Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 75 Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 Robert Kelz The University of Memphis Abstract: This article examines the German author Paul Zech’s role as an antifascist cultural intermediary during his exile in Argentina from 1934 to his death in 1946. Drawing from archival and period sources, the essay investigates Zech’s work with the Chilean-based exilic magazine, Deutsche Blätter , and briefly notes his engagement with Latin American media, such as Sur , La Nación , Los Anales de Buenos Aires , and Davar. His involvement with these publications led to collaborative projects with renowned South American authors, including Victoria Ocampo, Jorge Luis Borges, Gabriela Mistral, Juana Ibarbourou, Jorge Icaza, and Eduardo Mallea. Through Zech, I also reassess the role of Spanish-speaking authors and local media in the Deutsche Blätter , which is considerably more extensive and meaningful than previously realized. The Deutsche Blätter evolved into a transcultural magazine, one in which multiple internationally acclaimed Latin American authors were published in German for the first time. The article concludes that Zech was on an upward trajectory in the last years before his death, having gained a cross-cultural skillset that empowered him to achieve a degree of success amid the multifold challenges of exile. Keywords: Paul Zech, Deutsche Blätter , exile, integration, translation This article examines the German author Paul Zech as an antifascist cultural intermediary in the exilic magazine, Deutsche Blätter , from 1943 until his death in 1946. Through Zech, who was exiled in Argentina from 1933 to 1946, the study also reevaluates the underexplored role of Latin American authors in the magazine. Contextualized in the theoretical framework of exile, migration, and translation studies, I posit that Zech’s trajectory in exile-while turbulent, lonely, and financially strained-also reflects the “border skills” of improvisation 76 Robert Kelz and adaptation, as well as openness, reinvention, and grit (McGee Deutsch 3). Furthermore, his accomplishments shed light on the vital role that language, the arts, and cross-cultural communication can play in empowering individuals to integrate and prosper as immigrants abroad. First, a note on sources is necessary. Beyond the magazine itself, the centerpiece for this essay is the unpublished 138-letter correspondence between Zech and the editors of the Deutsche Blätter , from 1943 to 1946. 1 Correspondence has limited utility as a means of locating facts, perhaps more than usual in the case of Paul Zech, whose unreliable, inconsistent, solipsistic accounts of events have misled his contemporaries and subsequent scholars alike. Nonetheless, his exchange with Albert Theile and Udo Rukser, the editors of the Deutsche Blätter , is indispensable for peering behind the scenes and gaining a fuller grasp of the participants’ cultural fluency and visions for the magazine and its readers. Crucially, the correspondence also permits a much more nuanced understanding of Zech’s contributions to the magazine. I have carefully vetted the letters to guard against the misunderstandings that can arise from blind spots, agendas, and intended audiences. Born on February 19, 1881, in Briesen, Germany (today Wąbrzeźno, Poland), Paul Zech was an author of considerable repute before the National Socialists’ rise to power spurred him to flee to Buenos Aires, Argentina. 2 By 1933, he had published nearly twenty dramas and collections of poems, nine novellas, five novels, as well as numerous essays and translations. In 1918 he won the prestigious Kleist Prize together with Leonhard Frank. After reaching its zenith in the mid-1920s, Zech’s career became consumed by disputes with publishers, several poorly received works, and accusations of plagiarism. By 1933 his primary source of income was as a librarian at the Berlin State Library. His persecution and subsequent exile depict the culminating coup de grâce to a writer struggling to regain an already diminished claim to literary stardom. Zech’s termination from the library in April 1933 plunged him into psychological and material crisis. It is uncertain why the Nazis went after him so quickly-he had been accused of stealing and reselling uncatalogued books, political motivations may also have been a factor-but like many aspects of his biography, this period has been riddled with misinformation (Hübner 341, 344—345). 3 Documentation to prove oft-repeated reports that Zech was interned in the Spandau prison is lacking (Kießling 330; Sandvoß 31; Rohland, Paul Zech 8; Spitta 63; Daviau 172; Hübner 342), however in July he was denied admission into the Reichsverband Deutscher Schriftsteller and criminal police searched his residences Groß Besten and Berlin. The ongoing criminal investigation into the alleged book theft and his previous employment by the SPD party gave Zech valid reasons to fear arrest, so in August 1933 he fled Germany forever. Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 77 Unlike many early refugees from Nazi Germany, Zech immediately emigrated overseas, choosing Buenos Aires because his brother, Rudolf, lived there and his invitation enabled Zech to receive residence and work permits. He arrived in the Argentine capital in December 1933 and remained until his death in 1946. This period was fraught with tribulations, including financial instability, adapting to a new culture, grappling with an unfamiliar language, and building professional and personal relationships. Many scholars have emphasized his material poverty, scant options to publish, and failure to find a place in the cultural life of a society that did not appreciate his talents and was unreceptive to his contributions (Rohland, Paul Zech 7—17). As such, it is tempting to regard Paul Zech as a representative case study for Horkheimer and Adorno’s provocative summation of endless alienation, “home is to have escaped.” (Horkheimer and Adorno 86). Yet, Zech’s early struggles gave him an edge. When arrivals of European refugees to Argentina peaked in 1939, he had a head start in networking and cultural awareness, and this valuable experience bore fruit in his later work. Zech’s work with the Deutsche Blätter and Argentine media add new insights to assessments of his exile, particularly his last years. In 1943, the gentile emigrants Udo Rukser and Albert Theile founded the Deutsche Blätter in Santiago, Chile. 4 An art historian, career journalist, and antifascist activist, Theile arrived in Chile in 1940 and lived there until he returned to Europe in 1952. Udo Rukser had been a successful attorney in Berlin and editor of the Zeitschrift für Ostrecht before the Nazis came to power. Rukser and his Jewish wife, Dora, settled in Chile in 1939 and purchased a ranch in Quillota, a town northwest of Santiago where he resided until his death in 1971 (Bosch 295). The Deutsche Blätter published thirty-four total issues, monthly from January 1943 to August 1944 and bimonthly from August 1944 onward. Angela Huss-Michel estimates a circulation ranging from 2000 to 5000 copies (142). Although Theile was an influential partner, Rukser had the final say on content and largely financed the magazine, likely with the profits from his ranch (Nitschack, “Blätter” 2). Upon Zech’s persistent encouragement, both Theile and Rukser committed to utilizing the Deutsche Blätter as an intercultural link between German emigrants and their Latin American hosts. Furthermore, both men devoted themselves to promoting cross-cultural communication between Germany and Latin America decades after the magazine folded. 