Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Difference 2 1 5 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Difference Kate Zambon University of New Hampshire Abstract: Sport-and particularly football-is commonly seen as a technology for targeting “at-risk” populations and cultivating happy multicultural communities� Using discourse theoretical analysis, this study explores the intersection of race and gender in the public relations materials for the annual Integration Prize awarded by the German Football Association (DFB) and Mercedes-Benz. In the prize texts, the national sport transcends difference to transform racialized populations, symbolizing the virtues of the national ethos. The prize narratives involve the transformation of disaffected and thus risky populations into happy, liberated, and productive multicultural assets to the national project� The overarching pedagogy focuses on self-discipline, social competency, and hard work� However, they diverge on crucial points across gender� The corpus singles out boys for deviant behaviors like aggression and criminality� Meanwhile, it targets girls for liberation from traditional patriarchal cultures that presumably dominate Muslim communities� Analysis shows that football integration discourse ignores both structural inequality-economic and ethnic-and the patriarchal gender norms that suffuse majority German football culture. Keywords: Germany, youth, affect theory, race, gender, discourse analysis, sport, football, soccer, immigration, multiculturalism, sport for development In the decades following the introduction of birthright citizenship in Germany in 2000, policymakers and public institutions turned their attention from “segregationist” approaches to immigration to embrace new “integrationist” approaches (see Süssmuth). As the focus of German migration policy shifted from repatriation to management and regulation, sports, and above all football, emerged as a primary locus of integration discourse and, relatedly, German national identity construction� This study explores the intersection of discourses 216 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 of race and gender in the public relations materials for the annual Integration Prize awarded by the German Football Association (DFB) and Mercedes-Benz from 2007 to 2017� Politicians and DFB leaders joined together to promote football as the “engine of integration,” celebrating elite athletes of color for embodying “lived integration” ( gelebte Integration )� Certainly, sports participation-like other types of civic and community engagement-can make concrete impacts on the wellbeing of young people and adults, including those from ethnically, religiously, and economically marginalized groups� However, when mobilized as part of corporate and political communication, narratives of sport integration targeting young people also construct the national self through and against its “others�” Contrary to mythologies of sport integration, Spaaij and colleagues find in their review of the research on sport for social inclusion that “the gender, racial and national hierarchies that sport is embedded within interact to largely prevent sport from being a site for social mobility” (400)� However, rather than addressing the complex question of the direct impacts of sport on social inequality, the focus of the present study is on the symbolic discursive function of sport integration in national “mythologies” (Barthes)� The stories of “successful integration” selected for the Integration Prize imagine football as a technology for transforming supposedly dysfunctional multi-ethnic spaces and populations into optimized cosmopolitan communities. They affirm the legitimacy of values and norms that are framed as German, and more broadly Western, as optimal for collective life while celebrating productive and consumable forms of difference. After the implementation of limited birthright citizenship at the turn of this millennium, integration exploded in Germany as a new cottage industry� It was incorporated into corporate social responsibility and social marketing campaigns, the missions of non-profit organizations, and awards programs ranging from local communities up to the federal government and even the glitzy Bambi media awards� These programs align with the framework established in the federal government’s 2007 National Integration Plan� The plan emphasized sport in its strategy for addressing the perceived “integration deficits” of a significant proportion of people with a so-called “migration background”-an umbrella term that conflates immigrants and people with transnational traces in their appearance or names who are often called “migrants,” but who were in fact born and raised in Germany-all of whom are differentiated from the unmarked category of “Germans,” who are implicitly coded as white, Christian, and native-born� As Alyosxa Tudor argues, the ascription of migration to certain groups-a process Tudor calls “migrantisation” (30)-also entails a wide range of power relations, overlapping with racism when the target populations are also marked as “non-European�” DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Football integration targets all migrantized groups, from immigrant Russian “ Spätaussiedler” 1 to third-generation native-born Turkish-Germans� However, it does not target all migrantized groups equally� By rendering Muslims and Germans of color as the primary targets of integration, discourses of football integration demonstrate distinctions between migrantization, which relates to all people seen as migrants, and racialization, which marks Muslims and people of color as permanently foreign� Football integration discourses overwhelmingly invest in the positive affective project of creating “happy multiculturalism” (Ahmed, “Multiculturalism and the Promise of Happiness”)� However, they do so by constructing groups of “perpetual migrants”-particularly those associated with Turkish and Muslim cultures-as a problem to be solved� This article explores the gendered and racialized discourses of sport integration in the DFB’s Integration Prize as part of its corporate partnership with Mercedes-Benz� Using discourse theoretical analysis (Carpentier and De Cleen) and computer-assisted inductive coding, I analyzed publicity materials produced for the awards from 2008 to 2014 2 along with the DFB’s “Integration Policy” (2008), Integration A-Z reference book (2011) written by experts and academics, and “Integration Handbook” (2013)� The prize brochures were the primary focus of the analysis� These public relations booklets written and published by the DFB include statements from politicians, and representatives from Mercedes-Benz and the DFB, along with interviews and articles featuring the year’s prize recipients� They also include advertisements for Mercedes-Benz and promotion of the men’s national football team� The highly remunerated prizes were divided in three categories: schools, clubs, and municipal and independent providers� The prize brochures produced by the DFB’s public relations team profile the firstthrough third-place winners in each category� The core jury of nine included DFB functionaries, and representatives from Daimler AG and the federal government. DFB ‘integration officers’ from the 21 regional associations weighed in on the final selection. The Integration Prize demonstrates the political establishment’s investment in football