Longing to Belong: Performing Habsburg Loyalty across Zara, Vienna, and Zagreb c. 1814 Barbara Babic´ (Leipzig) In this contribution, I explore Karl Meisl ’ s military drama Die Kroaten in Zara (1814) to reveal how imperial belonging was negotiated and performed in Habsburg centres at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Firstly, I shed new light on its author and a distinct readership, both situated at the crossroads between the theatre and military; I then reveal how issues of belonging were a driving force throughout the plot of Die Kroaten in Zara. Based on a real episode that occurred during the Siege of Zara in December 1813, the play showcases the bravery, duty, and loyalty of rebel Croatian soldiers in support of the Habsburg Monarchy. Ultimately, I illustrate how performances in Vienna (March 1814) and Zagreb (August 1814) served as occasional pieces to articulate the empire ’ s political agenda. By revaluating archival material, this article demonstrates how the suburban stage became a site of Habsburg representation and mythicizing, one that re-enacted recent contemporary history to connect the centre with the periphery in a ‘ suspended ’ time oscillating between war and peace. 1 Regular visitors to Vienna ’ s Prater, the capital ’ s municipal main park, would have noticed something different on 3 May 1913: a “ faithful reproduction of the city gate of Zara ” 2 now stood at its entrance. Its presence marked the theme of the city ’ s newest attraction, the Austrian Adriatic Exhibition ( ‘ Österreichische Adria-Ausstellung ’ ). 3 Those in Vienna could, until 5 October 1913, enjoy the wonders of the eastern Adriatic coast by strolling around reproductions of historical buildings, discovering crafts made by people in traditional costume, or attending concerts, theatrical performances, and films. In the main pavilion called the Rotunda, various stands showcased discoveries in the fields of ethnography, natural sciences, and archaeology of the region, as well as the latest findings in health, wellness, and tourism. Yet beyond the appeal of the Austrian Riviera, not everything was about the dolce vita on board gondole or steamers, as depicted on the exhibition ’ s most iconic postcard. 4 The event also played a crucial role in the Empire ’ s agenda both in matters of foreign affairs and in domestic policy. With regards to the first, against the backdrop of the Balkan Wars (1912 - 13), the exhibition was conceived as “ an effort to promote an Austrian peace in the region ” 5 , while simultaneously presenting the monarchy as a maritime power. The Austrian Navy League ( ‘ Österreichischer Flottenverein ’ ), alongside the organizing committee, occupied a section of the main exhibition to display items related to the progress of naval hardware (such as submarines and battleships) and the history of the Imperial Navy ( ‘ Kriegsmarine ’ ) since the eighteenth century. 6 With respect to internal affairs, the Austrian Adriatic Exhibition offered a self-reflective moment for the Habsburg monarchy. It was no coincidence that it took place in the summer of 1913, the year that marked both the 65 th jubilee of Emperor Franz Joseph I ’ s reign and the centenary of the Austrian domination of the Adriatic coast (1813/ 14 - 1913/ 14). 7 This paper focuses on precisely this moment back in 1813/ 14, which essentially Forum Modernes Theater, 35/ 1-2, 114 - 125. Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen DOI 10.24053/ FMTh-2024-0009 marked the reconfiguration of the Habsburg Adriatic region to include territories spanning from Trieste to the Bay of Kotor. 8 As part of the Adriatic Campaign (1807 - 1813), towards the end of the Napoleonic wars, joint forces of the Austrian and the British Navy began progressively liberating the main coastal towns that had been under French occupation since 1805. 9 As a strategic port and relevant administrative centre, the town of Zara/ Zadar not only played a pivotal role in the campaign itself, but also contributed to the myth-building of the Habsburg Adriatic. In particular, historical accounts on the siege of Zara (22 November - 5 December 1813) relate an unexpected episode that is said to have turned the tide of the wars. Reportedly, a group of Illyrian (Croatian) soldiers revolted against their French generals, under whom they were forced to fight, to join the Habsburg troops. Several press articles reported that the reason for the switch was an act of patriotism. The insurgents were originally from Lika county, part of the Croatian Military Frontier ( ‘ Vojna Krajina ’ ), a district that since the late sixteenth century had been under Habsburg rule. Whether the Croatians ’ mutiny was decisive in the French capitulation or not, it nevertheless reinforced narratives of the values of bravery, duty and loyalty of Habsburg subjects towards the monarchy. 10 This episode - or better, such military ‘ coup de théâtre ’ - soon became a source of inspiration for playwright Karl Meisl (Ljubljana, 1775 - Vienna, 1853). His drama Die Kroaten in Zara, written in Vienna between January and March 1814, can be understood as an example of a “ wartime theatrical encounter ” , as Annelies Andries and Clare Siviter have put it. By looking at “ notions of theatrical and wartime mobility ” , this concept “ often disclose[s] the effects of wartime-induced moments of self-reflection and alter[s] processes of identity formation ” , 11 which are key to the idea of belonging that is at the core of this special issue. 