eBooks

English Syntax

Basic Facts and In-Depth Analyses

0214
2022
978-3-8385-5655-0
978-3-8252-5655-5
UTB 
Jenny Arendholz
10.36198/9783838556550

This collection of pivotal issues about syntactic analysis bridges the gap between two extremes: Quirk et al.'s classic, yet voluminous standard grammar The Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language (CGEL, 1985) and slim booklets with sample solutions. Written for students and teachers alike, this textbook introduces basic concepts, deepens preexisting knowledge, prepares students for various exam contexts and provides hands-on teaching material. Each chapter provides theoretical explanations, which are immediately illustrated by numerous complete sample analyses of sentences taken both from the CGEL as well as from more recent British and American news articles. The final part of this textbook offers a comprehensive practice section for self-study using sentences which are divided into three levels of difficulty and come with model solutions.

<?page no="0"?> Jenny Arendholz (Ed.) English Syntax Basic Facts and In-Depth Analyses <?page no="1"?> utb 5655 Eine Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Verlage Brill | Schöningh - Fink · Paderborn Brill | Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht · Göttingen - Böhlau Verlag · Wien · Köln Verlag Barbara Budrich · Opladen · Toronto facultas · Wien Haupt Verlag · Bern Verlag Julius Klinkhardt · Bad Heilbrunn Mohr Siebeck · Tübingen Narr Francke Attempto Verlag - expert verlag · Tübingen Psychiatrie Verlag · Köln Ernst Reinhardt Verlag · München transcript Verlag · Bielefeld Verlag Eugen Ulmer · Stuttgart UVK Verlag · München Waxmann · Münster · New York wbv Publikation · Bielefeld Wochenschau Verlag · Frankfurt am Main <?page no="2"?> Dr. Jenny Arendholz is a senior lecturer at Ludwig-Maximilians-University Munich (LMU) and teaches English linguistics and language courses. <?page no="3"?> Jenny Arendholz (Ed.) English Syntax Basic Facts and In-Depth Analyses Narr Francke Attempto Verlag · Tübingen <?page no="4"?> © 2022 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Dischingerweg 5 · D-72070 Tübingen Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Ver‐ vielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Internet: www.narr.de eMail: info@narr.de Einbandgestaltung: Atelier Reichert, Stuttgart CPI books GmbH, Leck utb-Nr. 5655 ISBN 978-3-8252-5655-5 (Print) ISBN 978-3-8385-5655-0 (ePDF) ISBN 978-3-8463-5655-5 (ePub) Umschlagabbildung © Hannah Jahner, Sandra Neigefind und Jenny Arendholz Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http: / / dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. www.fsc.org MIX Papier aus verantwortungsvollen Quellen FSC ® C083411 ® www.fsc.org MIX Papier aus verantwortungsvollen Quellen FSC ® C083411 ® <?page no="5"?> 9 13 19 1 21 1.1 21 1.2 25 1.3 32 2 35 2.1 36 2.2 37 2.3 40 2.4 42 2.5 45 2.6 47 2.6.1 47 2.6.2 48 2.6.3 50 2.6.4 52 3 57 3.1 58 3.2 60 3.3 64 3.4 66 3.5 71 3.6 72 Contents Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of abbreviations (alphabetical order) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . List of abbreviations (structural order) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions - Jenny Arendholz . . . Some Structural Facts and Layout Conventions . . . . . . . . . The Seven Syntactic Functions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tricky Business: O i vs. O prep . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Internal Structure of Phrases - Jenny Arendholz . . . . . . . . . . . Characteristic Features of Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Noun Phrase (NP) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Adjective Phrase (AdjP) and the Adverb Phrase (AdvP) The Verb Phrase (VP) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Prepositional Phrase (PP) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tricky Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nouns in the Premodifier Slot of NPs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Embedding . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Complementation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Complex Determinatives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Word Classes - Michaela Pitsch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Adjectives and Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Adjectives vs. Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pronouns and Determiners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pronouns vs. Determiners . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prepositions and Conjunctions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . <?page no="6"?> 3.7 76 3.8 78 3.9 79 3.10 83 3.11 85 3.11.1 85 3.11.2 86 4 87 4.1 88 4.1.1 88 4.1.2 88 4.1.3 94 4.1.4 96 4.2 96 4.3 99 4.3.1 100 4.3.2 101 4.3.3 104 4.3.4 105 5 107 5.1 107 5.2 110 5.3 113 5.3.1 115 5.3.2 117 5.4 118 5.5 121 6 123 6.1 124 6.2 126 6.3 135 Prepositions vs. Subordinating Conjunctions . . . . . . . . . . . Adverbs vs. Subordinating Conjunctions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Words of Unique Function . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tricky Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Some as an Adverb . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Change of Word Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Verb - Sandra Neigefind . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distinction According to Word Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Full Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Modal Auxiliary Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Special Case of Modals: Catenative Verb Constructions Primary Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Copular Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Multi-Word Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phrasal Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Prepositional Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phrasal-Prepositional Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Detection Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . An Introduction to Complex Sentences - Hannah Jahner & Jenny Arendholz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Clauses vs. Phrases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sentences and Clause Combinations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subordinate Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nominal Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Adverbial Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Embedded Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary: Syntactic Functions of Dependent Clauses . . . . Finite Clauses - Jenny Arendholz & Michaela Pitsch . . . . . . . . . . . . Adverbial Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Wh-Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . That-Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Contents <?page no="7"?> 6.4 139 6.5 148 6.6 156 6.7 163 6.8 175 7 179 7.1 180 7.1.1 184 7.1.2 190 7.2 193 7.2.1 194 7.2.2 197 7.3 199 7.3.1 201 7.3.2 205 7.4 207 7.5 210 7.6 215 7.6.1 215 7.6.2 217 8 223 8.1 223 8.2 225 8.2.1 225 8.2.2 229 8.3 233 8.4 235 8.4.1 235 8.4.2 238 9 241 9.1 241 9.2 244 Attributive Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Nominal Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sentential Relative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Comparative Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tricky Business: Is that Still a Problem? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses - Lioba Arnoldi . . . . . . . -ing-Participle Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subordinate -ing-Participle Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Attributive -ing-Participle Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -ed-Participle Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subordinate -ed-Participle Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Attributive -ed-Participle Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . to-Infinitive Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Subordinate to-Infinitive Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Attributive to-Infinitive Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bare Infinitive Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Verbless Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tricky Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Catenative Verbs and Non-Finite Forms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gradience in Non-Finite Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appositions - Franziska Kirchhoff . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Definition and Terminology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Different Forms of Apposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Phrasal Apposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Clausal Apposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Indicators of Apposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Tricky Business . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Appositive of-Phrase . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distinguishing Apposition from Coordination . . . . . . . . . . Coordination - Jenny Arendholz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Terminology and Basic Structures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Coordinators . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Contents <?page no="8"?> 9.3 247 9.4 258 9.4.1 258 9.4.2 261 9.4.3 266 9.4.4 269 10 271 10.1 272 10.2 273 10.3 277 10.4 282 10.5 288 11 291 11.1 295 11.2 306 11.3 330 355 355 356 356 357 Types of Coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Analysis of Coordination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Ellipsis Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Conjoint Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Shift Strategy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Detection Rules . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns - Jenny Arendholz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Theme and Rheme . