Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987): Satire of a Right-Wing Extremist Neocolonial Utopia Benoît Ellerbach (Istanbul) In Die Kanakenrepublik, Heiner Müller presents a provocative critique of 1980sWest German society through a satirical lens. The play, featuring two right-wing extremists envisioning a neocolonial utopia, draws on the long tradition of pairing satire and utopia in drama. This article examines Müller ’ s grotesque portrayal of xenophobic ideologies, aligning with Étienne Balibar ’ s concept of “ neo-racism ” . Müller ’ s depiction of labour migration as a form of modern slavery and capitalist exploitation reveals deep-seated imperialistic and neocolonial fantasies in West German society. By intertwining historical narratives and capitalist critique, Müller exposes the absurdity and inherent contradictions in the extreme right-wing utopian visions of the 1980s, illustrating a broader critique of globalized capitalism and its implications for European identity and societal cohesion. Introduction In the early 1980s, right-wing extremist and racially charged discourses flourished in the Federal Republic of Germany, culminating in xenophobic acts of violence and attacks such as the Nuremberg discotheque murders in 1982 and the arson attack in Duisburg- Wanheimerort in 1984. Between 1955 and 1973, state-organized labour migration played a pivotal role in the so-called Wirtschaftswunder, or economic miracle, transforming West Germany into an immigration country. In line with the rotation principle (Rotationsprinzip), it was initially intended that guest workers would remain in Germany only temporarily. However, many went on to settle permanently with their families. The state, within a context of institutional suppression of migration realities, did not officially acknowledge this socio-demographic shift. It was not until the formation of the red-green coalition between the SPD and Die Grünen in 1998 that the reality of Germany as an immigration country was recognized. Indeed, significant segments of German society were averse to the idea of admitting foreigners from the Southern Mediterranean into the national community, whose legal boundaries in the 1980s were largely dictated by the principle of descent and ethnic affiliation. 1 For example, xenophobic academics who authored the so-called Heidelberg Manifesto in 1982 claimed the following: Mit großer Sorge beobachten wir die Unterwanderung des deutschen Volkes durch Zuzug von vielen Millionen von Ausländern und ihren Familien, die Überfremdung unserer Sprache, unserer Kultur und unseres Volkstums. Allein im Jahre 1980 hat die Zahl der gemeldeten Ausländer trotz Anwerbestopp um 309 000 zugenommen, davon 194 000 Türken. Gegenüber der zur Erhaltung unseres Volkes notwendigen Zahl von Kindern werden jetzt jährlich kaum mehr als die Hälfte geboren. Bereits jetzt sind viele Deutsche in ihren Wohnbezirken und an ihren Arbeitsstätten Fremdlinge in der eigenen Heimat. 2 Moreover, in the 1970s and 1980s, the issue of the Nazi legacy and Holocaust memory gained prominence, from mainstream med- Forum Modernes Theater, 36/ 1-2, 20 - 37. Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen DOI 10.24053/ FMTh-36-0003 ia and popular culture to academia. Most notably, the publication of two bestselling Hitler biographies by Joachim Fest (1973) and Sebastian Haffner (1978) contributed to a form of Nazi nostalgia. This trend reached a peak in the controversial Historians ’ Dispute (Historikerstreit) of 1986. German philosopher and social theorist Jürgen Habermas criticised conservative journalists and historians who attempted to downplay the Nazi genocide by framing it as a response to Stalinist atrocities. This controversy highlighted the complexity of integrating Nazi ideology and the Holocaust into German historiography, exposing a tendency across various sectors of German society to “ normalize ” the nation ’ s Nazi past. Heiner Müller, the prominent East German playwright of the latter half of the 20th century, enjoyed widespread acclaim in the 1980s, particularly among avant-garde theatre enthusiasts. While Müller was an East German playwright, much of his success can be attributed to West German theatres fascinated by his radical adaptations and postmodern dramatic texts. It was based on these works that Hans-Thies Lehmann coined the concept of postdramatic theatre. 3 In East Germany, Müller served as a cultural ambassador and was permitted to travel while facing partial censorship at home. In West Germany, he was viewed as an idiosyncratic enfant terrible revolutionizing the dramatic text. Müller ’ s works intricately weave historical material with literary quotations and allusions, crafting a rich intertextual tapestry of references from the past. He creates multilayered dramatic texts that question the relationship between humankind - particularly Germans - and themes of violence and memory. His keen interest in the topic of foreigners and xenophobia is evidenced by a folder in his estate titled “ Türkenprojekt ” . 4 Inside are not only the draft of the scene Die Kanakenrepublik, 5 but also a collection of materials from the early 1980s (see also figure and transcription at the end of this article). These documents, which delve into right-wing extremism and xenophobia in West Germany, include newspaper clippings and promotional materials from the NPD, a right-wing extremist political party established in 1964. Presumably written in 1986, Die Kanakenrepublik unfolds in a beer garden or terrace, where A and B, “ [t]wo German men with hats, [who] are having beer ‚” 6 engage in an animated and grotesque conversation tinged with slapstick humour about ‘ over-foreignization ’ in Germany, articulated by a barrage of fixed phrases and idiomatic expressions. Initially A, depicted as somewhat simple-minded, is taken aback by B ’ s respectful nod - a hat tip - to passing guest workers, before B, the more sagacious of the two, then outlines a scenario where Germany, overwhelmed by environmental pollution - the Chernobyl disaster occurred on 26 April 1986 - the tensions of the Cold War and the influx of foreigners, becomes uninhabitable. As a cunning scheme, B devises a right-wing extremist neocolonial fantasy and presents it as a rationale for his excessive politeness towards the guest workers (Gastarbeiter). This fantasy suggests a twisted reversal where Germans, seeking escape from a homeland ravaged by pollution and militarization from the Cold War, would hand over their territory to the guest workers. In turn, they would relocate to the guest workers ’ sun-drenched countries of origin, appropriating these lands for themselves. The historical backdrop of labour migration to West Germany was marked by the bilateral labour recruitment agreements Anwerbeabkommen with countries including Italy (1955), Greece (1960), Turkey (1961), Spain (1960), Portugal (1964), Morocco (1963) and Tunisia (1965). This setting