12 Indeed, Meisl ’ s Die Kroaten in Zara allows an insight into a wide range of acts of individual and collective belonging that in 1813/ 14 were performed both onstage and offstage. The pages that follow provide a close reading of this drama by casting light on three different perspectives and ways of ‘ doing belonging ’ : 1) the links between Karl Meisl and the plot, and his involvement both in the theatrical and in the military field; 2) the theme of imperial belonging and Habsburg loyalty as the ‘ fil rouge ’ of the drama; and 3) the suburban stage as a site of progovernmental propaganda at the dawn of the Congress of Vienna. Just as in 1913 during the Austrian Adriatic Exhibition, I argue, one hundred years earlier Die Kroaten in Zara served a similar agenda of imperial cultural politics. In fact, it showcased the monarchy as a military force and as a sea power, creating a bridge between its political centre (Vienna) and its peripheries (Adriatic coast), and helped to connect its different peoples in territories that were an ethnic and linguistic hybrid, in a time that oscillated between war and peace. Karl Meisl, a “ phantasiereicher Marinebeamter ” In 1835, in a publication collecting brief biographical portraits of Austrian contemporary authors, Karl Meisl was described as a “ beloved popular playwright at the Theater in der Leopoldstadt ” as well as a “ fanciful navy official ” . 13 In fact, one can say that Meisl ’ s everyday life in Vienna was fundamentally divided between two desks. In addition to his extremely prolific activity as a playwright for the suburban theatres, 14 for nearly forty years he also served as an accountant for the Imperial Navy. 115 Longing to Belong: Performing Habsburg Loyalty across Zara, Vienna, and Zagreb c. 1814 Biographical accounts of Karl Meisl are rather scarce and mostly based on secondary sources. 15 Born in Ljubljana in 1775, he trained in politics, law, and commerce in his hometown, in L ’ viv/ Lemberg, and in Vienna. A rare document held by the Austrian State Archive reveals his extensive command of languages ( “ deutsch, latein, italienisch, französisch und krainerisch ” 16 ). Clearly, this made Meisl an asset to the Habsburg administration and even more so during times of war, which required officers to be highly mobile. In a short autobiographical article, written as an entry for Franz Sartori ’ s dictionary in the early 1820 s, Meisl himself recalled the most important stages of his career in this troubled period. After the first steps as a cadet and later as an accountant in the army (1794 - 1802), in 1805 he was sent as an under-lieutenant ( ‘ Unterkriegs-Kommissar ’ ) to the Navy Command in Venice, before transferring to Trieste and eventually ending up in Vienna in 1809, where he joined the Navy and War Department until his retirement in 1840. 17 It is notable that Meisl himself, in the very last lines of this self-portrait, stressed his struggle to integrate himself into the Viennese theatrical scene not only because of his origins, but also because of the periods he spent abroad serving the army, hence remaining “ cut off from German literature ” 18 for eight long years. In this time, it looks like Meisl tried his luck with various plays containing military themes 19 in an effort to capitalize on his affiliation with the navy and to make a name for himself in the theatrical scene. This can be seen on the title page of Die Kroaten in Zara, where Meisl overtly presents himself as a “ k. k. Marine Unter=Commissair ” . 20 By highlighting his connection to the Austrian Imperial Navy, the playwright aimed to communicate a sense of expertise in the field. With a proximity to the main ‘ sources ’ on the siege, Meisl could present himself to his audience as a purveyor of the facts. Furthermore, riding the wave of the fashion for military dramas ( ‘ Soldatendramen ’ ) 21 , he sought to appeal to a distinct readership situated in the military milieu. Looking at the title page of the drama, 22 a handwritten name and a stamp suggest previous owners. One is Lieutenant Maximilien H. Klein, the other possibly a member of the Kreß (von Kressenstein) family. 23 Even several years after its publication in 1814, the drama Die Kroaten in Zara remained rooted in a military audience. As late as 1852, in an article in the Oesterreichischer Soldatenfreund. Zeitschrift für militärische Interessen, a critic recalled “ das schöne Stück Die Kroaten von Zara ” as one of the most vivid accounts of the Croatian soldiers ’ revolt during the siege of the town in 1813. 24 These words reveal the importance of the stage in amplifying recent history, by transforming an apparently isolated episode into a more relevant experience that became collectively meaningful across time and space. More precisely, as Hayden White would say, what Karl Meisl did was an act of historical “ emplotment ” 25 based on a storytelling that, as we will see in the next section, mixes a documentary purpose and fictional elements. Negotiating Belonging Let us now have a closer look at the main themes contained in Meisl ’ s drama. The plot is set in the fortress of Zara and features French officers and generals (enemy occupiers, “ von der feindlichen Besatzung ” ) and eight Croatians “ in the enemy ’ s service ” ( “ Illirier in feindlichen Diensten ” ). For contemporary audiences, the fictional characters names might have sounded very similar to those of the actual soldiers involved in the siege of Zara that were recurring in the news. Most likely, the anonymous commander of the fortress would have been associated with 116 Barbara Babic´ French brigadier general Claude Roize (1768 - 1847), while Croatian soldiers onstage named Maximich, Gregoritsch, Allaich