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fronting and Inversion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cleft Sentences Proper and Pseudo-Cleft Sentences . . . . . . Extraposition of Clausal Subjects and Objects . . . . . . . . . . . Existential Constructions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Practice Makes Perfect - Britta van den Berg & Jenny Arendholz . Easy Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Moderate Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Difficult Sentences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Primary Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Secondary Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Secondary Online Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Contents <?page no="9"?> Preface “Isn’t there a book where I can read up on all this and practice syntactic analyses myself ? ” I’ve been asked this question a lot in the past 14 years and so far, the answer has always been “I’m afraid not.” After all, students could either resort to voluminous grammar books, which no one ever reads from cover to cover, or to slim booklets containing model solutions but hardly any explanations. So, in 2018, I finally decided that it was time to write that book myself. I was extremely lucky to be able to enlist a handful of very talented students for this project. Together, we joined forces and wrote a book that we as students, tutors, teachers and lecturers have been wanting for a long time. So, in a way, this volume is the result of years of learning and teaching syntax as it collects and answers all the pivotal questions that always come up in syntax classes at all levels. For that reason, this book not only offers basic insights to students in introductory classes but also helps advanced students to brush up on their knowledge of syntax and to drill their analytical skills in preparation for their (final) exams. By combining teachers’ and students’ perspectives, we tried to present this branch of linguistics in a way that would make syntax and syntactic analyses, with all their intricacies and pitfalls, more accessible and comprehensible, hopefully even enjoyable. In contrast to some collections of model solutions available to students, we uphold the function/ form pairing almost religiously and definitely at all times. Therefore, our prepositional phrases, to give one example, always start with prep: prep, one prep for function in the phrase, one prep for the form, i.e. the word class of an element. This becomes particularly relevant in Chapter 9 “Coordination” where we do not omit part of a level, leaving out either a functional or a formal label, just to facilitate our analysis. You will also come to notice that we always opted for the most precise term available in our analyses. For instance, we use clause labels such as attributive -ing-participle clause instead of participle clause or an even more general term such as non-finite clause. In doing so, our aim is to get you to see the bigger picture of syntactic structures and, of course, to leave no question unanswered as far as possible. So, depending on your reason for studying syntax with this book, it will be for you to decide which level of accuracy and detail best fits your purpose. For that matter, the same holds true when it comes to approaching the content of the book in general. Each chapter <?page no="10"?> introduces the rather basic facts about a topic first before moving on to more difficult aspects. Particularly complex issues are more often than not saved up for the last part of a chapter and discussed in detail in sections called “Tricky Business”. Sample analyses are constantly provided throughout each chapter, paralleling the increasing complexity of the content discussed. This book is the direct result of meticulously screening and often chal‐ lenging Quirk et al.’s The Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language (1985) - or CGEL for short - which explains the large number of references to and quotes from Quirk et al.’s renowned work on constituency grammar. To keep the short citation really as short as possible yet to facilitate easy access to the relevant passages in a grammar book that runs to more than 1700 pages, we use the acronym CGEL followed by two numbers (e.g. CGEL 1208, 16.55) to indicate the page and the relevant chapter in the CGEL, respectively. To avoid cluttering our short citation, we deliberately refrained from marking those instances in which we did not adopt every minute bit of formatting (e.g. small caps) that is present in the original quote. For the same reason, most of the example sentences presented in the chapters do not come with short citations. After all, they were taken from the same CGEL chapters as the surrounding theory. It is no accident that we review a lot of classic, at times slightly archaic, declarative sentences from the CGEL as we have experienced that students are often quite familiar with the example sentences as such, but have never seen their full syntactic analysis. This is why we often went hunting for clues in the CGEL, trying to piece together complete analyses. Whenever we found pieces missing, we filled the gaps and resorted to suggesting solutions which we deem most appropriate. In addition to shining a light on sentences that were published already back in 1985, we also turned our attention to present-day sentences when drawing up the application-oriented Chapter 11 “Practice makes Perfect”. The practice sentences in this chapter date from the end of 2017 to the beginning of 2019 and were mostly taken from three British online newspapers and two American ones. Our selection of texts was guided by their topic. After all, the sentences should be culturally relevant and understandable without further contextual information. We worked on this book for three years and allowed for certain topics and issues to evolve and mature over time. We composed our chapters and syntactic analyses very diligently and carefully checked for mistakes and inconsistencies. Yet, syntax trees are prone to attract flaws, especially when 10 Preface <?page no="11"?> so many of them are drawn up at the same time. So, it should go without saying that all remaining flaws are our own. It would not have been possible to write this book without so many different contributions from many people. First of all, I owe thanks to Brigitta Mittmann, my first syntax teacher back in the day at Augsburg University, not only for sparking my interest in the topic but also for giving excellent syntax lessons from which I have profited greatly. I’m also grateful to many friends and colleagues, among them Monika Kirner-Ludwig, Christina San‐ chez-Stockhammer and Hans-Jörg Schmid, for taking the time to contribute to the success of this project in various ways. I also owe a lot of thanks to Eva Faistenhammer for keeping the project website up-to-date. I am especially indebted to Melanie Keller for proofreading the entire manuscript and for ensuring that we constructed idiomatically and syntactically correct English sentences. A very special thanks goes to my lovely colleagues Gill Woodman and Renate Schruff for being the wonderful people they are, for their moral and hands-on support and for their constant reassurance that the cavalry is always nearby and ready if needed. Felix Bokelmann deserves special thanks for his support, advice and guidance, enabling us to get generous funding for the project from “Lehre@LMU” - not once, but four times! - thus making it possible for the team of writers to get together in the beautiful Allgäu Alps for two highly productive conferences. In this context, I would also like to express my thanks to the wonderfully peaceful guest house “AllgäuWeite” for hosting us both times. I also wish to thank LMU’s “Karrierefond” for the funds to hire a highly valued student assistant who later became in charge of a chapter. Thanks also go to so many of my former students from syntax classes present and past for asking clever questions, thereby uncovering problems and inconsistencies in the CGEL. Special thanks go to Lisa Dafinger and Sybille Homes for their preliminary outlines of chapters as well as for their contributions in early discussions. I am also unbelievably grateful to Zarah Zein, Xaver Boxhammer and Carolin Kosney for taking great care of the formatting of the entire manuscript. In this context, thanks also go to Corina Popp, Kathrin Heyng, Katharina Gerhardt and Arkin Keskin at Narr Francke Attempto Verlag for guiding me through the publishing process. I’m also highly indebted to those former students of mine who got bitten by the syntax bug so badly that they unhesitatingly signed up for this project. They are my extraordinary team of co-authors composed of Lioba Arnoldi, 11 Preface <?page no="12"?> Sandra Neigefind, Hannah Jahner, Franziska Kirchhoff, Michaela Pitsch and Britta van den Berg. I would like to thank them so much for their hard work, enthusiasm and meticulous attention to detail at every stage of the project. It’s not often, and therefore much appreciated, that busy, full-time students voluntarily dedicate so much time to a project - let alone actually have a whale of a time discussing syntactic subtleties for hours. Hannah Jahner and Sandra Neigefind spontaneously agreed to design our beautiful book cover featuring the seven dwarfs Sandra created for Chapter 1. I couldn’t be happier with the results and thank both of them very much. Britta van den Berg read the entire manuscript twice from cover to cover to make sure the first round of formatting was consistent and the list of abbreviations complete. A great deal of thanks also go to Lioba Arnoldi for her spontaneous help in proofreading the index. I would like to express my thanks to Franziska Kirchhoff for taking the extra time to get acquainted with an extremely helpful web application written and kindly provided by my colleague Quirin Würschinger. I cannot thank him enough for not only letting me use this tool but also for being available for help and advice in using it. Our syntax trees would look a lot less appealing without these two people and their technical support and supervision. On a related note, I’m especially indebted to my dear husband Frank for putting his self-taught programming skills to good use and compiling every single tree that can be admired in this book. And finally, I’ll always be grateful to (and for) my incredible seven-year-old daughter for her cheerfulness, understanding and most of all her unwavering willingness to help with the book. Without her, life and work would not be the same. Jenny Arendholz Munich, December 2021 12 Preface <?page no="13"?