underscores the irony in B ’ s scheme, which proposes transforming the nationalist 21 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) mantra “ Deutschland über alles ” into “ Deutschland überall ” . By the end of the sketch, which unfolds over just three pages, B ’ s persuasive vision has won over A, who “ waves his hat frantically, emulating B. ” 7 Post-war labour migration made an early appearance in German literature. A common distinction is drawn between two types of portrayals of this migration: one by German authors - such as Rainer Werner Fassbinder, with his play Katzelmacher (1969), and Günter Wallraff, with his bestselling book Ganz Unten (1985), in which he recounts his experience assuming the identity of Turkish worker Ali Sinirlio ğ lu; and the other by foreign-born authors writing in German, emerging from the late 1970s onward - such as Franco Biondi, Suleman Taufiq, and Rafik Schami - who depict the everyday lives of guest workers in West Germany. Heiner Müller ’ s parodic satire is distinctive in this context as it does not directly represent labour migration in West Germany; the guest workers on stage remain silent, akin to Franz Xaver Kroetz ’ s short scene with a Turk in his 1984 play Furcht und Hoffnung der BRD. 8 Instead, Müller ’ s work engages with how Germans interact with labour migration during a time of political, ecological, and ideological challenges. In this light, Die Kanakenrepublik, despite being largely overlooked by critics, stands out as a satirical and provocative exploration of late capitalist labour migration and its broader implications for German culture and history, seen through the lens of an East German playwright. In this article, I will first provide a more detailed overview of the context surrounding the creation of Die Kanakenrepublik with a particular focus on the potential influence of Emine Sevgi Özdamar on Müller ’ s creative process. Following this, I will examine Müller ’ s use of satire to depict a xenophobic community deeply ingrained in German society, drawing on Étienne Balibar ’ s concept of neo-racist discourse. Müller ’ s portrayal leverages neo-racist discourse through exaggerated language and gestures, revealing its roots in the imperialistic fantasies of the German Empire and Nazi ideology. Finally, I will address Müller ’ s provocative critique of the apocalyptic crisis narrative and the exploitation of guest workers under capitalism, presenting these elements as the catalysts behind a neocolonial dystopia, which envisions the detachment of the Volksgemeinschaft from its geographical roots. Müller, Gastarbeiter, and Satire Heiner Müller, often described as a “ wanderer between worlds and times ” , 9 had ample opportunity during his regular visits to West Germany to gather inspiration and material for Die Kanakenrepublik. While the themes of guest workers and racism may never have been central preoccupations for Müller, the political dimension - namely, the exploitation of the Global South by the North as a re-enactment of colonial dynamics - clearly concerned him. He saw this not only as a continuation of colonial structures but also as a moment charged with revolutionary (and violent) potential. In Der Auftrag. Erinnerung an eine Revolution (written in 1979) and his re-writing of Shakespeare ’ s gruesome Titus Andronicus - retitled Anatomie Titus Fall of Rome Ein Shakespearekommentar (1983/ 84), which Müller himself described as a “ Gastarbeiter-play ” 10 - he refuses to portray the two Black characters, Sasportas (a former slave in Der Auftrag) and Aaron (in Anatomie Titus), merely as “ role model[s] for rebellion and avoids any romanticization of the Third World or any Eurocentric exoticism. ” 11 Nearly a decade after Die Kanakenrepublik, Müller wrote the scene “ Der Gastarbeiter ” in Germania 3 Gespenster am toten 22 Benoît Ellerbach Mann (1990 - 1995). In one episode set toward the end of World War II, three widows of Nazi officers ask a Croatian SS man to behead them with an axe - casting him retrospectively as a kind of proto-Gastarbeiter. This is followed by a monologue by a ‘ modern ’ Croatian Gastarbeiter, who recounts how he returned to his family farm in Croatia and cold-bloodedly murdered his family with an axe. Der Auftrag, Anatomie Titus, and Germania 3 all formally reflect Müller ’ s dramaturgical principle of “ Tod als Aufgabe, DISMEMBER, REMEMBER ” 12 as formulated in Anatomie Titus. These works are composed as dense, fragmented, circumvoluting patchworks of sources, quotations, and genres. In contrast, the short satirical sketch Die Kanakenrepublik stands as a unicum within Müller ’ s dramatic oeuvre. Though satirical in genre, its intention is unusually direct, and its structure - simple and linear - deviates from the complex formal approach of his other plays. While the tragic dimension of Müller ’ s plays is often foregrounded, their (dark) comic or grotesque elements are frequently overlooked. Müller himself occasionally reminded his audiences of the inherent comedic component in his works. 13 His comedy manifests through situational humour, gestic language, Chaplinesque slapstick, grotesque physicality, and farcical scenarios - all hallmarks of Bertolt Brecht ’ s influence. Müller ’ s translation of Molière ’ s Le Médecin malgré lui for Benno Besson ’ s production at the Volksbühne in 1970 marked a decisive encounter with medical satire and comedy more broadly. This influence resonates throughout his later works, including Der Bau, Germania Tod in Berlin, Leben Gundlings and Die Hamletmaschine. 14 With Die Kanakenrepublik, Müller situates himself within a long tradition of political satire entwined with utopian discourse. 15 In this brief sketch, he offers a postmigrant amalgam of Aristophanes ’ Birds and Brecht ’ s Aufstieg und Fall der Stadt Mahagonny, where the main characters - just like in Aristophanes ’ and Brecht ’ s plays - dream of founding an ideal state where they can escape their unsatisfying lives. As with Cloudcuckooland in Birds or the Paradiesstadt in Aufstieg und Fall der Stadt Mahagonny, this utopian vision is ultimately revealed to be a satire: B ’ s dream is ridiculed as a Kanakenrepublik. 16 Heiner Müller ’ s acquaintance with German-Turkish writer and actress Emine Sevgi Özdamar likely played a decisive role in the play ’ s development, both in terms of addressing the Gastarbeiter issue and in its distinctive use of fixed phrases and idioms. Özdamar, who moved to Berlin in 1975 to immerse herself in Brechtian theatre, 17 collaborated with Müller in 1975 and 1976, notably in a minor role in his play Die Bauern at the Volksbühne 18 under Fritz Marquardt ’ s direction and even drew sketches during rehearsals. 19 They met again in 1982 when Heiner Müller directed his play, Der Auftrag. Erinnerung an eine Revolution at the Kammerspiele of the Schauspielhaus Bochum. During that time, Özdamar was working on her own work, Karagöz in Alamania, a grotesque play that Heiner Müller had read and that was published in 1982 by Verlag der Autoren. 