and Poteritsch seem to be the real Corporal Dmitar Milleusnich, Capitains Messich, Gergurich, Allstern and Corporal Pavichich, all members of the Lika regiment, just spelt slightly differently. The re-enactment of military facts blends with fictional elements. For example, Elisabeth Maruschka, Poteritsch ’ s fiancée, plays an important role in the plot by attempting to sneak into the fortress to warn of the advancing allies. Together with Wenzel, a Bohemian innkeeper ( ‘ Kaffeewirth der Festung ’ ), her role is key in motivating the soldiers to emancipate themselves from the French generals and join the approaching Habsburg troops. The notion of belonging is a ‘ fil rouge ’ that holds together the three acts of the drama. Indeed, self-reflective moments and conversations among the soldiers are provoked by the particular setting of the plot: a sort of ‘ huis clos ’ in which the dramatic tension is derived from the narrow spaces of the fortress (casemates) as well as by the anxiety of time running out before the final battle. In such a high-stress situation, the characters are driven to constantly question their role, their mission, and their duties - a sense of inner crisis is present on both the French and the Croatian side. Interestingly, the first act opens with a conversation among French soldiers, who, as occupiers far away from their homeland, admit their struggle in fighting for a cause and for a territory that do not really belong to them: M AJOR : Leider könnte das gute Vaterland [Frankreich] auch ohne diesem Platze bestehen - was kann es den Pariser kümmern, daß wir hier sind, und uns hier todschlagen lassen - ein paar hundert Meilen weit von den unseren? Nein? Das frommt dem Vaterlande nicht und darum wird es nicht gut enden, denkt an mich. 26 M AJOR : Alas, the good fatherland [France] could exist without this place - what does the Parisian care that we are here, and let ourselves be beaten to death - several hundred miles away from our people? No? It is to no avail for the fatherland and therefore will not end well, think of me. Similarly, Croatian soldiers constantly reference their struggle against being forced to serve a foreign country. Just like the innkeeper Wenzel, who strongly identifies as a Habsburg, they feel emotionally attached to “ the ancient duty, the love of country, the longing for the rule of our beloved old emperor! ” . 27 Such feelings are expressed through a metaphor of fabrics - flags and uniforms embodying the most material essence of war. Hence, Wenzel explains the idea of imperial belonging by evoking the “ godly threads ” of the uniform that link the people to their country: W ENZEL . Ich will euchs sagen - ich weiß es: denkt: ihr habt einen Rock lange getragen - er ist alt; aber er ist euch werther, al sein neuer - und wenn ihr ihn zu sehen bekommt, so seyd ihr froh - denn ihr erinnert euch bey seinem Anblicke manches frohen Augenblickes - und ihr wolltet, daß er nie zerreiße - so beyläufig ists - P OTERITSCH . So ists - aber er ist halt doch zerrissen. W ENZEL . Nur getrennt - so ein Rock reißt nie - die Nahten sind von Gott - die Liebe hat das Tuch dazu geliefert! P OTERITSCH . Wollte Gott, es wäre so! - ich leg ’ ihn gleich wieder an den alten Rock - er hat mich gedeckt in Hitz und Kälte - ich trug ihn als Jüngling - ich möchte ihn als Greis so gerne tragen [. . .]. 28 W ENZEL . Let me tell you - I know it now, think: you have been wearing a frock for a long time - it is old, but it is dearer to you than a new one - and when you see it, you are happy - because seeing it reminds you of happy memories - and you hope, that it never tears - that is how it is - 117 Longing to Belong: Performing Habsburg Loyalty across Zara, Vienna, and Zagreb c. 1814 P OTERITSCH . That ’ s it - but the frock is nevertheless torn. W ENZEL . Just separated - such a frock never tears - its threads are made by God - love has delivered the cloth for it! P OTERITSCH . If God wills it, so it would be! I will put the old frock right back on - it has protected me from heat and the cold - I wore it as a young man - I want to wear it as an old man [. . .]. In addition to drawing on divine intention as an argument, Poteritsch tries to persuade his fellow soldiers that switching sides would prevent a fratricidal fight: P OTERITISCH : Da lest selbst - draußen vor der Festung steht ein Haufe unserer Brüder - im Vaterlande weht die alte wohlbekannte Fahne; und wir kämpfen gegen sie - Brüder gegen Brüder? Ist das recht? Nein: das ist nicht recht. 29 P OTERITISCH . Read - outside the Fortress is a troop of our brothers - in the fatherland the old and well-known flag flies; and we are fighting against it - brothers against brothers? Is that right? No: that is not right. By highlighting the warriors ’ ethos of brotherhood, this statement can be understood as an accusation against the Napoleonic hegemony that resulted in a series of bloody internecine wars in Europe. Two decades of conflicts led to a constant change of dynamics between occupiers and occupied, enemies and friends. Such ambiguity is suggested by a dialogue between French and Croatian soldiers, who recall the trauma of the Russian campaign in 1812 as a bonding experience of humanity and brotherhood: M AJOR : Ihr wollt zu den Feinden hinaus? P OTERITSCH . Das wollen wir - wollen sie etwas für uns thun - so sagen Sie das dem Commandante - sagen sie ihm, er soll uns frey abziehen lassen - [. . .] er lasse uns ziehen, und erspare Blut, das sonst fließen muß - M AJOR . Ich will es dem Commandanten vortragen - doch ist euer Beginnen auch rechtlich? Männer ich kenne viele aus euch - du hast bey Smolensk an meiner Seite geffochten - du trugst mich an der Beresina aus dem Gefechte, als ich verwundet ward - dieser Zug da stürmte mit mir an der Moskwa eine Schanze - Brüder sind wir geworden im Angesichte des Todes - hört den Brüder - [. . .] P OTERITSCH . Herr Major - wenn unser Entschluß zu bewegen wäre - Sie allein könnten ihn erschüttern - aber er ist heilig, wie das Leben - und die Bilder, die Sie uns ins Gedächtnis riefen - sind nicht geeignet ihn zu hemmen. Ein Blick nach Rußland, und das fromme Vorhaben steigert sich zur Wuth - dorthin schleppte man die Blüthe unserer Jugend - Not, Kälte und Schwert mähte in unseren Reihen [. . .] 