> List of abbreviations (alphabetical order) A adverbial adj adjective AdjP adjective phrase adv adverb adv bare inf cl adverbial bare infinitive clause adv cl adverbial clause adv -ed-part cl adverbial -ed-participle clause adv -ing-part cl adverbial -ing-participle clause AdvP adverb phrase adv to-inf cl adverbial to-infinitive clause adv vless cl adverbial verbless clause attr -ed-part cl attributive -ed-participle clause attr -ing-part cl attributive -ing-participle clause attr rel cl attributive relative clause attr that-cl attributive that-clause attr to-inf cl attributive to-infinitive clause attr wh-cl attributive wh-interrogative clause aux v auxiliary verb bare inf cl bare infinitive clause cat v catenative verb C O object complement co conj coordinating conjunction comp cl comparative clause <?page no="14"?> 1 Note that FU and FO are used as abbreviations to point to functional and formal levels, respectively. comp-element comparative element compl complementation compl det complex determiner compl prep complex preposition compl sub conj complex subordinating conjunction comp n compound noun conj conjoin coord coordination correl sub conj correlative subordinating conjunction C S subject complement def rel cl defining/ restrictive relative clause det determiner dtm determinative -ed-part cl -ed-participle clause ellipt. elliptical exist. there existential there fv full verb Gen. genitive h head ind appos indicator of apposition (FU and FO) 1 14 List of abbreviations (alphabetical order) <?page no="15"?> inf mark infinitive marker (FU and FO) -ing-part cl -ing-participle clause int adv interrogative adverb int det interrogative determiner int pron interrogative pronoun marg mod aux marginal modal auxiliary marg prep marginal preposition mod aux modal auxiliary mod id modal idiom mv main verb n noun neg negation neg part negative particle nom bare inf cl nominal bare infinitive clause nom -ed-part cl nominal -ed-participle clause nom -ing-part cl nominal -ing-participle clause nom rel cl nominal relative clause nom that-cl nominal that-clause nom to-inf cl nominal to-infinitive clause nom vless cl nominal verbless clause nom wh-cl nominal wh-interrogative clause non-def rel cl non-defining/ non-restrictive relative clause NP noun phrase num numeral 15 List of abbreviations (alphabetical order) <?page no="16"?> O ant anticipatory object (extraposition) O d direct object O i indirect object O post postponed object (extraposition) O prep prepositional object phr-prep v phrasal-prepositional verb phr v phrasal verb pn proper noun postmod postmodifier postmod (appos) appositive postmodifier PP prepositional phrase premod premodifier premod (appos) appositive premodifier prep preposition (FU and FO) prep adv prepositional adverb prepC prepositional complement prep v prepositional verb pron pronoun pv primary verb rel adv relative adverb rel det relative determiner rel pron relative pronoun S subject S ant anticipatory subject (extraposition) 16 List of abbreviations (alphabetical order) <?page no="17"?> S comp compound sentence (coordination) S gr grammatical subject (existential constructions) S not notional subject (existential constructions) S post postponed subject (extraposition) semi aux semi-auxiliary verb sent rel cl sentential relative clause sub subordination sub conj subordinating conjunction subj mark subject marker (FU and FO) that-cl that-clause to-inf cl to-infinitive clause V verb vless cl verbless clause VP verb phrase wh-cl wh-clause zero rel pron zero relative pronoun 17 List of abbreviations (alphabetical order) <?page no="19"?> 1 Some abbreviations are introduced as auxiliary constructs to help explain a certain concept but never appear in an analysis, e.g attr rel cl in Chapter 6 and -ed-part cl in Chapter 7. 2 The ultimate clause is, of course, the sentence (see Chapter 5). List of abbreviations (structural order) Based on our alphabetical list of abbreviations, we compiled a list of the abbreviations actually 1 found in syntactic analyses. We also rearranged them to directly show whether: a. the concept (and its abbreviation) belongs to a formal or a functional level, b. the concept (and its abbreviation) are immediate constituents of clau‐ ses 2 or phrases. Please note that the abbreviations are otherwise in alphabetical order. The abbreviations (e.g. prep) used both on a formal and functional level are necessarily listed twice. functional level formal level in clauses syntactic functions ■ A ■ C O ■ C S ■ O d (incl. the variations O ant and O post ) ■ O i ■ O prep ■ S (incl. the variations S gr , S ant , S not and S post ) ■ V phrases ■ AdjP ■ AdvP ■ NP ■ PP ■ VP subordinate clauses ■ adv bare inf cl ■ adv cl ■ adv -ed-part cl ■ adv -ing-part cl ■ adv to-inf cl ■ adv vless cl ■ nom bare inf cl ■ nom -ed-part cl ■ nom -ing-part cl ■ nom rel cl ■ nom that-cl ■ nom to-inf cl ■ nom vless cl <?page no="20"?> ■ nom wh-cl ■ sent rel cl in phrases phrase internal functions ■ aux v ■ compl ■ coord ■ dtm ■ h ■ ind appos ■ inf mark ■ mv ■ neg ■ postmod ■ postmod (appos) ■ premod ■ premod (appos) ■ prep ■ prepC ■ sub ■ subj mark embedded clauses ■ attr -ed-part cl ■ attr -ing-part cl ■ attr that-cl ■ attr to-inf cl ■ attr wh-cl ■ comp cl ■ def rel cl ■ non-def rel cl word classes ■ adj ■ adv ■ cat v ■ co conj ■ compl det ■ compl prep ■ compl sub conj ■ comp n ■ correl sub conj ■ det ■ exist. there ■ fv ■ ind appos ■ inf mark ■ int adv ■ int det ■ int pron ■ marg mod aux ■ marg prep ■ mod aux ■ mod id ■ n ■ neg part ■ num ■ phr-prep v ■ phr v ■ pn ■ prep ■ prep adv ■ prep v ■ pron ■ pv ■ rel adv ■ rel det ■ rel pron ■ semi aux ■ sub conj ■ subj mark 20 List of abbreviations (structural order) <?page no="21"?> 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions Jenny Arendholz In very broad strokes, analyzing a sentence syntactically means attributing a function and a form to smaller units within this sentence. This chapter sets out to describe some general rules on how to proceed when doing so. Knowing basic structural facts relevant for every syntactic analysis, including standardized conventions for the layout of an analysis, often helps to avoid typical mistakes from the start. After that, the seven syntactic functions will be briefly introduced. What follows are some guidelines on how to tell those seven functions apart. 1.1 Some Structural Facts and Layout Conventions As can be seen in Figure 1, a full-fledged syntactic analysis can consist of various levels (in this case five levels), always depending on the length of the sentence. Every single level is a pairing of a function (FU) and a form (FO); the function is determined first, then the corresponding form. Once the number of chunks, i.e. constituents, has been determined in a sentence, we can label them by choosing from the list of seven syntactic functions (see Section 1.2 below). The sentence in Figure 1 consists of three syntactic functions on the first level: a subject (S), a verb (V) and a subject complement (C S ). To every function, one form is attributed - in the example above a noun phrase (NP), a verb phrase (VP) and a nominal to-infinitive clause, respectively. <?page no="22"?> s S: NP dtm: det The premod: adj prudent h: n thing postmod: attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: pv do A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det this h: n point V: VP mv: pv is C S : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv ignore O d : NP dtm: det the h: comp n weather report. Level: 1st 2nd 3rd 4th 5th Figure 1: Example sentence with five levels of analysis Note: Within one level of analysis, there has to be a 1: 1 relationship between function and form, which is always indicated by a colon. Determining three syntactic functions thus necessitates attributing three forms to them! A form, such as a noun phrase (see Chapter 2.2), can be used with various functions. To illustrate this, consider the two sentences The dog bit the postman. vs. The postman bit the dog. Both the dog and the postman are noun phrases, which can both be used either as a subject or as an object (resulting in different meanings of the sentences, of course). Although the formal name we attach to the constituent remains stable - a noun phrase always remains a noun phrase - the syntactic function it fulfills may vary. This is comparable to the non-syntactic example of a man named John Black. His form is always the same, i.e. he is a man of a certain height and with a certain hair color and eye color, etc., named John Black, though his functions may vary depending on the situation. He might be a customer in a supermarket, a teacher, a dog 22 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions <?page no="23"?> 1 For this non-syntactic comparison, I am indebted to Brigitta Mittmann. owner or a patient at the dentist’s. Nevertheless, it is always the same form that is used in various functions. 1 In applying the notational system proposed by Aarts/ Aarts (1988), one word each is noted on one line in a flush right arrangement. This does not, however, hold for compound nouns (e.g. weather report, Figure 1), which can be written as one word on one line (see also Chapter 3.1). For reasons of readability, it is possible to conduct minor changes in the order of the elements of the sentence, thus reuniting chunks that have been separated by other chunks, most typically verbs that have been interrupted by an adverbial. Figure 2 displays changes like these with the help of the example She has suddenly left him. She has suddenly ➔ left him. She has left suddenly him. Do not forget to mark the change in the original word order, e.g. by an arrow, and also comment on your reasons for doing so, e.g. in a footnote. = original order = changed order Figure 2: Example sentence with original and changed order Working your way through the analysis of a sentence from left to right and from larger to smaller units, you should always come up with pairings of functions and forms and end on a formal level by categorizing single items in terms of their word classes. As should also become evident by looking at Figure 1, the combination of functional and formal labels is always noted at the topmost line of the respective constituent. It goes without saying that this convention is valid for all levels of analysis. While colons link a function to a form, lines are used to indicate the transition to the next level. In between levels, there is no 1: 1 relation, as can be seen in the subject and subject complement slot of the example sentence in Figure 1: on the second level, the internal structure of the noun phrase, the verb phrase and the to-infinitive clause are analyzed - again in terms of functions and then forms. The same procedure is repeated on every following level. 