5 The Deutsche Blätter stands out among exilic publications for its vast, interdisciplinary scope and uncompromisingly high level of journalism. Despite difficulties with printers, none of whom spoke German (Theile 31 Mar. 1943), Hans-Albert Walter has asserted that the Deutsche Blätter was the exile publication with the best typography, consciously “seriös” and “nobel” (Walter 315). 78 Robert Kelz Rukser was so concerned with upholding the cultural standard that he refused to print advertisements other than publishers, bookstores, and art galleries, preferring instead to pay for its deficits out of his own pocket (Rukser 4 June 1945). Contributors to the Blätter ’s pages were among the most notable luminaries in their fields worldwide including, to name only a few, author and 16-time Nobel Prize nominee, Benedetto Croce; former Chancellor of Germany, Heinrich Brüning; former Prussian Minister of Finance, Otto Klepper; philosopher and psychiatrist, Karl Jaspers; conductor and artistic director of the New York Metropolitan Opera, Fritz Busch; and Nobel Prize winning authors, Thomas Mann and Gabriela Mistral. Perhaps such rigorous standards led some scholars to assert that the magazine defended “traditional and conservative values” and represented “a cultural elitism” (Nitschack, “Zech” 118). 6 The Deutsche Blätter adhered to exacting highbrow cultural standards, however it featured many authors who challenged conservative values, including but not limited to the communists Gustav Regler, Enrique Amorim, and Arthur Koestler; socialists Carlo Mierendorff, Kurt Hiller, and Ignazio Silone; feminists Yolanda Bedregal, Juana Ibarbourou, and Mistral; as well as pacifists Anna Landmann-Steuerwald, Romain Rolland, and Carl Ossietzky. Only unrepentant fascists were excluded, but even here Rukser and Theile printed prose by SS-Obersturmführer Edwin Erich Dwinger and interviews with German soldiers. The Blätter was an inclusive forum for civil exchange among representatives of diverse nations, religions, and politics. The magazine upheld an antifascist program, however it refused to espouse a more specific position, such as Zionism, communism, socialism, or democratic socialism. Rukser and Theile claimed the Deutsche Blätter was “die einzige unabhängige, überparteiliche deutsche Zeitschrift in Amerika” (“Unsere Leser” 64). The Blätter rejected collective German guilt for Nazi crimes, warning that sentiments of revenge could bloody the hands of the victims, too (Zech, “Sühne” 20). Its vision of a reformed, democratic postwar Germany and collaborative European community, support for democratic institutions and a free-market economy, generally approving posture toward the United States, and censure of the Soviet Union enabled the Deutsche Blätter to become the first German-language media permitted for circulation in US-American P.O.W. camps during the war (Schumacher 92). Rukser and Theile defined the Deutsche Blätter as a Eurocentric political magazine, and the green band across its title page-“For a European Germany / Against a German Europe”-emphasized their political and geographical focus (“Was wir wollen” 1). The first months strongly corroborated this intent. Literature was limited to short quotes from German works that functioned as filler between articles on politics, economics, and history. Moreover, Latin Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 79 American perspectives were absent altogether. The third issue, for example, featured content from across the globe, including the USA, China, India, Europe, but none from Latin America. Although Rukser and Theile claimed that they had always planned to include more literature in the Blätter , chronologically their correspondence with Zech marks a watershed concerning both literary and Latin American content (Theile 31 Mar. 1943). In the first letter, from March 14, 1943, Zech pressed the editors for more literature and offered his assistance. Later, he asserted that readers wanted: “eine stärkere Betonung des literarischen Teils […] vor allem will man hören, wie der eingewanderte Schriftsteller sich mit den Dingen und den Menschen der hiesigen Landschaft abfindet” (5 Jan. 1944). Zech’s motivations were not free from self-interest-he describes exactly the kind of literature that he himself was writing (Hübner 696, 700). Despite Argentina’s large German-speaking public, Zech had exhausted his options to publish in Buenos Aires due his choice of themes, abrasive personality, and resolute antifascism in a city where many Germans supported Nazism (Rohland, “Qué pasó” 145—146). 7 He stood to benefit from an increased presence of literature in the Blätter . Furthermore, he had no stable employment and depended financially on others, a situation he deplored (Walter 15; Hübner 679—682; Spitta 71). Theile and Rukser did not pay regular honorariums, but they made an exception for Zech and compensated him for his efforts (Zech 6 Oct. 1943, 8 Aug. 1944, 4 Mar. 1945, 14 Jan. 1946). Perhaps more importantly, they provided a fresh opportunity to publish in German about exilic, antifascist, and local themes (Nitschack, “Zech” 126). The Deutsche Blätter connected Zech to readers, paid him, and opened a path to the artistic success and recognition that had eluded him in exile and, arguably, since the late 1920s. Responding to his initial letter, the editors rejoiced that Zech was alive and active. They welcomed his offer of cooperation, explaining that they had intended to add literary content but lacked suitable collaborators. One of Zech’s few sincere relationships formed in exile, their partnership lasted until his death and even verged on friendship, as their mutual “liebe Freunde/ lieber Freund” greetings suggest (Zech 14 Mar. 1943). 8 Immediately, Theile requested Zech’s recent work and asked him to become the editorial representative for the Deutsche Blätter in Buenos Aires, arguably Latin America’s foremost center of German speakers at the time. 9 Whereas Rukser and Theile were relatively new to South America, Zech had resided in the Argentine capital for a decade, and the editors valued this local knowledge. Although his conflicts with members of the antifascist German population often colored his advice-sometimes against the magazine’s interests-Zech nonetheless was a vital resource, especially as the magazine expanded its coverage of Latin American themes. Moreover, Rukser 80 Robert Kelz soon disclosed plans for a new section, “Die deutsche Stimme,” featuring German-speaking writers across a range of literary periods. After a scant presence in its first few months, literature would now become a staple in the Blätter (4. Apr. 1943). Preexisting plans notwithstanding, Paul Zech’s intervention marked a turning point. Zech himself was the most prolific contributor to “Die deutsche Stimme,” accompanied by fellow European exiles Thomas Mann, Gustav Regler, Else Lasker-Schüler, Kurt Hiller, Hermann Hesse, Julius Bab, Franz Werfel, and others. Zech inaugurated the section with his series entitled, “Neu-Beginnen.” Horst Nitschack has usefully categorized this sequence as “poet of the exiled self ( yo exiliado )” although in truth Zech deploys a lyrical “wir”-not a lyrical “ich” (“Zech” 126). In his poetic voice, a collective “we, the exiled,” supplants the individual “exiled self,” which is a crucial difference. Furthermore, these poems contradict claims of a “bewusst realitätsfern gehaltene kulturelle Teil” of the Blätter (Walter 371). Appearing annually from 1943 to 1946, Zech’s sequence of “we, the exiled” poems strove to forge bonds with his emigrant readership by collectively confronting the immediacy of refuge, resilience, return, and, finally, even a measure of reconciliation (“Neu-Beginnen” 21; “Andenken” 