30 M AJOR : You want to join the enemy? P OTERITSCH . Yes, that is what we want - do you want to do something for us - then tell the Commander this - tell him, he should allow us to leave freely - [. . .] he lets us go, and he spares the spilling of blood, that otherwise would have to flow - M AJOR . I will submit this to the Commander - but is your undertaking righteous? I know many men among you - I fought with you side by side at Smolensk - you carried me away from the battlefield at Beresina, when I was wounded - this column stormed a sconce with me on the Moskva - we were made brothers in the face of death - listen to the brothers - [. . .] P OTERITSCH . Major - if our resolve could be shaken - you alone could shake it - but it is holy, just like life - and the images you called to mind - are not enough to constrain it. One look at Russia, and the holy mission turns to anger - our youth was dragged there - hardship, the cold and the sword cut our ranks down [. . .] Various signs in red pencil traced by the prompter on the margins of this scene suggest a stage change ( ‘ Verwandlung ’ ) - possibly different lighting or a musical 118 Barbara Babic´ accompaniment were employed to amplify the recall of such traumatic experiences. Similarly, Maruschka echoes this, by expressing conflicting feelings of pain, grief, revenge, but also a faith in the future: M ARUSCHKA . Der letzte unselige Krieg riß uns vom Mutterlande los - ich welke im Schmerze dahin - und oft sah ich weinend nach den Bergen hinüber, wo die glücklicheren Landesleute geblieben waren, unter der alten Herrschaft - doch wer kann gegen die Macht des Schicksals? Nur die Hoffnung einer bessern Zukunft hielt mich aufrecht. - Meine Landsleute mußten in fernen Provinzen für ferne Zwecke bluten - zwei meiner Brüder liegen in den Eisfeldern von Rußland verscharrt - meinen Vater tödtete der Gram - jetzt schwor ich Rache. 31 M ARUSCHKA . The wretched last war tore us away from our Motherland - in pain I withered away - and with watery eyes I often looked towards the mountains, where our happier compatriots had remained under the old ruler - but who can go against the power of fate? Only the hope for a better future allowed me to stand upright. - My compatriots had to bleed in distant provinces for distant causes - two of my brothers lie buried in the ice fields of Russia - my father killed by the grief - now I swear revenge. After a scene marked as “ Battaille ” , featuring the allies attacking the fortress and the Croatian soldier Illia tragically dying, 32 the drama ends with the capitulation of the French occupiers, who leave the fortress acknowledging their enemies ’ military prowess, heroism, and patriotism - traits that recall a widespread stereotypical portrayal of the Croatians at the time. 33 “ As a human, I am pleased that your life has been saved - as a patriot, I would have acted for my fatherland as you did! ” , 34 states the French general. Eventually, the final scene centres on the theme of reconciliation - the love of country reunites Maruschka and Poteritsch, but also the Austrians and Croatians under the same Habsburg flag: P OTERITSCH : Alles, was getrennt war, findet sich wieder - die Herrschaft der Liebe tritt an den Platz der Beherrschung durch Zwang. Losgerissene Herzen vereinigen sich wieder. M ARUSCHKA : Und Franz beglückt unser Vaterland? (ein Kanonenschuß. Die feindliche Fahne auf dem Walle der Festung, so wie auf den Schiffen fällt herab, und die Oesterreichische wird aufgezogen.) P OTERITSCH : Die Garnison marschirt aus - unsere Fahne weht auf Wällen und Schiffen! (Inzwischen difiliren die Feinde aus der Festung und legen die Waffen ab. Musik - Kanonenschüsse. Alle. Victoria. Gruppe. Der Vorhang fällt). 35 P OTERITSCH : Everything, that has been separated, will find its way together again - the reign of love takes the place of domination by coercion. Hearts torn apart will reunite. M ARUSCHKA : And Franz delights our Fatherland? (a cannon fires. The enemy flag on the fortress ’ s rampart and those on the ships fall down, and the Austrian flag is raised.) P OTERITSCH : The garrison marches out of the fortress - our flag flies on the ramparts and ships! (In the meantime, the enemy marches out of the fortress and lays down their weapons. Music - cannons firing. All together. Victory. Group. The curtain falls). As a tale of imperial sentiment and belonging, Die Kroaten in Zara clearly aligns with the idea of the “ pleasure culture of war ” , as Graham Dawson termed it, a nationally selfserving mode of talking about and profiting from war memory. 