23 1.1 Some Structural Facts and Layout Conventions <?page no="24"?> Obviously, labeling structures requires knowing the extent of a constitu‐ ent, i.e. when one constituent ends and the next one starts. A simple test involves replacing the chunk under investigation with the pronouns it or something. The elements that remain untouched by that change must belong to the next syntactic constituent. This method works perfectly well with sentence (1) (CGEL 1049, 15.4): (1) That the invading troops have been withdrawn has not affected our govern‐ ment’s trade sanctions. → (1a) [Something] has not affected our government’s trade sanctions. → (1b) That the invading troops have been withdrawn has not affected [it]. Sentence (1a) proves that the rather long first segment is in fact one constituent (not two or three), namely the S (represented by a clause), while sentence (1b) confirms that our government’s trade sanctions is also only one constituent, namely the direct object (O d , represented by one noun phrase, NP). One of the most important building blocks necessary for a successful syntactic analysis is to know the difference between functions and forms or, put differently, from which set to choose on which level. The following table serves as a guideline as well as a preview of the chapters to come: category name selection of exam‐ ples where? functions syntactic functions phrase-internal func‐ tions S, V, O, etc. head, premodifier, postmodifier, etc. Ch. 1 Ch. 2 forms phrases or clauses word classes NP, VP etc. or nominal that-clause, etc. noun, adjective, prep‐ osition, etc. Ch. 2, Ch. 5, Ch. 6 & Ch. 7 Ch. 3 & Ch. 4 Table 1: Outline of forms and functions to choose from (with references to chapters to come) 24 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions <?page no="25"?> 1.2 The Seven Syntactic Functions We can choose from seven syntactic functions: the subject (S), the verb (V), the indirect object (O i ), the direct object (O d ), the subject complement (C S ), the object complement (C O ) and the adverbial (A). As a little mnemonic device, the seven dwarves might come in handy (see Figure 3): Figure 3: Seven dwarves for seven syntactic functions (mnemonic device) These seven functions can be found on the first syntactic level when segmenting sentences for the first time (see Figure 1, level 1), but also every time we have to analyze clauses within the sentence. In very broad strokes (but see Chapters 5, 6 and 7 for far more details on dependent clauses), clauses on whichever level are dealt with just like a sentence on the first level: once again, we look for our seven syntactic functions. Beyond S, V, C S on the first functional level, the sentence in Figure 1 also features a V and a O d on the 2 nd level, both being syntactic functions inside the nominal to-infinitive clause of the 1 st level, as well as a V and an A on the 3 rd level, which are in turn syntactic structures inside the nominal to-infinitive clause of the 2 nd level. As this example perfectly illustrates, it should not come as a surprise to not only find the basic seven syntactic functions on the first level of analysis! The goal of the remainder of this chapter is quite straightforward: to characterize those seven syntactic functions (Table 2) and to find ways to distinguish them from one another (Table 3). 25 1.2 The Seven Syntactic Functions <?page no="26"?> function semantic role (Kortmann 2009: 134) form S agent, i.e. the person (or the thing) carrying out the action denoted by the verb of the sentence ■ a noun phrase ■ a clause V action of the sentence (anchor of the sentence, see valency and transitivity) ■ always a verb phrase O i (usually) someone who benefits from the ac‐ tion of the verb (benefactive or recipient) or the goal of the action ■ a noun phrase ■ a clause O d patient, i.e. someone (or something) who is affected by the action denoted by the verb ■ a noun phrase ■ a clause C S complements the subject, is referentially iden‐ tical with the subject and further characterizes it ■ a noun phrase ■ an adjective phrase ■ a clause C O complements the object, is referentially iden‐ tical with the object and further characterizes it ■ a noun phrase ■ an adjective phrase ■ a clause A(“dustbin” category) contains (mostly optional) information about the circumstances with regard to time, place, reason, etc. ■ a noun phrase ■ an adverb phrase ■ a prepositional phrase ■ a clause Table 2: Semantic roles and typical forms associated with the seven functions If you still cannot decide what kind of syntactic function you are looking at based on the semantic role or on the form of the constituent, you might want to try one of the following tests. Except for the verb, every constituent can be determined by means of some very basic syntactic tests (see Table 3): 26 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions <?page no="27"?> 2 Note that passivization only works with some (not all! ) transitive verbs but never with copular verbs (see transitivity below). 3 For more information on copular verbs, see Chapter 4.2. function test(s) examples S passive-test: 2 can be transformed into a by-agent preposi‐ tional phrase func‐ tioning as A Musterdatei NFA_UTB.dot 1 function test(s) examples S ► passive-test: 1 can be transformed into a by-agent prepositional phrase functioning as A The dog bit the postman. S V O d  The postman was bitten by the dog. S V A O i ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  Mary was given the book. S V O d ► with some verbs, the O i can also be put after the O d when introduced by a preposition, thus becoming an A (see Section 1.3)  John gave the book to Mary. S V O d A O d ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  The book was given to Mary by John. S V A A C S ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence The president seems extremely annoyed. S V C S  *Extremely annoyed is seemed by the president. ► always follows a copular verb, The president seems extremely annoyed.  1 Note that passivization only works with some (not all! ) transitive verbs but never with copular verbs (see transitivity below). O i passive-test: can be‐ come the subject of a corresponding pas‐ sive sentence Musterdatei NFA_UTB.dot 1 function test(s) examples S ► passive-test: 1 can be transformed into a by-agent prepositional phrase functioning as A The dog bit the postman. S V O d  The postman was bitten by the dog. S V A O i ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  Mary was given the book. S V O d ► with some verbs, the O i can also be put after the O d when introduced by a preposition, thus becoming an A (see Section 1.3)  John gave the book to Mary. S V O d A O d ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  The book was given to Mary by John. S V A A C S ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence The president seems extremely annoyed. S V C S  *Extremely annoyed is seemed by the president. ► always follows a copular verb, The president seems extremely annoyed.  1 Note that passivization only works with some (not all! ) transitive verbs but never with copular verbs (see transitivity below). with some verbs, the O i can also be put after the O d when in‐ troduced by a prep‐ osition, thus becom‐ ing an A (see Section 1.3) Musterdatei NFA_UTB.dot 1 function test(s) examples S ► passive-test: 1 can be transformed into a by-agent prepositional phrase functioning as A The dog bit the postman. S V O d  The postman was bitten by the dog. S V A O i ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  Mary was given the book. S V O d ► with some verbs, the O i can also be put after the O d when introduced by a preposition, thus becoming an A (see Section 1.3)  John gave the book to Mary. S V O d A O d ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  The book was given to Mary by John. S V A A C S ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence The president seems extremely annoyed. S V C S  *Extremely annoyed is seemed by the president. ► always follows a copular verb, The president seems extremely annoyed.  1 Note that passivization only works with some (not all! ) transitive verbs but never with copular verbs (see transitivity below). O d passive-test: can be‐ come the subject of a corresponding pas‐ sive sentence 1 function test(s) examples S ► passive-test: 1 can be transformed into a by-agent prepositional phrase functioning as A The dog bit the postman. S V O d  The postman was bitten by the dog. S V A O i ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  Mary was given the book. S V O d ► with some verbs, the O i can also be put after the O d when introduced by a preposition, thus becoming an A (see Section 1.3)  John gave the book to Mary. S V O d A O d ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  The book was given to Mary by John. S V A A C S ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence The president seems extremely annoyed. S V C S  *Extremely annoyed is seemed by the president. ► always follows a copular verb, The president seems extremely annoyed.  