20 According to Özdamar, who was frequently in contact with him at the time, Müller was “ disconcerted ” ( “ irritiert ” ) by Özdamar ’ s direct translation of Turkish idioms. 21 Matthias Langhoff, however, responded that this was precisely the intended effect. As we will see below, Özdamar ’ s influence on this particular aspect - the usage of idioms ad absurdum - is particularly apparent. It was also during this period that she shared a draft of her monologue “ Karriere einer Putzfrau ” with Müller, who suggested the subtitle “ Erinnerungen an Deutsch- 23 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) land ” , 22 thereby echoing the subtitle of his play Der Auftrag. Erinnerung an eine Revolution. In this monologue, Özdamar offers a rereading of Heiner Müller ’ s postdramatic Die Hamletmaschine - as Christine Meyer has illustrated 23 - by adopting the perspective of a foreign theatre actress. This character arrives in Germany to pursue a career on stage but finds herself reduced to being seen only as a cleaning lady: “ Ich bin die Putzfrau. Wenn ich hier nicht putze, was soll ich denn sonst tun. In meinem Land war ich Ophelia. ” 24 Özdamar draws here on her own experience with director Matthias Langhoff at the Schauspielhaus Bochum (1979 - 1984), where she often appeared in silent roles as a cleaning lady. These performances frequently went unnoticed by theatre critics, who failed to recognize them as deliberate acts of performance. 25 A similar dynamic is at play in Die Kanakenerepublik, where the actor playing the guest worker likewise disappears and is reduced to a mere working body. Heiner Müller likely wrote Die Kanakenrepublik in 1986, with its debut coming the following year at “ SZENE Salzburg 1987 ” , directed by Kurt Palm. 26 This period of Müller ’ s career was marked by an exploration of themes such as slavery, colonialism, and revolutionary utopia, particularly during his work on Der Auftrag, in which he boldly stated, “ Das Theater der weißen Revolution ist zu Ende. ” 27 This phase also saw Müller actively exploring labour migration and Germany ’ s perception of foreigners, gathering materials for future use. Moreover, his acquaintance with Özdamar and his appreciation of her works undoubtedly had a significant impact on the development of Die Kanakenrepublik. While Der Auftrag, with its focus on European colonial history, garnered substantial critical attention, particularly in a postcolonial context, the provocative parodic satire 28 Die Kanakenrepublik remained largely overlooked despite its stark relevance to West Germany in the 1980s. Carmine Chiellino attempted, in his 1995 monograph Am Ufer der Fremde which explores labour migration literature, to engage with Müller ’ s particularly linear, strongly dialogical text. He fell short of his aim, as his analysis primarily sought direct insights into the experience of the guest workers themselves, thereby somewhat missing the point. 29 Indeed, Müller ’ s sketch primarily revolves around the racist discourse within a constituted community fixated on guest workers, and therefore only indirectly addresses the guest workers per se. They are reduced on stage to their role as labourers - echoing the plight of the protagonist in Özdamar ’ s “ Karriere einer Putzfrau ” - silent bodies put to work. The constitution of a neo-racist community The title of the short scene, Die Kanakenrepublik - echoing the German translation of Aristophanes ’ Νεφελοκοκκυγία , Wolkenkuckucksheim - is deliberately chosen for its political provocation. The word Kanake originally means “ person, human being ” in Hawaiian and was later employed by sailors in the 19 th century to describe indigenous people from Hawaii. In post-war Germany, it became a racist slur directed at individuals from the Southern Mediterranean. By the time the play was written, this term was already being reclaimed by several artists, including the singer Cem Karaca, 30 as a form of resistance and reappropriation. When paired with ‘ republic ’ - a form of state in which sovereignty lies with the citizens and its legitimacy derives from them - the juxtaposition is stark. This merger, which in this context can only be understood as an external designation, echoes phonetically and in syllable structure the compound Bananenrepublik, a 24 Benoît Ellerbach term denoting states plagued by corruption and bribery, and a dysfunctional legal system. Notably, in the early 1980s, Der Spiegel repeatedly used the term in reference to political scandals within the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). 31 It was also employed by Peter Turrini in a short satirical essay published in Der Spiegel on 9 November 1986, titled “ Die touristische Bananenrepublik ” ( “ The Touristic Banana Republic ” ), 32 in which the Austrian playwright satirizes the post-war relationship between Austria and Germany, portraying how Germans perceive Austria solely as a vacation destination. In Müller ’ s short scene, which may have been inspired by Turrini ’ s essay, it is the disproportionate relationship between Germans and guest workers that is highlighted, with Turrini ’ s touristic Bananenrepublik being turned into a Kanakenrepublik. The title Die Kanakenrepublik immediately signals the portrayal of a state deemed inferior by those harbouring racial prejudices, suggesting it is either poorly governed by Kanaken or exclusively inhabited by them. The stage directions, which call for a grotesque, slapstick dramaturgy and recall Samuel Beckett ’ s En attendant Godot, reinforce the scene ’ s satirical nature by using running gags and exaggeration: Zwei Deutsche mit Hüten trinken Bier: Einer steht auf und schwenkt grüßend den Hut. [. . .] B springt auf und zieht den Hut. [. . .] Gastarbeiter bringt Bier: B springt auf und zieht den Hut vor ihm. [. . .] B springt auf und zieht den Hut, ebenso, in Abständen, je nach Verkehrsdichte, während des Folgenden. [. . .] A zieht B den Hut übers Gesicht. [. . .] A schwenkt, frenetisch grüßend, wie B seinen Hut. 33 Müller here relies on radical stereotyping to render his two characters, adorned with hats and beer, into figures of ridicule. In his draft, Müller wrote “ Türkenprojekt: Wechsel das Bäumchen ” . 