36 However, beyond such self-congratulation, a more nuanced picture emerges from this play. Informative and spectacular pictures from the battlefield are juxtaposed with moments in which the war is showcased as a traumatic experience for both civilians and soldiers. Against this backdrop, imperial belonging seems to provide one of the possible answers to finding meaning in the futility of 119 Longing to Belong: Performing Habsburg Loyalty across Zara, Vienna, and Zagreb c. 1814 war. As discussed, the awareness of being part of a larger cause like the Habsburg empire is a process negotiated and rethought over and over throughout the three acts, as both a personal and a communal matter. Its multifaceted essence is revealed by the words of the soldier Illia: “ the ancient fatherland holds our homeland - tomorrow we will be what we were ” 37 . Here the rapidly shifting borders of the ‘ Vaterland ’ in Napoleonic Europe, as an external factor influencing belonging, stand next to the internal and immutable concept of ‘ Heimat ’ . Habsburg Belonging Onstage: On Being in Vienna and Zagreb in 1814 Catalogues of Viennese suburban theatres state that the premiere of Die Kroaten in Zara occurred at the Theater in der Josefstadt on 26 January 1820. 38 However, scholars have overlooked the fact that the drama had actually been performed much earlier. On 31 March 1814 at the Theater in der Leopoldstadt, albeit under the different title of Die Freunde in der feindlichen Festung, 39 the Wiener Theaterzeitung noted the “ plot was the famous story of the Croats in Zara, as reported by all the newspapers ” . 40 Such a correlation between the news and the stage exemplifies Johann Hüttner ’ s idea of nineteenth-century popular theatre as a site of “ dramatized press reports ” ( “ dramatisierter Zeitungsbericht ” 41 ), where real events were fictionalised. 42 According to different sources, on 31 March 1814, Meisl ’ s drama celebrated and served two distinct occasions. Firstly, it was staged as a parting gift ( ‘ Benefizvorstellung ’ ) for the actress Katharina Wolf (in the role of Maruschka), who was leaving the company of the Leopoldstadt to join the theatre in Pest. Secondly, the premiere coincided with the Battle of Paris, which was fought between 30 and 31 March 1814 and resulted in the victory of the Sixth Coalition and ultimately Napoleon ’ s abdication. Wenzel Müller, Kapellmeister of the theatre, noted this turning point in his journal, “ 31. März. Die hohen Alliierten ziehen in Paris ein. Vivat - Vivat - Vivat Kaiser v. Russland, König v. Preußen, und Fürst Schwarzenberg an der Spitze ” . 43 Four months later, on 2 August 1814, Meisl ’ s drama, now under the title Die Kroaten in Zara, was staged for a similar purpose in Agram/ Zagreb to celebrate the withdrawal of the French troops and the return of count Ignácz Gyulay, Ban of Croatia. 44 Unfortunately, less is known about this performance, which featured the resident German theatre company of the Amedéos Theatre that was led by Joseph Bubenhofen between 1803 and 1818. 45 The play retained a strong connection with Zagreb, as it remained in the municipal theatre ’ s repertoire for several decades after its first night in August 1814. For example, in the summer of 1822, the drama ’ s plot seemed to have appealed to an anonymous translator, who adapted the play into Kajkavian (Croatian language) under the title Hervati vu Zadaru. 46 Another performance in Zagreb in German occurred on 12 July 1843 under the direction of Vinzenz Schmidt. According to a press report, although the piece “ lacked dramatic value ” , the performance unexpectedly sold out and ended with “ an almost uninterrupted storm of applause ” . 47 Later stagings in March 1859 and in November 1867 48 provide evidence for another crucial aspect of the local theatre ’ s history. They show to what extent loyalty towards the Habsburg empire was still a central theme on the Zagreb stage, even in times of growing antimonarchist sympathies and Croatian nationalism. Given its content and its performance history, it is clear that Die Kroaten in Zara helped to create a bridge between the Adriatic coast, Vienna, and Zagreb, thus covering a large portion of the Croatian speaking lands. 120 Barbara Babic´ Its storytelling, based on Croatian and Bohemian people who affirm their allegiance to the monarchy, aligns with elements of socalled “ legitimist literature ” ( ‘ legitimistische Literatur ’ ), as Claudio Magris put it,a literary genre that helped amplify the “ Habsburg myth ” . 49 Its celebrative, official and progovernmental tone served, at the dawn of the Congress of Vienna, to communicate a shared sense of imperial belonging to a multinational state. It is particularly of note that such an agenda, generally associated with the more representative role of the court theatres, in this case is deeply rooted in the Viennese suburb. This challenges the depiction of ‘ popular theatre ’ of the early nineteenth century as a place for satirical subversion of the status quo or as venues merely reserved for diversion and light entertainment. Meisl ’ s drama, together with other pieces of that period, is illustrative of the suburban theatres also being key sites for Habsburg self-representation. 50 Interestingly enough, Die Kroaten in Zara not only reinforces the importance of belonging to the Habsburg Empire in terms of space, but also invites a broader reflection on the notion of belonging with regards to the perception of time. 51 As discussed, the drama engaged with history on a shortened timescale - barely four months passed between the siege of Zara and its re-enactment on the Viennese stage. Such a sense of immediacy is key to understanding the drama ’ s role in suggesting to audiences the feeling of ‘ being there ’ , of being part of a shared experience, and becoming witnesses to a turning point in history that marked the gradual transition between wartime and peace. To such a change of temporalities, I argue, Meisl ’ s drama did not offer escapism, but on the contrary, it ‘ trapped ’ audiences in their rather troubled, disoriented ‘ present tense ’ . 