1 Note that passivization only works with some (not all! ) transitive verbs but never with copular verbs (see transitivity below). C S passive-test: cannot become the subject of a corresponding pas‐ sive sentence 1 function test(s) examples S ► passive-test: 1 can be transformed into a by-agent prepositional phrase functioning as A The dog bit the postman. S V O d  The postman was bitten by the dog. S V A O i ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  Mary was given the book. S V O d ► with some verbs, the O i can also be put after the O d when introduced by a preposition, thus becoming an A (see Section 1.3)  John gave the book to Mary. S V O d A O d ► passive-test: can become the subject of a corresponding passive sentence John gave Mary the book. S V O i O d  The book was given to Mary by John. S V A A C S ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence The president seems extremely annoyed. S V C S  *Extremely annoyed is seemed by the president. ► always follows a copular verb, The president seems extremely annoyed.  1 Note that passivization only works with some (not all! ) transitive verbs but never with copular verbs (see transitivity below). always follows a cop‐ ular verb, which can be substituted by the prototypical copular verb to be  3 Musterdatei NFA_UTB.dot ► always follows a copular verb, which can be substituted by the prototypical copular verb to be 2 The president seems extremely annoyed.  The president is extremely annoyed. C O ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence Jim considers him a possible candidate. S V O d C O  *A possible candidate is considered him by Jim. ► in a passive construction, the C O becomes the C S His friends call him Ted. S V O d C O  27 1.2 The Seven Syntactic Functions <?page no="28"?> 4 Careful: Syntactically, this copular verb does not fit into the structure of the sentence (see CGEL 59, 2.22)! C O passive-test: cannot become the subject of a corresponding pas‐ sive sentence 2 which can be substituted by the prototypical copular verb to be 2 The president is extremely annoyed. C O ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence Jim considers him a possible candidate. S V O d C O  *A possible candidate is considered him by Jim. ► in a passive construction, the C O becomes the C S His friends call him Ted. S V O d C O  He is called Ted by his friends. S V C S A ► inserting a copular verb like to be between the object and the object complement proves the identity of reference between O d and C O 3 They keep the streets | nice and clean. S V O d C O  the streets [are] nice and clean The long walk made us all | hungry. S V O d C O  us all [are] hungry A (the “dustbin” category) ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence We left in the morning. S V A  *In the morning was left by us. ► rearrangementtest: optional (! ) adverbials can  In the morning we left. A S V 2 For more information on copular verbs, see Chapter 4.2. 3 Careful: Syntactically, this copular verb does not fit into the structure of the sentence (see CGEL 59, 2.22)! in a passive construc‐ tion, the C O becomes the C S 2 which can be substituted by the prototypical copular verb to be 2 The president is extremely annoyed. C O ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence Jim considers him a possible candidate. S V O d C O  *A possible candidate is considered him by Jim. ► in a passive construction, the C O becomes the C S His friends call him Ted. S V O d C O  He is called Ted by his friends. S V C S A ► inserting a copular verb like to be between the object and the object complement proves the identity of reference between O d and C O 3 They keep the streets | nice and clean. S V O d C O  the streets [are] nice and clean The long walk made us all | hungry. S V O d C O  us all [are] hungry A (the “dustbin” category) ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence We left in the morning. S V A  *In the morning was left by us. ► rearrangementtest: optional (! ) adverbials can  In the morning we left. A S V 2 For more information on copular verbs, see Chapter 4.2. 3 Careful: Syntactically, this copular verb does not fit into the structure of the sentence (see CGEL 59, 2.22)! inserting a copular verb like to be be‐ tween the object and the object com‐ plement proves the identity of reference between O d and C O 4 2 which can be substituted by the prototypical copular verb to be 2 The president is extremely annoyed. C O ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence Jim considers him a possible candidate. S V O d C O  *A possible candidate is considered him by Jim. ► in a passive construction, the C O becomes the C S His friends call him Ted. S V O d C O  He is called Ted by his friends. S V C S A ► inserting a copular verb like to be between the object and the object complement proves the identity of reference between O d and C O 3 They keep the streets | nice and clean. S V O d C O  the streets [are] nice and clean The long walk made us all | hungry. S V O d C O  us all [are] hungry A (the “dustbin” category) ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence We left in the morning. S V A  *In the morning was left by us. ► rearrangementtest: optional (! ) adverbials can  In the morning we left. A S V 2 For more information on copular verbs, see Chapter 4.2. 3 Careful: Syntactically, this copular verb does not fit into the structure of the sentence (see CGEL 59, 2.22)! A (“dustbin” category) passive-test: cannot become the subject of a corresponding pas‐ sive sentence 2 which can be substituted by the prototypical copular verb to be 2 The president is extremely annoyed. C O ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence Jim considers him a possible candidate. S V O d C O  *A possible candidate is considered him by Jim. ► in a passive construction, the C O becomes the C S His friends call him Ted. S V O d C O  He is called Ted by his friends. S V C S A ► inserting a copular verb like to be between the object and the object complement proves the identity of reference between O d and C O 3 They keep the streets | nice and clean. S V O d C O  the streets [are] nice and clean The long walk made us all | hungry. S V O d C O  us all [are] hungry A (the “dustbin” category) ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence We left in the morning. S V A  *In the morning was left by us. ► rearrangementtest: optional (! ) adverbials can  In the morning we left. A S V 2 For more information on copular verbs, see Chapter 4.2. 3 Careful: Syntactically, this copular verb does not fit into the structure of the sentence (see CGEL 59, 2.22)! rearrangement-test: optional (! ) adverbi‐ als can be moved around relatively freely in the sen‐ tence (sentence-ini‐ tial, -middle and -end position) 2 which can be substituted by the prototypical copular verb to be 2 The president is extremely annoyed. C O ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence Jim considers him a possible candidate. S V O d C O  *A possible candidate is considered him by Jim. ► in a passive construction, the C O becomes the C S His friends call him Ted. S V O d C O  He is called Ted by his friends. S V C S A ► inserting a copular verb like to be between the object and the object complement proves the identity of reference between O d and C O 3 They keep the streets | nice and clean. S V O d C O  the streets [are] nice and clean The long walk made us all | hungry. S V O d C O  us all [are] hungry A (the “dustbin” category) ► passive-test: cannot become the subject of a correspond-ding passive sentence We left in the morning. S V A  *In the morning was left by us. ► rearrangementtest: optional (! ) adverbials can  In the morning we left. A S V 2 For more information on copular verbs, see Chapter 4.2. 3 Careful: Syntactically, this copular verb does not fit into the structure of the sentence (see CGEL 59, 2.22)! 28 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions <?page no="29"?> deletion-test: op‐ tional adverbials can be deleted without compromising the syntax of the sen‐ tence 3 be moved around relatively freely in the sentence (sentence-initial, -middle and -end position) ► deletion-test: optional adverbials can be deleted without compromising the syntax of the sentence He (always) runs (quickly) (along the river). S (A) V (A) (A) Table 3: Tests to contrast the seven basic syntactic functions Table 3: Tests to contrast the seven basic syntactic functions Aside from semantic roles, forms and a collection of syntactic tests, there is yet another useful resource for determining the function of a constituent: looking at its position in the sentence. Table 4, a slightly adapted reproduc‐ tion of Kortmann’s overview of the seven basic sentence patterns (2009: 131, cf. CGEL 53, 2.16), should always be kept in mind when doing a functional analysis. pattern S V O C A SV The girl was sleep‐ ing. SVO d Her mother was dress‐ ing the baby (O d ). SVC S Little James seemed very happy (C S ). SVA He was sitting on the table. SVO i O d Mrs Bates gave her children (O i ) all her love (O d ). SVO d C O Most peo‐ ple considered her (O d ) a perfect mother (C O ). SVO d A She had spent all her life (O d ) in the village. Table 4: Seven basic sentence patterns (Kortmann 2009: 131, slightly adapted) This list of the seven basic sentence patterns… ■ … is comprehensive. It shows the only possible sentence patterns that exist in the English language. Accordingly, the order of the elements 29 1.2 The Seven Syntactic Functions <?page no="30"?> 5 Quirk et al. (CGEL 1198, 16.45) detail another exception: “The collocations make sure and make certain are peculiar in that the object is a that-clause and always follows the adjectival complement.” For this reason, a sentence like He made sure/ certain that he enclosed his birth certificate. (ibid., slightly altered) must be analyzed as SVC O O. in this list is absolutely fixed. Consequently, proposing a sentence structure such as *VSOC S or *SVC O , to give just two obviously incorrect examples, usually results in a flawed syntactic analysis since deviations from these seven patterns 5 can only be justified by reasons of emphasis (see Chapter 10). These structures always have a very marked word order. ■ … outlines obligatory sentence elements only. That means that optional adverbials can occur at multiple positions. In contrast to all other syntactic functions, which have a fixed place within those seven basic sentence patterns because the verb requires their presence, optional adverbials are not required by the main verb of the sentence. To illustrate that point, consider Kortmann’s SVC S sentence Little James seemed very happy. Leaving out the S or the C S leads to a syntactically crippled sentence and proves that both elements are obligatory. How‐ ever, the expanded sentence Back then Little James always seemed very happy in his tiny pool. has three optional adverbials which are not required by the verb. Therefore, their deletion still keeps the sentence syntactically intact. ■ … also holds for dependent clauses. These patterns cannot only be applied to full-fledged sentences on the first syntactic level but basically to every other level as well. Every time we have to analyze the internal structure of a subordinate clause, we have to rely on those seven patterns again. In other words, analyzing subordinate clauses requires the same mechanisms and the same set of tools as analyzing a complete sentence on the first level. Note on the SVO sentence pattern: If there is only one object, is it an O i or a O d ? On this, the CGEL comments: “[I]f there is only one object present, it is generally the direct object” (727, 10.7). → SVO d 30 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions <?page no="31"?