34 This reference to an old German children ’ s game similar to Musical Chairs illustrates his intention to mock his characters by deliberately infantilizing their actions on stage. Through this caricature, Müller aims to satirically critique the racist community, as defined by Etienne Balibar in his essay on neo-racism. Balibar describes this “ new racism ” as “ a racism of the era of ‘ decolonization ’ , of the reversal of population movements between the old colonies and the old metropolises, and the division of humanity within a single political space. ” 35 This form of racist community, as defined by Balibar, manifested within the Federal Republic of Germany concurrently with labour migration starting in the 1960s: Racism - a true ‘ total social phenomenon ’ - inscribes itself in practices (forms of violence, contempt, intolerance, humiliation and exploitation), in discourses and representations which are so many intellectual elaborations of the phantasm of prophylaxis or segregation (the need to purify the social body, to preserve ‘ one ’ s own ’ or ‘ our ’ identity from all forms of mixing, interbreeding or invasion) and which are articulated around stigmata of otherness (name, skin colour, religious practices). It therefore organizes affects (the psychological study of these has concentrated upon describing their obsessive character and also their ‘ irrational ’ ambivalence) by conferring upon them a stereotyped form, as regards both their ‘ objects ’ and their ‘ subjects ’ . It is this combination of practices, discourses and representations in a network of affective stereotypes which enables us to give an account of the formation of a racist community (or a community of racists, among whom there exist bonds of ‘ imitation ’ over a distance) and also of the way in which, as a mirror image, individuals and collectivities that are prey to racism (its ‘ objects ’ ) find themselves constrained to see themselves as a community. 36 25 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) In Müller ’ s text, it is evident that the two characters are part of the same neo-racist community Balibar describes. They harbour an obsession with protecting their identity against any “ forms of mixing, interbreeding or invasion ” . This fixation is illustrated in passages like the following: A Ich sag dir, lieber freß ich meinen Hut Als daß ich ihn vor den Kanaken zieh Obs ein Itaker ist oder ein Türke Oder ein Muli oder weiß ich. 37 Exploitation forms the core of the scene, with violence - or the inclination towards it - , subtly suggested throughout. For instance, the text alludes to a civilizationaleconomic war in which the Federal Republic of Germany is purported to have triumphed. 38 B [. . .] Deutschland, du sagst es, hat den Krieg Gewonnen, das ist Fakt, wir sind ganz oben Ich meine, wir, die deutsche Republik Den Osten kannst du in der Pfeife rauchen Aber der Krieg ist nicht zu Ende. Der Feind heißt Umwelt, wo du hinspuckst, Umwelt In jedem Grünzeug eine Ladung Blei Genausogut kannst du dich gleich erschießen Und wer traut sich noch ein Glas Wein zu trinken Und jetzt der Aids. Wer hat ihn eingeschleppt. 39 A ’ s propensity for violence is also palpable, as illustrated by his expressions of mounting anger: “ Mir geht das Messer in der Tasche auf ” ; “ Nach mir die Sintflut. Schließlich leben wir / Nicht schlecht hier. Oder? Und wenn uns das Fell juckt / Du weißt schon, was ich meine, steht die Welt / Uns offen. ” 40 The discourses mentioned by Balibar, particularly the fear of “ mixing ” and “ invasion ” , are vividly apparent in both A ’ s and B ’ s language and frame of reference, as well as in B ’ s utopian plan for a radical separation from guest workers, who are viewed as a foreign body. Müller ’ s characters are so deeply entrenched in their Germanness - or Deutschtum to draw on Nazi terminology - that they can hardly express themselves freely, as they are reduced to speaking a vernacular laden with traditional forms, fixed phrases and idioms. Consequently, the dialogue morphs into a web of “ cultural quotations ” . At times, the language becomes nearly indecipherable, amplifying the absurdity and grotesqueness of this cabaretesque scene. To illustrate, here are examples of such idiomatic expressions: “ Wenn ichs dir sage, leckst du ihm die Stiefel? ” ; “ Ohne Fleiß kein Preis ” ; “ Mir geht das Messer in der Tasche auf ” ; “ den Osten kannst du in der Pfeife rauchen ” ; “ du drückst die Falsche Tube ” ; “ Da liegt der Hase / Im Pfeffer ” ; “ Aber der Schornstein / Muß rauchen. ” 41 Incidentally, Müller ’ s use of idioms recalls the opening of Özdamar ’ s Karagöz in Alamania, where Karagöz ’ s father and the neighbour (and later the usurer) speak stichomythically, using Turkish idioms translated into German. 42 This sibylline manner of expression could also be perceived as a form of coded language. 43 A and B seem, indeed, to have cultivated a specific sociolect, which acts to consolidate their racist community and further distance them from the guest workers. From the German Empire to Nazi Ideology: Roots of Neo-Racist Discourse By employing fixed, traditional forms of expression, Heiner Müller aims to demonstrate that this kind of neo-racist discourse is deeply rooted in German culture, tracing its origins back through history rather than portraying it as merely a byproduct of labour 26 Benoît Ellerbach migration in West Germany. Indeed, as Balibar puts it, “ racist theories are indispensable in the formation of the racist community. ” 44 Between the lines, Müller also suggests that the ideology of this racist community, while ostensibly referring to current events in a ‘ crisis discourse ’ (such as environmental pollution, AIDS, the Cold War, the deployment of Pershing missiles in Germany), stems from a longstanding historical narrative. This perspective helps resituate such ideologies within their historical continuity. The text captures this sentiment: B In zwanzig Jahren, oder, wenn es knallt hier In drei, wird Deutschland unbewohnbar sein Außer für Kakerlaken und Kanaken. Die halten mehr aus, weil sie primitiv sind. Der deutsche Mensch ist nicht so pflegeleicht. Und er ist sauber, Umwelt ist Gift für ihn. 45 Müller ’ s text, while not explicitly mentioning the Third Reich, is steeped in references that evoke Nazi ideology. At the start, as A questions B ’ s humanity ( “ Bist du noch ein Mensch? ” ) 46 for greeting foreigners, it becomes clear that foreigners fall in the category of “ subhumans ” , ( “ Untermenschen ” ) equated with “ cockroaches ” , 47 or other sorts of animals. 