52 Indeed, the long-lasting narrative of imperial belonging provided a response both to shifting borders and to shifting semantics of time. It traced the continuity in times of rupture, thus filling the gap between the traumatic experience of the recent past and the future expectation of a new order. That being said, Die Kroaten in Zara not only provided a snapshot of novel temporal regimes perceived in spring 1814 on the Viennese stage. These are also visible in other tales of belonging staged by Karl Meisl at the Theater in der Leopoldstadt during the same period. Wiens froheste Erwartung, a piece celebrating the imminent return of Emperor Franz I to Vienna, was labelled as a “ tableau of the beautiful future ” , 53 while two weeks later, Leiden und Freuden was advertised as a “ Gemälde aus der letzten Zeit in 4 Zeiträumen ” ( “ recent tableau in four periods ” ). 54 During this moment suspended in time, on the cusp of peace when Europe hung in the balance before transitioning away from war, the suburban stage transformed into a time machine, which by trying to grasp the present, transported its audiences into a more reassuring future. Notes 1 I am grateful to the editors, Anke Charton and Theresa Eisele, as well as to the workshop ’ s participants for their feedback on the preliminary version of this paper. I received valued support during archival research from Claudia Mayerhofer (Theatermuseum, Vienna) and Harald Fiedler (Österreichisches Staatsarchiv). Axel Körner, Quirin Lübke, Marion Linhardt, and Matthias Mansky deserve heartfelt thanks for their suggestions. The research for this article was conducted within the framework of an ERC advanced investigator grant (No. 101018743) entitled Opera and the Politics of Empire in Habsburg Europe, 1815 - 1914 at Leipzig University. 2 “ Durch eine GETREUE R EPRODUKTION DES S TADTTORES VON Z ARA betritt der Besucher den Ausstellungsraum zum Südplateau vor 121 Longing to Belong: Performing Habsburg Loyalty across Zara, Vienna, and Zagreb c. 1814 der Rotunde, wo Ausgrabungen von Salona die Aufmerksamkeit auf sich lenken werden ” . Oesterreichische Adria-Ausstellung Wien 1913, k. k. Prater, Vienna 1913, p. 7. A copy of this exhibition ’ s guide is held at the Kriegsarchiv Wien, K VII a 58 - 6-1. All translations are mine. 3 The Austrian Adriatic Exhibition ran from 3 May until 5 October 1913 and received more than 2 million visitors. It was the last event held at the Prater before the fall of the Habsburg monarchy. 4 Hans Kalmsteiner, Ansichtskarte Hafenansicht, Wien, Österreichische Adria-Ausstellung 1913, Verlag Kilophot, Nr. A2. 5 Salvatore Pappalardo, Modernism in Trieste. The Habsburg Mediterranean and the Literary Invention of Europe, 1870 - 1945, New York/ London 2021, p. 96. 6 See Oesterreichische Adria Ausstellung, Offizieller Katalog mit einem Plan, herausgegeben von der Ausstellungs-Kommission, Wien 1913, pp. 72 - 169. 7 “ Den äußeren Anlaß zur Österreichischen Adria-Ausstellung bildet die Jahrhundertfeier der Wiedervereinigung der Küstenländer mit Österreich und das 65jährige Regierungsjubiläum des von seinen Völkern hochverehrten Kaisers Franz Josef I. ” . See the exhibition guide, Oesterreichische Adria- Ausstellung Wien 1913, k. k. Prater, Vienna 1913, p. 6. 8 On the Adriatic region under Habsburg rule, see Dominique Kirchner Reill, Nationalists Who Feared the Nation. Adriatic Multi-Nationalism in Habsburg Dalmatia, Trieste, and Venice, Stanford 2012. 9 On the reconfigurations of the Adriatic coast c.1800, see Rok Stergar, “ Nationswerdungsprozesse und neue Grenzen. Der Zusammenbruch der französischen Herrschaft in den Illyrischen Provinzen und ihre (Re) Integration in das Kaisertum Österreich ” , in: Brigitte Mazohl, Karin Schneider, Eva Maria Werner (Eds.), Am Rande der großen Politik: Italien und der Alpenraum beim Wiener Kongress, Innsbruck 2017, pp. 97 - 122. 10 For an accurate account of the siege of Zadar, see Alexander Buczynski, “ Le brasier latent du patriotisme de la Carniole et le siege de Zadar en 1813 ” , in: Franjo Š anjek (Ed.), Les Croates et les Provinces Illyriennes (1809 - 1813) / Hrvati i Ilirske pokrajine (1809.-1813.), Zagreb 2010, pp. 303 - 352. 11 See the editors ’ introduction in Annelies Andries, Clare Siviter (Eds.), Theatrical Encounters during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, guest-edited issue for the Journal of War & Culture Studies 14/ 2 (2021), pp. 127 - 139. 12 On the notion of belonging, see Levke Harders, “ Zugehörigkeit als Kategorie historischer Analyse ” , in: Hypotheses. Geschichtstheorie am Werk, 25 January 2022, available online: https: / / gtw.hypotheses.org/ 1942. 13 “ Untersetzte Figur, unsauber, dürftig, starker Tabackschnupfer und Zapfensauger, beliebt gewesener Volksdichter des Leopoldstadtädter Theaters, phantasiereicher Marinebeamter, jetzt Ruine, gänzlich ausgeschrieben ” . Uffo Daniel Horn, Oesterreichischer Parnaß, bestiegen von einem heruntergekommenen Antiquar, Hamburg, Frey-Sing bei Athanasius & Comp., 1835, p. 32. 14 Together with playwrights Adolf Bäuerle and Joseph Alois Gleich, Meisl went down into history as one of the “ drei Großen der Vorstadt ” . Meisl ’ s production encompasses more than 200 plays, consisting mostly of dramas and parodies. A collection of his works appeared already in 1820 as Theatralisches Quodlibet, oder sämmtliche dramatische Beiträge für die Leopoldstädter Schaubühne, 1. - 6. Band, Pesth, Hartleben, 1820. 