as a tool for targeting minoritized populations, as indicated by the active participation of federal politicians, including chancellor Angela Merkel’s participation as guest of honor in the 2012 award gala in Berlin� To better contextualize the gendered and racialized discourses of football integration, we must first explore the symbolic function of sports for national identity construction and the role that gender plays in this constellation� Then we must understand how football is gendered in the context of the majority German public to Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 217 218 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 identify the ways that racialized discourses of sport integration complement or contradict those norms� Not all sports are equal in their symbolic potency. With the massification of sport over the course of the nineteenth century and its mediatization in the twentieth, the emergence of a “national sport” or “national pastime” became a nearly universal feature of modern national mythologies� As sociologist Joseph Maguire has shown, which sport holds the strongest national significance in any country is a contested question that shifts over time and with the advances of globalization, sports from imperial centers are frequently reterritorialized and indigenized to become the national symbols of others� The English game of football is the most spectacular example of this phenomenon, which spread across the European continent and the globe starting in the late nineteenth century to become the most popular national sport in most of the world. This diffusion demonstrated both the cultural power of European empires and the local agency in grassroots adaptations of transnational sporting and leisure practices (Brown; Collins; Dubois; Murray). Although the British imagined the global diffusion of their sport practices as a means of spreading British notions of civilization, the most successful aspect of their export was “the social technology of sport […] as a language for defining nationhood” (Dyreson 102), effectively globalizing modern nationalism� In the formation of modern nations, sport has long played an outsized role in forming distinctions between and within societies, delineating class boundaries and constructing their gendered norms and ideals (Hobsbawm, “Mass-Producing Traditions: Europe, 1870-1914”)� In scholarship on national identity and the cultural politics of sport, there is a persistent pattern establishing the most symbolically powerful national sporting domains as a “male preserve” (Maguire 411). This point appears so self-evident that it is often mentioned off-hand, as in Hobsbawm’s seminal assessment of sport’s role in the twentieth century rise of mass mediated nationalism: What has made sport so uniquely effective a medium for inculcating national feelings, at all events for males, is the ease with which even the least political or public individuals can identify with the nation as symbolized by young persons excelling at what practically every man wants, or at one time in life has wanted, to be good at� The imagined community of millions seems more real as a team of eleven named people� The individual, even the one who only cheers, becomes a symbol of his nation himself� (Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 143) With his reference to the eleven men on the national football pitch, Hobsbawm emphasizes the place of men’s football at the top of the national symbolic hier- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 219 archy� And while women have actively engaged with football-as both players and spectators-since its earliest days (Collins), in so-called “football nations” (Dawson et al�) their participation has primarily been discursively framed in support of masculinist mythologies (Emonds), “for the practices of nationhood and national identity are also the expression of male identity” (Maguire 411)� This observation helps explain the stark differences in the gendered associations of football in contexts where it is popularly conceived as a “national sport,” as compared to those-such as the United States-where other sports reign supreme in national sporting mythologies� As Markovits argues, “while American women entered a field that was largely empty of men, mainly because the sport itself was culturally marginal, European women had to work their way into a field dominated by men” (7). In amateur football in the U.S., participation rates across genders are approximately equal, and football has traditionally been considered a sport that is equally appropriate across the hegemonic gender binary 3 (Knoppers and Anthonissen; Markovits and Hellerman)� While the US women’s national team (USWNT) enjoys much greater success and recognition than the mediocre men’s team, disparities in their pay and working conditions show that while women may become international sports heroes representing the nation, they are still subject to the masculinist hegemony of sports institutions and media (Cintron et al�; McConnell et al�)� The early exit of the two-time defending champion USWNT from the 2023 World Cup was celebrated by the American right (for example by Breitbart's Dylan Gwinn), particularly since the USWNT openly advocated for equal pay and anti-racist causes� This demonstrates that although football may not be a male domain everywhere, whoever adopts the mantle of national sports hero and challenges the “white supremacist capitalist patriarchy” (118), in the immortal words of bell hooks, does so at their peril� In Germany, elite women footballers have not yet dented the masculinist hegemony of the national sporting imaginary, despite being second only to the Americans in their accumulation of World Cup titles and Olympic medals� While men’s football became a keystone of postwar national mythology in West Germany, German women were banned from organized football by the German Football Association until 1970� During most of the twentieth century, football was an exclusively masculine domain in Germany and across Europe (Pfister; Pfister et al.; Marschik). Even after the official ban on participation was lifted, institutional and cultural norms continued to support gender disparities in visibility and material resources� Ingrained inequalities do not simply evaporate after the end of a formal ban, as evidenced by the egregious, DFB-sanctioned sexualization of the German women’s team during the German-hosted 2011 World Cup (Markovits)� European Women’s football programs are increasingly competitive at the elite level, as was evident in the 2023 FIFA World Cup� How- 220 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 ever, amateur participation rates skew heavily in favor of men� In 2016, girl’s and women’s teams made up only 7�7% of football clubs in Germany ( Mitglieder-Statistik 2016 )� Until very recently, the extreme gender disparity in football participation nationwide did not warrant serious concern on the DFB website� In 2022, the DFB shifted its approach to women’s and girls’ football, unveiling a new initiative to address the long-standing gender inequalities at every level of the sport. The DFB homepage reflects this new approach, with photos and features of women’s teams appearing alongside the men on the front page, no longer ignored or segregated. This concern offers hope for change but is also long overdue, since between 2010 and 2022, the number of amateur girls teams