48 In contrast, Germans are deemed human ( “ Die halten mehr aus, weil sie primitiv sind. / Der deutsche Mensch ist nicht so pflegeleicht./ Und er ist sauber, Umwelt ist Gift für ihn ” ) 49 . A also calls B a “ traitor to the people ” ( “ Volksverräter ” ) 50 using a derogatory insult that was prevalent in National Socialist vocabulary. As for the phrase “ Der Schornstein muss rauchen ” , it reflects postwar Germany ’ s work ethic during the Wirtschaftswunder and stresses the need for hard work to achieve success. However, uttered by a racist and xenophobic character like B, this phrase takes on a cynical meaning that undoubtedly references the Holocaust as well. Furthermore, the backdrop of the crisis narrative developed in the text is shaped by the 19th century theory of Lebensraum, later adapted by National Socialism within its racial ideology. B cites the first line of the anthem “ Deutschland über alles ” , originally aimed at promoting German unity, 51 but already a symbol of German imperialism and hegemonic claims by the late 19th and early 20th centuries. As B rhapsodizes about moving “ Germany to holiday spots ” , 52 which is itself a touristic trivialization of political discourse, one cannot help but recall Bülow ’ s famous speech before the Reichstag on 6 December 1897, in which the state secretary of Foreign Affairs demanded a “ place in the sun ” just like the others ( “ auch unseren Platz an der Sonne ” 53 ) in the name of the German Reich, expressing the nation ’ s envy towards colonial rivals like France, Great Britain, or Spain. This theme of German revanchism, following a failed imperialistic competition for colonies in the 19th century, is further emphasized when B reveals his plan at the text ’ s conclusion: “ Das ist dem Engländer nicht eingefallen / Und dem Franzosen und dem Spanier auch nicht. ” 54 B ’ s utopia reflects an ideological continuity deeply entwined with a cultural one - a phenomenon Müller typically conveys in his plays by saturating his texts with intertextual references. A poignant example in Die Kanakenrepublik is B ’ s tirade in which he describes a state of crisis in Germany, parodying both Goethe ’ s Mignon poem and Erich Kästner ’ s pacifist reinterpretation. B [. . .] Und was die Umwelt etwa übrig lässt Vom deutschen Menschen, wird Raketenfutter Auf jeden Gartenzwerg kommt hier ein Sprengkopf Kennst du das Land wo die Raketen blühn. 55 While Goethe celebrated the widespread longing for the South, especially Italy, in 27 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) his poem “ Kennst du das Land, wo die Zitronen blühn? ” , 56 written in 1795/ 1796, Erich Kästner lamented the decline of German culture towards unabated militarism in the interwar period with “ Kennst du das Land, wo die Kanonen blühn ” 57 in 1927. Here, both poems merge into a synthesis in B ’ s perspective: Germany faces peril from the deployment of Pershing missiles in West Germany, a consequence of the NATO Double-Track Decision on 12 December 1970, rendering it potentially uninhabitable. As a solution, Germany must be moved “ to the holiday spots ” , that is, to the southern lands praised by Goethe in his ballad. So far, we have observed that Müller uses the German language as a vehicle for a crisis discourse, subtly alluding to episodes of German history marked by imperialistic and hegemonic endeavours, including late 19 th century German colonial ventures and National Socialism. This imperialistic legacy, spanning from the German Empire to National Socialism, underpins a radical utopia that exhibits features of a contemporary iteration of the Nazi Volksgemeinschaft mixed with the ideal of a leisure society, yet is intended to be perceived by the audience as a dystopia, discernible through its satirical overstatements. 58 A neocolonial dystopia B Verstehst du, der Kanake macht die Arbeit Und hält die Chose hier in Gang und wir Verlegen Deutschland an die Ferienplätze. A Und Neckermann wird Bundespräsident. Aber da ist ein Loch in deinem Plan: Der Deutsche ist ein Arbeitstier, das weiß Die Welt, unser Soldat war schließlich auch Der beste, aber der Kanake braucht Kontrolle. B Wozu haben wir das Fernsehn. Wir kontrollieren über Satellit. Der Hut ist nicht die Hauptsache am Kopf Und denken muß man in der Politik Aus Deutschlandüberalles wird per Knopfdruck Durch Sklavenarbeit wie im alten Rom Denkst du, ein Römer hat je einen Finger Gerührt im alten Rom? die Welt gehört Den Arbeitslosen: Deutschlandüberall. Kannst du mir folgen? das ist Politik. Wenn wir schon keine Kolonien mehr kriegen Weil überall der Neger renitent wird Machen wir Deutschland selbst zur Kolonie Und reißen uns die Welt unter den Nagel In aller Ruhe mit dem Kapital Im lebenslangen Urlaub unter Palmen. Das ist dem Engländer nicht eingefallen Und dem Franzosen und dem Spanier auch nicht Kanaken sind sie alle, wenn du mich fragst. Der Deutsche mußte sich den Kopf zerbrechen. A Der Hut ist nicht die Hauptsache am Kopf. A schwenkt, frenetisch grüßend, wie B seinen Hut. 59 The utopia envisioned by B entails moving Germany to the sun-drenched homelands of guest workers, or to mass tourism destinations developed by German entrepreneur Josef Neckermann during the Wirtschaftswunder. Neckermann, who notably benefited from the Nazi regime ’ s forced acquisitions of Jewish businesses, including his purchase of Siegmund Ruschkewitz ’ s department store for textiles in Würzburg in 1935 and his takeover of Karl Amson Joel ’ s retail store in Berlin in 1938, 60 became a figurehead of the post-war economic miracle. The slogan of his mail-order company Neckermann Versand KG, “ Neckermann macht ’ s möglich ” , eventually became emblematic of the entire economic miracle period. Later on, he expanded Neckermann Versand in 1962 to include “ holiday trips for everyone ” ( “ Urlaubsreisen für Jedermann ” ) and established himself as a pioneer in the field of mass tourism. B ’ s utopia shifts focus from seeking territorial hegemony in Europe or the world, 28 Benoît Ellerbach as seen in the Third Reich and still covertly desired by A ( “ [. . .] Und wenn uns das Fell juckt / Du weißt schon, was ich meine, steht die Welt / Uns offen. ” ), 61 to pursuing economic dominance through enslavement of foreign workers in a technologically advanced, late capitalist global framework. As Müller scholar Gaetano Biccari puts it: [Heiner Müller] sieht im Nationalsozialismus die Anfänge jener totalitären ‚ Einführung der Technologie in die Alltagswelt ‘ [. . .], die sich dann im demokratischen Kontext des Spätkapitalismus zu dem Punkt etabliert hat, dass die Reduktion des Menschen ‚ auf seinen Materialwert ‘ [. . .], seine Funktionalisierung zu Produktionszwecken und die Zerstörung seiner Sinnlichkeit zu verhängnisvollen Merkmalen der Postmoderne geworden sind. 62 Accordingly, the traditional, spatially imperialistic interpretation of the first verse of the “ Deutschland über alles ” anthem is abandoned in favour of a reinterpretation towards an even more utopian, ubiquitous claim: Aus Deutschlandüberalles wird per Knopfdruck Durch Sklavenarbeit wie im alten Rom [. . .] Deutschlandüberall. 