15 The most complete biographical account of Meisl can be found in Otto Rommel, Die Alt-Wiener Volkskomödie. Ihre Geschichte vom Barocken Welt-Theater bis zum Tode Nestroys, Wien 1952, pp. 640 - 652. 16 See the personal file (Personalakt) of Karl Peter Meisl held at AT-OeStA/ FHKA [Finanz- und Hofkammerarchiv] SuS Pers ORH 40/ 16 - 22. 17 This information is drawn from the Selbstbiographie von Karl Meisl (1775 - 1853), Handschriftensammlung der Wienbibliothek, Signatur: H. I. N.-243435 / ZPH 1645, recently reprinted in: Matthias Mansky, “ Die Selbstbiographien von Joseph Alois Gleich und Karl Meisl für das unvollendete 122 Barbara Babic´ österreichische Gelehrten- und Schriftsteller-Lexikon Franz Sartoris ” , in: Nestroyana. Blätter der internationalen Nestroy-Gesellschaft 1/ 2 (2019), 69 - 79. 18 “ Wenn seinen Arbeiten auch jedes andere Verdienst abgesprochen werden kann - so dürfte doch nicht verkannt werden, daß bei dem Umstande, wo er beinahe 8 Jahre seines Lebens bei der Armée in Italien zubrachte, und von der deutschen Litteratur ganz ausgeschlossen blieb - er bei günstigeren Verhältnissen Bedeutenderes zu leisten vermocht hätte und daß es doch unverkennbaren Beruf zum Volksdichter beurkundet, wenn er - nicht eingebohren in Oesterreichs Hauptstadt - sich einigermassen den Volkston und das Volksleben so eigen gemacht hat, daß er nicht ohne Beifall sich eingebornen Volksdichtern anreihen durfte ” . Matthias Mansky, “ Die Selbstbiographien von Joseph Alois Gleich und Karl Meisl. . . ” , in: Nestroyana. Blätter der internationalen Nestroy-Gesellschaft 1/ 2 (2019), p. 79. 19 See the plays on military topics given at the Theater in der Leopoldstadt: the comedy Der Flügelmann oder Er muß sie heiraten (1804), an adaptation of a French mélodrame given under the title Die Schlacht bei Pultawa (1810), the drama Der österreichische Grenadier (1813), and the “ militärisches Original-Lustspiel ” Der feindliche Sohn (1813). 20 On the title page: Souflir Buch / Die / Kroaten in Zara / Ein militärisches Schauspiel in drey Aufzügen, / von / Karl Meisl, / k. k. Marine Unter=Commissair / Wien, 1814. / Gedruckt bey Anton v. Haykul. Lieutnant Maximien H. Klein. Stamp: Kreß. Copies of this drama are incredibly rare. The only one I could identify in Vienna is held at the Wienbibliothek im Rathaus (Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, A-Wst), Depot Rathaus, A-36414. 21 Soldatendramen, or military dramas, had been very fashionable since Gotthold Ephraim Lessing ’ s Minna von Barnhelm (1767). For more on this genre, see Tilman Venzl, “ Itzt kommen die Soldaten ” . Studien zum deutschsprachigen Militärdrama des 18. Jahrhunderts, Frankfurt 2019. 22 The libretto was reprinted by the publishing house Rehm, as advertised in Allgemeines Intelligenzblatt zur Oesterreichisch-kaiserlichen privilegirten Wiener Zeitung, Nr. 308, 4 November 1814, p. 854. According to the inventory list, in 1820 the publishing house had 470 copies of the drama in its store. See Ursula Kohlmaier, Der Verlag Christoph Peter Rehm (1785 - 1821), Diplomarbeit, Universität Wien, 1997. 23 Despite research in municipal and state archives, I was not able to identify either Lieutenant Maximilien H. Klein or the meaning of “ Kreß ” , possibly linked to a member of the family Kreß von Kressenstein (see, for example, General Christoph Karl Jakob Freiherr Kreß von Kressenstein, Nürnberg, 1781 - Vienna, 1856). 24 Oesterreichischer Soldatenfreund. Zeitschrift für militärische Interessen, Nr. 100, 19 August 1852, p. 415. 25 “ The way by which a sequence of events fashion into a story is gradually revealed to be a story of a particular kind ” . Hayden White, Metahistory: The Historical Imagination in Nineteenth-Century Europe, Baltimore 1973, p. 7. 26 Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, I/ 2, p. 9. 27 “ Die alte Pflicht, die Vaterlandsliebe, die Sehnsucht nach der Regierung des alten geliebten Kaisers! ” Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, II/ 11, p. 44. 28 Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, I/ 6, p. 15 - 16. 29 Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, I/ 13, p. 27. 30 Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, II/ 12, p. 47 - 48. 31 Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, III/ 4, p. 64. 32 Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, II/ 15 and 16, pp. 56 - 57. 33 Croatians were generally depicted as a people with a strong military ethos and patriotism due to their long-standing role as defenders of the Western gates on the Military Frontier. Meisl ’ s drama broadly aligns with this understanding. That being said, their image around the turn of the nineteenth century is far more complex. Following Alberto Forti ’ s Viaggio in Dalmazia (1774) and other travel accounts, Croatians were often portrayed in orientalising terms as a people of warm-blooded temperament, 123 Longing to Belong: Performing Habsburg Loyalty across Zara, Vienna, and Zagreb c. 1814 barbaric costumes, and backwardness. On these common refrains, see Mirna Zeman, Reise zu den “ Illyriern “ . Kroatien-Stereotype in der deutschsprachigen Reiseliteratur und Statistik (1740 - 1890), Oldenburg/ München 2013. 34 “ Mich freut es als Mensch, daß dein Leben gerettet ist - als Patriot würde ich für mein Vaterland gehandelt haben, wie du! ” Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, III/ 16, p. 78. 35 Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, III/ 19, p. 83. 36 Graham Dawson, Soldier Heroes: British Adventure, Empire and the Imagining of Masculinity, London 1994. 37 “ Das alte Vaterland ist im Besize unserer Heymath - morgen sind wir wieder was wir waren ” . Meisl, Die Kroaten in Zara, II/ 4, p. 36. 