1—2; “Strofen”; “Heimkehr”). Furthermore, by avoiding a specific geographical setting, these poems spoke to German exiles everywhere. Zech’s lyrical “wir” wove the exile experience into a shared perspective of interlaced travails. He looked inward, found common ground, and then guided his readers (and editors) outward from an exilic node to explore the literature, nature, and anthropology of South America. Beyond exilic themes, Zech broadened the magazine’s thematic scope with numerous exploratory works on Argentine landscapes and peoples from its northern deserts to its tropical rainforests. Many of these pieces were pure fantasy based on trips Zech never took, but even such imagined explorations were born of his lived experience as a German emigrant in South America and depict creative engagement with this new continent. According to Jorge Luis Borges: “Wenn Zech behauptet, er sei da und dort gewesen, so war er da und dort, ganz gleich, ob er die Reise realiter unternommen hat oder im Geist” (Hübner 713). Though often his accounts were fictional, Zech’s impressions of South America familiarized readers with its natural richness, often linking this new continent to the European homes they had left behind (Spitta 121). One poem, “Foz do Yguassú,” anchored the poet’s perspective at a place he likely did visit personally-the Iguazu waterfalls straddling the border between Argentina and Brazil, and, in Zech’s poem, also reaching toward Europe (22). The visitors in his poem are shocked and terrified by the raging falls, and they convulse fearfully long after they have left the scene: “Sie stolperten zurück Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 81 […] und ihre Nächte waren Wassersturz und Donnerhall.” Wondering if only the tumultuous waterfall has so shaken the visitors, Zech compares their lifelines to the “Lebenslinien in einem Ahornblatt.” Maple trees are not native to South America and thus, subtly, he links the scene to a distant setting, possibly Europe, and invites readers to draw autobiographical parallels with this traumatic spectacle. Another poem, “Landschaften und Dinge des Chimú Lapacho,” melds alienation with approximation for a lyrical “wir” of individuals abroad who, gazing at the scarlet trees, return home as if in a dream. Zech hints at a connection between the red lapacho trees and his estranged lyrical “wir” by describing other plants, “die ihr Blühen unterbrechen, so lange dieser Feuerherd sie nicht befreit von der Erschütterung.” His readers, many of whom had suffered disruptions to the trajectories of their own lives, might discern references to pernicious European flames before Zech’s provocative conclusion-“Und uns nicht minder auch”-brings the implication to a crescendo (23). Finally, his short story, “Der Nebelregen von Ouro Muermo,” begins with a question that reveals his alienation from his new, exotic environment: “was ist das, ein Regenwald? ” Then, the author announces a self-issued directive to find creative inspiration in exile: “Neues zu sehen, zu hören und darüber zu schreiben.” Comparing the South American forest to European architecture, such as trees and waterfalls to the spires and stained-glass windows of Gothic cathedrals, he conveys a transition to a hybrid cultural identity. In the rainforest, his activity of capturing butterflies, “die man in allerjüngsten Zeit erst entdeckt hat,” allegorizes the new experiences emigrant artists can seek, accumulate, and integrate into their creative works (23—24). Blending inspiration, endurance, and purpose, Zech’s South American works initiate his role in the Deutsche Blätter as a bridge between German and Latin American cultures. The first South American author to appear in the Deutsche Blätter was Pablo Neruda, whose “Cuatro Poemas de Amor” were printed alongside freely translated versions in German by the Chilean poet and sculptor Tótila Albert in May 1943. Conceived before Zech’s involvement, the format betrays an inchoate plan. The entire magazine, including Tótila’s biography, was in German; however, Neruda’s poems and biography were in Spanish, which rendered them incomprehensible to many readers. Furthermore, while the side-by-side Spanish and German texts were convenient for multilingual readers, this formatting essentially limited any such content in the magazine to short poems, otherwise the amount of space required would be prohibitive. Perhaps for this reason, subsequent issues lacked further Latin American literature. The idea for a steady Latin American presence originated with Theile, who first mentioned the possibility of printing an issue on South America in February 1944 (28 Feb. 1944). Zech enthusiastically agreed, declaring that for the 82 Robert Kelz foreseeable future South America would be an important center for German emigration. Therefore, the magazine should connect emigrants to Latin American culture and push them to consider key questions of integration: “Was haben die emigrierten deutschen Autoren ihren Gastländern an neuen Eindrücken zu verdanken? Fühlen sie sich ‚seelisch und landschaftlich‘ eingebürgert? “ (Zech 20 Jun. 1944). Furthermore, he advised, by regularly featuring translations of Spanish-speaking authors the Deutsche Blätter could build symbiotic alliances with local artist and intellectual circles (8 Jul. 1944). A few months later, he reported that the Blätter should have no further problems with the local censor-the national press secretary had been pleased to learn that this German magazine also printed Argentine literature (29 Sept. 1944). The decision to publish Latin American authors, thus, also helped convince Argentine government authorities to adopt a more cooperative posture toward the magazine. Rather than a single “Südamerikaheft,” Zech eventually came to favor including Latin American authors or publications in every issue. When Rukser and Theile did not follow up on the idea and local content in the magazine remained scant, Zech offered to solicit contributions from the Argentine Eduard Mallea, editor of the arts and culture section for La Nación ; the best-selling Ecuadorian novelist, Jorge Icaza; and the Peruvian modernist author and diplomat, Ventura García Calderón (10 Sept. 1944). Crucially, he argued, the magazine should publish prose in translation. Poetry alone was insufficient; these writers’ most representative works would only be accessible to all readers in translation (Zech 20 Jun. 1944; Hübner 712). Zech reiterated in September 1944 that emigrants would not be returning to Europe anytime soon. Maybe never. It was imperative for the magazine to strengthen the position of itself and its readers locally (Zech 29 Sept. 1944). Himself a refugee from Nazi persecution in Austria, the Germanist Egon Schwarz listed key challenges facing emigrants: 1) the search for economic stability; 2) the struggle, frequently, with a new language; 3) the process of adapting to a new, often exotic, and rarely welcoming environment; 4) and the imperative to integrate into a new population, with new customs, culture, and moral norms (Schwarz 18). Forged through these struggles, during his decade of exile Paul Zech had begun to develop what Ottmar Ette terms “ÜberLebensWissen” and “ZusammenLebensWissen”-exilic survival tactics, such as recognizing the need to open channels to the host society (42). The Talmudic scholars Daniel and Jonathan Boyarin have postulated that emigrants should understand that survival is not achieved by resisting engagement with local populations. Instead, the co-presence of culturally distinct others is an opportunity to establish the collaborative relationships vital to surmounting the challenges of dispersion (Boyarin 721). Simply put, cross-cultural partnerships are the