63 B expresses his desire to do away with “ invasion ” and “ over-foreignization ” in Germany through a reversal of post-colonial migration trends. He envisions abandoning a Germany that is polluted and under threat of missile attacks to the “ low maintenance ” , “ primitive ” guest workers, while the modern German Volksgemeinschaft would detach from the Altreich in a post-national, neoimperialistic initiative and relocate to the Southern Mediterranean. Ultimately, for B, the people are paramount and land in its most literal sense has but little significance. Thus, the social utopia of the National Socialist Volksgemeinschaft 64 is conjured up in the late capitalist framework of a leisure society, where B dreams of an idle life under palm trees. Historian Jörg Echternkamp explains that “ Volksgemeinschaft referred to the utopia of national unity, which was supposed to unfold its historical significance in the resurgent Reich. ” For this “ organic ‘ community ’ based on feelings of belonging ” 65 , the only path to salvation lay in the elimination of ‘ their ’ enemies: Rasse und Nation waren die Schlüsselkategorien, die autoritäre Regime in Krisen in einer explosiven Mischung zu einer radikalen Utopie vermengten, mit der sie die Vernichtung einer Minderheit von ‚ Feinden ‘ als einzig denkbare Rettung der (eigenen) Mehrheitsgesellschaft legitimierten, die deshalb ihrerseits aufgerufen war. 66 The internal enemy of the past, the Jews, is no longer perceived as a threat; instead, in the eyes of A and B, they have been replaced by the guest workers. These workers, hailing from former colonies and/ or regions regarded as part of an inferior Southern Mediterranean, transition from being objects of external colonial racism to threats to the purity of the postwar Volksgemeinschaft. Müller provocatively suggests that the annihilation of the Reich ’ s enemies is not viable for pragmatic economic reasons. The guest workers, despite being racially undesired, are essential for economic growth. 67 Moreover, since the Altreich is no longer deemed to be a habitable living space for “ the German people ” ( “ die deutschen Menschen ” ), it is the Volksgemeinschaft that must emigrate, yet without abandoning its hegemonic aspirations. B ’ s comparison of Germany to the Roman Empire acts as a foreboding sign that this enterprise is doomed to fail. Müller draws a parallel in the interview “ Stirb schneller, Europa ” : Diese innere Aushöhlung Westeuropas hat ihre Analogie im Untergang des Römischen 29 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) Reiches, das schließlich schrittweise von den Sklaven übernommen wurde. Heute haben die Gastarbeiter und Immigranten in den Metropolen denselben Status wie die Sklaven im alten Rom - bis hin zur Gesetzgebung. Die Sklaven genossen keinerlei Menschenrechte - Aristoteles definiert sie als „ sprechende Werkzeuge “ - , und auch für die „ Gastarbeiter “ gelten keine Menschenrechte. Was also von Europa übrigbleibt, ist die internationale Solidarität des Kapitals gegen die Armut. 68 Therefore, the utopian community B envisions, nestled “ under palm trees ” , embodies a seamless continuation of imperialism and neocolonialism, representing a late capitalist Western Europe on a trajectory towards decline. Conclusion In Die Kanakenrepublik, Heiner Müller crafts a profoundly unsettling and repugnant vision of West German society in the 1980s. While Müller has addressed or evoked colonial and postcolonial power dynamics in other plays (such as Der Auftrag, Anatomie Titus, and Germania 3), Die Kanakenrepublik notably offers a more direct and condensed articulation of these concerns. Presented as a linear sketch that combines satire and utopia, it casts labour migration as a modern form of slavery and portrays West Germany ’ s free market economy as an imperialist, neocolonialist power exploiting the Southern Mediterranean. Müller ’ s harsh critique of the West clearly aligns with the official East German doctrine of the “ imperialistic West ” . This critical perspective also resonates with depictions of labour migration in Gastarbeiterliteratur and subsequent “ Migration literature ” , as seen in works by authors such as Rafik Schami, with his collection Die Sehnsucht fährt Schwarz (1988), and Emine Sevgi Özdamar, with her play Karagöz in Alamania (1982). Both authors similarly address the neo-colonialist exploitation of guest workers by capitalist West Germany through a Marxist lens. The two characters, A and B, in Die Kanakenrepublik epitomize what Etienne Balibar calls a “ racist community ” in a post-colonial, neo-racist context. Müller ’ s characters are so deeply rooted in their Deutschtum that their ability to freely express themselves is severely limited, resulting in a language that consists almost exclusively of fixed phrases and idioms. This leads to a parody of “ cultural quotations ” that renders their dialogue almost incomprehensible, intensifying the scene ’ s absurd and grotesque undertones. This cryptic mode of expression could also be interpreted as a form of coded language, for A and B appear to have developed a distinct sociolect, which reinforces their racist community and creates further separation from the guest workers. If our interpretation of the onstage language as a tapestry of “ cultural quotations ” is accurate, it likewise reveals the profound extent to which the characters ’ discourse is anchored in a historical continuum. According to Müller, labour migration and its inherent exploitation of guest workers are not merely a tangent of West German capitalism but, as Günther Heeg puts it, stem from “ the alphabetical linkages of German history ” , 69 in the best East German tradition. B ’ s neocolonial utopia weaves together diverse historical narrative threads: the 18th century longing for the South as expressed by Goethe; the late 19th century hegemonic claims of the German Empire; the exclusionary social utopia of the Nazi Volksgemeinschaft, and the Lebensraum theory; the ecological anxiety of 1980 ’ s Europe, fears of a nuclear “ hot ” war and the ideal of a leisure society. B ’ s cunning scheme is engineered as a crisis utopia - a post-national capitalist and ethnic response to the disintegration of “ Fortress Europe ” that advo- 30 Benoît Ellerbach cates for a departure from the crumbling Old Continent to the realms of idleness and mass tourism. Müller thus lays bare right-wing fantasies of the 1980s in the FRG as neo-racist and imperialistic Volksgemeinschaft aspirations, interwoven with a globalized capitalism that carries within it the seeds of its own downfall: Vor der Festung stehen zig Millionen der Elenden und wollen herein. Es ist eine Illusion zu glauben, daß Europa in der Defensive zu halten ist. Der Sieg des Kapitalismus leitet sein Ende ein, denn man kann nichts erobern, was sich einem an den Hals schmeißt. Daran kann man sich nur verschlucken. Der Kapitalismus, der traditionelle Aggressor Europa ist jetzt plötzlich von Asien und Afrika umzingelt und steht mit dem Rücken am Ozonloch. 70 31 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) 32 Benoît Ellerbach Heiner Müller, “Türkenprojekt (Wechsel das Bäumchen)”, handwritten draft of Die Kanakenrepublik, undated (Heiner Müller Archive, Akademie der Künste, Berlin, call number Müller-Heiner 4591_0001). Transcription by Benoît Ellerbach. Note: In this transcription, angle brackets indicate editorially supplied letters missing or abbreviated in the original. Türkenprojekt (Wechsel das Bäumchen) Geheimplan der B<undes>R<epublik>: Umsiedlung der Deutschen (mit gleichzeitiger Ansiedlung der Türken) Deutsche Türkei (der ewige Urlaub) Türken BRD (Türken betreiben d<eu>tsche Industrie) Voraussetzung des Urlaubs (weil BRD zunehmend unbewohnbar Chemie - Umweltschäden Waldsterben Raketenunfälle Kriegsgefahr Deshalb Aufrechterhaltung Verhältn<isse>? In Türkei, Elend, Todesurteile Damit Platz wird F<ür> Ferienparadies dto. f<ür> Griechen Italiener Deshalb Türken „anfüttern“ Ködern durch gute Behandlung Deutscher grüßt, küsst, beschenkt Türken Form Gespräch 1 anderer fragt ihn, warum den Kanaken? 