dropped by nearly half ( Frauen Im Fußball FF27 )� The gender disparities in European women’s football are also attracting unprecedented attention in scholarship. Building on the foundational work of scholars like Gertrud Pfister and Matthias Marschik, recent scholarship has explored football as a privileged locus of constructing gender and sexuality in Germany and Europe (Sobiech and Gentile; Hofmann and Krüger; Hüser; Keller; Bangor; Faust). The intersection of gender and race in the cultural and national politics of European football remains underexplored� In stark contrast to this longstanding neglect of women’s football generally, sport integration discourse in the government and DFB texts analyzed below frame girls’ participation as a central problem with broader social implications, both as a reflection of and as a technology to change the presumed patriarchal norms of immigrant communities� The key to sport as a technology of identity formation and reform is its affective function� As Ismer argues, through its capacity to evoke collective emotions, sport is one of the most effective ways of moving the nation “from the head (imagined community) to the heart (loved nation)” (549)� In terms of cultural representation, sport offers a repertoire of stories with affective transformation as the central plot� For the normative national majority, international football spectacle forges community through the “collective effervescence” (Durkheim) of simultaneous spectatorship and the attachment to collective memories of past victories (Anderson; Emonds; Ismer)� The other side of the coin in this self-affirming football mythology is the discourse targeting Germany’s internal ‘others�’ When targeting internal others, the focus shifts to all the things sports and football can do, largely by attracting young people through their passions� The framing of sport as an attractive agent of social transformation drives the titles of sport integration projects. Program names like “Start-Sport überspringt kulturelle Hürden,” “Fußball ist das Tor zum Lernen,” “Integration von Mädchen durch Sport,” and “Gol-Fußball verbindet” 4 set up football as a natural force of DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 221 social transformation. Likewise, celebratory proclamations of functionaries of football, politics, and civil society frame football as the active subject, such as: Der Fußball erreicht Jungen und Mädchen verschiedener ethnischer und sozialer Herkunft� 5 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 3) Fußball fördert soziale Kompetenzen und vermittelt Werte wie Teamgeist und Verlässlichkeit� 6 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 9) Fußball lehrt wichtige Werte und stärkt Charakter� 7 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 11) [Fußball] ist Sprachschule und Medium für den Transport von wichtigen Werten. 8 ( 2012 Integrationspreis 20) The stories of sport integration told through the DFB Integration Prize texts and the National Integration Plan are not heroic epics where the (male) audience sees idealized versions of themselves reflected in elite athletes in the national colors� Instead, the hero of these sport integration stories is the national sport itself, which transcends ethnic difference to transform racialized populations, symbolizing the values and virtues of the national ethos� As the following textual analysis will show, the types of transformation idealized in these stories encapsulate how “unintegrated” boys and girls, men and women are differentially imagined within what Pitter and Andrews call the “social problems industry” (86)� The stories of football integration in the prize texts revolve around the affective transformation of disaffected, repressed, mistrustful and thus risky populations into grateful, happy, liberated, and productive multicultural assets to the national project� The narratives of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize imagine a variety of subjects, which can be traced in the types of descriptors used to delineate the targets of integration and how they fit into society at large. The football programs highlighted by the prize focus overwhelmingly on young people and their families� The most frequently mentioned subject in the corpus-and sixth overall in word frequency-is Mädchen 9 (215) followed by a variety of subject terms modified by the term Migrationshintergrund 10 (155)� For comparison, together Jungen and Jungs 11 were only mentioned eighty-seven times� This disparity in explicit mentions of gender was even greater when referring to adults (69 to 25 favoring the mention of women versus men)� The focus on families is also evident in the word frequencies, with a strong emphasis on Eltern 12 (92) and other familial terms. Reflecting the status of football integration as a nation-building project, other top descriptors in the corpus were variations of “ deutsch *” (180) 13 and Deutschland (88)� As described in the publicity materials celebrating the honorees, selected programs target families as the first locus of social reproduction within a highly 222 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 gendered framework� The pedagogy applied to girls and boys share many of the same goals-foremost among them, the cultivation of self-discipline, social competency, and a strong work ethic� However, they diverge on crucial points. The corpus singles out boys for reform of deviant behaviors like violence and criminality. Meanwhile, stories in the prize profiles target women and girls for special care-including their liberation from the traditional patriarchal culture that the corpus presumes dominate minority communities� In both cases, analysis will show that integration projects situate social problems within immigrant communities, while downplaying structural inequality-both economic and ethnic-and leaving in place the patriarchal gender norms that suffuse majority German football culture� As the word frequency data show, girls and women receive special attention in the DFB Integration Prize discourse� This was particularly true in the early years of the prize, which coincided with an explosion of government-led activity that firmly established the integration sector as a major arena of public-private partnership. The first year of the prize coincided with the publication of the federal government’s National Integration Plan in 2007. DFB officials were actively involved in annual integration summits ( Integrationsgipfel) starting in 2006 and in drafting the 2007 plan� Analyzing the DFB’s integration discourse in connection with the National Integration Plan shows the overlap between official government conceptions of integration and those of major cultural institutions like the DFB� In fact, according to the DFB, their “integration concept,” commissioned in 2008, was included in a subsequent version of the National Integration Plan ( Fußball Für Alle ) in which sport occupies a privileged place� Meanwhile, the gender and ethnic frameworks of the Integration Plan permeate the DFB’s Integration Prize texts� The National Integration Plan identifies ten thematic priorities, including educational offerings, engaging local communities and civil society groups, and the mandate “ Vielfalt nutzen ” 14 in the media sector� This list of ten themes also includes Integration durch Sport , 15 where sport is hailed as an “ Integrationsmotor. ” Sport-and particularly football-is seen