeu, Cinbeu, Perfleu, Diarunco, Deasta, Bescu, Berbescu, Arurara, Baζagra; one magical phrase is inscribed on the daemon’s chest: Antmo araitto. The direct addressee is most probably the corpse-daemon (νεκυδαίμον): adiuro te demon quicunque es. The names of the cursed horses, Noctivagus, Tiberis, and Oceanus, are written inside the depicted ship, whereas the curse itself is inscribed on Side B. In the second adjuration formula, the direct addressee is the same. In the mediation clause introduced with per, the higher power invoked 274 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="275"?> 682 Gordon (2005: 80-81). 683 This concerns the curses in Audollent (1904; 396-405, Nos. 286-291) and Audollent (1910b: 142), but the other specimens of this series are considerably damaged; see Audollent (1904: 399-400, No. 287) and (Suppl. Aud. 201), Audollent (1904: 400-402, No. 288) and (Suppl. Aud. 201), and probably also Audollent (1904: 402-403, No. 289) and (Suppl. Aud. 203); Audollent (1904: 403-404, No. 290), 126 in this corpus (Suppl. Aud. 204); and further Audollent (1904: 404-405, No.-291), 127 in this corpus (Suppl. Aud. 20). is the god of sea and air deus pelagicus, aerius, with the epithet qui te resolvit temporibus ‘who freed you by then’, followed by the magical words Ιαω Ιasdaω / οοριω aηια. The daemonic figure depicted on Side A of the tablet probably represents the god mentioned in the mediation syntagma. This very well-preserved tablet represents one in a series of curses against horses and charioteers coming from the same locality with very similar depic‐ tions of a daemonic figure and curse structures. Gordon included the following defixio in the same series, calling them the Baitmo Arbitto group. 682 The magical word written on the chest of the daemon differs somewhat in some cases, 683 and the texts differ slightly and the formula with adiuro is not preserved in every text, although it is very likely that it was included in all of the original texts. The daemonic figure has not yet been identified with any of the usual depictions of known daemons, such as on gems, as Audollent stated. According to an oral communication from Joachim Friedrich Quack, the iconography of the daemon in question cannot be linked to Egyptian deities or daemons. 126 Agonistic Curse against Racehorses and Charioteers Hadrumetum (Africa), s. II-III, ed. Audollent (1904: 403-404, No.-290) A: Depiction of a daemon; unintelligible fragmentary text B: [Adiu]ro te ḍẹmon [---]bẹ ẹṭ dem[an/ do tibi] ex̣ (h)aṇc die ex (h)oc mo/ [mento ---] / [------] / [------] / [------] / [---]m adiu/ [ro] te per eum qui te re/ [solvi]t vit(a)e temporibus de/ [um pelagicum] aerium aḷtis/ [simum ---]αι[---]. B: I adjure you, daemon, and I command you, from this day on, from this moment on, [---] [---] [---] I adjure you by the one who freed you by then [from the hardships of life], by the highest (? ) god of sea and air [---]. (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Tremel (2004: 136, No. 40); Gordon (2005: 80-81); Kropp (11.2.1/ 26); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Urbanová (2018: 493, No. 166) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (6.5 × 7.5 cm), rolled/ folded; found near Hadrumetum at a gravesite on the way to Kairouan. The Latin text is written bilaterally, facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 204. The text is quite damaged; Side A has 5 Latin Defixiones 275 <?page no="276"?> 684 This plausible restitution of the text was made by Kropp (11.1.1/ 27). a fragmentary depiction of a daemon standing on a ship that is with high probability identical to the one from the previous tablet (see the commentary on 125). On Side B are two fragmentary adjuration formulae. The first addresses the daemon: Adiuro te ḍẹmon; most probably, as with the other tablet, a corpsedaemon is meant. The second adjuration formula, slightly damaged, introduced with per representing the mediation syntagma, invokes the same divinity of the god of sea and air, probably represented in the depiction (see also 125-131). It is a serial agonistic curse—the depiction of the daemon recurs; the names of the cursed horses and charioteers are not preserved. In the extant text, the same adjuration formulae as in 125 are present. 127 Agonistic Curse Hadrumetum (Africa), s. II-III, ed. Audollent (1904: 404, No.-291) A: [adiuro te per] [eum qui te] 684 re/ [s]olvit ex vi/ te temporib/ us deum / pela[gicum] / / (in the picture of the daemon): [a]itmo/ arpitto/ (in the boat): me. iat [---]dit [---]aini / / aaa (in the right column) adiu[ro] / te de[mon] / quicu[nque es] / et de[man]/ do [tibi] / ex (h)anc d[ie] / ex (h)anc (h)o[ra] / ex (h)oc m[omen]/ to ut cru[ci]/ etur ad[iuro] / u[---] u[---] B: [Adiu]ro te demon cuiqun/ [que es] et demando tibi / [------] / [---] ut crucietur / [------] / [------] / [---]n q[ui] te / [---]vit / [---] deum pelagi/ [cu]m aerium altissimum / Ιαω οι ου ιαααωωωω / [---]ια[---]. A: [I adjure you by the one] who freed you from the hardships of life, [by] the god of sea (voces magicae) [---] I adjure you, daemon, whoever you are, and I command you, from this day on, from this hour on, from this moment on, to inflict torture/ to torment [---]. B: I adjure you, daemon, whoever you are, and I command you [---] to torment [---] [who freed you by] the highest god of sea and air (voces magicae). (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Kagarow (1929: 41); Solin (1998: 291); Tremel (2004: 137, No. 41); Gordon (2005: 69-76, 80-81); Kropp (11.2.1/ 27); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Urbanová (2018: 493, No.-167) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (12.2 × 9.3 cm), rolled/ folded, damaged; found near Hadrumetum at a gravesite on the way to Kairouan. The text is quite damaged; Latin text written bilaterally; on Side A in three columns, on Side B in one column, voces magicae in Latin script and the 276 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="277"?> 685 This plausible new reading was proposed by Kropp (11.2.1/ 28) based on the usual formulaicity of the text. Audollent (1904: 405-406, No. 292) and Tremel (2004: 138, No. 42) read Adḅọc̣ạtạ as the name of a cursed woman. The names of the curse victims in this series of tablets are typically more than one and following the voces magicae Ocuria[---], as in, e.g., Audollent (1904: 406-408, No.-293), our 129. Greek alphabet; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 205. On Side A is a fragmentary depiction of a daemon standing on a ship with high probability identical to the one from a previous tablet (see the commentary on 125). The layout of the tablet is a bit different from the previous ones, but it is evident that the writer used the same formulae as in the previous texts (125-126). In the adjuration formula, the daemon—a corpse-daemon (νεκυδαίμον)—is twice the direct addressee: Adiuro te demon cuiqunque es; the mediation clause, missing in the text due to damage, was probably introduced as in 125 and 126; the invoked deity is the god of sea and air, depicted on Side A. Most probably the curse was aimed against horses and charioteers, as the previous pieces in the series were; the names of the horses supposedly written in the depiction of the boat are fragmentary; the verb crucietur in the singular may indicate that the curse was directed against only one person, but it may also be only a mistake (see 128 and 129); the other tablets in this series use the verb in the form crucies. 128 Agonistic Curse Hadrumetum (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 405-406, No.-292) A: a depiction of a daemon sitting on a stone, holding a whip in its left hand, with voces magicae: Quint.o[---]Ocuria anoχ [oton] b[arnion] formione [efecebul] B: Adiuro te qu[i]cunqu[e] / es et demando tibi ex [hoc die] / ex [h]ac [h]ora ex [h]oc momento / ut crucietur. Adiuro te 685 , / per eum qui te resolvit / vite temporibus deum / pelagicum aerium altis(simum? ) / [adi]u[r]o ut hoṣ h[a]b[i]a[s] quos / [---]d[---]a[---]b[---]ei bite [co]mm[endo] / [------] / [---]η [---] ωωαηια [---]. B: I adjure you [daemon], whoever you are, and I command you, from this day on, from this hour on, from this moment on to inflict torments; [I adjure you] by the one who freed you from the hardships of life [by] the high god of sea and air; I adjure you take those who [---] [I] commend [---] (voces magicae). (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Kagarow (1929: 41); Solin (1998: 291); Tremel (2004: 138, No. 42); Gordon (2005: 69-76, 82); Kropp (11.2.1/ 28); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Urbanová (2018: 493-494, No.-168) 5 Latin Defixiones 277 <?page no="278"?> 686 Audollent (1904: 406-413, Nos. 293, 294, and 298). 687 Gordon (2005: 81). 688 Kropp (11.2.1/ 28). Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (11,-×-8.8 cm), folded/ rolled; found near Hadrumetum at a gravesite on the way to Kairouan. The text is written bilaterally in Latin with voces magicae in Latin script and the Greek alphabet; a bit damaged at the end of Side B; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 207-210. This agonistic curse most probably aimed against racehorses or charioteers; the names of the curse targets were not preserved. It is a curse in a series; the text is almost identical to 129-130. Gordon spoke about this tablet and the following tablets with the same voces magicae Ocuria anoχ  686 as a curse series closely related to the previous texts with Baitmo Arbitto. 687 The adjuration formula is repeated three times (twice with certainty). In the first and third occurrence of the adjuration formula, the direct addressee is the corpse-daemon—adiuro te quicunque es and adiuro ut; the mediation clause, plausibly supplemented by Kropp 688 and introduced by per, invokes, as is usual in this series of curses, the god of sea and air, who is probably depicted on Side A, making it part of the mediation syntagma. 129 Agonistic Curse against the Horses Lynceus and Peciolus Hadrumetum (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 406-407, No.-293) A: Ocuria / anoχ / oton / barnion / formione / efecebul / (voces magicae written in a column) adiuro te demon quicunque es et deman/ do tibi ex (h)anc die ex (h)anc (h)ora ex hoc momento / ut crucietur ad diem illum; / adiuro te per eum qui te [r]esolvit ex vite / temporibus deum pelagicum aerium / altissimum Ιαω οι ου ια / ιαα ιω ιωε οοριυω α ηια / ε / (following text with voces magicae turned upside down) Ocuria / anoχ / oton / barnion / formione / efecebul / Lynceus frangatur / illi P̣eciolus descum B: Adiuro te demon / quicunque es et de/ mando tibi ex hanc / die ex hanc [h]ora ex [h]oc / momento ut crucie/ tur; adiuro te per eum / qui te resolvit ex vite / temporibus deum pela/ gicum aerium altissimu[m] / Ιαω οι ου ιαιαα ιωιωε / ο οριυω αηια / Lynceus. A: (voces magicae in Latin script) I adjure you, daemon, whoever you are, and demand from you that from this day, from this hour, from this moment on, he may be tormented on that day. I adjure you by the one who freed you by then [from the hardships of life], by the highest god of sea and air. (voces magicae in the Greek 278 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="279"?> 689 This passage of the text is obscure: illi peciolus descum. Peciolus probably also refers to a horse, as suggested by Audollent (1904: 407-408, No. 293), although Side B includes only Lynceus. We follow the interpretation of Tremel (2004: 139-140, No.-43). alphabet, followed by voces magicae in Latin script, the same as at the beginning of the curse) Lynceus, may he break down, and with him also Peciolus. 689 B: [The text is almost identical to that on Side A, including the Greek magical words and the name of cursed horse, Lynceus]: I adjure you, daemon, whoever you are, and demand from you that from this day, from this hour, from this moment on, he may be tormented. I adjure you by the one who freed you by then [from the hardships of life], by the highest god of sea and air. (voces magicae in Greek letters). (transl. J. Tremel, modified) Bibliography: Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Kagarow (1929: 41); Solin (1998: 291); Tremel (2004: 139-140, No. 43); Gordon (2005: 69-76, 81); Kropp (11.2.1/ 29); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Urbanová (2018: 494, No.-169) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (14, × 8.3 cm), rolled; found near Hadrumetum at a gravesite on the way to Kairouan. It is an agonistic curse against two horses and a curse in a series (see 128 and 130). The text is written bilaterally in Latin with voces magicae in Latin script and the Greek alphabet; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 210. The adjuration formulae are symmetrically disposed twice on each side of the tablet. The direct addressee, the corpse-daemon (adiuro te demon quicunque es), who should torment the horses, is invoked, and twice the higher power in a mediation clause introduced by per occurs, being again the highest god of sea and air. The formulae and voces magicae are repeated twice, although a greater portion of the curse is written on Side A. Both names of the cursed horses are present only on Side A; on Side B only Lynceus is named. 130 Agonistic Curse against Four Horses Hadrumetum (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1904: 408, No.-294) Ocuria / anoχ / oton / barnion / formione / efecebul (voces magicae written in column)/ Adiuro te dem[on] quiqun/ q[u]e et demando ut ex hoc die / [ex] hac hora ex hoc momento cru/ cietur [---]b[---] infernu / [---]e[---]obis; adiuro te per eum / [qui te res]olvit ex vite tempori/ [bus deu]m pelagicum aerium / altissimum Ιαω οιουιαια / [α ιω ιωε οορ]ιυοαηια / / (following text turned upside down): Ocuria / anoχ / oton / barnion / formione / efecebul (voces magicae) / / Profugu[s] / Peciolus / Frangrio / Ri[---] (names of cursed horses). 5 Latin Defixiones 279 <?page no="280"?> 690 Interpretation Tremel (2004: 149, No.-50). [voces magicae in Latin script] I adjure you, daemon, whoever you [are], and demand from you that from this day, from this hour, from this moment on, may be tormented[---] [---] the underworld [---]. I adjure you by the one [who] freed you by then [from the hardships of life], by the highest god of sea and air. [voces magicae in the Greek alphabet and Latin script] (the names of the cursed horses follow): Profugu[s] / Peciolus / Frangrio / Ri[---]. (transl. Tremel, modified) Bibliography: Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Tremel (2004: 141, No. 44); Gordon (2005: 69-76, 81); Kropp (11.2.1/ 30); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Urbanová (2018: 494-495, No.-170) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (13 × 7 cm), rolled, damaged; found near Hadrumetum at a gravesite on the way to Kairouan. The text is written unilaterally in Latin with voces magicae in Latin script and the Greek alphabet; facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 211. It is an agonistic curse against four horses, with only three names preserved entirely (Profugus, Peciolus, and Frangrio). It is a curse in a series (see the previous tablets 128-129). The texts are identical, including the voces magicae and the overall layout of the curse, differing only in the degree of deterioration, minor scribal omissions, and the names of the cursed horses. The name Peciolus is also documented on the previous tablet (129). The direct addressee is the corpse-daemon: adiuro te demon quicunque (es); the higher power invoked in the mediation clause is the highest god of sea and air as in the previous texts. In this text, as in 128 and 129, the verb crucietur is used in the singular although four horses are cursed. 