> 6 Can is actually a rather unfortunate choice of modal. After all, the valency of a verb depends on the number of obligatory (! ) elements in a sentence. 7 The term copula refers to the verb to be, while copular verbs are those verbs (including to be and to become) which are functionally equivalent to the copula (CGEL 54, 2.16 Note). The list of the seven basic sentence patterns also introduces all the types of valency and transitivity that exist in English verbs. Valency, on the one hand, is defined as “the way in which a verb determines the kinds [see Table 2] and number of elements that can 6 accompany it in the clause” (CGEL 1169, 16.18 Note). Counting obligatory elements surrounding a verb thus results in calling the verb monovalent (accompanied by one other constituent, i.e. SV), bivalent (accompanied by two other constituents, i.e. SVO, SVC S , SVA) or trivalent (accompanied by three other constituents, i.e. SVO i O d , SVO d C O or SVO d A). The term transitivity, on the other hand, “is often applied to all verbs which require [at least one] object” (CGEL 54, 2.16). Those verbs which require exactly one object are called monotransitive (SVO), those with two ditransitive (SVO i O d ) and those with one object and one more obligatory component complex-transitive (SVOC O or SVOA). Verbs that do not require an object are called intransitive, which is true for all SV sentences and (at least technically) also for SVC S and SVA sentences. After all, there is no room for objects in these kinds of sentences. Therefore, the term copular is used for SVC S and SVA patterns, as only one particular type of verb, i.e. a copular verb such as be, appear, seem, become, leads to these structures. 7 Copular structures: SVC S or SVA? SVC S : C S answers the questions How? or What? e.g. The children are sick. (How? ) She is a teacher. (What? ) SVA: A answers the question Where? e.g. The children are upstairs. Note that a verb never has one valency or one transitivity that you can simply learn by heart. Instead, its valency/ transitivity is always dependent on the sentence structure of which the verb actually forms part. Kortmann (2009: 140, slightly simplified) illustrates that point with the sentences She ran. vs. She ran a business. While the first sentence makes use of 31 1.2 The Seven Syntactic Functions <?page no="32"?> 8 Some sentences, on the other hand, only allow for the recipient to be placed in the A function, such as He suggested the idea to Bill. vs. *He suggested Bill the idea. or She described her home to us. vs. *She described us her home. (CGEL 59, 2.23 Note). the intransitive verb run, the second one features the same verb in a monotransitive form. In some rare cases, a sentence can be analyzed with recourse to more than one basic pattern, depending on its meaning. Consider, for instance, the following sentence (CGEL 1208, 16.55) in Figure 4, which can be read in two different ways, thus leading to two different syntactic analyses: He found her a loyal friend. number of persons 3: He, her, a loyal friend 2: He, her (= a loyal friend) meaning He found a loyal friend for her. He thought that she was a loyal friend. syntactic analyses SVO i O d SVO d C O valency & transitivity trivalent & ditransitive trivalent & complex-tran‐ sitive Figure 4: One sentence, two syntactic analyses 1.3 Tricky Business: O i vs. O prep The last theoretical part of this chapter focuses on a problem which is closely connected to the ascription of syntactic functions in a sentence: what happens if the O i is introduced by a preposition, thus turning it into a prepositional phrase placed after the O d ? Should we use the notion prepositional object (O prep )? We return to one of the sentences in Table 3, John gave Mary the book., which was identified earlier as a SVO i O d structure and which can be turned into John gave the book to Mary. If the O i Mary is introduced by a preposition, typically to or for (occasionally also with and of) to indicate a recipient, both objects swap positions. 8 This change in form and position also leads to a change in syntactic function since the (former) O i , Mary, “may generally be paraphrased by a prepositional phrase functioning as adverbial” (CGEL 54, 2.17, cf. 59, 2.23). If we follow this straightforward rule, viz. treating the 32 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions <?page no="33"?> prepositional phrase (PP) as an A, John gave the book to Mary. should be analyzed as SVO d A. This is the analysis which will also be recommended at the end of this section (see below). Still, it is interesting to note that neither the meaning of the sentence nor the semantic roles of the two objects have changed during this trans‐ formation. Possibly for this reason, Quirk et al. consider abandoning this straightforward rule in favor of “an alternative analysis in which the to-phrases and the for-phrases […] are described as prepositional objects, and are regarded as grammatically equivalent to indirect objects” (59, 2.23 Note). Out of academic interest, the remainder of this section will thus trace this alternative train of thought. Paragraph 9.46 (CGEL 698) focuses on sentences like She made a beautiful doll for her daughter. and He cooked a dinner for her., which both include “intended recipients” in the form of for-prepositional phrases which “can often be equated with an indirect object” (ibid.). On the contrary, however, paragraph 10.7 (CGEL 726) lists typical features of objects, among them: “the object is normally a noun phrase or a nominal clause.” Consequently, this means that in the alternative analysis, form (PP) and function (O i ) seem to be in contradiction. Then again, the very same paragraph (727, 10.7) goes on explaining that “(iv) The indirect object generally corresponds to a prepositional phrase, which is generally placed after the direct object: I’ll send Charles another copy. ~ I’ll send another copy to Charles. / Pour me a drink. ~ Pour a drink for me.” And Note [a] to paragraph 10.7 (727) adds: “We do not, as some do, apply the term ‘indirect object’ to the corresponding prepositional phrases (eg: for me in Pour a drink for me.), though we use the term ‘prepositional object’ for the complement in such phrases.” As this quote shows, Quirk et al. rule out using the functional label O i for PPs in these constructions. Instead, they introduce the term prepositional object (O prep ), which also needs some explaining. Paragraph 16.56 (CGEL 1208) details ditransitive constructions, among them the type object and prepositional object (thus discarding again the simpler possibility of calling the PP an A), listing three general combinations. Depending on the verb, one and the same content can sometimes be expressed with any of these three syntactic structures, the verb tell being a perfect example: 33 1.3 Tricky Business: O i vs. O prep <?page no="34"?> (1) O i + O d , e.g. Mary told only John the secret. (2) O d + O prep , e.g. Mary told the secret only to John. (3) O i + O prep , e.g. Mary told only John about the secret. As these sentences, directly borrowed from Quirk et al. (1209, 16.56), showcase, the term prepositional object is applied for what used to be an O i or a O d and is now introduced by a preposition in sentence-final position (and thus stands in stark contrast to another definition of prepositional objects as used in the context of prepositional and phrasal-prepositional verbs, but see Chapter 4.3 on multi-word verbs! ). There is yet another peculiar consequence of this usage of the term prepositional object. If “prepositional objects […] are regarded as grammatically equivalent to indirect objects” as already stated above (CGEL 59, 2.23 Note), the third structure features two indirect objects. In order to keep confusion to a minimum and guarantee a straightforward analysis, we recommend limiting the use of the term prepositional object to sentences which actually have a multi-word verb (prepositional or a phrasal-prepositional verb, see Chapter 4.3) and stick to the relatively simple rule outlined at the beginning of this section that proposes analyzing the sentence-final PP which used to be the O i as an A. Recommended analysis: John gave Mary | the book. = SVO i O d → John gave the book | to Mary. = SVO d A 34 1 Basic Introduction and Syntactic Functions <?page no="35"?> 1 Note that this introductory comment does not mean that phrases can only be found on the first syntactic level. On the contrary, phrases (just like clauses) can occur as formal representations of functions on every level (see e.g. Figure 1, Chapter 1.1, and every analysis to follow). 