as a technology that can be used to target the other areas, not the least of which is the fourth thematic field: „ Lebenssituation von Frauen und Mädchen verbessern, Gleichberechtigung verwirklichen �” 16 If sport is a material and symbolic technology for solving social problems, the discourse of the plan and the prize show us what kind of “problems” immigrants and their descendants are imagined to be� 17 In the National Integration Plan, “migrant” women and girls represent both an unexploited resource and an exploited population that represents the violence of patriarchal traditional societies� Following common tropes in discourses about Muslim women in Europe (see Chin; Korteweg and Yurdakul), the plan DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 223 emphasizes fighting gender-based violence, discrimination, and forced marriage within immigrant communities� The discussion in the plan acknowledges that there was disagreement and concern among “ Migrantinnen ” (presumably, the transnational female working group participants) about fueling ubiquitous stereotypes through a disproportionate focus on Muslim women as victims of Muslim men (see Celik)� Indeed, the plan mentions “forced marriage” forty-four times, while only mentioning the word “racism” twice� 18 It also ignores gender inequities as a broader problem in Germany� The sections of the plan that focus on gender-based violence fail to look beyond immigrant cultures as the source of the problem� In the absence of discussions about the ways racism and discrimination exacerbate gender-based violence (Rice et al�; Forster et al�; Dingoyan et al�) and the problems of misogyny and gender inequities across Germany and the West (Krimmer and Simpson), the plan inadvertently mirrors the trope that Spivak summarizes with the sentence: “white men are saving brown women from brown men” (296)� Turning the colonial gaze inward on domestic transnational spaces, the plan fortifies “imperialism’s image as the establisher of the good society […] marked by the espousal of the woman as object of protection from her own kind” (Spivak 299)� This process constitutes the “Other of Europe as Self ” (Spivak 281), emphasizing the egalitarianism of normative German society� The plan underscores the binary through narratives of transformation, stating approvingly that many “well-integrated migrant women” in the second and third generation “orientieren sich mehr an modernen, partnerschaftlichen Rollenleitbildern als an tradierten, patriarchalisch geprägten” 19 ( Der Nationale Integrationsplan 89)� In this “clash of civilizations” narrative (Said) pitting superior “modern” Western social models against “traditional,” implicitly Muslim ones, women are imagined as both the site where the despotic masculinity of “migrant” men is enacted and the potential key to its undoing� A central part of this undoing rests on the female body as a site of literal and figurative reproduction, emphasizing the function of women in transmitting the values and norms of integration in their role as mothers� As the National Integration Plan states, Migrantinnen kommt in ihrer Rolle als Mütter eine Schlüsselstellung für die Integration der nächsten Generation zu� Viele Mädchen mit Migrationshintergrund erbringen gute Leistungen in der Schule und beherrschen die deutsche Sprache. Trotzdem fehlt ihnen oftmals die Möglichkeit, ihre Potenziale nutzbringend einzusetzen� 20 ( Der Nationale Integrationsplan 18) The Integration Plan and the Integration Prize narratives portray women as a crucial source of untapped human capital� This focus on girls as potential future 224 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 mothers also reflects the drive of biopolitics to push regulatory, economic logics into every domain of human life (Lemke; Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics )� Integration programs focus heavily on empowering girls, partly to recover female productivity “lost” to traditional family structures and partly to prepare them to pass integrationist values down to their future children� The discourses of the Integration Plan form the backdrop for the stories of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize� The conception of football as an ideal technology for the transformation of patriarchal norms is exemplified in a statement by the founder of the project, Social Integration of Girls through Football, which was replicated nationwide� Founder, Dr� Ulf Gebken explains that “Fußball kann ein Hebel der Emanzipation sein� Der ältere Bruder oder der Vater sehen die Schwester oder Tochter in einem ganz anderen Umfeld� Das Rollenverhalten verändert sich” 21 ( 2011 Integrationspreis 18)� This statement frames male family members as a barrier to girls’ freedom-one that can be dismantled through the power of football to alter the feelings and conceptual frameworks of family spectators� This echoes the language of the National Integration Plan, which states: Die Integration der Migrantinnen wird nicht zuletzt beeinflusst durch die Erwartungen und Haltungen ihrer Väter, Männer und Brüder. Bei Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der Partizipation von Migrantinnen ist daher eine Veränderung des Rollenverständnisses und -verhaltens der Männer in vielen Fällen Voraussetzung gelingender Integration und Partizipation der Migrantinnen� ( Der Nationale Integrationsplan 97) Men and boys are framed as an obstacle preventing girls’ participation in public life, and girls’ football is conceptualized not only as a form of public participation for girls, but a technology for enlightening men and boys who cheer on their sisters and daughters� In hegemonic sports culture, football is a fundamentally masculine pastime, while in the context of sport integration it is a “lever” for emancipating (Muslim) girls and combatting gender inequalities in immigrant families� The concern with gender in integration discourse segregates the actual and perceived gender inequalities in Muslim immigrant communities from those of the majority society� The contradictions between the masculine normativity of football generally and the investment in football as a technology for empowering and liberating racialized girls appears throughout the corpus� We are frequently told how much girls love playing football, alongside reminders that football is a naturally male domain� Girls’ interest in the game is frequently observed with surprise and incredulity� As one prize winner stated, “Wir haben-durchaus mit Erstaunen-bemerkt, dass in den Pausenhöfen auch die Mädchen gern und gut DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 225 Fußball spielen” 22 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 8)� However, this realization of girls’ interest in football in the context of integration programs does not spur reflection on the problematic gendered assumptions about football in majority society� Instead, presumptions about gender inequalities in minority communities shape assumptions about girls’ participation� As another program organizer, Hans-Jürgen Daum, stated, Ich war sehr skeptisch am Anfang. Mädchen aus marokkanischen oder türkischen Familien und Fußball spielen? Das konnte ich mir nicht so richtig vorstellen� Heute erlebe ich bei Turnieren den Enthusiasmus, mit dem die Väter ihre Töchter anfeuern� Der Fußball hat dazu beigetragen, dass sich die Kulturen annähern� 23 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 19) The failure of