131 Agonistic Curse against Lynceus and Margarita Hadrumetum (Africa), s. III, ed. Audollent (1906: 137-148, No.-2) A: Baitmo / Arbitto (on daemon’s chest) / / Lynceus / Margarita / premas depremas / {h}oc[c]idas quinto de/ premas / / nervi/ a illis con/ cidas / neque spi/ ritum / [h]abeant. B: Adiuro te demon cui/ cuncue es et demando / tibi ex [h]anc [h]ora ex [h]oc mo/ mento ut crucietun/ tur ecui cuos [h]abes tecum / Donati Conditoris pra/ sini; adiuro te per eum cui / te resosvit (= resolvit) ex vit(a)e tempo/ ribu[s] deum pelagicum / aerium altissimum / ιαω οιου ια ιαα ιω ιωε / οοριυ ωαηια. A: Baitmo Arbitto (voces magicae written on the daemon’s chest) Lynceus, Margarita (the names of the cursed horses), may you afflict, may you press down and kill, for the fifth time oppress. 690 You should destroy their muscles, they are not to have the spirit of life (interpretation Tremel [2004, No. 50] or alternatively not be able to breathe). 280 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="281"?> 691 Kropp (11.2.1/ 40). 692 Photography in Gordon (2005: 69). 693 See Franek/ Urbanová (2019b). B: I adjure you, whoever daemon you are, and I command you from this hour, from this moment on, may the horses, of Donatus conditor of the green team, that you have with you, be tormented. I adjure you by the one who freed you by then [from the hardships of life], by the highest god of sea and air. (voces magicae in the Greek alphabet). (transl. Tremel, modified) Bibliography: AE (1902, No. 56); AE (1911, No. 6); Jeanneret (1916, 1917); Besnier (1920: 14-15, No. 15); Kagarow (1929: 41); Ruíz (1967, No. 26); Versnel (1976: 398); Solin (1998: 291); Tremel (2004: 149, No. 50); Gordon (2005: 69); Kropp (11.2.1/ 40); Kropp (2008a: 160-162); Urbanová (2018: 498, No.-179) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (12.3 × 9 cm), most probably found near Hadrumetum, exact location unknown, probably a grave context. 691 The text is written bilaterally in Latin with voces magicae in Latin script and the Greek alphabet; 692 facsimile: Suppl. Aud. 230. The tablet shows considerable similarities in its depiction of a daemonic figure (a daemon with a torch and bucket standing on a boat[? ] on Side A), the overall arrangement of the text, and the adjuration formula with our 125. It differs in the use of the Latin voces magicae and includes different names for the cursed horses and a distinctive list of the torments to be inflicted on the victims of the curse. The adjuration formula proper on Side B, including the voces magicae written in the Greek alphabet, differs very little from the previous 129-130, and also resembles the voces magicae in the Greek alphabet on tablets 125 and 127. The direct addressee is most probably the corpse-daemon invoked in the usual way: adiuro te demon quicumque es et demando. In the mediation syntagma, as in the previous texts discussed here, the higher power adjured is the highest god of sea and air, depicted on the tablet (as most probably also on 121, 122, 127, 128, 131). 693 132 Love Spell against Vera Hadrumetum (Africa), s. III, ed. Kropp (2004: 69) [------] / [obligo --quam peperit ---]ns mentia[--ut amet me] / [--ex hac die ex] hac hora ex hoc m[omento obliviscatur] / [patris / et matris suorum omn]ium [et amicoru]m omnium et omnium vi[rorum ---] / [---]n[--in]sa‐ nien[s --ins]aniens vigilan[s --ur]atur comburatur ardeat sp[iritus amore et (? )] / [de]siderio meo obli[go] caelum terram aq[uas (? ) ---] et {h}aera immobile set dom[---] / amoris huiius Veram adiuro te per mag[na --n]omina 5 Latin Defixiones 281 <?page no="282"?> 694 The text cited with plausible supplements by Kropp. 695 See Kropp (11.2.1/ 34, 11.2.1/ 35, 11.2.1/ 36), who plausibly reconstructed the texts based on Audollent (1904: 364-365, No.-266) and our 132. 696 Fauth (2014: 50). eiius dei qui sub terra [sedet (? ) ---] / (voces magicae) osornophri oserchochlo erboonthi im[---]hr[---]mne phiblo chnembo sar[barmisarab --de]/ tinentem sempiternum amorem qui [---] ego Optatus commendo deo [--- Veram quam] / peperit Lucifera et nulli ali attendat nis[i] mihi soli neminem alium [in mente habeat nisi me] / Optatum quem peperit Ammia P[---]ia[---]a Saphonia consum‐ matum consu[mmatum consummatum] / coliga in sempiterno tempore. 694 [I bind --whom --bore] [---] [---so that she loves me] [from this day on,] [---] from this hour on, from this [moment on, may she forget about her father and mother and about all her loved ones] all her [friends] and about all [men? ] [---] may she be mad, mad, may she be unable to sleep, may her soul be burnt, burnt down, and be aflame [by love and] [---] desire for me. I bind heaven, earth, waters (? ), air [---] immovable[---] for the love of this Vera. I adjure you by the great names of this god who resides? under the ground (voces magicae) [---] [who] keeps alive? eternal love which [---] I, Optatus, commend to the god [Vera, whom] Lucifera bore, and may she long for none else but me, [may she think only of me,] Optatus, whom Ammia bore, [---] Saphonia. May it be accomplished, accomplished, accomplished, bind [her/ us? in love? ] forever. (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Audollent (1930: 16-28); AE (1931, No. 132); Björck (1938: 114-115); Foucher (1964: 298-300); Ruíz (1967, No. 18); Solin (1968: 30, No. 42); Kropp (11.2.1/ 36); Kropp (2008a: 185); Urbanová (2011, No. 6); Zellmann-Rohrer (2016: 472); Urbanová (2018: 496-497, No.-175); McKie (2022: 241-242) Commentary: A curse tablet in the form of a lead lamella (6 × 15 cm), rolled, found most probably in a grave; the text is damaged; the beginning is missing. The text is written unilaterally in Latin. It is a love spell with the desired effect to coerce Vera, daughter of Lucifera, to love Optatus, son of Ammia. It is a part of a serial production of love spells that use the same restrictive formulae, 695 but only this text contains the adjuration formula. The direct addressee of the verb of adjuration is most probably, as usual, the νεκυδαίμον; the mediation syntagma introduced by per invokes the great names of the god who resides under the ground and who keeps eternal love alive, reinforced probably with the following voces magicae. The word of osornophri (regarding which, see Fauth) 696 might have been meant as nomina by the writer. 282 5 Latin Defixiones <?page no="283"?> 6 Latin Epitaphs U. Ehmig 133 Epitaph from Rome Roma, 7. 8. 451 CE, ed. ICUR I 1468 [--a]diu/ [ro] vos per C(h)ristum / ne mihi ab aliquo vio/ lentiam fiat et ne sepul/ crum meum violetur / dep(ositus? ) die VII Id(us) Augustas / Adelfio v(iro) c(larissimo) cons{s}(ule). [---] I adjure you by Christ that neither anybody should harm me nor desecrate my tomb. Buried on the 7th day before the Idus of August under the consulship of the vir clarissimus Adelfius. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 3873; ICaRoma 119; Lega (2000: 23); Database: EDB31256 Commentary: Text on a marble slab (34 × 37 cm). The funerary inscription can be dated to 451 CE with the naming of the consul and vir clarissimus Valerius Faltonius Adelfius. As is usual in most cases, the inscription contains the verb of adjuration in the first-person singular. The direct addressee is a generic vos, probably meant to be passers-by. The mediation syntagma, introduced by per, invokes the higher power of Christ. The desired effect of the adjuration formula meant for the deceased, whose name has not been preserved, was that his grave would be respected and left intact. 134 Epitaph for a Six-year-old Child from Rome Roma, s. IV, ed. ICUR X 27604 [--q]ui vixit / [an]no(s) sex men/ ses decem et a[d]iu/ ro vos per [---]. [---] who lived six years and ten months, and I adjure you by [---] (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Database: EDB13855 Commentary: Text on a marble slab (15.5 × 20 × 3.5 cm), found near Basilica S. Valentino, dated probably 4th quarter of the 4th century based on archaeological context). The fragmentary epitaph had been set for a young child. The verb of adjuration is used in the first-person singular; the direct addressee is a generic vos, probably meant to be passers-by. Which higher power was invoked in the <?page no="284"?> 697 For inscriptions in which the fate of Judas is threatened as a punishment, see Ehmig/ Zawadzki (2019: 189-190); cf. here 135, 139, 143, and 146. mediation syntagma, introduced by per, has not been preserved. It is also unclear whether the inscription made any statements about its desired effect. 135 Epitaph from Porto Portus (Roma), s. VIII/ IX, ed. ILCV 1630 [---] s(an)c(ta)e d(e)i genetrix [---] / [---] bibit in tua ec(c)le[sia ---] / [--c]oniurat in sp(irit)u v[---] / [---] uti si non parte (h)ab[eat cum Iuda]. [---] the holy Mother of God [---] lives in your church [---] he/ she conjures with the holy spirit [---] otherwise he should share the fate of Judas. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 1630; Nuzzo (2009: 301); Ehmig/ Zawadzki (2019: 189-190) Commentary: Text on a marble slab. This fragmentary epitaph first refers to holy Mary. Then, it apparently mentions the length of the life of the deceased in ‘your’, namely Christ’s, church. The text closes with an unusual form of the adjuration formula in the third-person singular, meaning it is non-performative and without a direct addressee, unless it was mentioned before the verb, invoking the higher power of the holy Spirit, a punishment with a conditional clause is threatened: If nevertheless the grave should be desecrated, the person in question should share the fate of Judas. 697 136 Epitaph for Argentia Roma, S. Caecilia in Trastevere, s. VI, ed. ILCV 3866 Hic requiescit in pa/ ce Argentia qui bix/ it plus minus annos XL lo/ cum bero quem sibi benerabi/ lis abbatissa Gratiosa prepa/ raberat se vibam mihi eum ces/ sit coniuro per patrem et fi/ lium et spiritum s(an)c(tu)m et di/ em tremendam iudicii ut nul/ lus presumat locum istum / ubi requiesco violare quod / si qui po(s)t (h)anc coniura/ tionem presumserit ana/ t(h)ema (h)abeat de Iuda et re/ pra Naman Syri (h)abeat. Here rests in peace Argentia, who lived for about 40 years. The burial place that the venerable abbess Gratiosa had prepared for herself was ceded to me during her lifetime. I conjure by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit and the terrible Day of Judgement that no one shall dare to harm this place where I rest. 284 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="285"?> 698 Essential for Christian curse formulas and their roots is RAC 7, 1969 s. v. Fluch 1262-1271 (Wolfgang Speyer). For an extensive discussion regarding anathema in literary sources, see Zawadzki (2008), Zawadzki (2009), Zawadzki (2010). For a comparative examination of the anathema in biblical texts and inscriptions, see Ehmig/ Zawadzki (2019). If he dared to do so after this conjuration, he shall suffer the anathema of Judas and the leprosy of the Syrian Naman. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Marucchi (1909); ICaRoma 120; Carletti (2008: 231-232, No. 130); Guerrini (2010: 151, n. 12; 152, fig. 3); del Hoyo Calleja (2014: 819) Ehmig/ Zawadzki (2019: 186); Spera (2022: 412; 414, n. 30; 415, fig. 4); Database: EDB 42741 Commentary: Text on a marble slab (85-×-77 cm). This inscription contains coniuro as the verb of adjuration in the first-person singular, combined with a mediation syntagma, introduced by per. A direct addressee is not mentioned, but undoubtedly the text refers to passers-by and potential violators of the grave. The higher power in the mediation syntagma is the holy Trinity (as in 142, 148, and 151 and also the Greek inscriptions in this corpus 15, 23, 85, 100, and 116) and the terrifying Day of Judgment (diem tremendam iudicii; see also 116, 119, 139, and 143 in Greek and 136, 138, 142, 148, and 151 in Latin). The desired effect of the formula is to protect the tomb against potential violators. If anyone should nevertheless desecrate the tomb, a penalty is foreseen that he/ she should suffer the anathema of Judas and the leprosy of Naman the Syrian as punishment. The curse of the leprosy of Naaman the Syrian refers to the story in 2 Kings 5. 698 137 Epitaph for Celerius Iustinianus Calvi Risorta (regio I, Latium et Campania), mid s. V-mid s. VI, ed. CCatt 1953, 396 Hic requiecit in somno pacis Celerius Iustinian/ us qu(i) vixit an(n)os V et per ipsum locum vos coniuro / [ne] quis (s)uper ipsum ponatur quia iste locus a prius ˹sanc˺/ tus est. Here rests in the sleep of peace Calerius Iustinianus, who lived five years, and by this burial place I conjure you that no one be laid upon him, because this place is already sacred. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Database: EDR156533 Commentary: Text on a marble slab (53 × 90 cm), found near Basilica S. Casto Vecchio. A certain Celerius Iustinianus, who died at the age of 5, rests in the sleep of peace. The phrase in somno pacis is documented in 140 examples only in Italy. The adjuration formula is slightly modified in the inscription; instead of 6 Latin Epitaphs 285 <?page no="286"?> the usual adiuro/ coniuro vos per, the mediation syntagma, introduced by per, is inverted at the beginning, followed by the invoked higher power ipsum locum. Inscription 153 shows a similar inversion. The tomb itself, referenced with the typical Italian term locus, is therefore the powerful force. The inscription picks up on this again at the end with the phrase quia iste locus a prius sanctus est. The direct addressee is again a generic vos, probably meant to be passers-by. The desired effect of the inscription is that no one else should be placed over the deceased in the place already sanctified by the existing tomb. 138 Epitaph for a Lector Abellinum (regio I, Latium et Campania), 30. 8. 558 CE, ed. CIL X 1193 [Hic r]equiescit in pace / [---]nus lictor q ui vixit / [an]nos pl(us) m(inus) XIII d(e)p(ositus) III K(a)l(endas) Sep/ [te]mbris XVII p(ost) c(onsulatum) Basili / [per? i]udi˹ci˺um vos coniur(o) ut ni qui sepoltura mea violet. Here rests in peace [---]nus, a lector, who lived around 13 years. He was laid down on the 3rd day before the Kalends of September, in the 17th year after the Consulate of Basilus. By the Last Judgment I conjure you that no one should desecrate my tomb. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 3869; Lambert (2007: 951); Fariello/ Lambert (2009: 68); Solin (2013: 236, No 16); CIL X, 1193; Database: EDR139653 Commentary: Text on a stone fragment, now lost, found in monastery S. Pietro near Caesaranum. In peace rests a young lector, whose name is not fully preserved. He was laid down on 30 August 558 CE. The adjuration formula is constructed as in 137: it probably starts with the mediation syntagma, introduced by per, followed by the invoked higher power of the Last Judgement. The direct addressee is again the generic vos, passers-by or possible violators of the tomb, using the verb coniuro. The desired effect is that no one should violate the burial place. 