emigrant’s path to Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 83 perseverance and, ultimately, prosperity. Paul Zech never embraced Argentina as a new homeland but, nonetheless, he understood that intercultural articulation and intellectual integration were essential to overcome the multifold crises of exile. When, in August 1944, Rukser expressed reservations-“Das Südamerikaheft macht uns weiter Sorge”-Zech acted decisively (25 Aug. 1944). Unsolicited, he submitted a translation of a short story by a rising Argentine author scarcely known beyond the country’s borders: Jorge Luis Borges. Rukser was impressed: “die Perle ist das grossartige Stück von Borges! Donnerwetter, ich war hingerissen! […] Das wird der Zeitschrift im Ganzen eine neue Note geben, die bisher von keinem gepflegt worden ist. Wir denken, dass wir so aus der Not eine Tugend gemacht haben” (19 Sept. 1944). Rukser glimpsed opportunity amid the disruption of forced emigration, which Inge Hansen-Schaberg has encapsulated with the hopeful formulation, “Exile als Chance” (183). A seminal, forerunner work of the Magical Realism movement that would catalyze the coming Latin American literary boom, Borges’s “Im Traumkreis der Ruinen” (The Circular Ruins) appeared in the Deutsche Blätter in October 1944. Translated by Hertha Landshoff (Nitschack, “Zech” 86), to the best of my knowledge, it was the earliest prose publication of Borges in any language other than Spanish, preceding “The Garden of Forking Paths” in Ellery Queen's Mystery Magazine by four years. 10 Zech and Borges would continue to collaborate in the future, and the German’s intervention with the Blätter was a breakthrough for the authors and the magazine alike. Upon receiving the manuscript, Rukser agreed to feature Latin American authors regularly in the magazine: “Notwendigkeiten und Vorteile dieses Schrittes sind offenkundig, um unsere Position hier zu verstärken. Wir sind völlig mit Ihnen einer Meinung” (14 Oct. 1944). On Zech’s suggestion, “Traumkreis” appeared with an introduction announcing their new agenda: Mit der Veröffentlichung der folgenden Erzählung des argentinischen Dichters, Jorge Luis Borges, wollen wir den Aufgabenkreis der DB erweitern. Wir wollen versuchen, unseren Lesern die südamerikanische Literatur durch sie kennzeichnende Proben nahezubringen und damit geistig auch die Umwelt in der wir leben. (Zech quoted in Borges 22) According to Hans-Albert Walter, this program was ultimately disappointing: “Ihre Pflege fiel nicht so intensive aus, wie diese Ankündigung hatte erwarten lassen […] man brachte in lockerer, allmählich verebbender Folge Arbeiten von Borges, Mallea, Mistral und Icaza” (Walter 373). Walter was an eminent, foundational scholar in the field of exile studies however, as I intend to show below, his evaluation here is quite mistaken. Horst Nitschack’s short essay in the Revista 84 Robert Kelz Chilena de Literatura , is closer to my assessment, however Nitschack focuses exclusively on literary authors and does not provide a full inventory of Latin American content in the magazine (5-6). Crucially, neither he nor Walter draw from the correspondence among Zech, Theile, and Rusker, which gives us a far clearer picture both of how prominently Latin American intellectuals figured in discussions concerning the Deutsche Blätter and the decisive role Zech played in these considerations . A complete inventory of its Latin American content reveals the Deutsche Blätter to be a hybrid publication and Zech to be a leading force behind its hybridization. First, Borges, Mallea, and Mistral all appeared on multiple occasions. 11 More importantly, numerous other native-born Latin American poets, novelists, and literary scholars appeared in the magazine, including the Uruguayan novelist, Enrique Amorim; the Venezuelan humorist, Francisco Pimentel Agostini ( Job Pim); the Bolivian poet, Yolanda Bedregal; the Uruguayan essayist, Alberto zum Felde; the Uruguayan poet, Juana de Ibarbourou; and the Mexican intellectual and diplomat, Alfonso Reyes. 12 One might add the Brazilian humorist and linguist, José Antonio Benton, who fled Germany in 1935, lived for the next fifty-one years in Brazil, changed his name from Hans Elsas, and never returned to the country of his birth. 13 This list also does not include contributors to the periodical’s homage to Thomas Mann, such as the Spanish poet, Rafael Alberti, exiled for decades in Argentina and Chile; the Argentine publisher and journalist, Enrique Espinoza; the Argentine biographer, Ezequiel Martinez Estrada; and the Spanish dramatist, Ramón Gómez de la Serna, who was exiled in the Argentine capital from 1933 until his death in 1963 (“Huldigung” 3—10). If we add translators of German authors who the magazine published in Spanish-a pivotal cross-cultural endeavor-the Latin American contributors also encompass the Chileans Yolando Pino Saavedra, Darío Castro, and Tótila Albert, as well as the Argentine Angel Battistessa. 14 An extensive endnote below documents the Latin American writers mentioned in the letters exchanged by Zech, Rukser, and Theile from 1943 to 1946. Neruda, Albert, Borges, Mistral, Icaza, Mallea, Ibarbourou, Amorim, Estrada, Gómez de la Serna, Reyes, Saavedra, Battistessa, Alberti, and the Argentine legal scholar, Juan Lessing-fourteen in total-figure in the correspondence. 15 In most cases (nine), Zech mentions the writer first. All were published after the correspondence began and, except for Alberti, all feature in multiple letters. While substantial overlap exists, forty-four distinct letters name Latin American literary authors and scholars who subsequently appeared in the magazine. Moreover, Zech suggested further Hispanic authors born or living in Latin America, such as Guillermo de Torre, Victoria Ocampo, and Ventura Calderón (29 Sept. 1944, 13 June 1945, 20 June 1944). From the first reference of Neruda in 1943 Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 85 until Zech’s death in 1946, Latin American authors figured in at least 32 percent of the correspondence. By any measure, their role was central to his communication with Rukser and Theile and shaped the content of their magazine. Crucially, the Latin American presence in the Deutsche Blätter was not confined to literary authors, scholars, and translators. Although Zech prioritized literature, Rukser and Theile subsequently published Latin American perspectives on politics, religion, economics, history, and music. Contributors on these topics included the Chilean senator, Leonardo Guzmán; the Spanish statesman exiled in Argentina, Angel Ossorio y Gallardo; the Argentine legal scholar, Juan Lessing, who Zech recommended; the Chilean lawyer and member of the Institut de France, Álejandro Alvarez; the Chilean civil engineer and member of congress, Manuel Walker Garretón; and the Chilean composer, Federico Heinlein. 16 Moreover, there were reviews of books by Argentine political scientist, Luis Adolfo Estevez; Brazilian industrialist and politician, Roberto Simonsen; Chilean senator, Velodia Teitelboim; Argentine journalist, José Calderón Salazar; Brazilian author, Lidia Besouchet, Chilean scientist, Alejandro Lipschütz; Argentine journalist, Rufino Marín; and the aforementioned Felde and Reyes. 17 Finally, reviews of Latin American magazines encompassed Victoria Ocampo’s literary journal, Sur ; the newspaper, La Nación ; the Argentine cultural magazine, Nosotros ; the Chilean political periodical, Mundo Libre ; the Mexican academic journal, Cuadernos Americanos ; the Argentine-based Zionist monthly Porvenir ; the legal journal, Jurisprudencia Argentina ; Chilean periodicals, Política y Espíritu and Babel ; and the Brazilian political weekly, Vanguardia Socialista . 