imagination described in this statement relates to the intersection of gendered and culturally coded national categories� It is not girls from Russian or Polish families playing football that challenge Daum’s imagination� This statement only makes sense in relation to two spurious underlying presumptions� On the one hand, that homogeneous patriarchal traditionalism generally characterizes Muslim families and, on the other, that normative white German culture universally supports gender equality� Daum’s inability to imagine Muslim girls playing football was tied to the assumption that their fathers-who turned out to be enthusiastic fans-would resist their daughters’ participation� When he was proven wrong, however, he does not question his initial assumptions about these presumably Muslim families� Instead, he credits the football with transforming their culture, causing them to converge with putatively egalitarian German values-ignoring the overwhelmingly patriarchal norms in German football culture� In this discourse, football’s affective power functions at multiple levels. In her analysis of popular narratives of football integration in the British context, Sara Ahmed writes that “the world of football promises freedom, allowing you not only to be happy but to become a happy object, by bringing happiness to others, who cheer as you score” ( The Promise of Happiness 135)� As in Daum’s account above, girls’ participation in football turns them into happy objects with the ability to transform their male family members and affectively align them with an idealized majority culture� For the migrant to be recognized as a citizen, they must fulfill a “happiness duty,” where “happiness involves being ‘redirected,’ or turned around […] toward the norms, values and practices” (128) of the nation and contributing to the happy story the nation can tell about itself� This redirection in Integration Prize stories is not only targeted against presumptions of patriarchal traditionalism, but also to remedy two kinds of problems relating to trust ( Vertrauen )-that of immigrants’ collective Misstrauen 226 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 of majority German society and insufficient individual self-confidence ( Selbstvertrauen )� In both cases, the corpus overwhelmingly associates these issues with girls and women. Trust is also a question of affect, a form of feeling that resists articulation but flows from pre-existing conceptions about the relations between self and others� These conceptions spring in large part from collective memory and discourses produced by collective representation in the media� While the problem of trust appears throughout the prize narratives, only the DFB’s 168-page reference guide, Integration A-Z seriously considers sources of mistrust beyond cultural difference itself. In contrast to the prize narratives, which were written by public relations professionals, Integration A-Z was compiled by experts and scholars and incorporates a more complex and informed perspective� Regarding the question of trust, one section explains how histories of racist violence generate bad collective feeling, writing that “Fremdenfeindliche Gewalt, wie die tödlichen Übergriffe in Rostock, Hoyerswerda, Solingen oder Mölln Anfang der 1990er Jahre haben das Vertrauen vieler Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund in ihre Sicherheit in Deutschland erschüttert” 24 (Hink 64)� Another section states that feelings of alienation ( Fremdheit ) and discrimination ( Benachteiligung ) generate a “climate of mistrust” (31)� These sections recognize historical and structural problems in German society as a foundational cause of mistrust among racialized communities� These discussions are an exception in the DFB’s football integration materials that also show that a contextually informed approach is possible� Discussions of trust in the Integration Prize corpus broadly ignore structural issues and implicitly or explicitly locate the problem of mistrust in cultural difference, primarily Muslim familyand gender norms. They cast trust as necessary to release girls from the gendered restrictions of family custom and frame playing football as a tool to undo mistrust of migrantized families towards German society� A typical example is a guide to girls’ football integration that advises that “ein Training nur für Mädchen hilft dabei, das Vertrauen der Eltern, deren Unterstützung entscheidend ist, zu gewinnen und die Mädchen langsam an den Fussball heranzuführen” 25 (“Integration von Mädchen durch Fussball”)� The trust of families is not merely an ideal, it is described as “the alpha and the omega of success” ( 2010 Integrationspreis 18), a task that requires “eine intensive Überzeugungs- und Vertrauensarbeit gegenüber den Eltern […], um gerade die muslimischen Spielerinnen für den Verein zu gewinnen” 26 (Hink 87)� Here, establishing feelings of trust facilitates the conversion of families whose traditional values purportedly separate them from German society� These interventions are framed as not just effortful, but potentially risky. Clubs and coaches are advised that they “sollten um Vertrauen werben, um innerfamiliären Spannungen oder Identitätskonflikten, die durch die Sport- oder DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 227 Fußballbegeisterung der Töchter entstehen können, vorzubeugen” 27 (Hink 77)� Trust is a core part of the celebratory story of accomplishment and transformation of football integration, but it is also always pointing at its absence in the status quo ante � Having a trusted contact for parents in the club is of inestimable importance, wo Mädchen mit Migrationshintergrund - vor allem Muslime - Fußball spielen wollen, bei den Eltern aber zunächst Ressentiments vorherrschen. “Wir schaffen es dann, gegen traditionelle Rollenbilder anzugehen”, sagt [der Trainer] Heitmann nicht ohne Stolz� So werde bewiesen: “Fußball ist eben nicht nur Jungensache, auch Mädchen haben Erfolge�” 28 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 9) Here, the bad feelings springing from traditional culture in migrant families represent the primary obstacle to girls’ participation in football, and are thus a barrier on their road to happiness and freedom through contact with an egalitarian majority society� When talking about girls’ football, mistrust is exclusively attributed to patriarchal Muslim gender norms� At the same time, building trust through and for girls’ football is a means of overcoming and “unsticking” (Ahmed, The Promise of Happiness 138) migrants from the unhappy “climate of mistrust” generated by what is left unspoken in the prize discourse: persistent social and economic inequality and recent histories of racist violence� There is a tension in the prize texts between statements suggesting that arduous interventions are necessary to involve transnational girls in football and concrete statements and facts showing the strength of their participation when given the opportunity� As in many of the statements above, football integration narratives emphasize the extra care, special handling, and coaxing necessary to enable girls’ participation� Combined with the statements of surprise and incredulity about (Muslim) girls’ interest and ability in playing football, this reinforces the impression that girls playing football is unusual and Muslim girls playing is near unimaginable� In addition, the emphasis on involving more women as coaches