139 Epitaph for Bonus Capua (regio I, Latium et Campania), s. VII/ VIII, ed. CIL X 4539 Hic pieta(s) hic pudica fidens [---] / b(ir) b(enerabilis) Bonu(s) pr(es)b(yter) qui bussit plus minu(s) anno[s ---] / congregatos quem et ad populo urbis Ro[mae legaverunt (? ) ---] / hic titulu(s) tumuli cot iscripserunt am[ici --denun]/ tiante(s) et coniurante(s) ut qui hunc mun[inmentum aut] / meum nomine miserit abeant tradictio[nem Iudae] / et ubi iusti rem(u)nerati fuer(int) exsea(nt) condemnati o[re d(omini) n(ostri)]. 286 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="287"?> This is [a place] of piety, this is [a place] of pure honesty [---] here rests the vir venerabilis and presbyter Bonus, who lived around [---] years. The congregation that had sent him to Rome, and his friends who had inscribed his tomb, reporting and swearing that whoever desecrates this tomb or blots out my name will meet the fate of Judas, and there, where the righteous are rewarded, they will go as condemned from the mouth of our Lord. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 3851; Database: EDR029952; del Hoyo Calleja (2014: 820) Commentary: This inscription (found in secondary use in an aqueduct) marked the tomb of a vir venerabilis and presbyter, who lived for a certain, not preserved, number of years. His spiritual qualities are evoked at the beginning in a metrical form. Unlike other Christian epitaphs, the adjuration formula here contains the verb coniuro in the present participle coniurantes. There is no speaker in the firstperson singular and no direct addressee mentioned. Rather, the actors are the congregation who had sent Bonus to Rome, where he died, and his friends who built the tomb. They conjure the desired effect that no one violate the tomb or delete the name of the deceased. Otherwise, such a person’s punishment would be the fate of Judas and damnation at the Last Judgment, as in 135, 136, 143, and 144. 140 Sorrentine Epitaph Surrentum (regio I, Latium et Campania), s. VI-mid s. VII, ed. CIL X 761 [---]orum meorum dum sederis [---] in iudicio D(omi)ne D(eu)s / [--non reli]nquit nec condemnavit me dum [--s]ed iudi/ [c---] pius D(ominu)s nam quit profuit miseros ita cum in tanta / [---] suffragare personam eumque precare factore / [--- Michae]lis (? ) archangeli occurram D(omi)no l(a)etus / [---]ce cl(eru)s (? ) et adiuro bos omnes pos(t) me bentu/ [ros ne --h]unc tumulum violari permittas et si / [quis --violaverit in] n(omine) Chr(ist)i ebeniat ei cot est in psalmu CVIII. [---] when you will sit in judgment over me and mine [---] in judgment, Lord and God [---] does not forsake me and has not condemned me [---] but in judgment [---] the pious Lord for what benefits the poor so that [---] put in a good word for a person and let him plead through the leader [---] of the archangel Michael (? ) I will gladly run to meet God [---] the clergy (? ), and I adjure you all who will come after me [---] that you will not allow this tomb to be violated and [if anyone does desecrate it], may it be done to him in the name of Christ as it says in Psalm 108. (transl. U. Ehmig) 6 Latin Epitaphs 287 <?page no="288"?> 699 Regarding the quotation of Bible passages in the epigraphy of the Latin West, see Pietri (1985: 189-205); Felle (2006); and especially concerning the curse in Psalm 108 (109) Dürig (1976: 71-84). Bibliography: ILCV 3861 cf. 2417; Nehlsen (1978: 151-153); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022: 177-178); Database: EDR138369 Commentary: A fragment of an inscription, found in via S. Cesareo, where mainly the beginning is destroyed. The inscription starts with a prayer in view of the Last Judgment. It is followed by an adjuration formula which, as usual, uses the verb adiuro in the first-person singular. The direct addressees are all people who live after the deceased. The desired effect is that the grave remains undamaged. If someone does not comply, he/ she should suffer as punishment what is formulated in Psalm 108 (109). Verses 6-20 of the psalm contain a comprehensive cursing of godless enemies. They themselves are to have the godless as their judge and Satan at their side, be condemned and suffer an early death. They are to lose all their money and possessions and their children will find no mercy from anyone. The curse is extended in the same form to the following generation as the previous generation: any memory of them shall be erased. 699 141 Epitaph for an Eighteen-year-old from Agropoli Agropoli (regio III, Bruttium et Lucania), S. Marco, s. VI, ed. Mello (1982: 89-93, No.-2) [Hic r]equiescit / [---]rus qui vixit / [an(nos) pl(us)] m(inus) XVIII dep(ositus) est / [die no]narum Nov(embrium) ind(ictione) / [--e]t coniuro vos sa/ [cerdot]es (? ) per deum ut / [hanc s]epulturam / [meam] null(us) violet / [re‐ cessi]t (? ) die nonar(um) / [hora? ] nona. Here rests [---]rus, who had lived for about 18 years, buried on the 5th day before the Nonae of November in the indiction [---] and I conjure you priests (? ) by God that no one should violate my tomb. He died on the 5th day before the Nonae in the 9th hour. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: AE (1982, No. 223); AE (1984, No. 264); Database: EDR078536; HD001238 Commentary: Text on a marble slab (78.5 × 35 × 5.5 cm). According to the inscription, in the tomb was a man resting in peace who died in a year denoted by an indiction cycle that is not preserved. If the text is correctly supplemented, the deceased addresses unusually, using the first-person singular of the verb 288 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="289"?> of adjuration coniuro, the priests of the place. With the mediation syntagma, introduced by per, the higher power of God should guarantee that the tomb remains intact. 142 Epitaph for Simplex Potentia (regio III, Bruttium et Lucania), 15. 7. 528 CE, ed. CIL X 178 † Hic req(uiescit) in pac(e) Simplex / nom(ine) Livania q(uae) v(ixit) sub inco(m)/ parabili cr[a]tia Paul(i? ) iust(i? ) / ann(os) XIII quos neq(ue) dies neq(ue) / nox inven(tos? ) ir[a]tos et defunc(ta) / est ann(orum) pl(us) m(inus) XXX s(ub) d(ie) Id(ibus) Iul(iis) / ind(ictione) VI p(ost) c(onsulatum) M[a]borti et coniu/ r[a]t per diem tremendi iudi/ cii ne quis hoc aliquando / audeat violare sepulcrum. † Here rests in peace Simplex, named Livania, who lived under the incomparable benevolence of Paul, the just, for 13 years, which were not marked by anger by day or by night. She died at the age of about 30 on the Ides of July in the sixth year of the indiction, the year after the consulship of Mavortius, and [she] conjures by the terrible Day of Judgment that no one at any time dare violate the tomb. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 3867 Commentary: Text on a marble slab, dimensions not given. According to the inscription, a woman called Simplex, whose real name was Livania, was resting in peace. She died at the age of about thirty on 15 July in the year 527 CE. Unlike the majority of funerary inscriptions that contain the incantation, the inscription is written in the third person. The deceased invokes, as is the case in 136, 148 and 151, the higher power of the terrible Last Judgement with the verb coniurat without a direct addressee, with a mediation syntagma introduced by per. The desired effect of the adjuration formula is that no one will ever disturb her grave. 143 Epitaph for Placidia Ravenna (regio VIII, Aemilia), Cathedral, ed. CIL XI 329, undated [--vitam com]/ pleri (? ) matris Placidiae v(enerabilis) / [f(eminae) cuius t]antum in hoc monumen/ [tum iu]re ponatur corpus nec u/ [nquam] ab a[[a]]lico violetur con/ [iuro p]er inseparabilem trin[itatem] / qui unus et verus e(st) d(eu)s q/ [uod si] quis praesumpserit su/ [pra s(cripta)] tria corpora aperire s/ [uper (? )] hoc iudicio d(e)i incurrat / [et a]beat portionem cum Iuda t/ [radito]re d(e)i n(o)str(i) ++++++++++++++++ 6 Latin Epitaphs 289 <?page no="290"?> [---] completed is the life of the mother and venerabilis femina Placidia, whose body is rightly buried in this tomb, that it may never be desecrated by anyone; I conjure by the inseparable Trinity, which is the one and true God, that if anyone should dare to open the tomb of the three bodies described above, the judgment of God will fall upon him and he will share in the fate of Judas, the betrayer of our Lord [---]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 3853; Perea Yébenes (2006: 265) Commentary: Text on a marble slab, dimensions not stated. The inscription, the beginning and end of which have been lost, testifies to the burial of three deceased people, including a certain Placidia, a venerabilis femina and possibly the mother of one or both of the others buried in the tomb. The adjuration formula uses the verb coniuro; no explicit direct addressee is mentioned, but most probably, as usual, passers-by or potential violators are meant. In the mediation syntagma introduced by per, the higher power of the inseparable Trinity is invoked. The desired effect of the adjuration formula is that no one open and dishonour the tomb of the three people. Otherwise, God’s judgment and the fate of the traitor Judas are threatened as punishment. The fate of Judas is often threatened in such inscriptions (see 135, 136, 139, and 146). 144 Epitaph for Maiorianus Albenga (regio IX, Liguria), 25. 6. 515 CE, ed. ICI IX 41 Deposisio Maio/ riani pos(t) VIII K(a)l(endas) / Iulias co(n)iuro / per {C} Ch(ristu)m ne / apereas l[o]/ cum istu[m] / Florentio v(iro) c(larissimo) c(onsule). Tomb of Maiorianus, who died on the day after the 8th day before the Kalends of July in the consulate of Florentinus. I conjure by Christ that you may not open this place. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: SupIt IV A, 30; AE (1975, No. 406); Database: EDR010032; HD005834 Commentary: Text on a white marble slab (30 × 30 cm), found near Basilica S. Vittore. The inscription marks the burial of a certain Maiorianus who died on 26 July 515 CE. The deceased invokes, using the first-person singular of the verb coniuro, with a mediation syntagma introduced by per, the higher power Christ so that no one may open that place. A direct addressee is not explicitly named. However, by using the second person singular aperias, the inscription addresses a generic you, passers-by and possible violators of the tomb. The following inscription (145), also from Albenga, contains the same adjuration 290 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="291"?> formula but constructed with coniuro instead of adiuro, as here. This pair of inscriptions makes it clear that both invocations were used synonymously in funerary inscriptions. There is no specific preference for one term over the other, neither temporally nor spatially. Linguistically, it is striking that two lines of the inscription, coniuro per Christum ne apereas locum istum, are in rhyme. 145 Epitaph for Two People from Albenga Albenga (regio IX, Liguria), 8. 5. 517 CE and 24. 10. 522 CE, ed. ICI IX 42 [---]+[---] / [deposit]us sub d(ie) VIII Id(us) Mai[as Aga]/ [pito] v(iro) c(larissimo) cons(ule) et Marina quae vi/ [xi]t annos VII deposita sub diae / VIII Kal(endas) Novembre(s) Symmac(h)o et Boe/ t(h)io girmanis v(iris) c(larissimis) consolibus / adiuro te pir Chr(istu)m ne aperias / locum istum. [---] buried on the 8th day before the Idus of May in the consulship of the vir clarissimus Agapitus, and Marina who lived seven years, buried on the 8th day before the Kalends of November in the consulship of both Germanic viri clarissimi Symmachus and Boetius. I adjure you by Christ that you may not to open this place. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: SupIt IV A, 31; AE (1975, No. 407); Database: EDR010033; HD005837 Commentary: Text on a white marble slab (27.5 × 41 × diam. 5 cm), found near Basilica S. Vittore. The text at the beginning is lost. The inscription marks the tomb of a deceased man whose age is not preserved, buried on 8 May 517 CE, and a seven-year-old girl, buried on 24 October 522 CE. After naming the deceased, the inscription continues with the verb of adjuration in the first-person singular: adiuro. Contrary to what is often the case, the addressee is not the generic second person plural, vos, but a direct you, te. Here, the individual passer-by is addressed directly, not the collective. The mediation syntagma, introduced by pir (instead of per), is used to invoke the higher power, Christ. The desired effect of the invocation is that ‘you’ should not open the grave. 146 Epitaph from Tortona Tortona (regio IX, Liguria), s. VI/ beginning s. VII, ed. Mennella (1979: 178, No. 1, Fig. 2) [--adiuro omnem (? ) morta]le(m) ut n[emo mem(oriam)] / istam [le]vetis aut / in ista memoria ali/ um mittatis si cum / [Iud]a traditore n(on) / [hab]eatis portione(m). 6 Latin Epitaphs 291 <?page no="292"?> [---] I adjure every mortal (? ) that no one should remove this grave or bury another body in this tomb, otherwise he would share in the fate of the traitor Judas. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: AE (1982, No. 369); Database: HD001254; Perea Yébenes (2006: 264) Commentary: Text fragment on a sandstone slab with a wickerwork band all around (55 × 50 × 5 cm). Originating possibly from graves near S. Simone near Porta Voghera. Only a small part of the inscription is preserved. If the completion of the inscription is correct, all mortals are invoked as the direct addressee in the adjuration formula with adiuro. The desired effect of the incantation is that no one should remove the grave or bury someone else there. Otherwise, a punishment such as that experienced by Judas (cf. 135, 136, 139, and 143) is threatened. Statements on the mediation syntagma and its introduction are not possible due to the state of preservation. Nevertheless, it is clear that—if the addition of adiuro is correct—a directive introduced with ut depended on the adjuration formula. 147 Epitaph from Concordia Concordia (regio X, Venetia et Histria), s. V, ed. Zovatto (1951) Adiu[ro per deu]m omnipoten/ [tem] per [corpo]ra sanctorum / [qui in hac ba]silica habi/ [tant ne quis]qua[m h]unc sepu/ [lcru]m infanendo alium / [cor]pus violare tem(p)tet. I adjure by the Almighty God and the bodies of the saints who reside in this basilica that no one may try to violate the tomb by burying another body. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Bovini (1973: 81-84); Lettich (1983: 142-144, No. 100); ECCon‐ cordia 9; AE (1954, No.-74); Database: EDR073976; HD017813 Commentary: Text on a limestone sarcophagus, found in basilica cemetery near the cathedral. The text, probably the final part of a longer one, uses the verb adiuro without an explicit direct addressee and invokes several higher powers in the mediation syntagma, introduced by per: the Almighty God and the bodies of the saints, meaning the relics kept in the basilica in question. The desired effect of the adjuration formula is that no one may try to violate the tomb by burying another body. 292 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="293"?> 700 Cf. Ehmig/ Urbanova (2022: 178-179, n. 37); Hausmair (2015: 109-110); Bynum (1995: 86-93). For mediaeval and later discussions, see Bynum (1990: 51-85). 