18 With no published compilation of Latin American content in the Deutsche Blätter , scholars have only imperfectly grasped the host continent’s impact. The total inventory spans fourteen literary authors and translators with seventeen total contributions. If we add the homage to Thomas Mann, there were eighteen authors with twenty-one pieces, excluding magazine and book reviews. Thus, Latin American literature’s presence in the Blätter was steady and robust. Furthermore, since the Deutsche Blätter was not a literary journal, its pages exceeded poets, novelists, and literary scholars. Overall, there were twenty-three Latin American writers with twenty-seven contributions, most of whom appearing for the first time in German. In sum, forty-eight Latin American authors, publications, and book reviews appeared in the thirty-four total issues of the Deutsche Blätter , equivalent to Zech’s initial suggestion of one or two pieces per issue (actually more if we consider that Neruda, the first Latin American author to be featured, did not appear until the fifth issue). Paul Zech did not define this policy, but as one of the magazine’s most prolific contributors, he had influence. When momentum behind a Latin American issue flagged in early 1944, he brought ideas, energy, and people that transformed the concept into a 86 Robert Kelz sustained presence and converted Deutsche Blätter into a pioneering model for bringing Latin American artists and scholars into the intellectual discourse of German emigrants in the Americas. Not all Latin American authors impressed Rukser and Theile as quickly as Borges. The case of Argentine journalist Eduardo Mallea demonstrates Zech’s willingness to fight for writers he considered worthwhile. An acclaimed novelist and essayist, in 1931 Mallea became editor of the culture section in the prestigious and widely read newspaper, La Nación , a position he would hold for the next three decades. Zech realized he could be an important contact and instructed Rukser and Theile to send the magazine to Mallea, as well as the journal Sur , in July 1943 (9 July 1943). Zech wanted to publish his own work in these venues, so he had mutually beneficial motives when he reiterated in April 1944 that Mallea “den DB sehr nützlich sein könne” (20 Apr. 1944). That June, trying to convince Rukser and Theile to print Latin American authors in prose, not only verse, he again suggested Mallea (10 June 1944). They resisted, “Von Mallea möchten wir vorerst nur Lyrik bringen, ebenso von Icaza (4 Jul. 1944),” however Zech insisted on prose and lied: “Lyrik von beiden gibt es nicht.” He repeated that men like Mallea were “Repräsentanten der argentinischen Literatur und ihr Erscheinen […] wird uns Nutzen bringen” (8 Jul. 1944). Without waiting for a reply, Zech sent Mallea’s work together with Borges’s “Traumkreis.” Although the editors claimed to enjoy Mallea, Borges completely overshadowed him. Despite promises to the contrary, Mallea did not appear in the magazine. Then, abruptly, Theile informed Zech that they would not print Mallea’s essays: “Bringen können wir sie leider nicht […] Rücksendung? ” (14 Dec. 1944). Infuriated by what he saw as inconsideration to Mallea and himself, Zech retorted: Überlegen Sie: von Ihnen aufgefordert, ging ich zu Herrn Mallea und bat ihn um einen Beitrag für die DB […] Das musste ich dreimal wiederholen, um ihn endlich bereit zu finden. Er sagte mir zuletzt, dass er eine kleine Sache speziell für die DB schreiben würde […] Nun kann man einen hier mit Glacéhandschuhen anzufassenden Mann nicht offiziell auffordern und dann einfach ablehnen. Das geht nicht […] Ich glaube, dass mancher Beitrag weniger Niveau hatte. (3 Apr. 1945) Finally, Rukser relented: “die Arbeit von Mallea werden wir in einem der nächsten Hefte bringen. Gegen Ihre Argumente können wir unsere - doch wohl verständlichen - Einwände nicht aufrechterhalten” (14 Apr. 1945). In May 1945, the Deutsche Blätter printed Eduardo Mallea’s “Einsame, zeitgemässe Aufzeichnungen.” Zech’s biography placed Mallea in the pantheon of great Latin American intellectuals, positing him as the successor to Domingo Faustino Sarmiento and one of few globally recognized Latin American thinkers. The sketches did not fulfill the expectations such a grandiose introduction might have provoked and, Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 87 frankly, one can understand the editors’ reluctance to print them. Nonetheless, Mallea truly was a leading intellectual in Argentina, which Zech emphasized for readers who might have been unaware of his standing. His case demonstrates Zech’s conviction that Latin American voices were worthwhile, and he was willing to fight for their inclusion. Beyond the immediate question of printing a single article, Zech understood the larger imperative of cross-cultural alliances for exilic institutions and individuals. Mallea was a valuable collaborator for the magazine and for Zech, who later published several articles in La Nación and worked with Mallea’s translator, David Vogelmann. The Ecuadorian Jorge Icaza is another apt example. In 1936, Zech and his doctor Juán Goldstraj had already translated Icaza’s novel, Hausipungo , first published in 1934 (Hüber 410). Hausipungo helped launch the Indigenist literary movement and eventually garnered the author international fame, but at the time it had only been published in Spanish. Challenging due to Icaza’s frequent use of the Quechua language, the translation raised the profile of Latin America’s indigenous peoples, who were far removed from urban centers of emigration. Rukser preferred Icaza’s poetry, but Zech insisted on Hausipungo and even wrote a biography introducing Icaza to the Deutsche Blätter ’s readership (4 Jul. 1944, 8 Aug. 1944). Criticizing the “bewusste Abstinenz von jeglicher realistisch-gesellschaftsbezogenen und kritischen Literatur,” Hans-Albert Walter argued that Icaza was represented by “einem für sein sozialkritisches Hauptwerk untypischen Ausschnitt” (372). Yet, social criticism saturates the two-page excerpt from Huasipungo , “Gewitter in den Bergen,” which allegorizes the pernicious exploitation of indigenous laborers in Ecuador by large landowners and the Catholic Church. Stricken by malaria, delirious with fever, sneezing, and nauseated, in multiple passages the natives deny the existence of a “Kirchengott.” With no protection against from the rage of the storm, parents despair for their children, who are encrusted in mud and cry for their mothers to shield them against the cold. No large landowners appear in “Gewitter,” but the storm clearly represents human assault and oppression. The verb “peitschen” appears four times, accompanied by whip’s menacing onomatopoeia: “zischen” and “krachen.” “Erdrosseln,” “zerschunden,” “mishandeln,” and “jagen” swell the catalog of personified brutality. A weaponized barrage of man’s wrath-“Fäuste,” “Eisenstange,” “Ohrfeigen,” “Rudel,” “Bluthunden,” “Meute,” and “weisse blitzende Zähne”-attacks the defenseless villagers (34—35). The litany of personification lays bare the human malevolence of this inhuman brutality. Elaborating on Icaza’s social criticism, Zech’s introduction to the piece warned that in the author’s portrayal indigenous people are “ein Ding, welches genau so behandelt wird, wie der Baum, der im Wald steht, und genau so verdro- 88 Robert Kelz schen wird, wie der Ochse, der den Pflug zieht” (“Icaza” 66). Most people, Zech went on, could not stomach Huasipungo unless they had personally experienced hardship, poverty, and misery. The Deutsche Blätter was a suitable venue for Icaza’s depiction of structural violence and institutionalized racism, because the author echoed elements of