38 Rommel reports the first performance on 13 June 1820 at the Theater in der Josephstadt. Otto Rommel, Die Alt-Wiener Volkskomödie. Ihre Geschichte vom Barocken Welt-Theater bis zum Tode Nestroys, Wien 1952, p. 1045. Local Viennese newspapers such as Der Wanderer and Der Oesterreichische Beobachter announce earlier performances on 20 and 27 January 1820. 39 Erroneously, Rommel reports Die Kroaten in Zara and Die Freunde in der feindlichen Festung as two distinct pieces. Otto Rommel, Die Alt-Wiener Volkskomödie. Ihre Geschichte vom Barocken Welt-Theater bis zum Tode Nestroys, Wien 1952, p. 1045. 40 “ Der Inhalt ist die bekannte Geschichte der Kroaten in Zara, welche uns die Zeitungen mittheilten, und nach welcher diese rechtlichen Leute, überdrüßig der Schmach, unter französischer Despotie zu stehen, zu den Oesterreichern übergingen, und plötzlich klar über die wahren Verhältnisse sich wieder an ihre Landesleute anschlossen ” . Wiener Theater-Zeitung, Nr. 39, 1 April 1814, p. 153. The Dramaturgischer Beobachter also reports three previous performances: “ Den 31. Die Freunde in der feindlichen Festung, ein militär. Schausp. in 3 A. von Carl Meisl. Die Vorstellung den 5. war zum Besten der Wohlthätigkeits-Anstalt; die am 18. zum Vorth. des Hrn. Joh. Sartory. Den 26. für Hrn. Hampel; die am 31. für Mad. Wolf. ” Dramaturgischer Beobachter, Nr. 36, 25 March 1814, p. 143. 41 Johann Hüttner, “ Volk sucht sein Theater. Theater suchen ihr Publikum: Das Dilemma des Wiener Volkstheaters im zweiten Drittel des 19. Jahrhunderts ” , in: Jean-Marie Valentin (Ed.): Das österreichische Volkstheater im europäischen Zusammenhang: 1830 - 1880, Bern 1988, p. 51. 42 Oesterreichischer Beobachter, Nr. 352, 18 December 1813, pp. 1821 - 1822. 43 Rudolph Angermüller, Wenzel Müller und „ sein “ Leopoldstädter Theater. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der Tagebücher Wenzel Müllers, Wien/ Köln/ Weimar 2009, p. 216. 44 See Elisabeth Großegger, Gertraud Marinelli-König (Ed.), Nikola Batu š ic´, Geschichte des deutschsprachigen Theaters in Kroatien, Wien 2017, p. 163. The drama is also briefly discussed in Daniel Baric, Langue allemande, identité croate. Au fondament d ’ un particularisme culturel, Paris 2013, pp. 317 - 318. 45 A copy of the drama is also held at the National Library in Zagreb under the signature RVI-8°-259. 46 Antonija Cvijic´, Hervati vu Zadaru, voinicka igra z trem pokazi od Karola Meizla na Hervatzki preneshena vu letu 1822, Hrvatska Revija, 4, 1931, p. 172 - 77, quoted in Daniel Baric, Langue allemande, identité croate. Au fondament d ’ un particularisme culturel, Paris 2013, p. 318. 47 “ Vergangenen Mittwoch erfreut uns wieder einmal nach langer, langer Zeit der equickende Anblick eines vollen Hauses. [. . .] Die Kroaten in Zara, von Karl Meisl, welches Stück, wenn auch von keinem besonderen dramatischen Werthe, doch durch sein Sujet schon im Voraus das lebhafteste Interesse verbürgen konnte. Der fast ununterbrochene Beifallssturm, der die Aufführung von Anfang bis zu Ende begleitete. . . ” . Luna, Beiblatt zur Agramer politischen Zeitung, Nr. 56, 15 July 1843, p. 240. 48 See Marijan Bobinac, “ Wir sind keine Verehrer der Wiener Posse. Zur Rolle der Wiener Volkstheatertexte in den Anfängen des kroatischen Nationaltheaters ” , in: Marijan 124 Barbara Babic´ Bobinac (Ed.), Porträts und Konstellationen 2. Deutschsprachig-kroatische Literaturbeziehungen. Zagreber Germanistische Beiträge, Beiheft 6 (2001), pp. 19 - 53. 49 Claudio Magris, Der Habsburgische Mythos in der modernen österreichischen Literatur, Salzburg 1966. On imperial belonging in the Southeastern region, see also Boris Previ š ic´, “ Es heiszt aber ganz Europa. . . ” Imperiale Vermächtnisse von Herder bis Handke, Berlin 2017. 50 On war on the suburban stages, see: Marion Linhardt, “ Mobilization and the Creation of Collective Identities: War and Popular Theatre in 1914 ” , in: Austrian Studies 21 (2013), pp. 76 - 98. Matthias Mansky, “ Das Wiener Vorstadttheater als Kriegsschauplatz? Reflexionen von Krieg und Politik in Stücken Anton Langers und O. F. Bergs ” , in: Estudios Filológicos Alemanes 26 (2014), pp. 83 - 92. 51 “ Belonging comes to the fore - and is transformed and (re)defined - in crises and conflicts, and at points of fracture and rupture ” . Bettina Brockmeyer, Levke Harders, “ Questions of belonging. Some introductory remarks ” , in: InterDisciplines 2 (2016), p. 4. 52 On the link between theatre, trauma, and modernity in post-Napoleonic Europe, see also: Emanuele Senici, Music in the Present Tense. Rossini ’ s Operas in their Time, Chicago 2019. 53 Wiens froheste Erwartung. Ein Gemälde der schönen Zukunft mit Gesang in 3 Akten, Theater in der Leopoldstadt, 8 May 1814. Otto Rommel, Die Alt-Wiener Volkskomödie. Ihre Geschichte vom Barocken Welt- Theater bis zum Tode Nestroys, Wien 1952, p, 1045. “ Dieses Lustspiel, welches uns in mehreren fröhlichen und gemütlichen Scenen, die Aeußerungen guter Menschen über die Zurückkunft unseres großen und guten Kaisers, als Vorgeschmack jener Freuden giebt, die unser in der schönen Zukunft warten, hatte das Glück recht sehr zu gefallen ” . Wiener Theater-Zeitung, Nr. 56, 12 May 1814, p. 222. 54 Leiden und Freuden. Ein Gemälde aus der letzten Zeit in vier Zeiträumen nach dem beliebten Zeitstück von Kringsteiner, Übles und Gutes, Theater in der Leopoldstadt, 21 May 1814. Otto Rommel, Die Alt-Wiener Volkskomödie. Ihre Geschichte vom Barocken Welt-Theater bis zum Tode Nestroys, Wien 1952, p. 1045. 125 Longing to Belong: Performing Habsburg Loyalty across Zara, Vienna, and Zagreb c. 1814