148 Epitaph for Guntelda Comum (regio XI, Transpadana), Basilica S. Giugliano, ed. CIL V 5415, undated B(onae) m(emoriae) / hic requiescet in pace / famula Chr(ist)i Guntelda / Sp(uri) f(ilia) qui vixit in hoc s(a)e/ culo annus p(lu)s m(inu)s L / dep(o)s(ita) s(ub) d(ie) III K(a)l(endas) Septe(mbres) / iter(um) hic requiescunt / Basilius filius ipsius una c(um) / filio suo Guntione qui vixit / in hoc s(a)eculo annus pl(us) m(inus) L / adiuro vus omnes Chr(ist)iani et te / custude beati Iuliani Chr(isto) d(e)o et Chr(istum) tre/ menda die iudicii ut hunc sepulcrum / nunquam ullo tempore violetur / sed co(n)servet(ur) usque ad finem mundi / ut pos(s)im sine impedimento in vita / redire cum venerit qui iudicaturus / est vivos et mortuos [---]. In good memory. Here rests in peace the famula Christi Guntelda, daughter of a Spurius, who lived in this era about 50 years, buried on the third day before the Kalends of September. Furthermore, there also rests in peace her son Basilius, who had also lived about 50 years in this century, together with his son Guntio. I adjure you, all Christians, and you, guardian of the saint Iulianus [by] Christ the God and Ch(rist) [and by] the terrifying day of Judgment, that this tomb should never be violated, but conserved until the end of the world, so that I could return to life without any hindrance, when the one who will judge the living and the dead [---]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 3863 Commentary: Text on a rectangular slab with a depiction of two lambs and a chalice (115 × 84 cm). The epitaph was made for Guntelda, a famula Christi, meaning a woman particularly following Christian customs; her son Basilius; and her grandson Guntio. The adjuration formula uses, as usual, the first-person singular of the verb adiuro; the adjuration is addressed to all Christians and the guardian of the church where the burial took place. For the mediation syntagma, usually introduced by per, the ablative is used and probably in Christo was meant; as higher powers Christ the God and the terrible Day of Judgement (see also 136, 138, 142, and 151) are invoked. These higher powers are to ensure that no one desecrates the grave and that it remains untouched. The desired effect was based on the idea that physical integrity guaranteed resurrection on the final day. 700 6 Latin Epitaphs 293 <?page no="294"?> 149 Epitaph for Aurelius Samohil and Lasia Erina Catina (Sicilia), near S. Teresa, 21. 10. 383 CE, ed. IMCCatania 228 Ego Aurelius Samohil conparabi / memoriam mi et oxsoris mae(a)e Lasi(a)e Eri/ n(a)e qu(a)e fatum conplebit XII Kal(endas) Nove(m)br/ es diae Veneris luna octaba Mero/ baudes iterum et Satornino con/ sulibus quae vixit annos XXIII cum / pace adiuro vos per victorias qui in/ perant item adiuro vos per honor/ es patriarc(h)arum item adiuro vos / per ligem quem Dominus dedit Iu/ d(a)eis ni quis aperiat memoriam et mi/ ttat corpus alienum supra ossa nostra / si quis autem a˹p˺eriverit dit fisco argendi pondo / dece(m). Peace to Israel. Amen, amen, peace, Sahmuel. (written in Hebrew) I, Aurelius Samohil bought the memorial for me and my wife Lasia Erina, who completed her fate on the 12th day before the Kalends of November, the day of Venus, in the eighth moon in the consulship of Merobaudes for the second time and of Saturninus; she had lived for 23 years in peace. I adjure you by the victories who rule, and I adjure you by the honour of the patriarchs and I adjure you by the law which the Lord gave to the Jews that no one should open the memorial and should not put in a body of another one over our bones. But if anyone will have opened it, he should give ten pounds of silver to the fiscus. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Libertini (1929: 185-195); Ferrua (1938); CIJ 650; JIWE I 145; AE (1984, No. 439); Wilson (1990: 310-311, No. 264c); Wasserstein (1991/ 1992); Millar (1992: 97-99); Simonsohn (1997: 1, No. 1); Rutgers (1998: 148-150); Grüll (2000); Kraemer (2020: 155-157); Database: EDR079480; ISic000781; HD002030; PH178069 Commentary: Latin text with a Hebrew formula in Hebrew script at the beginning on a white marble slab with remnants of red pigment and a depiction of two menorahs in the lower corners (29.5 × 47 × 1.7 cm). It represents the tomb of Aurelius Samohil, which he had built after the death of his twenty-three-yearold wife Lasia Erina on 21 October 383 CE. Aurelius Samohil used the adjuration formula in the first-person singular. The direct addressee is, as usual, a generic vos, representing passers-by and potential violators of the tomb. He repeats the adjuration formula adiuro vos per three times. The mediation syntagma, introduced by per, invokes various higher powers with the desired effect of preventing anyone from opening the grave and putting another body in there. Grüll discussed the unusual formulation 294 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="295"?> 701 Grüll (2000: 26-27). 702 Regarding inscriptions, see Millar (1992: 97-99). per victorias qui inperant in detail. 701 In contrast to the idea of understanding victoriae in the sense of potestates, spiritual powers, Grüll took the term very concretely as the victories of emperors or elliptically as the victories of those who rule. As punishment, if someone opened the grave or made a new burial there, he/ she was to pay 10 pounds of silver to the fiscus. A threat of a monetary penalty in the context of grave protection formulated with the adjuration formula can also be found in 152. 702 Comparable evidence is also found in the Greek-speaking east. IG IX 1, 643, an inscription from Kephallenia, threatened a penalty of 2,500 silver denarii in the 3rd century. See also the Greek and Latin inscriptions in this corpus 80, 83, 94, 99, 102, 105, 106, and 152. 150 Epitaph for Auxantius Hispanus Siracusa (Sicilia), Catacombe S. Giovanni, beginning s. V, ed. SIPSicilia 82 Auxentius His/ panus patria ep(iscopus) Rotdon / iacet huc et a(d)iuro vos qui legi/ tes [---] petite q[uo]/ d acce[ptum ---]. Auxentius, the Spaniard, bishop from Rhode lies here and I adjure you who read this [---] to pray that he would be accepted [---]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Ferrua (1940: 46-47) AE (1948, No. 171); Database: EDR073713; ISic001645; HD021798 Commentary: A dipinto on rock face, damaged at the end. The inscription marks the grave of Auxentius, the Spaniard, bishop from Rhode. The text starts in the third person singular, followed by the adjuration formula using the first person of the verb adiuro; the direct addressees are those who read the text. The inscription is then fragmented; the mediation syntagma is missing due to the poor state of preservation, but it is possible that the inscription was addressed to a generic vos, passers-by, as has been observed repeatedly. The desired effect of the incantation was to pray for the deceased so that he would be accepted (into Heaven? ). 151 Epitaph from Porto Torres Turris Libisonis (Sardinia), Basilica San Gavino, s. VI, ed. ILCV 3869a [--coniuro/ adiuro? ---] / per diem trem[enda]m iudicii [---] / anima ven‐ tura[m ut] nullus aude[at in] / sepultura mea [mole]stare ossa m[ea] / requiebit in p[ace s]ub d(ie) VIII / Idus Sebt[embre]s ind(ictione) V[---]. 6 Latin Epitaphs 295 <?page no="296"?> [---] I conjure/ adjure (? ) by the terrifying Day of Judgement [---] when the soul will be judged that no one should dare to molest my bones in my tomb. He rested in peace on the 8th day before the Idus of September in the [---] year of the indiction [---]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Corda (1999: 210-211 TUR018); AE (1999, No. 810); ILSard I 302+303; Database: EDR153531 Commentary: A fragment of a text on a marble slab (21 × 18 × 4 cm). Only the end of the inscription is partially preserved. A deceased person, whose name is not preserved, conjures or adjures, invoking in the mediation syntagma, as in other inscriptions (136, 142, and 148), the higher power of the terrifying Day of Judgement, for no one to disturb his tomb and remove his bones. If the text is restored plausibly, the verb of adjuration coniuro or adiuro would be used as usual. A direct addressee is missing but it is possible to assume also here a generic vos which addresses passers-by. The day of his burial was 6 September in a year of an indiction cycle the number of which is partially lost. 152 Epitaph for Duiona Salona (Dalmatia), 11. 9. 426 or 430 CE, ed. CIL III 13124 Hic requiescit in pace Duion(a) ancilla Ba/ lentes e(t) sponsa Dextri deposita est III / Idus Sept(em)b(res) consulatu d(omino) n(ostro) Theodosio / Aug(usto) XII{I} et Valentiniano A(u)g(usto) bes c(on)s(ulibus) adiu/ ro per deum et per leges C(h)resteanor(um) / ut quicumque extraneus {voluerit} al/ terum corpus ponere voluerit det / eclisie catolice Sal(onitanae) aur(i) / (libras? ) III. Here rests in peace Duiona, the maid of Valens and wife of Dexter, buried on the third day before the Idus of September during the consulate of our Lord Theodosius Augustus for the 12th time and Valentianus Augustus for the second time. I adjure by God and the laws of the Christians that if some stranger would like to put another body in the tomb, he should give to the catholic church of Salona three pounds (? ) of gold. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILS 8252; ILCV 3870; Salona IV 1, 91; AE (1892, No. 32); Database: HD060306 Commentary: Text on a limestone slab (84 × 57 × 6 cm), found in Vranjic, south cemetery (Crikvine), plot 4332, in situ over a grave with bones. The tomb of a certain Duiona, who died in 426 or 430 CE. With the verb adiuro in the firstperson singular, and a mediation syntagma introduced by per, the higher powers of God and the laws of the Christians are invoked to protect the grave from 296 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="297"?> 703 Regarding inscriptions from the Balkan region containing incantation formulas against potential grave robbers, see Radulova/ Sassu (2015). Concerning the context of the use of gold coins in the Roman imperial era, cf. Loriot (2003). reburial. A direct addressee is missing in the fully preserved text. In terms of content, however, it makes sense to add a generic vos, a passer-by and possible desecrator of the tomb, as in most of the other inscriptions. In case of a violation, the perpetrator should donate 3 pounds (? ) of gold to the Catholic Church of Salona as punishment. The threat of a monetary penalty can also be found in another Latin inscription from Catania (149) and in the Greek epitaphs 80, 83, 94, 99, 102, 105 and 106. 703 153 Epitaph for Zosimus Salona (Dalmatia), s. IV-VII, ed. CIL III 14916 [--- Z]osimi [---] / [--em]eriti per Deum [omni]/ [poten]ten [vo]s a(d)iuro [---]. [---] of Zosimus [---] a former soldier (? ), by Almighty God I adjure you [---]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Database: HD060650 Commentary: Text on a limestone slab, found in Vranijc, on the plot of Iohannis Grgić-Luić, dimensions not stated. It is a small limestone fragment with an inscription for a certain Zosimus, perhaps a discharged soldier. The usual word order of the adjuration formula is here inverted, as in 137. It starts with a mediation syntagma, introduced by per, followed by the invoked higher power, Almighty God. The direct addressee vos, passers-by, precedes the verb adiuro. The desired effect of the invocation is not preserved. Based on parallels, however, there is no doubt that the adjuration was intended to protect the tomb of Zosimus from desecration and reburial. 154 Epitaph from Aurelius Secundus and Renata for Their Daughter Salona (Dalmatia), s. IV, ed. CIL III 9567 Aur(elius) Secundus / qui cunparabid ab Au(relio) / Alexsio piscina(m) at dua / corpura deponenda me/ um et co(n)iuge(m) meam Re/ nata(m) et nefas quad‐ rarit / nobis parentib(us) ut pueremu(s) / filiam nostram in (h)a(n)c pisci/ na(m) sane coiiurabit ut su/ pra bir‹g›iniam sua(m) nul[lum] / [aliud corpus ---]. Aurelius Secundus who had bought from Aurelius Alexsius a tomb for two bodies to be buried in, the one of myself and of my wife Renata. But the bad luck had cared for us parents, that we had to put our daughter in this tomb 6 Latin Epitaphs 297 <?page no="298"?> 704 Höfler (2019). 705 Cf. also CIL III 10092 cf. p. 2328, 18 (Nigra Corcyra), and from Salona the inscriptions CIL III 2279; 9588 cf. p. 2140; 13100; 13137; 13964; 14901; and AE 1989, 603. Possibly to be added from Aquileia Inscr. Aqu. III 3187. while being safe. He adjured that over their virgin no other body is buried [---]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: ILCV 838; ILJug III 2375; Salona IV 1, 82; Database: HD034762 Commentary: A mensa, with a round inscription 70 cm in diameter, with its profile set off by rectangular slab, fragmented in height (94 × 55 × 10-11 cm), found in Manastirine, at the Gaspic brothers ’ house, north of the Basilica. The text is damaged at the end. Aurelius Secundus had prepared for his death and that of his wife Renata by purchasing a grave. But unjust fate wanted them to bury their daughter there. The verbs in the inscription are all in the third person, even when meum et co(n)iuge(m) meam is used. The verb of adjuration coiiurabit, meaning coniuravit, is used, whereby the perfect form can be understood, as Höfler had it, as a performative expression. 704 A mediation syntagma with a higher power invoked for support is missing. Instead, coiiurabit is constructed directly with ut to achieve the desired effect, namely that there should be no new burial over the daughter’s body. Piscina is used in late antique Dalmatia, especially in Salona, as a term for a grave. 705 298 6 Latin Epitaphs <?page no="299"?> 706 For a Spanish translation, see the edition PizV 43. 7 Latin Phylacteria and Varia U. Ehmig 155 Visigothic Slate Tablet with a Notarial Inscription Diego Álvaro (Ávila, Spain), August 667 CE, ed. PizV 43 [---] cabero [---] / [--c]oniuro p(er) d(eu)m et [---] / [---] qua tunc (h)abeas potesta[tem ---] / [--quo]d [e]go Gramattius p(er) annu[m (? ) ---] / [---] qui [---] integro u i superius co[---] / [---] auri untias duas factu(m) pla[citum sub die ---] / [Augu]stas anno feliciter octabo dec[imo glo(riosissimi) d(omi)ni] / nostri Reccesvindi regis sign[um ---] / [---] a me factu(m) quem fieri volu[eris (? ) ---] / [---] placitu(m) in (e)ra DCCV tes[tis (? ) ---] / [---] testis [---]erio / [---]. [---] I ensure [---] I conjure by God and [---] whereby you then have the power [---] which I, Gramatio, annually [---] in full [---] the above mentioned [---] two ounces of gold [---] made on the [---] day of August of the happy eighteenth reign of our most glorious lord, King Recesvito. Sign [---] by me made, the one you would like to be made [---] in the era of 575 [---] Witness [---]. Witness [---]erio [The following text is extensively damaged and so cannot be coherently translated]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: HEp 1993, 34; HEp 2000, 16 Commentary: A fragment of text on a grey slate (27 × 10.5 × 1 cm). It is a notarial document preserving obviously a loan from the 575th year of the Spanish era, in other words 667 CE. If the understanding is correct, a certain Gramattius adjured by God an annual repayment of a certain sum in unciae of gold. The actor speaks in the first-person singular using the verb of adjuration coniuro. With the mediation syntagma, introduced by per, he invoked the higher power God. 706 156 Visigothic Slate Tablet from Pelayos with a Sacral Inscription Pelayos, (Salamanca, Spain), (first half ? ) s. VII, ed. PizV 127 A: [---]l[---]o n[---]+[---]r i[---] / [---]t[---]b[---]t d[---]++[---]tu++[---]++++ [---] / [--c]on[i]uro in X(risto? ) gloriam regni tui potentiam [---] / [---] famul(us) tuus in conspectu Dei mei [---] / [---] eclesia s(an)c(t)i illius s(an)c(t)o <?page no="300"?