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases Jenny Arendholz Just like the previous chapter, this one still concentrates on the first 1 level of analysis. This time, however, the formal level will take center stage. As has already been mentioned in the previous chapter, every level of analysis consists of a pairing of a certain amount of functions and the same (! ) amount of forms, which leads to a 1: 1 relation of function and form. The function of a subject, for instance, is usually paired with the form of a noun phrase, while the function of a verb is always paired with the form of a verb phrase. There are, however, cases in which a subject or a subject complement, to give but two examples, is not formally represented by a phrase but by a clause. Many more details about clauses will be presented in Chapters 5, 6 and 7, in which the structures of the various clause types will be explained. To still give a first, introductory example showcasing the difference between a phrase and a clause, consider the following sample sentences: (1) That the invading troops have been withdrawn has not affected our govern‐ ment’s trade sanctions. (1a) The withdrawal has not affected our government’s trade sanctions. As indicated by the numbering, (1a) is a slightly altered version of (1), which was directly borrowed from the CGEL (1049, 15.4). While both sentences feature a SVO d structure on a functional level, they differ when it comes to the formal realization of the subject: (1) has a clause as a subject, (1a) a noun phrase. Since the mere length of a constituent is not, as one might think, a good criterion to distinguish a phrase from a clause - after all, there can also be very long phrases and very short clauses - we will need more solid criteria to be able to tell those two forms apart. One way of doing that is being aware of the internal structure of the five phrases, which is why this chapter details noun phrases <?page no="36"?> 2 For this very useful mnemonic device, I am indebted to Brigitta Mittmann. 3 For more information see Kortmann (2009: 128-129) or the CGEL (60-66, 2.25-2.33). 4 As will be shown in more detail in Section 2.4, the term head is not used in VPs. Instead, the head of VPs is called main verb (mv). (NPs), verb phrases (VPs), adjective phrases (AdjPs), adverb phrases (AdvPs) and prepositional phrases (PPs). Another way to distinguish a phrase from a clause is to recognize typical clausal patterns, which is dealt with in Chapters 5 to 7. 2.1 Characteristic Features of Phrases In general, the five phrases can be remembered with the help of a hand 2 as shown in Figure 1: Figure 1: Five fingers for five phrases (mnemonic device) Some basic facts about phrases 3 are summarized very briefly: ■ the central and obligatory element of a phrase, whose word class lends its name to the entire phrase, is called the head; this is true for NPs, AdjPs, AdvPs and (to a certain degree 4 ) VPs, which are all called headed or endocentric phrases (CGEL 60, 2.26); ■ only one head per phrase is allowed; 36 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="37"?> 5 To keep confusion to a minimum, we want to be clear about the fact that we read the term complement as used in Fig. 2.25 in the CGEL as a hyperonym for subject complement and object complement. ■ the PP is the only non-headed or exocentric phrase (CGEL 60, 2.26, see Section 2.5); ■ a phrase can consist of only one word (which must be its central element) or more words (a head and accompanying elements); only PPs consist of at least two words (the preposition and its complement, see Section 2.5). Since we only have those five phrase types to choose from, it is a worthwhile strategy to simply test out the phrases in case of doubt. With the VP being restricted to the V and the PP always beginning with a preposition, in a lot of cases, the problem quickly boils down to deciding between a NP, an AdjP or an AdvP. Another valuable guideline when it comes to deciding which phrase type we are looking at is proposed by the CGEL (60, 2.25). As can be seen in Figure 2, certain phrase types (e.g. VP) are limited to a certain function, while others (e.g. NP) can be used for more than one function. The dotted arrows indicate possible, yet rare combinations of functions and forms: Subject Verb Object Complement Adverbial (Subject) Verb Phrase Noun Phrase Adjective Phrase Adverb Phrase Prepositional Phrase Figure 2: Possible combinations of functions 5 and phrase types (based on CGEL 60, 2.25, reproduction of Fig. 2.25 Phrases as clause elements) 2.2 The Noun Phrase (NP) A typical but by no means exclusive relation exists between the subject and the NP. Since NPs are very versatile, they can also be found in object (O d or O i ), complement (C S or C O ) and adverbial slots. Table 1 foregrounds the second level of analysis and shows the maximum extent of a NP, adapting and expanding examples originally provided by Kortmann (2009: 128): 37 2.2 The Noun Phrase (NP) <?page no="38"?> 6 As will be shown in Chapter 6.4, one special type of postmodifier is the postposed adjective, as in something different. 1 st level FU e.g. S FO NP 2 nd level FU dtm premod h postmod FO det AdjP adj adj conjoint n pn pron n clause PP adj 6 examples: -- -- Mary (pn) -- -- -- She (pron) -the very shy (AdjP) boy (n) who sits at the table (def. relative clause) my green (adj) apple (n) -a tall and well-dressed (adj. conjoint) man (n) with a beard (PP) something (pron) different (adj) Table 1: Internal structure of a NP with examples The following exhaustive (! ) list of functions (CGEL 1238-1239, 17.2) can be found in a NP: ■ The head (h) of the phrase most typically is a proper noun (pn), a pronoun (pron), a common noun (n) or even a noun conjoint such as Mary and Peter (see Chapter 9). In less typical cases (see Chapter 3.11.2), we also find adjectives (adj, e.g. the unemployed, CGEL 64, 2.29 and 421, 7.23) or numerals (num, e.g. Five is an odd number., CGEL 393-395, 6.63-6.64, Chapter 3.9) as heads. If there is only one element in a NP, this element must be its head. ■ A singular (not, however, a plural) common noun must always be ac‐ companied by a determinative (dtm) in phrase-initial position (CGEL 64-65, 2.30). The dtm provides information about the quantity (or the possessive relationship) of the head of the NP and is usually paired with 38 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="39"?> 7 For a complete list of determiners (including a reference to the CGEL), see Chapter 3.4. 8 In fact, the CGEL suggests dividing the space between the dtm and the h into four premodification zones (1337-1340, 17.113-17.114). As can also be learned from another chapter (1618, III.8), coordinated adjectives as premodifiers of a NP head should (! ) be separated by a comma (see Chapter 9 on Coordination). the form of determiners (det) 7 (but see also Section 2.6.4 for the special case of complex determinatives). ■ The premodifier or premodification (premod) and the postmodi‐ fier or postmodification (postmod) can only appear right before and right after the NP head, respectively. They are both optional elements and could be left out without crippling the syntax of the NP. In contrast to the dtm, they add qualitative information about the head. Therefore, premods usually take the form of an adjective, an AdjP (see Section 2.6.2 about embedding of phrases), sometimes even a noun (see Section 2.6.1) or an adjective conjoint (see Chapter 9), while postmods can be PPs or entire clauses, including the special type of appositive clauses (see Chapters 6, 7 and 8). Since determinatives and premodifiers are easily confused (at least at the very beginning of doing syntactic analyses), Table 2 summarizes the previ‐ ous paragraphs and juxtaposes the distinctive features of determinatives and premodifiers. dtm vs. premod information about quantity (how many? ) and possession (whose? ) information about quality (how? ) obligatory optional realized by determiners realized by adjectives and AdjPs Table 2: Juxtaposition of determinatives and premodifiers It is possible to have more than one premodifier 8 (see example (2), CGEL 1338, 17.113, simplified), more than one postmodifier (see example (3), CGEL 1296, 17.61), or, less likely, more than one preand postmodifier at the same time (see example (4)). 39 2.2 The Noun Phrase (NP) <?page no="40"?> 9 In this simplified phrase, we have deleted first (originally between this and important), which was described as a premodifier in the respective section of the CGEL (1338, 17.113). This stands in marked contrast to previous elaborations which clearly classified the ordinal number first as a numeral, which can either function as a determinative or a head (CGEL 393, 6.63 and 394, 6.64, see also Chapter 3.9). Note, however, that some dictionaries, e.g. Merriam Webster online (s.v. first), regard first - among other word classes - also as an adjective. (2) this important long French novel (three premods: three adjs) 9 (3) the man in the corner talking to John (two postmods: PP + -ing-participle clause) (4) the greatest living artist of rap music in New York (two premods: two adjs AND two postmods: two PPs) While these four functions (dtm, h, premod, postmod) are really the only ones to be found in a NP, their formal counterparts allow for a higher degree of variability, with Table 1 only showcasing the most common formal realizations. The same word of warning should be remembered when reading on about the other four phrases. 2.3 The Adjective Phrase (AdjP) and the Adverb Phrase (AdvP) Adjective phrases (AdjPs) and adverb phrases (AdvPs) show a lot of simi‐ larities in terms of their internal constituents. Their respective heads, i.e. adjectives and adverbs, can but do not have to be preceded by a premod and/ or followed by a postmod, both of which are designed to add qualitative information about the head. By adapting and largely expanding examples taken from Kortmann (2009: 128) again, Tables 3 and 4 bear witness to that. 40 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="41"?> 1 st level FU e.g. C S FO AdjP 2 nd level FU premod h postmod FO adv adj adj conjoint adv PP clause examples: -old (adj) enough (adv) -afraid (adj) of ghosts (PP) really (adv) young and ambitious (adj conjoint) -- -certain (adj) to come (to-infinitive clause) Table 3: Internal structure of an AdjP with examples On the first syntactic level, the AdjP is restricted to serve as the formal realization of only two functions: the C S and the C O (CGEL 60, 2.25). Again, the number and order of functional elements in an AdjP is limited to the structure given in Table 3, which is exhaustive in this regard. The same holds true for AdvPs presented in Table 4, which also shows that AdvPs have a very limited scope, as they can only be used for the function of A. The formal content of the three phrase-internal functions is also highly limited, namely mostly to adverbs (but see Section 2.6.3). 