and club leaders is framed primarily as an accommodation of traditional culture, rather than an indication of a broader problem in German football of the underrepresentation of women in leadership roles� However, peppered throughout the prize stories are comments and details that undercut the narratives of strenuous effort. In many of the examples where schools and clubs opted for conscious inclusion of girls’ football, the girls made up a substantial proportion of participants-often up to half� In one football program where transnational students made up half of the school population, “gerade Mädchen aus ausländischen und Migranten-Familien begeistern sich für das Sportangebot, sie stellen achtzig Prozent der Teilnehmer” 29 ( 2011 Integrationspreis 18)� This story was accompanied by a photo of a girls’ team wear- 228 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 ing medals, alongside their male coach, showing that these results are possible even without exclusively female coaching� In a more direct challenge to the discourse of arduous intervention, Nejbir Acar, a girls’ team leader at another featured club, put it bluntly, “So schwer ist das alles gar nicht” 30 ( 2010 Integrationspreis 13)� While discussions of girls’ football integration predominated in the first several years of the prize, over time the focus shifted more towards issues associated with young men and boys� These discussions are propelled by cheerful celebrations of the ways that the joy of football overcomes cultural obstacles to entice young people to develop pro-social values and job-market-friendly discipline and focus� Again, however, we can see that the celebration of transformation also emphasizes the problems requiring remediation� In the gendered imaginary of unintegrated “problem migrants,” the struggles women and girls face are connected to racialized conceptions of unruly and even dangerous young men� When recently elected chancellor Angela Merkel visited the DFB headquarters in Frankfurt in 2006, she declared that “Der Fußball zeichnet sich dadurch aus, Menschen ganz unterschiedlicher Herkunft zusammenzubringen� Der DFB hat bisher auch viel getan, um gewalttätige Jugendliche zu integrieren” 31 (“Bundeskanzlerin und DOSB-Präsident danken DFB für Integrations-Engagement”)� Here, football intervenes to break down the barriers of feared “parallel societies,” transforming dangerous difference into happy multiculturalism. Beneath the celebratory narratives of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize runs a deficit narrative that grew more evident over the years, as the disproportionate focus on emancipating girls early on shifted implicitly or explicitly towards young men and boys� In the stories publicized by the prize, young male footballers are either normalized by neglecting to mention gender explicitly when discussing boys’ teams or stigmatized by making them the focus of programs targeting social deviance in neighborhoods classified as ‘social combustion points’ ( soziale Brennpunkte )� There are many examples in the prize corpus of programs targeting the violence, potential and actual criminality, and disaffection of young (Muslim) men. One of the clearest examples among awardees is the celebrated Midnight Sports football program in Berlin, which exemplifies the type of racialized masculine gendering that crops up across the corpus� The discussion of the Berlin program echoes the racial and neoliberal politics of the homeland of Midnight Sports programs, the United States� In his analysis of Midnight Basketball programs starting in the late 1980s, Douglas Hartmann writes that “racial ideologies and indeed racism itself are not only the result of prejudice, bias, fear, subjugation and surveillance […], but also constructed in DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 229 and through images that would otherwise appear to be productive, pleasurable or even progressive” (1013)� Hartmann found that while participants enjoyed Midnight Basketball, in the realms of public discourse and symbolic politics they also contributed to harmful anti-Black stereotypes and became part of neoliberal projects to privatize social services and enact more punitive approaches to social problems� This kind of symbolic politics also appears in the Berlin iteration of Midnight Sports, founded in 2007� The program mobilized the celebrity of its sponsor, national team player Jérôme Boateng, in a narrative of reforming urban minority youth through football to “defend a Berlin neighborhood teetering on the brink�” This story and its famous sponsor attracted national attention, winning both the DFB Mercedes-Benz prize and the Bambi award in the category “Integration” in 2013� The program’s founder Ismail Öner, a trained social worker of Turkish heritage, described his motivation for starting the project: Die Polizei deklarierte die Heerstraße Nord in Spandau 2007 als kriminalitätsbelasteten Ort� Eine Gruppe von etwa 30 Jugendlichen, die meisten mit einem Migrationshintergrund, legten praktisch den Stadtteil lahm. Für mich stand fest: Jetzt muss etwas passieren� Der Mitternachtssport war das Ergebnis eines von mir organisierten Gesprächs zwischen Polizei und Jugendlichen� Am 8� Dezember 2007 haben wir dann die Halle das erste Mal aufgeschlossen. Der Effekt war umwerfend. Die Kategorisierung als kriminalitätsbelasteter Ort konnte bald aufgehoben werden� 32 ( 2013 Integrationspreis 22) This story epitomizes the transformative narrative of sports, which, by reforming dangerous young people, defends and restores the communal social body to health� The category of a “criminally burdened place” is a local legal classification of space that the police may assign, which lowers requirements of reasonable suspicion to justify police intervention� Cities and states across Germany have similar policies placing “dangerous zones” under a “state of exception” (Agamben), enabling increased surveillance and policing. Local police have broad authority to designate these spaces of exception, and the limited research available on these policies suggests that designation is based as much or more on a space’s demographic features than on actual risk of violence (Belina and Wehrheim; Ullrich and Tullney)� Öner draws on this category to justify the claim that these mostly migrantized youths represented a threat to life in the neighborhood and to link his intervention to the neutralization of that threat� Midnight Sports uses the good feeling of organized sports to transform threatening young men into useful individuals through a variety of disciplinary techniques that coincide with the requirements of football� In Discipline and Punish , Foucault outlines discipline as a modern technology aimed at increasing the usefulness of individuals in the most efficient possible manner. Discipline 230 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 seeks to produce “subjected and practiced” bodies, increasing the forces of the body in terms of utility while decreasing the political force of the body through obedience (Foucault, Discipline and Punish 138)� This process involves enclosure and partitioning, which in this case is the removal of young men from the public spaces of the streets to the controlled space of the gym and the indoor football field where each player knows his place and his function within that space. By its very definition as a practice, sport produces “docile bodies” (135), which is Foucault’s term for the disciplined body that represents maximum utility and minimal cost� Beyond the direct practices of the game, sports open the possibility for further interventions as the leader of Midnight Sports explains� DFB : Und die Baseballschläger mussten vor der Halle abgegeben werden? 