> altario [---] / [---]e p{l}lacabile et s(an)c(t)ifica ma[---] / [---]al su‹sci? ›pere digneris B: [--co]elestem sup(er) vos in benedictione [---] / [--p]lacatur X(ristus? ) audiat suas tribu+ quis[---] / [---]ueria sua conversion[e? ---]d su++ / [---] sup(er)os [---] / [---]una[---] benedictio vos v[---]enis / [---]ere p(er? ) [---] / [---] +[..]r i[---]li s[u]p(er) vos [---]. A: [---] I conjure in Christ, the glory of your kingdom and the power [---] your servant in the sight of my God [---] the church of the holy on the sacred altar [---] indulge and sanctify [---] deign to accept B: [---] celestial over you in blessing [---] it may please, Christ shall hear his tribes, who [---] would see his conferment [---] those of heaven [---] the blessing upon you [---] upon you [---]. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: HEp 2000, 466 Commentary: A fragment of text on both sides of a grey trapezoidal slate, where the upper margin is possibly original; inscribed on both sides (14 × 8.3 × 1 cm), found in the Cuarto de Enmedio de la Dehesa del Cañal site. The context of the inscription, which is illegible in many parts, was undoubtedly sacral. The glory of his kingdom and his power are invoked in the first-person singular with the verb of adjuration coniuro and the higher power of Christ. A famulus Christi and an ecclesia of a certain saint and its altar are named. Regarding the epigraphic use of the phrase famulus Christi or famulus dei, see recently Ehmig (2015). For a Spanish translation see the edition PizV 127. 157 Mozarabic Donor Inscription Celanova (Ourense, Spain), 936 CE, ed. IHC 232 Auctor huius operis tu deus esse crederis dele pe/ cata omnibus te Chr(ist)e hic orantibus instat / pr(a)esens memoria indigno famulo Froila qui obiit / et in d(omi)no te coniurat o bone d(i)cete qui legi(ti)s ut me pec/ cat(o)rem memor habeas sacra ex oratione. To you, God, we believe that you are the author of this work. You, Christ, blot out the sins of all who pray here; the present inscription may preserve the memory of your unworthy servant Froila, who died, and conjures you in the Lord, o good man, say, you who read, that you keep me, the sinner, in remembrance, according to the holy prayer. (transl. U. Ehmig) Bibliography: Fernández García (2001: 79, No.-3) 300 7 Latin Phylacteria and Varia <?page no="301"?> Commentary: Text on a limestone slab (36 × 116 cm), found in Monastery San Salvador, Capilla de San Miguel Arcángel. A donor’s inscription on a chapel of a certain Froila, calling himself famulus Christi, connected with a prayer. The founder, who is also the deceased, formulates his invocation in the third person singular, using the verb of adjuration coniurat. The direct addressee is ‘you’, the reader who passes by and prays at the place. The desired effect of the incantation is that the benefactor, Froila, will always be remembered through pious prayer. For a Spanish translation, see Fernández García (2001: 79); Vázquez Rozas (2008: 295-296). 158 Visigothic Slate Tablet from Carrio near Villayon Carrio near Villayon (Asturia, Spain), end s. IX/ X, ed. PizV 104 ✯ Per a aq(ua) dieri[---] vis[.]m recepi nonia q(ue) / necesaria sum sup[---] avitanciu et lavoran/ ciu famuli d(e)i Ceci++[---] a(d)guro vos o(m)nes patri‐ arca[s] / Micael Grabriel Cecitiel Oriel Ra[f]ael Ananiel Marmoniel qui il(l)as / nubus con{ti}tinetis in manu ves[t]ras esto livera de vila nomine [---]/ cau ubi (h)avit[at] famulus d(e)i Auriolus p[---]su cineterius cum fratribus vel vic[i]/ nibus suis [---] o(m)nis posesiones ei(us) [e]diciantur de vila e de il(l)as (h)avitaciones / p(er) montes vada et revertam ibi neq(ue) gal(l)us canta neq(ue) galina ca/ cena ubi neq(ue) ar[at]or e(st) neq(ue) seminator semina ubivi neq(ue) nul(la) / nomina resuna. Adiuro te Sata(n) p(er) iussu d(o)m(i)nu(m) n(ost)rium f(rat)ru(m) / qui te plic/ uit in Cirbes civitate ubi non noceas neq(ue) arbori(bus) neq(ue) mens[o]/ ribus neq(ue) v[i]{ne}neis neq(ue) frautiferis neq(ue) arboribus neq(ue) / colivem obeciari tiui ibi est mei d(omi)nissimi(i) escetrum / cum arte furin[.]a es++[---]eric[---] nc ad ora disp[---] / a++[.]n++ cella p(er) in nome[ne] d(omi)ni Rus[---] bicini die C(h)ri(s)t[ofori --ora]/ cio s(an)c(t)i C(h)ri(s)tofor[i] sic te [---]re [Christo]for(um) a gardinen ca ora [---] / cum ad su[.] vicina orabi s(an)c(tu)s Xri(s)tofor(us) ad d(omi)nu(m) dices d(omi)ne d(eus) m(eus) / da mici fiducia loq(ue)di d(ixit) d(omi)nu(s) s[e]cumdum c(u)o(d) postulasti ita [erit] / et non te cotristabo d(eus) sive locus sive regio sive civi[tas] / uvi de reliq(ue) [g]ratiam [---]um +san[..]n[..]u tor+ d(omi)ne om(ne)s / avites in regio lavor culture sue ad[f]luenter venit ad locum / [---] fixi genues amputatus est caput ium / et consuma martirium i(n) die d[o]mi(ni)co (h)ora VII et r[e]ver/ tes grando in pluvia in alia parte mon(te) cimeteri / [---] asistasq(ue) in odeiern[o] die i(n) nomine patris [et] / fili e sp(iritu)s i(n) nomine patris et filii sp(iritu)s s(an)c(tu)s amen / amen p(er) semp(er) amen (h)al(le)l(ui)a. ✯✯ / ✯ For water, on this day [---] I received the novenas that are necessary on [---] of the inhabitants and farmers. The servant of God Ceci[---]. I adjure you all 7 Latin Phylacteria and Varia 301 <?page no="302"?> 707 For a Spanish translation, see the edition PizV 104. 708 See especially Velázquez Soriano (2004) and also Velázquez Soriano (1989). the patriarchs Michael, Gabriel, Cecitiel, Uriel, Raphael, Ananiel, Marmoniel, who hold these clouds in your hands. Liberate the village named [---]cau, where the servant of God Auriolus lives [---] the cemetery, with his brothers and neighbours [---] all the possessions of the latter. They are commanded to leave the city and all inhabited places through the mountains and return to where no cock crows and no hen cackles, where no farmer works and no sower sows, and where no name is heard. I adjure you, Satan, at the command of our Lord and brother, who has wrapped you up in the city of Cirbes, where you shall do no harm, neither to the trees, nor to the reapers, nor to the vineyards, nor to what bears fruit, nor to the trees, nor to what is offered to you. Here is the sceptre of my lord with thieving art[---]at the hour [---] in the house by the name of the Lord [---] the neighbours on the day of St. Christopher [---] the prayer of St. Christopher so you [---] St. Christopher from hail from this hour on [---] as he approaches. St. Christopher prayed and said, Lord my God, give me confidence to speak, and the Lord said, what you have asked for will be, and I will not grieve you. God, or the place or the region or the city where there are any of the relics give them the grace [---] Lord, all the inhabitants in the region, the work of their cultivation with abundance; he came to the place, and bent his knees, and his head was cut, and his martyrdom was completed at the day of the Lord at the seventh hour. And you will turn the hail into rain on the other side of the mountain of the cemetery [---] and so remain on this day. In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the holy Spirit, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the holy Spirit. Amen, amen, amen, forever amen, alleluia. (transl. U. Ehmig) 707 Bibliography: Diego Santos (1979: 55-58, No. 5); Gil Fernández (1981: 161-163, No. IV); Barroso Cabrera/ Morín de Pablos (1993: 287-288, No. 3); HEp 1993, 24; HEp 1996, 68; Viejo Fernández (1997); Abascal Palazón/ Gimeno Pascual (2000: 337-339, No.-547); Stylow (2005: 222-223) Commentary: Text on a dark grey slate with two matching halves, folded together and closed by a nail, with writing on the insides (23.2 × 26.3 × 1.3 cm). This inscription (and those on 155 and 156) are part of around 165 slate tablets with incised inscriptions found to date, primarily from the Spanish provinces of Salamanca and Ávila. They date back to the period between the 6th and 9th/ 10th cent. CE, showcasing various contents. Alongside legal-documentary evidence are school exercises, letters, prayers, and phylacteries. 708 The inscription on the 302 7 Latin Phylacteria and Varia <?page no="303"?> slate plate has been manipulated in a very similar way to curses: the text is written on the two sides of the slate, which lie on top of one another and are thus hidden; the two parts were then pierced with a nail and closed. The text twice contains the adjuration formula with adiuro. In terms of content, its desired effect is the protection of land. The direct addressees of the first adjuration formula, containing the verb of adjuration adiuro in the first-person singular, are vos, all patriarchs, namely the archangels Michael, Gabriel, Cecitiel, Uriel, Raphael, Ananiel, and Marmoniel, who held the clouds in their hands. They are invoked to protect the village where the famulus dei Auriolus lives, along with its cemetery and also his brothers and neighbours and all property. Satan is the direct addressee of the second adjuration formula, in the mediation syntagma introduced by per commanded by the lord of the brothers, imprisoned in a city called Cirbes, where he should not harm trees, vineyards, orchards, reapers, or anything. This is followed by an invocation to St. Christopher, in the form of a historiola, to avert hail and turn it into rain. It is conceivable that in this part of the text, a third, not preserved, use of adiuro could have existed. The inscription as we know it contains two invocations formulated with adiuro: one is for a good power to provide protection; the other is to prevent an evil power from causing harm. 7 Latin Phylacteria and Varia 303 <?page no="305"?> 709 Tomlin (1997). 710 See Hassall/ Tomlin (1996: 443, n. 24) and Tomlin (1997: 291-294) with a detailed commentary. 711 See PGM (1973-4, VII 260-271) and Kotansky (1994, No. 51); for a detailed discussion about the four primary sources for this formulary, see Tomlin (1997: 291). 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets D. Urbanová 159 Ancient Latin Uterine Phylactery from Roman Britain West Deeping (Britannia), s. IV, ed. Tomlin (1997: 291-294) with facsimile. Ma[t]r[i]x [t]i[bi] dico: sede in / tuo loco VO[--]/ [--]S dedit tibi. ad/ iuro te per Iaω / et per Sabaω et / per Adωnai ne / latus teneas se/ d sede in tuo lo/ co nec nocea[s] / Cleuomedem / [f]iliam A[---]. Womb, I say to you, stay in your place [---] has given to you. I adjure you by laō, and by Sabaō and by Adōnai, not to hold onto the side; but stay in your place, and not to hurt Cleuomedes (? ) daughter of A[---]. (transl. Tomlin) Bibliography: AE (1996, No. 955); AE (1997, No. 998); Hassall/ Tomlin (1996: 443-444, No. 10, fig. 4); Bevilacqua (2020: 374); Tsatsou (2019: 274, Note 22); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022, No.3) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a rectangle cut from a thin lead sheet (5.4 × 10.3 cm), rolled; damaged esp. on the top and bottom; found in 1994 during excavations at West Deeping on the Roman road from Durobrivae (Water Newton) to Lindum (Lincoln). The Latin text, written unilaterally in Latin letters with Greek omega in divine names, in New Roman Cursive, was dated by Tomlin to the 4th cent. CE based on palaeography of comparable curse tablets from Bath. 709 The invocation of three magical protective deities (Iaω, Sabaω, Adωnai) identifies this lead tablet as a phylactery—a uterine amulet. The divine names derive from attributes of God in the Hebrew scriptures, but they are frequent in Greco-Roman magic as independent deities. 710 The direct addressee of the adjuration stated at the restored beginning of the text is the womb. In the mediation syntagma, three divine names are stated as higher powers who have to compel the womb to stay at its proper place sede in tuo loco; this formula is in fact a translation of a well-attested Greek spell. 711 <?page no="306"?> This type of spell was motivated by the ancient belief that the womb can move as a living creature inside of the body and cause various illnesses. This corpus includes Greek uterine amulets as 6 (‘wandering womb’) and 24; see the detailed commentary on those amulets. 160 Mediaeval Amulet to Protect Merherd Klein-Dreileben (Germany), s. XII-XIII, ed. Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 20-23, No. 2, with facsimile; modified) [In pri]ncipo erat [u]erbum Et uerbum erat / [apud Deu]m et d(e)u(s) erat uerbum hoc erat in prin/ [cipio apud] d(e)u(m) O(m)nia P(er) ip[su]m facta sunt [e]t sine ipso / [factum est nihil quod f]actum [---] [---] ipso uita / [et uita erat lu]x hominu(m) [---] [e]T lux in / [tenebris lucet et] tenebre e[a]m non con/ [prehenderunt] [---] [contra] B(? ) incursio[nem] [---] et diaboli / [---] [s(an)c(tu)s s(an)c(tu)s] s(an)c(tu)s d(omi)n(u)s d(eu)s sabaut / [adiuro te] satanas P(er) patre(m) / [---] Vt non h[a]beas / [---] re nec fat[i]gare / [---] Merhe[r]d nec / [---] Benedica[t] me / [---] [deus] pate(r) custodia[t] me D(omi)n(u)s X(stu)s inlu/ minat me sp(iritu)s s(an)c(tu)s omnibus Diebus / viTae me[a]e Amen Merherd. (The text begins with the first lines of Gospel of John (1-5): In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was with God in the beginning. Through him all things were made; without him nothing was made that has been made. In him was life, and that life was the light of all mankind. The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness did not comprehend it.) [against] the assault [---]and [against the assault] of the Devil. [Holy, holy] holy is the Lord God Zebaoth (Lord God of hosts) [---] [I adjure you] Satan, by the Father, that you should not have [---] [the power neither] [---] nor to tire Merherd and not [---] May God the Father bless me, may the Lord Christ protect me, may the holy Spirit illuminate me every day of my life. Amen. Merherd. (transl. Muhl/ Gutjahr, modified). Bibliography: Blänsdorf (2019: 285); Urbanová et. al. (2021: 351-352); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022: 187) Commentary: A lead sheet (9 × 6.7 cm) with text written unilaterally in Latin, folded four times; found in 2008 (using a metal detector, context unknown) in the abandoned Klein-Dreileben settlement, near the village church, by G. Wagener. The tablet was broken into nine parts during the opening process and is now incomplete, with the central part of the writing field on the left missing. Based on the traces of folding, Muhl/ Gutjahr assumed that the tablet 306 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="307"?> 712 Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 20-21). 713 Cf., e.g., Skemer (2006: 85). was originally folded six times and measured only 1.7 × 1.7 cm, with the text of the amulet hidden inside. 