oppression that many emigrant readers had experienced firsthand in Europe-the excerpt includes the word “Flüchtlinge.” Furthermore, Zech explained that the Ecuadorian government had crowned Huasipungo with a literary prize, but then reversed course, denounced the novel as subversive, and banned it. Thus, Icaza’s travails paralleled exiled German writers, who also had experienced persecution by a government that repressed and vilified its critics. Referencing another marginalized group, in September 1943, Rukser asked Zech for help in a project to include female voices on the current cultural crisis. Concurring that this plan was a “Notwendigkeit,” Zech suggested the US-American Dorothy Thompson and the Chilean poet Gabriela Mistral (17 Sept. 1943). Both women entered the magazine’s pages, but Mistral took on an especially prominent role. In 1945, one year before winning the Nobel Prize, Mistral first appeared in the Deutsche Blätter . The feature emphasized her work to improve women’s education for marginalized populations in Mexico. Mistral’s verses dovetailed with other articles about reforming the education system in postwar Germany; however, she went further by depicting access to schools as an inalienable human right, regardless of gender, religion, ethnicity, or wealth. The magazine printed translations alongside the Spanish originals, stating that Mistral’s poetry could only be fully appreciated in her native tongue. This, they continued, was compelling motivation to learn Spanish (“Mistral” 40). Foreshadowing future scholarship in migration studies, the Deutsche Blätter deployed the act of translation to promote language acquisition as essential for emigrants’ integration with the host society (Kliems 31). A final case study is the celebrated Uruguayan poet, Juana Ibarbourou, known as Juana de América. Like Mistral, Icaza, and Borges, Ibarbourou’s case exemplifies Zech’s eye for quality and commitment to advocating for talented writers still not famous outside Latin America. Ibarbourou, whose brazenly sexualized poetry challenges discourses of docile femininity, subverts theses that the Blätter espoused conservative values (Applegate 59). Though her work already had resonated beyond Uruguay, my research indicates that the Deutsche Blätter was Ibarbourou’s first German publication and among the first few of any printed translations. 19 Eventually, Ibarbourou achieved global fame and earned four nominations for the Nobel Prize. Albert Theile mentioned Ibarbourou to Zech in November 1944 and enlisted his help in preparing her work for the magazine (17 Nov. 1944). Notoriously dif- Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 89 ficult to translate, even today Ibarbourou appears only in translated anthologies, despite her fame (Marting 269—270). Zech’s translations of Ibarbourou drew from drafts done by others, but his detailed descriptions of the creative process shed light on his language acquisition in exile. There is compelling evidence that Zech never attained fluency in Spanish (Hübner 567, 593, 638; Daviau 160). He worked with translators when he published in Spanish and his translations of Latin American authors were collaborative efforts, however this need not mean that his Spanish remained stagnant during his thirteen years in Argentina. His work with Juana Ibarbourou undergirds this hypothesis. Zech criticized the translations that Theile sent him as “kindlich,” explaining that they required heavy editing to meet the Blätter ’s standards. Spanish poetic forms, he elaborated, are “himmelweit verschieden” from German, so it was challenging to translate Ibarbourou without altering her original “Gedankeninhalt.” Entitled “Bukolischer Abendspaziergang,” Zech’s concluding tercets to Ibarbourou’s pastoral sonnet capture her bold, sensual aesthetics: Umhaucht von dem silbernen Blau der Sommernacht Und den heiss ineinander verflochtenen Händen bedrängt, stürzt aus dem beinah verschütteten Schacht des Herzens die Liebe wieder empor und findet das paradiesische Tor der Lippen nicht mehr verhängt. In the future, Zech persisted, Rukser and Theile should send him the original poems and not only translations (29 Nov. 1944). This exchange implies that at least by 1944 Zech could engage directly with Latin American literature in its original Spanish. Indeed, it is hard to imagine that he could have acquired such extensive knowledge of Latin American authors without this capability. Beyond the case study of Ibarbourou, Zech’s expanding networks with local artists and intellectuals suggest that his Spanish improved over time. After numerous delays during which Zech repeatedly admonished Theil and Rukser to print Ibarbourou’s poems, “Bukolischer Abendspaziergang” appeared in 1946, with Zech named as the sole translator (Ibarbourou 36). Like most immigrants, Zech’s language skills appear to have progressed along a broader trajectory aligned with increasing intellectual and professional integration. From the start, Zech emphasized to Rukser and Theile that cultural interchange should comprise a reciprocal interplay between Latin American and German emigrants (2 Oct. 1945). In this spirit, the Deutsche Blätter assembled a tribute to Thomas Mann, a contributor to the magazine, for the author’s seventieth birthday in June 1945. The editors solicited testimonials from across the Americas, with Zech focusing on the Southern Cone. He complained about this 90 Robert Kelz task, noting the stress and strain of connecting and coordinating with so many dispersed people (25 Apr. 1945). Nonetheless, despite his ailing health-a heart condition would kill him the next year-Zech recruited writers from throughout Latin America. In her essay, Gabriela Mistral asserted that Thomas Mann’s anti-Nazism resonated strongly with Latin Americans, who understood very clearly the risk and sacrifice of Mann’s antifascist activism. She forcefully declared that all Latin American writers knew the imperative of resistance, because “totalitarianisms from Central America to Germany regard silence as submission” (“Huldigung” 6). Eduardo Mallea noted that he did not enjoy reading Mann, yet he respected and admired him, because his indubitable authority was an authority of conscience. Mann’s courageous, tireless political engagement, Mallea contined, was an inspiration for Latin Americans persecuted by oppressive regimes in their own countries (“Huldigung” 5). Thus, the Deutsche Blätter also revealed bonds that South American writers perceived between themselves and German literature, in this case represented by Thomas Mann. Beyond the Deutsche Blätter , Paul Zech contributed to the dissemination of German culture in the South American literary scene. Writing for La Nación , Zech boosted the profile of numerous German-speaking authors in Argentina, including Rainer Maria Rilke, Johann Gottfried Herder, Hermann Broch, and Lou Andreas-Salome. His essays on Hugo von Hofmannstahl and Heinrich Heine appeared in Los Anales de Buenos Aires , edited by Jorge Luis Borges. He wrote on Franz Werfel and Else Lasker-Schüler for the Jewish journal, Davar , and composed an introduction for a translation of Friedrich Hölderlin’s Hyperion. In Victoria Ocampo’s Sur , the first ever Argentine publications of Brecht in Spanish-a scene from Furcht und Elend des Dritten Reiches , “Der Spitzel,”-featured Zech’s commentary. Zech’s work for Spanish-language media parallels his activities with the Deutsche Blätter , this time explicating the literature of his own nation to Spanish speakers in Argentina and beyond. As a cultural intermediary, Paul Zech embodied reciprocity. Paul Zech was responsible for introducing many authors to new audiences. His record as the first ever published