33 Ismail Öner: Man sollte nicht übertreiben, so schlimm war es auch nicht. Wir haben Begegnung geschaffen. Beim ersten Turnier spielten Polizisten gegen Jugendliche, die sich sonst nur bei Einsätzen begegnet sind� Die Jugendlichen kommen zu uns in die Halle und bringen alle ihre Sorgen und Nöte mit� Dann beginnt die sozialpädagogische Arbeit. Wir schaffen Netzwerke aus Schule, Elternhaus, Fußballverein, Jugendamt und anderen Personen und Institutionen rund um den Jugendlichen� Oft sind es Schieflagen. Die Versetzung ist gefährdet, es droht ein Schulverweis, ein Junge findet keinen Praktikumsplatz, der andere hat eine richterliche Weisung� Manchmal ist’s auch einfach Liebeskummer. 34 ( 2013 Integrationspreis 22) Here, the DFB interviewer picks up on the description of delinquency that Öner introduced in his previous statement by suggesting, half in jest, that these young men needed to be disarmed before participating� Öner initially pushes back against what he classifies as an overstatement of their deviance. He then continues to outline the depth and breadth of interventions necessary to reform these young men and make them productive� Foucault writes that disciplinary space aims to “establish presences and absences, to know where and how to locate individuals, to set up useful communications, to interrupt others, to be able at each moment to supervise the conduct of each individual, to assess it, to judge it, to calculate its qualities or merits” ( Security, Territory, Population 143)� The practice of football itself fulfills these aims, but Öner’s statement shows that, above all, it generates the enticement to enter the nexus in a network of other disciplinary spaces� His statement above concludes with an inventory of transgressions against the standards and norms of schools, the job market, and the legal system� Öner tempers this description of deviance by adding an example of the ‘normal’ travails of youth learning to navigate amorous relationships� There is a tension in the DFB corpus between the masculine normativity of football and the gendered imperatives of integration discourse, which demand the inclusion and empowerment of women� While the above interview em- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 231 phasizes that Midnight Sports welcomes all national backgrounds, “including Germans,” Öner expresses discomfort with female participants, explaining that he is unable to relate to the problems of girls: “Wenn Mädchen in die Halle kommen, dürfen sie mitspielen. Aber ich weiß auch, was ich kann und was nicht� Pädagogik spielt eine große Rolle� Und mir fehlt die Fähigkeit und das Einfühlungsvermögen, die Probleme von 14-jährigen Mädchen zu verstehen. Da müssen andere Kolleginnen ran” 35 ( 2013 Integrationspreis 23)� This echoes the commonly repeated position in the corpus that female coaches and mentors are necessary to properly guide and relate to girl players� Before this question, the last of the interview, the neutral term “youths” ( Jugendliche ) is generally used for the participants� Once Öner refers to “our boys” ( unsere Jungs ), but until the last question gender remains otherwise unspecified and, consequently, is presumed to be male. This reflects the default of masculinity in football culture broadly, while the interviewer’s question about whether girls are included underscores the special place of girls as a target in football integration discourse� The peak of sport integration enthusiasm may now be behind us� In 2018, the DFB quietly ended the Integration Prize after its partnership with Mercedes-Benz ended� A year later, they published a brief “revised integration concept” ( Fußball Für Alle 1), which shifted focus from targeting migrantized groups for reform towards equity and inclusion� Understanding the problems with sport integration discourse is crucial to avoid re-entrenching inequities through programs intended to combat them� Football integration claims to address the problem of ‘migrant’ and especially Muslim populations� It does so by transforming them from a source of unhappiness-to Muslim girls oppressed by traditional patriarchy and to the white German population at risk of being affected by Muslim male violence, disorder, and economic failure-into a symbol of happy diversity through interaction with the majority population� In Angela Merkel’s infamous declaration of multiculturalism as a complete failure in the wake of the Sarrazin debate in 2010, her retelling of German postwar histories of labor migration is an unhappy story of the naïveté of native Germans whose belief that they would soon be rid of their foreign “guests” lulled them into complacency� Wir sind ein Land, das im Übrigen Anfang der sechziger Jahre die Gastarbeiter nach Deutschland geholt hat, und jetzt leben sie bei uns� Wir haben uns eine Weile lang in die Tasche gelogen� Wir haben gesagt, die werden schon nicht bleiben� Irgendwann werden sie weg sein. Das ist nicht die Realität, und natürlich war der Ansatz zu sagen, jetzt machen wir hier mal Multikulti und leben so nebeneinander her und freuen uns übereinander � Dieser Ansatz ist gescheitert, absolut gescheitert! 36 ( Angela Merkel - Multikulti Ist Gescheitert, Absolut Gescheitert! , emphasis added) 232 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Merkel’s emphatic use of firstand third-person plural pronouns creates a stark divide in this speech between the legitimate nationals who define the country and the guests who overstayed their welcome and are now a problem to be dealt with� When Merkel mocks as an absurd failure the idea that “we” (normatively white Christian Germans) and “they” (Turkish Gastarbeiter and their descendants) could just “do multiculturalism and live beside each other and be happy about each other,” she affirms that for diversity to be happy requires interventions to “redirect” and “turn around” the targets of integration� Through participation in Germany’s most symbolically potent national game, football integration promises to be a technology that transforms (through) affect to solve Germany’s “problem migrants�” The fantasy of football is that it can take us ‘out of our ethnicity’� So we could say that diversity becomes happy when it involves loyalty to what has already been given as a national ideal� Happiness is promised in return for loyalty to the nation, where loyalty is expressed as ‘giving’ diversity to the nation through playing its game� (Ahmed, “The Politics of Good Feeling” 2) This fantasy operates differently across lines of gender. The presumption of patriarchal dominance in traditional “migrant” cultures calls for disciplinary solutions to change the behavior of potentially dangerous or unproductive men and boys and affective interventions to change the norms that prevent women and girls from reaching their full social and economic capacity� Football integration tells us that the primary barrier to Muslim girls’ participation is their families, whose cultural tendencies toward sexism and mistrust of majority German society rob girls of their opportunity to play� Recognition of the masculinist norms in majority German football culture is nowhere to be found� These