712 It is a Christian amulet with the desired effect to protect Merherd against Satan and probably other evils not preserved in the text who are exorcised so that they could not tire the bearer of this amulet. The adjuration formula adiuro te is plausibly restored due to the usual surviving formulas in this kind of text. The direct addressee is Satan, the desired effect of the amulet is once more clearly stated in the partly disrupted portion of the text mentioning assault and the Devil (incursionem [---] et diaboli). The higher power in the mediation syntagma with per patrem is God the Father, who should protect Merherd. The text of this amulet begins with the first five lines of the Gospel of John, as is often the case, and ends with another prayer to the holy Trinity. Passages from Scripture were commonly included in text amulets right from the beginning; even the oldest Greek and Latin Christian amulets preserved on magical papyri contain quotations from the Psalms and passages from the Gospel of John. 713 In the Latin west, it was believed that the Gospel of John had apotropaic and exorcistic powers. Passages from this Gospel, most frequently John 1-14 and especially 1: 1 and 1-5, were very popular, and people believed that they could provide divine protection against daemons. 161 Mediaeval Amulet to Protect a Child Salhausen near Wolmirstedt (Germany), s. XII, ed. Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 24-29, No.-3, with facsimile) Fr. A, inner side: in principio / erat uer(bu)m / iehsus Xptus / Iehsus iehsus / [---]cracio / [---]ncio / maria / mater. † Fr. A, outer side: aue? Marie† / (written upside down) mb / bels (? ) / cul[---]. Fr. B, outer side: Sa Fan o † / Iehsus†† / lucas mar / cus ma(t)h(a)e / us iohannes / heruuihio / adiuro Vos / ueh. Demone(s) / p(er) Patrem et p(er) Filium / san(c)tum et Spir(itum) / [sanctu]m am[en]. Fr. B, inner side: michael / maria pancracio [and four round patterns]. Fr. A, inner side: ( Joh. 1) In the beginning was the Word; Jesus Christus, Jesus, Jesus [---] [Pan? ]cratius, Maria, mother† (of God). Fr. A, outer side: a(ve? ) Marie† / unintelligible text 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 307 <?page no="308"?> 714 Petersen (2001: 21). 715 See Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 26). Fr. B, outer side: San Fano †, Jesus ††, Luke, Matthew, John (for) heruuihio (Herwin? ), I adjure you (ueh.? ) daemons by the Father and by the holy Son and by the holy Spirit, amen. Fr. B, inner side: Michael, Maria, Pancratius. (transl. Muhl/ Gutjahr). Bibliography: Blänsdorf (2019: 285); Urbanová et al. (2021: 350-351) Commentary: A lead sheet (3.0 × 1.8 cm), folded three times, preserved in two fragments folded together; text written bilaterally on both sides; fragment 2 contains patterns; text partly damaged. After unfolding, both pieces measure ca 5 × 3 cm; found in 2000 in Salhausen near Wolmirstedt, in an abandoned settlement during regular excavations in a child’s grave in the vicinity of the left shoulder of the mortal remains. 714 The editors suppose it was worn on the body in a kind of a cloth pouch attached to the neck. We can assume that this amulet had the desired effect to protect the child and was then buried with it. The word heruuihio in the dative is attested in the text and can be interpreted as the name Herwihin, a variant of Herwin. 715 The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration, present on the outer side of the second fragment are malevolent daemons. The higher power in the mediation clause is the holy Trinity per Patrem et per Filium sanctum et Spiritum sanctum. The daemons were at that time seen as an embodiment of dark power that could harm the amulet’s owner and were thought to cause illnesses. The patterns drawn on the second fragment resemble seals (circles divided into 4 parts), two of them containing letters whose meaning is unclear. 162 Mediaeval Amulet from Halberstadt to Protect Tado Halberstadt (Germany), 1142, ed. Fuhrman (2014: 3-5) † In nomine / / patris (et) [f]ilii (et) sp(iritu)s s(an)c(t)i (et) in nomine d(omi)ni / / n(ost)ri ih(es)u xp(ist)i. Adiuro te / alb(er) qui [v]ocaberis dia / / bolus v(e)l sat[anas] p(er) p(atrem) / (et) filiu(m) [et] sp(iritu)m s(an)c(tu)m / / (et) p(er) om(ne)s ang(e)los (et) arca(n)/ g(e)los p(er) XII aposto/ / los (et) p(er) XII p(ro)phetas / (et) p(er) XXIIII senio(re)s / / (et) p(er) CCLXIIII mil(ia) inno‐ cent(i)[um] non ha/ / beas potestat[em] in / [---i]sta [---]lica / [---]/ / dere aut [---]famulu(m) de[i] / / TADO. N[e] no/ cere p[o]ssis non [in] die neq(ue) in [n]octe / non in [..] sic neq(ue) / / non bibendo [ne]q(ue) manducand[o --- ]/ / in stanti[---] [ne]q(ue) sedendo / / [---]neq(ue[---]loco [---] / / lere [---] nec 308 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="309"?> 716 See Siebrecht (1989: 29), photography Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 34). anima(m) condem(n) / / [---] [C]oniuro te [---]s(an)c(t)e / Marie fac ad illum / / [---]non possis / [---] MCXLII [---do]mini. † † In the name of the Father, and Son, and holy Spirit and the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. I adjure you, Alber, who shall be called Devil or Satan by the Father and Son and holy Spirit and by all Angels and Archangels, by the Twelve Apostles and the Twelve Prophets and the 24 Elders and the 264 thousand innocents, so that you do not have power [---] over God’s servant Tado. So that you cannot harm [him], neither day nor night [---] not while drinking, nor eating, nor standing, nor sitting [The following text is extensively damaged and cannot be coherently translated] [---] nor at the place (? ), [---] nor condemn the soul [---] I conjure you [---] Saint Mary [---] do [---] toward him [---] [may] you be unable, [in the year] 1142 of [our] Lord. † (trans. Fuhrmann, modified) Bibliography: Siebrecht (1989: 29-37); Koch (1989: 38-39); Simek (2011: 30-31); Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 33-37, No. 5); Düwel/ Simek (2015: 263-264); Blažková et al. (2017: 15); Vavřík et. al. (2020: 10); Urbanová et al. (2021: 350-351); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022: 183-184); Simek (2023: 77-78) Commentary: A lead sheet (2.7 × 4.3 cm), with Latin text written unilaterally on the inner side with a depiction of Jesus Christ crucified in the middle, folded six times, preserved in two fragments, which after unfolding measure ca 8.5 × 13.8 × 0.5 cm; dated exactly in the text: 1142; found in 1983 during regular excavations while exploring a cemetery on the southern side of a church (Liebfrauenkirche) in Halberstadt, in grave No. 106, in the breast part of the burial of an eight-year-old child. 716 In the corroded surface of the lead sheet are visible textile imprints of the bag in which the lead was kept. The central element, which extends over the entire available length and width, is a carved crucifixion depicting Christ on a four-nail cross, with a wide base plate and overlong nails; the incantation is engraved around the outline of the cross. The amulet had the desired effect to protect a boy named Tado. The direct addressee of the first verb of adjuration, adiuro te, is the Alber, called also by other names: diabolus vel Satanas. In the mediation syntagma, introduced by multiple instances of per, various Christian powers are invoked: the holy Trinity, all angels and archangels, the twelve Prophets and the Twenty-four Elders, and the 264,000 innocents. The purpose of this amulet was to protect Tado against malevolent powers. The intended protection for the wearer of this amulet is specified in detail with the typical pre-emptive sensibility of magical texts for all possible situations (the malevolent spirits cannot harm Tado neither during the 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 309 <?page no="310"?> day nor at night, not while drinking or eating or standing; for similar pre-emptive formulae, see also the Latin amulet 164 and the Greek amulet for Syntyche 30). The exact meaning of the second formula present at the end of the text, introduced by coniuro te preceded by a lacuna and followed by sancta Marie fac ad illum, is ambiguous and cannot be determined with certainty due to damage to the text. It seems most likely that it is a mediation syntagma invoking the power of holy Mary, without the use of per. Angels and archangels are also attested in Greek curse tablets (41, 44, 62) and Latin epitaphs (140) and amulets (162, 165, 171). 163 Mediaeval Amulet from Seelchen for Hazzga Seelchen bei Ummendorf (Germany), 1070, ed. Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 41-46, No. 7, with facsimile, modified) † In principio [e]r[at uerb]u(m) et [uerb]um e[ra]t apu[d Deum et] d[eus] / eraT uerbu(m) [Hoc] eraT in pr[incipio] apud d(eu)m Om(ni)a p(er) / ipsu(m) Facta s(un)t et [sine] ipso fac(t)u(m) [est nihil] qx(uod) factu(m) est in ip/ so uita erat et ui[ta] eraT lux hominu[m et] l[ux in t]e[nebri]s lu/ cet. In no(m)i(n)e [---] filii † sacs (= sancti) adiur[o uo]s demones et / uos et Fili[o]s diab[olis] [---] [---] / p(er) e[---]am[---] qa[---] u(m) [---] [---] [---]u [ad]iuro [---] [---] [---] p(er) [---]m[---] / (g)ehangte s p(er) nx[---] [---] p(er) pt[---]s [---] / tas m(arty)res et co(n)fie[---] gb u[---] [---] [---] ut n(on) [---] [---] [f]a/ mule d(e)i hazzg[a] [---] penb[---]n [---] C [---]o[---] b(ea)ti p(er) p(o)t(est)a(s) et uibus / muli[e]r c[---] [---]pT [---] [---] [---][---] [---] ne dix[---] D [---] [---] [---] n [---] / [---] / [---] signu(m) mit/ h[---] [---] eT p(er) iohn O c[---] [---] [---] [---] / [---] uulneris p(er) [---][---] timcio SaniTatis [---] [---] [---] p(er) [cr]ucis Hoc uo[---]m / f[u]giaT p(ro)cul om(ne){s}[---] malignum d[---] [---]nde me d(o)m(ine) hg / [---] [---] [---] [---] [---]o[---] S(an)c(t)e crucis [---] [---] eua facta un mlxx. [The text begins with the first lines of Gospel of John (1-5 incomplete): ] † In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was [with God, and] the Word was God. [He was] with God in the beginning. Through him all things were made; [without] him [nothing] was made that has been made. In him was life, and that life was the light of all mankind. [The light] shines [in the darkness]. In the name of the [---] Son, [---] and the holy Spirit, I adjure you daemons and you sons of the Devil [---] by [---] I adjure you [---] by [---] by [---] by [The following text is extensively damaged and cannot be coherently translated] [---] martyrs [---] so that not [---] the servant of God Hazzga [---] the blessed by the power and [---] woman [---]sign [---] and by [---] the wound [---] of healing [---] by the Cross [---] this [---] flee far all evil, [---] me Lord [---] of the holy Cross [---] made 1070. (transl. D. Urbanová) 310 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="311"?> 717 Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 41). 718 See Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 44). Bibliography: Blänsdorf (2019: 284); Urbanová et al. (2021: 351-359); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022: 39); Simek (2023: 78) Commentary: A lead sheet (6.5 × 4.0 × 0.4 cm, after unfolding), found in 2011 (using a metal detector) in a settlement abandoned from the 15th cent. CE, Seelchen near Ummendorf, in the area of the ploughed-up remains of the mediaeval cemetery, near the church, by G. Wagener in folded form. The Latin text is written unilaterally on sixteen ruled lines on the inner side with a depiction of a large cross in the centre; two perforations are on the outer side, and one Greek letter α. Much of the lightly engraved text is now illegible. The text starts with the first lines of Gospel of John (as do 160 and 161); in the central part of the amulet under the verses of the Gospel, the big cross is engraved. The two perforations made intentionally in the artefact on the right and left sides of the middle field suggest that a string was once inserted through both holes and then the tablet was folded and worn directly on the body. 717 The direct addressees of the first verb of adjuration, adiuro vos demones et vos filios diaboli, are malevolent spirits, sons of the Devil. The second adjuration formula preceding the damaged part of the tablet is incomplete; we can assume that adiuro was here meant as a mediation syntagma with per, attested multiple times, one of the instances invoked seems to be martyrs, followed by ut non, which probably stated how daemons must not harm the wearer of the amulet, very likely a woman named Hazzga, a variant of Haziga. 718 The apotropaic purpose of this artefact is stated once more at the end: fugiat procul omne [---] malignum. Some of the few clearly legible words (vulneris, sanitatem in the lower, damaged part of the amulet) suggest that its desired effect may also have been to heal wounds. 164 Mediaeval Amulet from Schleswig Schleswig (Schleswig-Holstein, Germany), sec. XI, ed. Gastgeber/ Harrauer (2001: 207-226 with photographs) A outer side: SATOR | AREPO | TENET | OP(ER)A ROTAS B outer side: SATOR | AR[EP]O | TENET | OP(ER)A ROTAS Inner side: † Initiu(m) s(an)c(t)i eu(an)g(e)lii s(e)c(un)d(u)m Ioh(anne)m. In principio erat v(er)bu(m) et hoc / v(er)b[(u)m] initio caret e[t] sine fine manet. I(n) no(m)i(n)e d(omi)ni n(ost)ri Ie(s)u Chr(ist)i / c(on)iuro vos demones sive albes et om(ne)s pestes om(n)iu(m) infirmitatu(m) ac / om(ne)s int(er)iectiones in unicum d(eu)m patre(m) om(n)ip(otente)m ac Ie(su)m / Chr(istu)m filiu(m) 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 311 <?page no="312"?> 719 It is likely that the amulet’s author copied the text from a magical handbook or a set of instructions and forgot to include the proper name of the wearer/ beneficiary, from which ‘N’ for nomen. These omissions are frequently attested in ancient Mediterranean magic; cf. Urbanová/ Franek (2017). The ‘standard procedure’ was to include the name of the beneficiary; see, e.g., the previous amulets 162 and 165. 720 For the special folding procedure, see the scheme in Gastgeber/ Harrauer (2001: 209). 721 Gastgeber/ Harrauer (2001: 214). 722 For a detailed discussion, see Gastgeber/ Harrauer (2001: 211-213). eius / ac sp(iritu)m s(an)c(tu)m, ut n(on) noceatis famulo d(e)i neq(ue) in die nec i(n) nocte / nec i(n) ullis horis. Ecce cruce(m) † d(omi)ni fugite, partes adv(er)s(ae). Vic(it) leo / [de t]ribu Iuda, radix D[avi]d am(en). Cru[x] † bene‐ dicat me N(omen) am(en). / Crux † Chr(ist)i p(ro)tegat. Crux Chr(ist)i erua[t] me N(omen) a diabolo ac om(n)ib(us) mal[i]s am(en). † The beginning of the holy Gospel according to John. In the beginning was the Word and this Word has no beginning and remains without end. In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, I conjure you, daemons and elves, and all the infections of all illnesses, and all obstructions, by the one God, the almighty Father and his Son Jesus Christ and the holy Spirit, that you may not harm this [male] servant of God by day or by night, nor at any hours. See the Cross † of Christ! Flee, you, hostile forces! The lion of Judah’s tribe has triumphed, the root of David. Amen. / May the Cross † bless me, N 719 ., Amen. / May Christ’s † Cross protect, may Christ’s Cross deliver me, N., from the Devil and from all evils, Amen. (transl. Simek (2011: 27). Bibliography: Düwel (2001: 227-297); Simek (2011: 26-30); Muhl/ Gutjahr (2013: 78); Düwel/ Simek (2015: 251-252); Simek (2023: 69-79); Urbanová et. al. (2021: 352); Urbanová/ Franek (2017: 616-627); Franek/ Urbanová (2021: 139-174) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a lead sheet with an inscription on both sides, found in 1976 during regular excavations in the old town of Schleswig. Its dimensions in a folded state are 4.8 × 3.7 cm, unfolded 14.4 × 5.9 cm. 720 The text has been dated based on palaeography to the 11th cent. at the earliest by Gastgeber/ Harrauer. 