translator of Jorge Icaza, Jorge Luis Borges, Juana de Ibarbourou, and Gabriela Mistral (into German), as well as Else Lasker-Schüler and Bertolt Brecht (into Spanish in Argentina) evinces a keen eye for artistic talent across the divides of language and culture. Furthermore, the writers themselves also benefitted from his interventions. As Wiebke Sievers has noted, even famous authors are unlikely to receive recognition for their literary merits unless they are published in a nation’s native language (13—16). Furthermore, Zech’s final years-when his cross-cultural networks were strongest and his intellectual integration was most developed-also represent a renaissance for the writer. After years of publishing very little, his essays, translations, and Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 91 poetry finally began to appear regularly in the Deutsche Blätter and prestigious Argentine media organs, such as newspaper La Nación , Sur , and Los Anales de Buenos Aires . Finally, Zech was earning small but steady honorariums in his chosen vocation, as a writer. From 1944 to 1946, the last years before his death, he clearly was on an upward trajectory. As David Vogelmann reflected in an obituary printed by the La Nación : “Paul Zech dies when his work is going to reach, by way of Argentine editions, a greater dissemination in our language.” His case demonstrates, to borrow from French Lebanese author Amin Maalouf, the efficacy of literature to forge pathways between disparate cultures (Maalouf 98). Paul Zech’s gradual, demonstrable intellectual integration as well as his persistent intercultural advocacy empowered him to achieve a degree of success amid the multifold challenges of exile. Notes 1 Generous assistance from Drs. Regula Rohland de Langbehn and Alfred Hübner has been vital for this project. 2 I briefly sketch Paul Zech’s trajectory to Buenos Aires; however, German speakers should consult Alfred Hübner’s Die Leben des Paul Zech (2021). 3 Alfred Hübner argues that Zech’s dismissal was politically motivated, and accusations of theft only reached Nazi authorities in July. 4 They received financial support from Fritz Meyning (alias Fritz Siegel), a lawyer who wrote several articles for the magazine. A third founder and financial backer, Nikolaus von Nagel, withdrew his support after a dispute in early 1944. 5 In 1958, Theile edited and translated a volume of Mistral’s poems and that same year also co-founded the polyglot magazine, Humboldt, which still exists today to promote dialogue among Germany, Latin America, Spain, and Portugal. Rukser wrote the monographs, Goethe in der hispanischen Welt (1958) and Nietzsche in der Hispania (1962). The former became a standard reference work after a Spanish translation appeared in 1977. 6 Unless otherwise noted, all translations from Spanish are my known. 7 For a thorough account of Paul Zech's struggles to publish in Argentina, see also: Alfred Hübner’s Die Leben des Paul Zech (2021). 8 Most letters after September 1943 bear this greeting. 9 Conservative sources estimate over 100,000 German speakers lived in Argentina by 1930-others estimate twice that amount. Furthermore, approximately 45,000 refugees entered the country after 1933, and most of them settled in Buenos Aires. No other major metropolitan city in Latin America featured immediate, local, and open competition among German-language 92 Robert Kelz Nazi, antifascist, and Jewish schools, newspapers, and cultural institutions throughout World War II (Bryce, 14; Saint Sauveur-Henn, 249; Schwarcz, 204; Ismar, 12; Volberg, 6). 10 Having consulted numerous secondary sources (Bloom, Canto, Monegal, Williamson) and inquired at the Fundación Internacional Jorge Luis Borges, I have found no earlier published translation of Borges’s prose. 11 Borges, “Traumkreis,” no. 10 (1944): 22—25; “Gaucho-Literatur in Argentinien und Uruguay,” no. 27 (1945): 44. Mallea, “Einsame, zeitgemässe Aufzeichnungen,” no. 25 (1945): 52—56; “Das unsichtbare Land” no. 32 (1946): 37—45; Mistral, “Todo es ronda-Alles ist Reigen,” “Echa la simiente! -Wirf die Saat! , Silhuette der mexikanischen Indianderin,” no. 23 (1945): 40—42; “Yo no tengo soledad-Einzig ich bin nicht allein,” “Meciendo-Wiegenlied” no. 29 (1946): 67. 12 Amorim, “Der schwache Punkt,” no. 27 (1945): 44—48; Pimentel, “Hierro dulce-Sanftes Eisen,” no. 25 (1945): 51; Bedregal, “Kakteenblüten,” no. 25 (1945): 56; zum Felde, “El problema de la cultura americana,” no. 24 (1945): 50; Ibarbourou, “Bukolischer Abendspaziergang,” no. 32 (1946): 36; Reyes, “Goethe und Amerika” no. 32 (1946): 32—36; “La Crítica en la Edad Ateniense,” no. 30 (1946): 38—39. 13 Benton, “Brasilianische Legenden,” no. 29 (1946): 39—50. 14 Battistessa, Castro, Saavedra, “Rainer Maria Rilke: Gedichte in Deutsch und Spanisch,” no. 28 (1945): 11—15; Albert, “Cuatro Poemas de Amor de Pablo Neruda,“ no. 5 (1943): 23—27; Theile, “Gedichte von Stefan George,” no. 31, XXXI, 1946 (42—44). 15 Neruda and Albert: Theile 3-31-1943. Borges: Zech 7-8-1944; Zech 9-10- 1944; Rukser 9-19-1944; Zech 9-29-1944; Zech 10-24-1944; Zech 10-30-1944; Zech 11-29-1944; Theile 4-5-1945; Zech 4-25-1945; Zech 5-13-1945; Theile 7-27-1945. Mistral: Zech 9-17-1943; Theile 7-22-1945; Zech 7-7-1946; Rukser 7- 22-1946. Icaza: Zech 6-10-1944; Zech 6-20-1944; Rukser 7-4-1944; Zech 8-8-1944; Zech 9-10-1944; Rukser 10-14-1944; Zech 10-24-1944; Theile 11-17-1944; Theile 4-5-1945; Zech 4-25-1945. Mallea: Zech 7-9-1943; Zech 4-20-1944; Zech 6-10-1944; Zech 6-20-1944; Rukser 7-4-1944; Zech 7-8-1944; Zech 9-10-1944; Rukser 9-19-1944; Zech 9-29-1944; Zech 10-24-1944; Rukser 10-29-1944; Zech 11-8-1944; Theile 11-17-1944; Zech 11-29-1944; Theile 12-14-1944; Zech 4-3-1945; Theile 4-5-1945; Rukser 4-15-1945; Rukser 4-20- 1945; Rukser 5-11-1945; Zech 5-13-1945; Rukser 6-4-1945; Zech 3-10-1946; Rukser 7-22-1946; Zech 9-1-1946. Ibarbourou: Theile 11-17-1944; Zech 11- 29-1944; Theile 12-14-1944; Zech 7-15-1945; Theile 7-22-1945. Amorim: Zech 9-29-1944; Zech 11-29-1944; Zech 3-4-1945; Zech 4- 3-1945; Zech 4-25- 1945; Rukser 5-11-1945; Rukser 7-9-1945; Theile 7-27-1945; Zech 8-4-1945. Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 93 Estrada: Zech 10-24-1944; Zech 11-29-1944; Zech 3-4-1945; Zech 4-3-1945; Zech 5-13-1945; Zech 8-4-1945. Gómez de la Serna: Zech 5-13-1945; Rukser 10-26-1943. Reyes: Rukser 6-27-1944; Theile 4-5-1945. Saavedra: Rukser 4-16-1944; Theile 5-14-1944; Theile 6-4-1944; Rukser 6-27-1944; Zech 4-3- 1945; Rukser 4-15-1945; Zech 5-13-1945; Zech 5-26-1944; Zech 8-4-1945; Rukser 7-4-1944. Battistessa: Zech 8- 4-1945; Zech 3-10-1946. Alberti: Theile 4-5-1945. Lessing: Zech 9-11-1944; 11-29-1944. 16 Guzmán, “Amerika und die Einwanderung,” no. 10 (1943): 9—12; Ossorio y Gallardo, “Was ist von den Religionen zu erwarten? ” no. 10 (1943): 6—8; Lessing, “Das Individuum im künftigen Völkjerrecht” no. 19 (1944): 20— 23; Alvarez, “La futura organización internacional,” no. 23 (1945): 5—11; “La conferencia de México y la de San Francisco,” no. 24 (1945): 20—28; Garretón, “Katholizismus und Gegenwart,” no. 28 (1945): 19—25; Heinlein, “Neue Musikbücher,” no. 30 (1946): 35—36; “Klavierstücke deutschsprachiger Komponisten in Südamerika,” no. 31 (1946): 45—46. 17 Estevez, “ Liberalismo o nacionalsocialismo? ” no. 22 (1944): 39; Simonsen, “ Alguns Aspectos de Politic Economica mais Conveniente ao Brasil , ” no. 16 (1944): 27—28; Salazar, “ Proposiciones candentes sobre la guerra actual ” no. 16 (1944): 38; Teitelboim, “ El Amanecer del Capitalismo y la Conquista de las Américas ,” no. 20 (1944): 28—29; Besouchet, “ Condición de mujer ,” no. 28 (1945): 50; zum Felde, “ El problema de la cultura americana ,” no. 24 (1945): 50; Lipschütz, “ El Indoamericanismo y el problema racial en las Americas ,” no. 23 (1945): 53—54; Marín, “ Lo que piensa América sobre el problema judío ,” no. 24 (1945): 51—52; Reyes, “ La Crítica en la Edad Ateniense ,” no. 30 (1946): 38-39. 