1 pot<enzieller> Geheimplan = 33 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) Notes 1 Cf. Maria Alexopoulou, “ Rassismus als Kontinuitätslinie in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland ” , in: Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte 38 - 39 (2018), pp. 18 - 24. Accessed 26 June 2024, <https: / / www.bpb.de/ s hop/ zeitschriften/ apuz/ 275884/ rassismus-al s-kontinuitaetslinie-in-der-geschichte-der-b undesrepublik-deutschland/ >. 2 Theodor Schmidt-Kaler and Helmut Schröcke, “ Heidelberger Manifest ” , in: Frankfurter Rundschau 53 (04.03.1982), p. 14. 3 Cf. Hans-Thies Lehmann, Postdramatisches Theater, Frankfurt/ M. 1999 (English translation: Hans-Thies Lehmann, Postdramatic Theatre, tr. by Karen Jürs-Munby, London/ New York 2006). 4 The folder is kept in the Heiner Müller Archive in the Akademie der Künste, Berlin (call number Müller-Heiner 4591). 5 Heiner Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, in: id., Werke 5. Die Stücke 3, ed. by F. Hörnigk, Frankfurt/ M. 2002, pp. 223 - 228. A copy of the handwritten draft (call number Müller- Heiner 4591_0001) and its transcription are appended to this article. 6 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, p. 225: “ Zwei Deutsche mit Hüten trinken Bier. ” [Translation by me, B. E.] 7 Ibid., p. 227: “ A schwenkt, frenetisch grüßend, wie B seinen Hut. ” [Translation by me, B. E.] 8 Franz Xaver Kroetz, Furcht und Hoffnung der BRD. Das Stück, das Material, das Tagebuch. Frankfurt/ M. 1984. 9 Cf. Alexander Karschnia / Hans-Thies Lehmann, “ Zwischen den Welten ” , in: Hans- Thies Lehmann and Patrick Primavesi (ed.), Heiner Müller-Handbuch: Leben - Werk - Wirkung, Stuttgart/ Weimar 2003, pp. 9 - 15, here p. 9: “ Auf dem Weg zum Weltruhm als Dramatiker ist Müller zu einem Wanderer zwischen den Welten bzw. Zeiten geworden. ” [Translation by me, B. E.] 10 Heiner Müller, Gesammelte Irrtümer 1. Interviews und Gespräche, Frankfurt/ M.1986, p. 140: “ Titus Andronicus ist auch ein Gastarbeiter-Stück. Ich glaube, dass in der Bundesrepublik zur Zeit nur Gastarbeiter wirkliche Stücke schreiben könnten. ” 11 Florian Vaßen, “ Anatomie Titus Fall of Rome Ein Shakespearekommentar ” , in: Lehmann and Primavesi (ed.), Heiner Müller- Handbuch, pp. 185 - 188, here p. 187: “ Noch deutlicher als bei Sasportas in Der Auftrag wird in Anatomie Titus, dass Müller mit Aaron keine Vorbildfigur des Aufstandes entwirft und jede Romantisierung der Dritten Welt und jede eurozentrische Exotik als Rückkehr zur Körper-Natur vermeidet. ” 12 Heiner Müller, Anatomie Titus Fall of Rome Ein Shakespearekommentar, in: id., Werke 5. Die Stücke 3, p. 193. 13 Cf. Müller, Gesammelte Irrtümer 1, p. 115 “ Wenn man die HAMLETMASCHINE nicht als Komödie begreift, muss man mit dem Stück scheitern. ” and p. 139: “ Ich finde ja fast alle meine Stücke komisch. Ich wundere mich immer wieder, dass diese Komik so wenig bemerkt und benutzt wird. ” . See also Katrin Trüstedt, “ Affirmation and Alienation: The Comedy of Heiner Müller ’ s Hamletmaschine ” , in The Brecht Yearbook / Das Brecht-Jahrbuch 44, ed. by Markus Wessendorf, Rochester/ New York 2019, pp. 102 - 121. 14 Cf. Nikolaus Müller-Schöll, “ Arzt wider Willen ” , in: Lehmann and Primavesi (ed.), Heiner Müller-Handbuch, pp. 188 - 189. 15 Walter Hinck, “ Einleitung. Die Komödie zwischen Satire und Utopie ” , in: Reinhold Grimm and Walter Hinck (ed.), Zwischen Satire und Utopie. Zur Komiktheorie und zur Geschichte der europäischen Komödie, Frankfurt/ M. 1982, pp. 7 - 19, here p. 7: “ Schon seit ihrer Frühzeit, seit Aristophanes, bewegt sich die Komödie auf einem Grat, zu dessen einer Seite das Gebiet der Satire und zu dessen anderer Seite das der Utopie liegt. ” 16 Cf. Jonathan Greenberg, The Cambridge Introduction to Satire, Cambridge 2018, p. 240: “ Satire has always shadowed utopia. In Aristophanes ’ Birds the utopian aspiration may critique contemporary Athens, but its realization is mocked as Cloudcuckooland. ” 34 Benoît Ellerbach 17 For an analysis of Özdamar ’ s theatre experience and its influence on her writings, cf. the chapter “ Staged Pasts: Emine Sevgi Özdamar ’ s Dramatic Aesthetic ” , in: Ela E. Gezen, Brecht, Turkish Theater, and Turkish- German Literature: Reception, Adaptation, and Innovation after 1960, New York/ Rochester 2018, pp. 77 - 103. 18 Heiner Müller, Die Bauern (Premiere: 30.05.1976, Volksbühne, Stage Direction: Fritz Marquardt). Cf. Emine Sevgi Özdamar, Seltsame Sterne starren zur Erde. Wedding - Pankow 1976/ 77, Köln 2003, pp. 80 - 150. 19 Özdamar ’ s rehearsal sketches are kept in the archives of the Akademie der Künste and of the Volksbühne, Berlin (Call numbers Özdamar 1 until Özdamar 27; Volksbühne- Berlin 272). 20 Emine Sevgi Özdamar, Karagöz in Alamania, Frankfurt/ M. 1982. For a detailed analysis of Karagöz in Alamania, cf. Erol M. Boran, Die Geschichte des türkisch-deutschen Theaters und Kabaretts. Vier Jahrzehnte Migrantenbühne in der Bundesrepublik (1961 - 2004), Bielefeld 2023, pp. 139 - 158. 21 Personal communication with the author, September 2024. 22 Cf. Emine Sevgi Özdamar, Ein von Schatten begrenzter Raum, Berlin 2023, pp. 488 - 491, here 488 - 489: “ Gegen neun Uhr am nächsten Tag war mein Putzfrauenmonolog zu Ende geschrieben. Ich lief zum Theater, gab Langhoff den Text, neben Langhoff stand Heiner Müller, er war nach Bochum gekommen, um sein Stück Der Auftrag zu inszenieren. Er nahm den Monolog und las ihn in der Kantine, fand ihn sehr schön, sagte: „ Als Untertitel musst du schreiben Erinnerungen an Deutschland. “ Also: KARRIERE EINER PUTZFRAU. Erinnerungen an Deutschland. Ich freute mich, dass Heiner Namensvater war. Er wollte, dass ich bei den Proben von Der Auftrag vorbeikomme. „ Komm doch, komm, deine Gefühle sind wichtig. “ Ich kannte Heiner Müller seit Mitte 1975, als ich in Ostberlin an der Volksbühne gearbeitet hatte. “ The monologue was published a part of the collection Mutterzunge. Cf. Emine Sevgi Özdamar, “ Karriere einer Putzfrau ” , in: ead., Mutterzunge, Berlin 2022, pp. 121 - 140. 23 Christine Meyer, “‚ Karriere einer Putzfrau ‘ oder die Stimme der Subalternen: eine Relektüre Hamlets durch das Prisma von Heiner Müllers Hamletmaschine, in: Etudes Germaniques 287 (2017), pp. 431 - 447. 24 Özdamar, “ Karriere einer Putzfrau ” , p. 123. 25 Cf. Meyer, “‚ Karriere einer Putzfrau ‘ oder die Stimme der Subalternen ” , p. 432. 26 Cf. Müller, Werke 5. Die Stücke 3, pp. 338 - 339. 27 Heiner Müller, Der Auftrag, in: id., Werke 5. Die Stücke 3, p. 26. 