721 The field on both outer sides of the folded amulet is divided by two diagonal lines and four crosses are engraved in the resulting triangular surfaces and there is also a Sator Square running around the perimeter, not, as usual, inscribed in a square. 722 On the inner side of the amulet in eight ruled lines, the proper text of the amulet is engraved in minuscule script containing many abbreviations. The text begins rather strangely: Initium sancti euangelii secundum Iohannem. Gastgeber/ Harrauer assumed that it is the beginning of the instructions 312 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="313"?> 723 Gastgeber/ Harrauer (2001: 219). 724 See Simek (2011: 34). 725 Skemer (2006: 132). 726 See Franek/ Urbanová (2021: 155-157). for the manufacturing of an amulet, mistakenly copied from a manual. 723 Then follows the first part of the first verse of the gospel (In principio erat verbum), and then the writer continues with a free version (hoc verbum initio caret [---]). The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration, coniuro vos are malevolent daemons and elves and all illnesses and obstructions. In the mediation clause introduced by in, the usual Christian powers are invoked: the omnipotent God the Father, Jesus, and the holy Spirit. The desired effect of the amulet is to protect the wearer specified only as a famulus dei. This formula is even considerably intensified by the benediction formula ecce crucem domini[---] and the passage of Rev. 5: 5 vicit leo de tribu Iuda[---] in a performative exorcistic context, which is also attested on a lead amulet found in Blæsinge, Denmark (167). The use of the verse from Rev. 5: 5 fugite partes adversae, vicit leo de tribu Juda, radix David (‘Flee you, hostile forces! The lion of Judah’s tribe has conquered, the root of David’) in other apotropaic contexts and media, such as lead crosses placed on the chest of the deceased in graves 724 and instructions to recite it while preparing a sigillum leonis, an amulet that ‘offered general protection against kidney and stomach ailments, abscesses, severe fevers, and other afflictions’, 725 further documents the popularity of the formula based on Rev. 5: 5 in mediaeval times. 726 The text ends with a tricolon invoking the holy Cross, which is supposed to bless, protect, and deliver the wearer of the amulet from the Devil. The same formula is also attested on an amulet from Blæsinge (167). 165 Mediaeval Amulet from Dřevíč Hillfort to Protect Roszmycil Hillfort at the Na Dřevíči site (Rakovník district, Czech Republic), s. XII, ed. Vavřík et al. 2020, with photographs; Pax et patrocinium sacr[o]sancte crucis super famulum / [t]uum Roszmycil dei contra fraude[m] callidi diaboli † [---] Vas † Rubi / es † Riskme [--] Valentine † R[isk]as † Riskas † Tr[isk]as † Rubeam / Mariam † [---]r[.]am † Lina[--] † Adiuro albis qu[i] uocaris diabolus / uel satanas per patrem et fil[iu]m et spiritum sanct[u]m Et per / posse me uos angelorum / [-]erpert[ua]m signatum / in dies [---] diaboleum prophe[---] et De[---] / [---]on ce[---]on[---] ina [---]cet ullo / [---]set eius [---] non [---]sinium / noceatis fe[---]bent [---]/ cruem cio[---]e[---] aliter / in est [---]s[---] in se / [---] AMen. 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 313 <?page no="314"?> 727 See the folding scheme in Vavřík et al. (2020: 4). Peace and protection from the Most Venerable Cross upon your servant Roz‐ mysl, (servant) of God against the maliciousness of the scheming Devil † [---] vessel † reddening † [---] † (Saint) Valentine † dry out † [---], † inflammation! Mary † (? ) [---] † I adjure you, elf, who you are called the Devil or Satan, through the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit and through [---] of the angels [---] eternally (? ) marked in the days [---] devilish [---] prophets [---] not any [---] but his [---] you shall not harm [---] the blood (? ) [---] otherwise [---] is not [---] in it [---] Amen. (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Blažková et al. (2017); Urbanová et. al. (2021) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a lead sheet found in 2014 (through regular archaeological monitoring, using a metal detector) near the abandoned settlement and hillfort Dřevíč in central Bohemia in a folded state, measuring 3.4 × 4.2 cm; inscribed on the inner side only; the unfolded sheet measures approximately 12 × 8 cm. After its inscription, the amulet was folded three times, 727 and so the text is divided into eight fields. After the discovery, letters written in Latin minuscule were visible on the two outer layers, which had become uncovered due to corrosion, revealing small portions of text. Since the unfolding of a corrosion-damaged artefact would most probably result in its destruction, it was visualized and the text hidden inside read via several Xray tomographic scans and advanced data processing, while still keeping the object in its original folded state. This made it possible to read almost two thirds of the text that was hidden inside it, including the name of the wearer of the amulet, Roszmycil. The dating of the text to the early 12th cent. is based on palaeography and a comparison with similar artefacts documented from Germany (see 160-162). The amulet contains a drawing of a cross in the central upper part in a rectangular field with the following syllables written in its four corners: iot / heh / ioh / heh. The direct addressee of the verb of adjuration adiuro is a malevolent albis ‘elf’, referred to also in other amulets (see 162, 164, 166, 168-171), further qualified as qui uocaris diabolus uel Satanas. In the mediation syntagma, introduced by per, the power of the holy Trinity is invoked: per patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum et per[---] The text after the second per is partially illegible due to its location deep in the folded lead sheet, but it seems that the angels were also meant to protect the wearer. Unlike the previous amulets, this piece does not use portions of the Gospel as a magical protecting device, but the actual text of the amulet clearly reveals its 314 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="315"?> 728 For a similar formula, see Heim (1892: 551). 729 The acronym AGLA, held as an efficient multi-purpose protective formula against bleeding, fever, daemons, and many other situations, is most likely an acronym for the initials of four Hebrew words, atah gibor leolam Adonai, which form a phrase meaning ‘You are mighty in eternity, Lord’. 730 See Lecouteux (2015: 32, 262) and the detailed discussion in Vavřík et al. (2020: 10-11). intention at the very beginning, qualifying itself as: pax et patrocinium sacrosancte crucis super famulum tuum Roszmycil dei contra fraudem callidi diaboli. Before the adjuration formula is a section of individual words interspersed with crosses probably derived from one or more pre-existing lists of divine names and powerful words. St Valentine and probably Mother Mary are invoked to help the wearer. Vas, meaning ‘vessel’, may refer to a particular organ or the human body. Rubies, as well as Rubeam  728 in the sense of ‘reddening’, may refer to an inflammation, which is implored to vanish through the unusual expression Riskas, employed twice and set together with the similar sounding but completely unintelligible Triskas to build a magical tricolon spell (like the more common variants of words such as agla  729 and pax).  730 166 Mediaeval Amulet from Romdrup for Nicholas Romdrup, ( Jütland, Denmark), ca. 1200, ed. Düwel (2001: 227-302) A outer side: 10 lines; on ll. 2, 3, 5, 7, 8, 10 are three equilateral crosses; l. 1: † adonay †; l. 9: † agla †, both words written upside down and framed with crosses; l. 4: Α and ω; in l. 6: emmanuel. B inner side: † In Nomine patris † et filii † et spiritus sancti amen † adiuro eluos uel / eluas aut demones per patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum ut non noceatis huic famu/ lo dei Nicholao in oculis nec in capite neque in ulla compagine membrorum set in/ habitat in eis uirtus christi altissimi amen † christus vincit † christus regnat † christus imperat / † christus hos oculos cum capite et ceteris membris benedicat † in nomine patris † / et filii † et spiritus sancti amen. † † † †a†g†l†a† B inner side: † In the name of the Father † and the Son † and the holy Spirit, Amen. † I adjure you, elves [masc.] or elves [fem.] and daemons by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, that you may not harm this [male] servant of God Nicholas in the eyes nor in the head nor in any joint of his limbs, but rather that the power of Christ may inhabit him. Amen. † Christ conquers † Christ rules † Christ reigns † Christ bless these eyes together with the head and other members † In the name of the Father † and the Son † and the holy Spirit, Amen. ††††a†g†l†a† (transl. Simek 2023: 76, modified) 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 315 <?page no="316"?> 731 Facsimile in Düwel/ Simek (2015: 266). 732 Simek (2011: 28). 733 See Düwel/ Simek (2015: 266). 734 See Düwel/ Simek (2015: 269). 735 See Franz (1909: 98-103) and 167, 169, 171. 736 The transcription of the runic script in Latin script is by Stoklund (1987: 207); the crux signs in the diagonal form (resembling the letter X) are written at the beginning and end of the text. Bibliography: Christiansen (1981); Düwel/ Simek (2015: 265-68); Simek (2011: 28-30); Imer (2021: 28-30); Simek (2023: 69-79) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a lead strip (8.1 × 2.1 × 0.5 cm) found in 1952 in Jütland, Romdrup, in a church consecrated around 1200, in an altar grave, written in Latin on both sides. 731 The strip of lead was hidden in a reliquary capsule and enclosed in three small packages together with relics, which were wrapped in a silk cloth. The entire parcel including the lead strip had not been buried with the owner but was reused to hold the relics together. 732 The outer side of the lead strip (when it was wrapped around the relics) contained ten short lines of writing, with the script in Latin minuscule, six of which were made up of only three crosses each. The other words engraved on the outside can be considered apotropaic magic words, with a sealing function. 733 The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration adiuro are malevolent male and female elves, identified explicitly with daemons. In the mediation syntagma, introduced with per, the holy Trinity is mentioned. The desired effect is to protect the servant of God Nicholas, especially his eyes, head, and limbs, against an attack from malevolent forces. The piece also contains the formula Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat, known, for example, from the Carolingian coronation ritual, 734 which appears also in the magical context of weather blessings. 735 167 Mediaeval Amulet from Blæsinge against Septem Sorores Blæsinge (Seeland, Denmark), s. XII-XVI, ed. Düwel (2001: 227-302) Transcription in Latin script: 736 † Coniuro vos, septem sorores [---] / Elffrica (? ), Affricea, Soria, Affoca, Affricala. Coniuro vos et contestor per Patrem / et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum, ut non noceatis [i]stam famulum Dei, neque / in oculis, neque in membris, neque in medullis, nec in ullo com/ p[ag]ine membrorum eius, ut inhabitat in te virtus Christi altissi/ mi. Ecce crucem Domini, fugite partes adverse, vicit leo de tribu Ju/ da, radix David. In nomine Patris et Filii et Spritus Sancti, amen. † †/ Christus 316 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="317"?> 737 For a detailed discussion of the content with parallels in the manuscripts, see Düwel/ Simek (2015: 268-270 and note 60) and MacLeod/ Mees (2006: 133-134). vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat, Christus liberat † / Christus te (or et? ) benedicat, ab omni malo defendat. Agla. Pater noster. † † I conjure you seven sisters [---] Elffrica, Affricea, Soria, Affoca, Affricala. I conjure and appeal to (you) through the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, that you may not harm this servant of God, neither in the eyes, nor in the limbs, nor in the marrow nor in any joints of the limbs, (but) that the power of the highest Christ may inhabit you. See the Cross of the Lord, flee you, hostile forces! The lion of Judah’s tribe has conquered, the root of David. In the name of the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, Amen. †† Christ conquers, Christ rules, Christ reigns, Christ liberates †. May Christ bless you and protect you from all evil. Agla. Our Father. † (transl. Simek 2011, modified). Bibliography: Stoklund (1987: 189-211); Ertl (1994: 366-367); MacLeod/ Mees (2006: 133-134); Düwel/ Simek (2015: 265-68); Simek (2011: 33-34); Simek (2019: 375-395); Imer (2021: 25-26); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2022: 186-187); Simek (2023: 72-73) Commentary: An amulet from Blæsinge in the form of a lead sheet, folded three times; unfolded it measures 12 × 4 × 0.1 cm; found in 1983 on a former settlement site; dating based on the archaeological context: potsherds (12th cent.) and coins (2nd half of the 12th cent.-mid 15th cent.) in the vicinity. The text is written on nine ruled lines in runic script but Latin language. The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration coniuro, repeated twice, are ‘seven sisters’ as the malevolent seven spirits of disease who are to be banished. In the mediation syntagma, which is introduced by per, we find the coniuro intensified by contestor. The higher powers that are invoked to help the wearer, who is not mentioned by name but only as a famulus dei, probably erroneously referred to as [i]stam famulum, are the holy Trinity. The desired effect is to protect the servant of God against attack from the seven malevolent spirits of illness, especially his eyes, limbs, and marrow and the joints of his limbs. For a very similar wording and use of intensifying formulae—ecce crucem domini[---] Rev. 5: 5—see 164. 737 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 317 <?page no="318"?> 738 The authors did not provide an epigraphical edition of the Latin text, only a facsimile and an English translation. 739 The author provided only a normalized Latin text and an English translation. 740 See MacLeod/ Mees (2006: 116-162). 