18 “ Nosotros ,” no. 10 (1943): 35; “ Sur ,” no. 7 (1943): 35; “ Mundo Libre ,” no. 5 (1943): 30; “ Cuadernos Americanos ,” no. 5 (1943): 37; “ Porvenir ,” no. 15 (1944): 32; “ Sur ,” no. 24 (1945): 54; “ Política y Espíritu ,” no. 27 (1945): 50; Babel , Ibid; “ Jurisprudencia Argentina ,” no. 28 (1945): 51; “ La Nación ,” no. 29 (1946): 65; “ Vanguardia Socialista ,” no. 32 (1946): 50—51; “ La otra Alemania ,” no. 32 (1946): 51. 19 I found just two published translations in English and none in any other language before 1944: Blackwell, Alice. “The Sweet Miracle.” Some Spanish-American Poets , Philadelphia, Pennsylvania UP, 1937: 448—449; Torres-Ríosco, Arturo. “The Bond.” The Epic of Latin American Literature , New York, Oxford UP, 1942: 122. 94 Robert Kelz Works Cited Appelgate, Lauren. “The Rebel and the Icon: Juana de Ibarbourou and the Emblem of Juana de América.” Pacific Coast Philology 49 (2014): 58—77. Bock, Werner. “Aus den letzten Lebensjahren von Paul Zech.” Neue Zürcher Zeitung , 28 January 1961, in Hübner, 713. Borges, Jorge Luis, “Im Traumkreis der Ruinen.” Deutsche Blätter 20 (1944): 23—25. Bosch, Manfred. Bohème am Bodensee: Literarisches Leben am See von 1900 bis 1950 . Lengwil: Libelle Verlag, 2007. Boyarin, Daniel and Jonathan. “Diaspora: Generational Ground of Jewish Identity,” Critical Inquiry 19 (1993): 693—725. Brecht, Bertolt. “El Delator. De una Serie de pequeños Dramas sobre la Vida en el Tercer Reich.” Sur 130 (1945): 28—39. Bryce, Benjamin. To Belong in Buenos Aires: Germans, Argentines, and the Rise of a Pluralist Society . Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2018. Daviau, Donald, ed. Stefan Zweig. Paul Zech. Briefe 1910-1942 . Rudolstadt: Greifenverlag, 1987. Deutsch, Sandra McGee. Crossing Borders, Claiming a Nation: A History of Argentine Jewish Women, 1880—1955 . Durham, NC: Duke UP, 2010. Dietrich, Wolfram. “Gabriela Mistral.” Deutsche Blätter 23 (1945): 40—43. Ette, Ottmar. ZwischenWeltenSchreiben: Literatur ohne festen Wohnsitz . Berlin: Kadmos, 2005. Hansen-Schaberg, Inge. “Exil als Chance: Voraussetzungen und Bedingungen der Integration und Akkulturation,” Exilforschung. Kindheit und Jugend im Exil Ein Generationenthema 24. Ed. Claus-Dieter Krohn, et. al. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2006. 183—197. Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor Adorno. Dialektik Der Aufklärung Philosophische Fragmente . Frankfurt: Fischer, 1986. Huss-Michel, Angela. Literarische und politische Zeitschriften des Exils. 1933—1945 . Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1987. Hübner, Alfred. Die Leben des Paul Zech . Heidelberg: Morio-Verlag, 2021. “Huldigung an Thomas Mann,” Deutsche Blätter 25 (1945): 3—10. Ibarbourou, Juana. “Bukolischer Abendspaziergang.” Deutsche Blätter 32 (1946): 36. Icaza, Jorge. “Gewitter in den Bergen,” Deutsche Blätter 22 (1944): 34—35. Ismar, Georg. Der Pressekrieg: Argentinisches Tageblatt und Deutsche La Plata Zeitung, 1933-1945 . Berlin: Wissenschaftlicher Verlag Berlin, 2006. Kießling, Wolfgang. Exil in Lateinamerika . Leipzig: Philip Reclam, 1980. Kliems, Alfrun. “Transkulturalität des Exils und Translation im Exil: Versuch einer Zusammenbindung.” Exilforschung. Übersetzung als transkultureller Prozess 25. Ed. Claus-Dieter Krohn. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2007. 30—49. Maalouf, Amin. “Je parle du voyage comme d’autres parlent du leur maison.” Magazine littéraire 394 (2001): 98—103. Marting, Diane. Spanish American Women Writers: A Bio-bibliographical Source Book . Westport, CT: Greenwood Publishing, 1990. Intercultural Advocacy and Antifascist Activism: Paul Zech’s Exile in Argentina, 1933-1946 95 Nitschack, Horst. “Paul Zech-Autor en los Deutsche Blätter .” Paul Zech y las condiciones del exilio en la Argentina . Ed. Regula Langbehn. Buenos Aires: Buenos Aires UP, 1999. 117—129. ---. “Las Deutsche Blätter ( Hojas alemanas ) en Chile (1943-1946): una revista alemana del exilio en los márgenes de la historia literaria.” Revista Chilena de Literatura 77 (2010): n.p. Rohland de Langbehn, Regula. Paul Zech: la Argentina de un poeta alemán en el exilio 1933-1946 . Buenos Aires: Buenos Aires UP, 1997. ---. “Qué pasó en realidad con el escritor Paul Zech? ” Paul Zech y las condiciones del exilio en la Argentina . Ed. Regula Rohland de Langbehn. Buenos Aires: Buenos Aires UP, 1999. 145-158. Rukser, Udo and Albert Theile. “Was wir wollen,“ Deutsche Blätter 1 (1943): 1. ---. “An unsere Leser und Freunde.” Deutsche Blätter 34 (1946): 64. Saint Sauveur-Henn, Anne. Un siècle d’emigration allemande vers l’Argentine 1853— 1945 . Vienna: Böhlau, 1995. Sandvoß, Hans-Rainer. Widerstand in einem Arbeiterbezirk (Wedding) . Berlin: Gedenkstätte Deutscher Widerstand, 1987. Schwarcz, José Alfredo. Trotz allem . . . Die deutschsprachigen Juden in Argentinien . Cologne: Böhlau, 1995. Spitta, Arnold. Paul Zech im südamerikanischen Exil, 1933—1946 . Berlin: Colloquium, 1978. Schumacher, Martin. “‘Wir wollten als Deutsche nicht abseits stehen’-die Herausgeber der ‘Deutschen Blätter’ in Santiago de Chile Udo Rukser und Albert Theile.” Gesichter der Demokratie: Porträts zur deutschen Zeitgeschichte. Ed. Bastian Hein. Munich: Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2012. 89—107. Schwarz, Egon. “La emigración de la Alemania nazi.” Paul Zech y las condiciones del exilio en la Argentina . Ed. Regula Langbehn. Buenos Aires: Buenos Aires UP, 1999. 13—28. Sievers, Wiebke, ed. Grenzüberschreitungen. Ein literatursoziologischer Blick auf die lange Geschichte von Literatur und Migration . Vienna: Böhlau, 2016. Vander Heide, Ralph. German Leaves: Opposing Nazi Cannons with Words. Bloomington: Xlibris, 2012. Vogelmann, David. “Doctor Paul Zech falleció ayer en esta capital,” La Nacion , 8 September 1946. In: Hübner, 807. Volberg, Heinrich. Auslandsdeutschtum und drittes Reich: Der Fall Argentinien . Cologne: Böhlau, 1981. Walter, Hans-Albert. Deutsche Exilliteratur 1933—1950, Vol. 4 Exilpresse . Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1978. Zech, Paul. Correspondence with Albert Theile and Udo Rukser (Editors of Deutsche Blätter ) , Paul Zech Collection, German Literature Archive, Marbach am Neckar. ---. “Die Sühne naht.” Deutsche Blätter 11 (1943): 20. ---. “Neu-Beginnen.” Deutsche Blätter 7 (1943): 21. ---. “Foz do Yguassú.” Deutsche Blätter 7 (1943): 22. 96 Robert Kelz ---. “Landschaften und Dinge des Chimú Lapacho.” Deutsche Blätter 7 (1943): 23. ---. “Der Nebelregen von Ouro Muermo.” Deutsche Blätter 7 (1943): 23 — 24. ---. “Dem immerwährenden Andenken der für uns Gestorbenen.” Deutsche Blätter 18 (1944): 1—2. ---. “Lou Andreas-Salome y Nietzsche.” La Nación , 22 October 1944, n.p. ---. “Jorge Icaza.” Deutsche Blätter 22 (1944): 66. ---. “Strofen der Einkehr.” Deutsche Blätter (1945). ---. “Tres encuentros con Rainer Maria Rilke.” La Nación , 25 February 1945, n.p. ---. “Hermann Broch, un nuevo escritor universal.” La Nación , 1 September 1945, n.p. ---. “El humanismo de Herder.” La Nación , 27 August 1945, n.p. ---. “Heimkehr.” Deutsche Blätter 4 (1946). ---. “Encuentro con Hugo von Hofmannstahl.” Los Anales de Buenos Aires 8 (1946): 14—18. ---. “El último amor de Heine.” Los Anales de Buenos Aires 10 (1946): 3—7. ---. “Perfiles de poetas judíos de habla alemana: Franz Werfel.” Davar 7 (1946): 13—31. ---. Introduction. Hiperión, o, El eremita en Grecia . By Friedrich Hölderlin. Buenos Aires: Biblioteca Emecé de Obras Universales, 1946. 9—31. ---. “Else Lasker-Schüler.” Davar 16 (1948): 25—35.