28 Cf. Linda Hutcheon, A Theory of Parody. The Teachings of Twentieth-Century Art Forms, Urban and Chicago 2000, p. 62: “ [. . .] parodic satire (a type of the genre satire) [. . .] aims at something outside the text, but [. . .] employs parody as a vehicle to achieve its satiric or corrective end. ” . Cf. as well Linda Hutcheon, “ Ironie et parodie : stratégie et structure ” , in: Poétique 36 (1978), pp. 467 - 477 and Linda Hutcheon, “ Ironie, satire et parodie ” , in: Poétique 46 (1981), pp. 140 - 155, here p. 149. 29 Cf. Carmine Chiellino, Am Ufer der Fremde: Literatur und Arbeitsmigration (1870 - 1991), Stuttgart/ Weimar 1995, pp. 213 - 219. 30 Cem Karaca, Die Kanaken [vinyl record], Köln 1984. 31 Cf. anon., “ Wie in der Bananenrepublik ” , in: Der Spiegel 19 (04.05.1981), p. 79 and anon., “ Tätige Reue ” , in: Der Spiegel 52 (21.12.1981), p. 25: “ Seit Mitte Dezember 1981 liefert Bonn eine neue Definition: BRD = Bananenrepublik Deutschland. ” Consequently, “ Bananenrepublik ” was chosen as one of the words of the year in 1984 (cf. Gesellschaft für deutsche Sprache e. V., “ Wort, des Jahres ” , https: / / gfds.de/ aktionen/ wort-des-jahres/ (accessed on 01.09.2023). One could also interpret the use of the word as a satirical, self-referential allusion to the “ Negerrepublik ” in Der Auftrag. Cf. Müller, Der Auftrag, p. 15. 32 Peter Turrini, “ Die touristische Bananenrepublik ” , in: Der Spiegel 46 (1986), pp. 216 - 217. 33 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, pp. 225 - 227. 35 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987) 34 See the copy of the draft and its transcription (appended to this article). 35 Cf. Etienne Balibar, “ Is There a ‘ Neo-Racism ’ ? ” , in: Etienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class. Ambiguous Identities, tr. of Etienne Balibar by Chris Turner, London/ New York 1991, pp. 17 - 28, here p. 21. 36 Ibid., pp. 17 - 18. 37 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, p. 225. 38 Cf. Heiner Müller, “ Stirb schneller, Europa ” [1989], in: id., Werke 11. Gespräche 2, ed. by Frank Hörnigk, Frankfurt/ M. 2008, pp. 398 - 415, here p. 399: “ Seit Hiroschima sind militärische Kategorien nicht mehr relevant; es zählen allein ökonomische, und deshalb hat nicht Deutschland, aber doch die Bundesrepublik den Krieg gewonnen. Wobei das Resultat gegenläufig zur Intention ist: das Kriegsziel war orientiert an Expansion, an der Eroberung von Großräumen; das Ergebnis ist die Gesundschrumpfung des deutschen Territoriums auf seinen ökonomisch potenten Kern - die Bundesrepublik. ” 39 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, p. 225. 40 Ibid., pp. 225 - 226. 41 Ibid., pp. 225 - 226. 42 Cf. Özdamar, Karagöz, pp. 2 - 3. 43 This theory was posited by the author ’ s students at Bo ğ aziçi University a few years ago. 44 Balibar, “ Is There a ‘ Neo-Racism ’ ? ” , p. 18. 45 Ibid., p. 226. 46 Ibid., p. 225. 47 Ibid., p. 226. 48 Cf. ibid., pp. 225 - 226: “ Hier muss ein Nest sein ” ; “ Vermehren solln sie sich, auch wie zu Hause ” . 49 Ibid., p. 226. 50 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, p. 226. 51 Cf. first stanza of the Deutschlandlied (1841) by Fallersleben. 52 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, p. 227: “ wir/ Verlegen Deutschland an die Ferienplätze ” . 53 Bernhard von Bülow, “ Platz an der Sonne ” , in: Rüdiger vom Bruch und Björn Hofmeister (ed.), Kaiserreich und Erster Weltkrieg 1871 - 1918. Deutsche Geschichte in Quellen und Darstellung, Band 8, Stuttgart 2000, pp. 268 - 270, here p. 270. 54 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, p. 227. 55 Müller, Die Kanakenrepublik, p. 226. 56 Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre, in: Goethes Werke. Band VII, Romane und Novellen II, Hamburger Edition, Munich 1998, p. 145. 57 Erich Kästner, “ Kennst du das Land, wo die Kanonen blühn? ” , in: Werke, Band I, Werke. Zeitgenossen, haufenweise: Gedichte, ed. by Harald Hartung, Munich 2004, p. 26. 58 Cf. Andreas Mahler, “ Der satirische Kontrakt: Performanzen des Satirischen ” , in: Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur 127/ 3 (2017), pp. 253 - 277, here p. 254: “ Wie sich zeigt, ist satirisches Sprechen parasitär; es ist ‚ geborgte ‘ Rede. Wie ein Virus schreibt es sich ein in vorhandene sprachliche Muster und nutzt diese zur Artikulation eigener Interessen; wie ein Pirat übernimmt es ein eigentlich andernorts hin steuerndes Diskursschiff; gleich einem Trojaner schleicht es sich heimlich in bestehende, als bekannt vorausgesetzte Strukturen und instrumentalisiert sie für den eigenen Zweck. ” 59 Ibid., p. 227. 60 Cf. Steffen Radlmaier, “ Neckermann und der „ Wäschejude “ . Wie Karl Joel um sein Lebenswerk gebracht wurde “ , in: Matthias Henkel and Eckart Dietzfelbinger (ed.), Entrechtet. Entwürdigt. Beraubt. Die Arisierung in Nürnberg und Fürth, Petersberg 2012 and Hans Steidle, Neckermann & Co. Die Ausplünderung der Würzburger Juden im Dritten Reich, Würzburg 2014. 61 Ibid., p. 226. 62 Cf. Gaetano Biccari, “ Politische Stellungnahmen ” , in: Lehmann and Primavesi (ed.), Heiner Müller-Handbuch, pp. 30 - 38, here p. 37. 63 Ibid., p. 227. 64 Cf. Detlef Schmiechen-Ackermann (ed.) ‚‚ Volksgemeinschaft ‘ : Mythos, wirkungsmächtige soziale Verheißung oder soziale Realität im ‚ Dritten Reich ‘ ? Zwischenbilanz einer kontroversen Debatte, Paderborn 2012; Dietmar von Reeken, Malte Thießen (ed.), ‚ Volksgemeinschaft ‘ als soziale Praxis. Neue For- 36 Benoît Ellerbach schungen zur NS-Gesellschaft vor Ort, Paderborn 2013; Detlef Schmiechen-Ackermann, Marlis Buchholz, Bianca Roitsch, Christiane Schröder (ed.), Der Ort der ‚ Volksgemeinschaft ‘ in der deutschen Gesellschaftsgeschichte, Paderborn 2018; Dieter Gessner, Volksgemeinschaft 1933 - 1945. Zur Entstehung und Bedeutung eines politischen Schlagwortes, Wiesbaden 2019. 65 Jörg Echternkamp, Das Dritte Reich: Diktatur, Volksgemeinschaft, Krieg, Berlin 2018, p. 151: “ Volksgemeinschaft bezeichnete die Utopie der nationalen Einheit, die im wiedererstarkten Reich ihre historische Bedeutung entfalten sollte. Die Vorstellung einer organischen, auf Zugehörigkeitsgefühlen gründenden ‚ Gemeinschaft ‘ war vor allem im Bildungsbürgertum fest verankert. ” [Translation by me, B. E.] 66 Ibid., p. 249. 67 Immanuel Wallerstein, “ The Ideological Tensions of Capitalism: Universalism versus Racism and Sexism ” , in: Balibar and Wallerstein, Race, Nation, Class. Ambiguous Identities, pp. 29 - 36, here p. 33: “ But if one wants to maximize the accumulation of capital, it is necessary simultaneously to minimize the costs of production (hence the costs of labour-power) and minimize the costs of political disruption (hence minimize - not eliminate, because one cannot eliminate - the protests of the labour force). Racism is the magic formula that reconciles these objectives. ” 68 Müller, “ Stirb schneller, Europa “ , p. 400. 69 Günther Heeg, “ Deutschland - Krieg ” , in: Lehmann and Primavesi (ed.), Heiner Müller-Handbuch, pp. 88 - 93, here p. 90. 70 Heiner Müller, “ Das Böse ist die Zukunft ” [1991], in: id., Werke 11. Gespräche 2, pp. 824 - 835, here p. 834. 37 Heiner Müller ’ s Die Kanakenrepublik (1987)