168 Mediaeval Amulet from Svendborg for Margareta Møllergade, Svendborg (Denmark), s. XIV, ed. Imer/ Olesen (2018: 123-155) modified 738 † In no(m)i(n)e patris. A(m)en. †† [---] no(m)i(n)e (? ) [---] am(e)n. † G(o)rda(n), A et ω † Gordin, / A et ω † Ingordan, A et ω † Adiuro vos elvos et elvas et om(ne)s demo(n)es / p(er) patr(e)m et filiu(m) et sp(iritu)m s(an)c(tu)m et p(er) om(ne)s s(an)ctos dei ut no(n) noceatis famula(e) d(e)i / Margareta(e) nec in oc(u)lis nec in aliis membris. Amen. †a†g†l†a† † In the name of the Father. Amen. †† [---] Amen. † Gordan, A and ω † Gordin, A and ω † Ingordan, A and ω. I adjure you, elves [masc.] and elves [fem.], and all daemons, by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit, and all the saints of God, that you do not harm this servant of God, Margaret, neither in the eyes nor in her limbs. Amen. †a†g†l†a† (transl. Imer 2021, modified) 739 Bibliography: Immer (2021: 19-38); Immer/ Knudsen (2019: 64-67); Ehmig/ Ur‐ banová (2020: 185-186); Simek (2023: 77) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a lead strip found in 2015 during excavations in Møllergade in connection with sewerage work, in central parts of the town, lying in the middle of a mediaeval street. The amulet measures 2 × 2 cm folded, and 13 × 2.6 cm unfolded. The Latin text was written in four ruled lines. The text begins with a cross sign, other crosses are set after α and ω introducing each word of the magical formula Gordin, Gordan, Ingordan. The text ends with the acronym AGLA. The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration adiuro are male and female elves and all daemons. The mediation clause introduced by per invokes the holy Trinity and all saints to protect the female servant of God Margareta, especially her eyes and limbs, as in 166-168. The attribution of the sequence Gordan, Gordin, Ingordan has long been the subject of scientific debate; the sequence of these three names features on, in addition to Latin amulets, also many wood and metal amulets found in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, 740 and we also find it in mediaeval manuscripts, the best known of which is certainly the Carmina Burana 54, where the magical words Gordan, Ingordin, Ingordan seem to be in the category of omne genus demoniorum [---] omnis creatura phantasmatum and are banished per sigillum Salomonis et per magos Pharaonis and by other biblical 318 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="319"?> 741 See the discussion in Simek (2011: 25-52), Düwel/ Simek (2015: 273-280), and Imer (2021: 19-21). 742 See the detailed discussion in Düwel/ Simek (2015: 274-275). 743 Approximate dating based on palaeography by Dalibor Havel. 744 The editors did not provide a standard edition of the Latin text. powers. 741 Lisbeth Imer saw the tradition of Danish lead amulets in connection with the Codex Upsaliensis C 222, in which we can find instructions for an amulet against elves - contra elphos hoc in plumbo scribe. The text in the codex begins with the Gospel of John - In principio erat verbum and continues with the relevant sequence: 742 Adiuro vos elphos elphorum gordin. ingordin. cord'i et ingordin. gord'i per patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum. per sanctam mariam matrem domini nostri iesu christi [---] ut non noceatis huic famulo/ e N dei. Coniuro vos elphos gord'i et ingordin. per nomen domini terribile. 169 Mediaeval Amulet from Vester Broby Vester Broby, Sjaelland (Denmark), s. XIII 743 , ed. Imer (2021: 25); facsimile Imer/ Olesen (2018: 127) 744 A: I(n) nomine patris et fili(i) et spiritus sancti. / Amen. Adiuro vos elvas sive elvas et / que [---]. [---]ut non nooceatis haec famula(e), / h(a)ec sancta portanta [---]i(n) oculis nec in genib(us) / [nec in ullo] co(m)pagine mem(b)roru(m) sua[rum]. Se(n)te(n)tia(m) / fugiatis velut luce(m) tenebr(a)e. Gordin, / Gordan, Ingordan. Crist[us] vincit. / B: Cristus regnat, Cristus [imper]at. Cristus me ben/ edicat [---]. (modified) A: In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the holy Spirit. Amen. I adjure you, elves [fem.], and elves [fem.], and [one and a half lines of undecipherable text] that you do not harm this [female] servant, this wearer [of the] holy [amulet] [---]in the eyes, nor in the knees, [nor in any] joint of her limbs. Flee away this sentence just as darkness flees the light, Gordin, Gordan, Ingordan. B: Christ conquers, Christ reigns. Christ blesses me [---]. (transl. Imer 2021: 25, modified) Bibliography: Immer (2021: 19-38); Ehmig/ Urbanová (2020: 185-186); Imer/ Olesen (2018: 127); Ehmig (2015: 303-314) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a lead sheet found in Vester Broby south of Sorø on Sjaelland (using a metal detector), folded twice. Unfolded it measures 7 × 3.5 cm. Latin text in Latin minuscule written in scriptio continua on both sides; the text is partly illegible, especially on Side B. The amulet was intended 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 319 <?page no="320"?> 745 See (Ehmig 2015). 746 Approximate dating based on palaeography by Dalibor Havel. 747 Based on the facsimile in Imer/ Olesen (2018: 130). We have to admit that the reading proposed by the authors of the word portanti (ut non noceatis portanti. In nomine domini), although well suited to the context, is very uncertain. We propose a new reading as stated above. to protect a female servant of God famula, whose name is missing in the text (or remains undecipherable), against elves, erroneously referred to twice in the text in the feminine gender. There is an interesting self-reference to the material object itself, which is stated as haec sancta. The famula dei is a wearer portanta of this holy amulet. 745 The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration adiuro are twice female elves; a mediation clause introduced by per is missing, but the text starts with an invocation of the holy Trinity. The formula for protection mentions the usual body parts, eyes, knees, and joints of limbs, as in 166-167 and 171. The elves, referred to here probably also as Gordin, Gordan, Ingordan, are further exorcised through another Christian powerful formula, Christus regnat[---], and a probable variation on Rev. 5: 5. and fugiatis. 170 Mediaeval Amulet from Troelseby Troelseby, near Naskov on Lolland (Denmark), s. XIII 746 , ed. Imer (2021: 25); facsimile Imer/ Olesen (2018: 130) † Adiuro vos helvos vel helvas in nomin(e) dei patris omnipoot/ entis ut non habeatis potentiam nocere. † am(en) † (modified by Urbanová and Havel, based on a facsimile from Imer/ Olesen (2018: 130). † I adjure you, elves [masc.] and elves [fem.], in the name of God the Father Almighty, that you do not have the power to harm. † Am(en) 747 . † (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Immer (2021: 19-38); Imer/ Olesen (2018: 130) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a lead strip found near Naskov on Lolland in 2013 (using a metal detector), measuring 6.8 × 2.2 cm; discovered folded three times. The very concise Latin text is written in Latin script on one side. The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration adiuro are male and female elves. The mediation clause is not introduced by per but with in nomine instead and invokes the God the Father Almighty. The purpose of the amulet is to prevent potential harm caused by elves. The name of the specific wearer is missing. 320 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="321"?> 748 Approximate dating based on palaeography by Dalibor Havel. 749 Text modified by Urbanová and Havel, based on a facsimile from Imer/ Olesen (2018: 130). 171 Mediaeval Amulet from Lejre for Margaret Lejre Sjælland (Denmark), s. XIII 748 , ed. facsimile Imer/ Olesen (2018: 132-133) 749 A: † In no(m)i(n)e patri(s et) filii et sp(i)r(itus) s(an)ct(i) am(en). / † adiuro vos dolores elvos elvas demones et adiuro et / contesto(r) el [---] gnīs sitis p(er) patr(em) et fili(um) / et sp(irit)em s(an)c(tu)m et [---] maria(m) matre(m) / Xri(sti) et p(er) om(ne)s s(an)c(t)ōs et deos/ a(ng)e(l)os dei et/ ut? Famul(a)e doi (= dei) / † margarete [12 cross signs around the name] ut noceatis ne [---] in / co(m)pag(i)ne membro(rum) suo(rum) sutbx? [---] eo ut hōc † cristus / vincit † cri(stus) rec(na)t † cris(tus) (im)perat † XP(istus)/ ea(m) † margareta(m) † benedicat ab om(n)i malo / custodiat te † margar(eta) † et eas[---] / sx[---]ab/ scīspc/ ē [---] tibi † [---] / † iniciu(m) s [---] euangeli [---] (secun)d(u)m [---] † In pr / (in)cipio era(t) [---] lu(x) [---] † [---] (ver)bu(m) erat apud (de)u(m) / [---] [the following text is only fragmentarily preserved, the remaining legible words show that the first 6 verses of the Gospel of John were inscribed on the remaining damaged part of the lead tablet. B: [The very disrupted text begins with the seventh verse of the Gospel of John, hic venit testimonium, and continues probably until verse 14]. A: †In the name of the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit. Amen. † I adjure you, pains, elves [masc.] and elves [fem.], daemons, I adjure you and appeal to you [---] by the Father and the Son and the holy Spirit and by Mary the mother of Christ and all Saints and angels of God and? that you do not harm the servant of God † Margaret † in the joints of her limbs] [---] † Christ conquers, † Christ rules, † Christ reigns, † Christ blesses this † Margaret † and may protect you from all evil [---] [The text continues]: † the beginning of the Gospel according to[---] [ John]. (transl. D. Urbanová) Bibliography: Immer (2021: 19-38); Imer/ Olesen (2018: 130-133) Commentary: An amulet in the form of a lead sheet found at Lejre, uncovered during the 1980s (using a metal detector), but the inscription remained unnoticed till 2014; originally folded six times lengthwise and four times across, unfolded by the finder (then measuring 6.6 × 8.5 cm). The lead plate is very thin and fragile. The text covers sixteen lines on the outer side and twenty-four on the inner side in Latine minuscule script and contains many abbreviations. Due to the partial destruction of the lower half of the tablet when the amulet was opened, large portions of text are now missing. The text on the outside is more damaged. A 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets 321 <?page no="322"?> 750 See Skemer (2006) and Urbanová et.al. (2021). regular Latin edition of this inscription is missing. The transcription is based on the facsimile in Imer/ Olesen (2018), modified by Urbanová and Havel. The direct addressees of the verb of adjuration adiuro, repeated and inten‐ sified with contestor, are: pains, male and female elves, and daemons. The mediation clause introduced by per contains an invocation of the holy Trinity, Christ, and all Saints and angels (? ), who are to protect the servant of God Margaret. The text is further damaged such that only the joint of her limbs is legible. This is reinforced by other Christian powerful formulas such as Christus vincit, as in 167 and 169, and the verses of Gospel of John 1-14, as is 160, 161, 163, and 164. It is likely that the amulet’s author copied the text from a magical handbook; see 164. On Side A, which is extensively damaged and partly detached, the text of the Gospel of John continues from In principio to verse 6. On Side B, even more deteriorated, the text of the gospel continues from verse 7, hic venit testimonium, and continues probably to the end of verse 14, as is usual in amulet texts. 750 322 8 Latin Ancient and Mediaeval Amulets <?page no="323"?> Bibliography AE L’Année Épigraphique BE Bulletin Épigraphique CBd The Campbell Bonner Magical Gems Database CCatt La Civiltà Cattolica CIG Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum CIIP Corpus Inscriptionum Iudaeae/ Palaestinae CIJ Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum CMRDM Corpus Monumentorum Religionis Dei Menis = Lane (1971; 1975) CSLA The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity EBGR Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion ECConcordia Lettich/ Zovatto (2007) Hep Hispania Epigraphica IcaRoma Carletti (1986) ICG Inscriptiones Christianae Graecae ICI Inscriptiones Christianae Italiae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores ICUR Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae Septimo Saeculo Anteriores IG Inscriptiones Graecae IGBulg Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria Repertae IGLSyr Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie IHC Hübner (1871) ILCV Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres ILJug Inscriptiones Latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMII et MCMXL repertae et editae sunt <?page no="324"?> ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae = Dessau ( 4 1974) ILSard Sotgiu (1961) IMCCatania Korhonen (2004) Inscr. 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Bibliography 363 <?page no="364"?> Sprachvergleich Studien zur synchronen und diachronen Sprachwissenschaft Herausgegeben von Paola Cotticelli Kurras (Verona), Katrin Schmitz (Wuppertal), Joachim Theisen (Athen) und Carlotta Viti (Lorraine) Die Reihe widmet sich in Monographien und Sammelbänden dem Sprachvergleich in seiner ganzen Bandbreite und will dabei bewusst über Grenzen gehen: Grenzen der Sprachfamilien, Grenzen der Theorien und Modelle, Grenzen in Zeit und Raum. Die Studien verbinden eine genaue Datenanalyse der jeweiligen Texte und Sprachen in ihren synchronen oder diachronen Aspekten mit den aktuellsten Erkenntnissen der linguistischen Theorie. Sie erkunden dabei die Möglichkeiten des methodischen Spektrums moderner Sprachwissenschaft und leisten einen Beitrag zu seiner Erweiterung. Die Reihe wird herausgegeben von Katrin Schmitz (Wuppertal), Joachim Theisen (Athen) und Carlotta Viti (Zürich). Publikationssprachen sind Deutsch und Englisch. Über die Aufnahme neuer Titel entscheidet das Herausgeberkollegium mit Unterstützung eines wissenschaftlichen Beirats nach eingehender Prüfung. Bisher sind erschienen: 1 Pauline Weiß Die innere Struktur der DP in den altindogermanischen Artikelsprachen Eine Analyse der Funktion und Verwendung der Artikeltypen 2018, 502 Seiten €[D] 88,- ISBN 978-3-8233-8184-6 2 Chiara Zanchi Multiple Preverbs in Ancient Indo-European Languages A comparative study on Vedic, Homeric Greek, Old Church Slavic, and Old Irish 2019, 436 Seiten €[D] 88,- ISBN 978-3-8233-8274-4 3 Barbora Machajdíková, L’udmila Eliášová Buzássyová (Hrsg.) Greek - Latin - Slavic Aspects of Linguistics and Grammatography 2023, 288 Seiten €[D] 78,- ISBN 978-3-8233-8527-1 4 Juraj Franek, Daniela Urbanová, Ulrike Ehmig Performative Adjuration Formula in Greek and Latin Inscriptions A Survey of Amulets, Curse Tablets, and Funerary Monuments 2025, 363 Seiten €[D] 88,- ISBN 978-3-8233-8546-2 5 Carlotta Viti (Hrsg.) Ancient Greek and Latin in the linguistic context of the Ancient Mediterranean 2024, 459 Seiten €[D] 98,- ISBN 978-3-8233-8585-1 6 Vincent Balnat, Barbara Kaltz (Hrsg.) Genus und Geschlecht in europäischen Sprachen Geschichte und Gegenwart 2025, 468 Seiten €[D] 88,- ISBN 978-3-381-12301-8 <?page no="365"?> 7 Paola Cotticelli-Kurras (Hrsg.) Names in Times of Crisis Age of pandemics, energetic deficiancy, and war 2025, ca. 310 Seiten €[D] 88,- ISBN 978-3-381-13331-4 <?page no="366"?> Band 4 ISBN 978-3-8233-8546-2 The edited volume presents the rst comprehensive corpus of performative adjuration formulae collated from Greek and Latin epigraphical sources. The original texts— for the most part artefacts connected with magico-religious beliefs and practices of their users—are all translated into English and accompanied by a philological and socio-religious commentary. The international team of three specialists adopts a synoptic approach that tracks various classes of epigraphic documents to analyse permutations and developments in the syntactic structure of the adjuration formula, and its pragmatic function. This major study of the adjuration formula in Antiquity and its continued tradition in the Middle Ages will be of interest not only to the scholars of these linguistic traditions, but also to researchers working in the elds of Religious Studies, Ancient History, Theology, and Archaeology.