stories are not, however, negative on their face� They focus on the happy outcomes made possible by football participation and maintain the celebratory valence appropriate for a public prize� This also depends on separating causes of mistrust and bad feelings from the unhappy object of racism-past and present� Racism, right-wing extremism, and xenophobia appear only in isolated entries in the DFB Integration A- Z reference guide or in discussions of clubs who overcome unexpected, individual incidents of racism by white German fans and club members� 37 Together, the stories of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize support the narrative of a productive modern Germany where diversity can be a happy object of national celebration, so long as it is well-managed� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 233 Notes 1 A group of immigrants categorized as ethnic German “resettlers”-people with traceable German heritage from Central and Eastern Europe who have special access to German citizenship� Aussiedler and Spätaussiedler are distinguished by whether they immigrated before or after 1992, respectively� 2 2014 was the final year when dedicated prize brochures with extended features were made available� In following years, stories about the prize appeared as posts on the DFB website� 3 While football does not hold a gendered valence in binary frameworks of gender in the United States, it remains potent in reactionary cultural battles opposing trans women’s and girls’ participation in athletics, nominally to preserve fairness in women’s sports but which functionally subordinate transand cis-gender women and maintain sport as a privileged masculine domain (Burke)� 4 “Start-Sport overcomes cultural hurdles,” “Football is the gateway to learning,” “Integration of girls through Sport” and “Goal-Football unites” 5 “Football reaches boys and girls from diverse ethnic and social backgrounds�” 6 “Football fosters social competencies and conveys values like team spirit and dependability�” 7 “Football teaches important values and builds character�” 8 “Football is a language school and a medium for transporting important values�” 9 Girl(s) 10 Migration background 11 Boy(s) 12 Parents 13 From the 180 uses of variations of the word “German,” 42 were part of mentions of the Deutscher Fußball Bund� Of these 180 uses, the noun Deutsch , referring to the German language, appeared 30 times� 14 “Take advantage of diversity” 15 “Integration through sport” 16 “Improving the living situation of women and girls, achieving equality” 17 This type of approach to racialized difference and the racialized “other” recalls W�E�B� Du Bois’s question, "How does it feel to be a problem? ” in his seminal 1897 essay, the “Strivings of the Negro People�” 18 “Xenophobia” (9) and other terms like “intolerance” (1) and “discrimination” (7) are likewise rare in the 200-page text� 234 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 19 Many “well-integrated migrant women” in the second and third generation “orient themselves more towards modern partnership-based role models than traditional, patriarchal ones�” 20 “In their role as mothers, female migrants have a key place in the integration of the next generation� Many girls with migration backgrounds achieve good results in school and master the German language� Nevertheless, they often lack the opportunity to put their potential to profitable use.” 21 “Football can be a lever of emancipation� The older brother or father see the sister or daughter in a completely different setting. It changes the role behavior�” 22 “We noticed-with total astonishment-that the girls also liked to play football during recess and they were good at it�” 23 “I was very skeptical at the beginning� Girls from Moroccan or Turkish families playing football? I couldn’t really imagine that� Today I see the enthusiasm of fathers cheering on their daughters� Football has contributed to a convergence of cultures�” 24 “Xenophobic violence, as in the deadly attacks in Rostock, Hoywerswerda, Solingen oder Mölln at the beginning of the 1990s, have shaken the trust of many people with an immigration background in their security in Germany�” 25 “A training session for girls-only helps to earn the trust of parents, whose support is crucial, and to slowly acquaint the girls with football�” 26 It requires “intensive persuasion and trust-building work with parents, particularly to gain Muslim girls as club players�” 27 They “should seek trust in order to prevent intra-family tensions or identity conflicts that can arise due to their daughters’ enthusiasm for sports or football�” 28 “[…] when girls with a migration background - especially Muslims - want to play football, but initially there is resentment among their parents� “We ultimately manage to go against traditional role models,” says [coach] Heitmann, not without pride� This proves: “Football is not just for boys� Girls also have success�” 29 “Girls from foreign and migrant families in particular are enthusiastic about the sports on offer; they make up eighty percent of the participants.” 30 “It’s all really not that difficult.” 31 “Football excels at bringing people from very different backgrounds together� The DFB has also done a lot to integrate violent young people�” 32 “The police designated the Heer Street in North Spandau a criminally burdened place� A group of about 30 young people, mostly with a migration background, had practically crippled the neighborhood� For me, it was clear: DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 235 something had to change now� Midnight Sports was the result of a discussion I organized between the police and the young people� On December 8, 2007, we opened the gym for the first time. The effect was stupendous. The categorization of criminally burdened place could soon be lifted�” 33 “DFB Interviewer: And the baseball bats had to be left outside the gym? ” 34 “Ismail Öner: Let’s not exaggerate, it wasn’t so bad. We created encounters. At our first tournament, the police played against the young people. They had previously only encountered each other during incidents� The young people come to the gym, and they bring all their worries and needs along� Then the social pedagogy work begins� We create networks with schools, families, football clubs, child welfare offices, and other people and institutions around the young person� There is often trouble� They are in danger of failing; they are under threat of expulsion, a young man cannot find an internship, another has a court order� Sometimes it is just lovesickness�” 35 “If girls come into the gym, they are permitted to play� But I know what I can do and what I can’t� Pedagogy plays a major role� I can’t empathize to understand the problems of 14-year-old girls� Other female colleagues will have to take that on�” 36 “We are a country that brought guest workers to Germany in the early 1960s and now they live with us� We lied to ourselves for a while� We said they would not stay� At some point they will be gone� That is not reality, and of course the approach was to say, now let us do multiculturalism here and live next to each other and be happy about each other � This approach has failed, absolutely failed! ” 37 One jarring reference to racist violence appears in the award text for a club whose member, Halit Yozgat, was murdered by the National Socialist Underground (NSU). 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