1 st level FU (mainly) A FO AdvP 2 nd level FU premod h postmod FO adv adv adv conjoint adv clause examples: very (adv) quickly (adv) -right (adv) here (adv) -- 41 2.3 The Adjective Phrase (AdjP) and the Adverb Phrase (AdvP) <?page no="42"?> -cheaply and quickly (adv conjoint) enough (adv) quite (adv) late (adv) enough (adv) Table 4: Internal structure of an AdvP with examples AdvPs such as quite late enough (see last example Table 4, CGEL 42, 2.7) which have both a preand a postmodifier are extremely rare. The last special case to be mentioned here concerns AdvPs like very much later (ibid.) which have an embedded (see Chapter 5) AdvP as a premodifier as in example (5). (5) She came very much later. This is how it looks when analyzed: (5) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: fv came A: AdvP premod: AdvP premod: adv very h: adv much h: adv later. 2.4 The Verb Phrase (VP) The maximum extent of the verb phrase (VP) is illustrated in Table 5 with the help of the verb to sink (CGEL 62, 2.28). 42 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="43"?> 10 Note that a detailed description of the word class modal auxiliaries (mod aux) will be presented to you in Chapter 4. For the time being, mod aux as used in Table 5 serves as a wildcard - which would also be absolutely acceptable in an analysis - for the more precise subcategories introduced in Chapters 4.1.2 und 4.1.3. 1 st level FU (always) V FO VP 2 nd level FU aux v aux v aux v aux v mv FO pv mod aux 10 pv pv pv pv fv examples: has (pv) -- -- -been (pv) -- -- -- -sank (fv) was (pv) -- -- -sinking (fv) has (pv) been (pv) -- -sunk (fv) would (mod aux) have (pv) been (pv) -sunk (fv) may (mod aux) have (pv) been (pv) being (pv) sunk (fv) Table 5: Internal structure of a VP with examples Again, you should take into account that the order of the elements presented in Table 5 is absolutely fixed. Although extremely rare, a VP can consist of up to five slots. In the case of VPs, we do not speak of heads but of main verbs (mv). This central, obligatory element is typically tensed and can be accompanied by one to four auxiliary verbs (aux v), which are necessary to express tense, aspect, modality and voice (CGEL 149, 3.52). On a functional level, we can thus choose from two functions, the main verb (mv) and the auxiliary verb (aux v). On a formal level, we find three verb types: full verbs (fv) like to dance, modal auxiliaries (mod aux) like might, and the three and only (! ) primary verbs (pv) to be, to do and to have (see Chapter 4.1.4). If a VP includes a mod aux, it has to be put in phrase-initial position. You should also be aware of the fact that not every form can be freely combined with every function, since the schema in Table 6 must be respected (CGEL 96, 3.1): 43 2.4 The Verb Phrase (VP) <?page no="44"?> 11 A comment on the analysis: To avoid incomplete solutions (and in marked contrast to other guidelines), we suggest to use the term infinitive marker (inf mark for short) for both function and form of to (see Chapter 7.3). In fact, the CGEL (68, 2.34) also uses the term infinitive marker to designate a word class. FU aux v mv FO mod aux e.g. might pv to be, to do, to have fv e.g. to dance Table 6: Possible combinations of forms and functions inside a VP This means that… ■ modal auxiliaries can only function as auxiliary verbs but never as main verbs: *We might the ship. ■ full verbs can only function as main verbs but never as auxiliary verbs: *We dance sink the ship. ■ primary verbs are flexible and can function both as auxiliary verbs, The ship has sunk., and as main verbs, He has a ship., sometimes even as both in one and the same VP, He must have had a good time. Knowing about the internal structure of VPs is particularly helpful when dealing with sentences such as example (6). (6) He has been kindly asked to open the door. Even though we have not discussed clause types and their structures yet (see Chapter 5), we can tell right away that has been kindly asked to open cannot be one single VP - simply on the grounds that all those words do not fit into the structure of a VP. If it really was just one VP (which it is not! ), open would be the inflected main verb (which is obviously wrong) and every element preceding open would be an auxiliary verb of the formal type modal auxiliary or primary verb. This is clearly not the case for kindly, asked and to. Instead, this is what the correct analysis of sentence (6) 11 should look like: 44 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="45"?> 12 For the sake of completeness, the CGEL (658, 9.1, Note [c]) also mentions fixed phrases in which “an adverb or an adjective may function as prepositional complement,” illustrating this point with examples like at last, at once, before long, by far, by now and more. (6) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP aux v: pv has aux v: pv been mv: fv asked A: AdvP h: adv kindly O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv open O d : NP dtm: det the h: n door. 1 Note that in the original sentence, the AdvP splits the VP in two. Therefore, it is advisable to rewrite the sentence as shown in the analysis above and move the AdvP out of the VP (e.g. put it behind the VP as indicated by the arrow). Do not forget to comment on the reasons for that changed arrangement in a footnote! 2.5 The Prepositional Phrase (PP) Since the last of the five phrases is the exocentric prepositional phrase (PP), there is no use looking for a head. Instead, PPs always embody two functions: the phrase-initial preposition (prep) and the prepositional complement (prepC). The latter is in most cases formally realized 12 by a simple noun or a NP, but can also be filled by a nominal wh-clause or a nominal -ing-participle clause (see Chapters 6 and 7) as the last two examples in Table 7 show (CGEL 63, 2.28 and also 657, 9.1, slightly adapted). 45 2.5 The Prepositional Phrase (PP) <?page no="46"?> 1 st level FU e.g. A FO PP 2 nd level FU prep prepC FO prep nNP clause examples: for (prep) lunch (n) at (prep) the corner of the street (NP) from (prep) what he said (nominal wh-clause) by (prep) signing a peace treaty (nominal -ing-participle clause) Table 7: Internal structure of a PP with examples As is obvious in Table 7, the abbreviation prep is used on a functional as well as on a formal level - a convention which is not shared by all syntacticians. We strongly suggest this notational practice for two reasons: 1. The CGEL (63, 2.28) uses the notion preposition on the same level as postmodifier, determinative, head, etc., all of which are clearly functions inside phrases. 2. A syntactic analysis always ends on a formal level, giving a word class to each element. It makes perfect sense for a PP to be “headed” - at least in a grammatical but not in a semantic sense - by a preposition. The most common function a PP can take is the A, although Quirk et al.’s overview (see Figure 2) suggests that there are rare cases in which a PP may also function as a C S , an C O or even as a S. The latter case is easily explained when looking at example (7) (CGEL 658, 9.1, Note [a]): (7) A: When are we going to have our next meeting? B: On Tuesday will be fine. (S = PP) In special cases, PPs can also have a “quasi-adjectival function as comple‐ ment,” (CGEL 658, 9.1, Note [b]) which Quirk et al. prove with the following example (8): 46 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="47"?> 13 But see also Chapter 8 for the discussion of appositives in premodifier slots. (8) This machine is (very) out of date. (ibid.) (C S = PP) Quirk et al. (ibid.) argue from a semantic point of view when ascribing the function of a C S , drawing parallels between adjectives and PPs of that kind. What is also remarkable in (8) is that the PP is actually premodified by the adv very - a structure which is technically only possible in AdjPs (and never in PPs) and usually fulfills the function of a C S or an C O . 2.6 Tricky Business The last theoretical part of this chapter delves deeper into the syntax of phrases and focuses on four rather common problematic details: 1. What options do I have when a noun occurs in the premodifier slot of a NP? 2. What is embedding and how does it work? 3. What does complementation (in NPs, AdjPs and AdvPs) mean and how is it related to postmodification? 4. How do I analyze a more complex determinative as featured in our government’s trade sanctions (see sentence (1))? 2.6.1 Nouns in the Premodifier Slot of NPs Another frequent type of premodification features nouns in the premodifier slot, as can be seen in example (9): (9) his life story  13 Very often, these nouns are “so closely associated with the head as to be regarded as compounded with it” (ibid.). For this reason, those structures can be analyzed as one head which consists of a compound noun (comp n). This case is exemplified in the analysis of (9) Option A. Alternatively, it is also possible to note down premod + h (see Option B): 47 2.6 Tricky Business <?page no="48"?> 14 For a more detailed discussion about the difference between full-fledged compound nouns and premod + h constructions, see Chapter 3.1. (9 ) Option A (S): NP dtm: det his h: comp n life story 1 (9 ) Option B (S): NP dtm: det his premod: n life h: n story 1 For some n + n structures, like travel idea, it makes sense to use Option B, while for others, like life story, Option A is more appropriate. There are two main criteria 14 which help you choose between these two options (see Table 8): Option A: comp n (e.g. life story) Option B: premod + h (e.g. travel idea) n + n structure has an entry in the dictionary → it is lexicalized and insti‐ tutionalized n + n structure does not have an entry in the dictionary stress only on the premod e.g. ʹlife story stress on the premod and on the h e.g. ʹtravel iʹdea Table 8: Two criteria to distinguish between premod + h or compound n in n + n structures 2.6.2 Embedding As we have seen in the example the very shy boy (Table 1, Section 2.2), the premod is realized by an AdjP, which means that a phrase occurs inside (or is embedded in) a phrase, viz. an AdjP inside a NP. Table 3 (Section 2.3) listed an AdjP head (certain) that was postmodified by a clause (to come), which means that we can also find clauses (here, a to-infinitive clause) inside phrases (here, an AdjP) (see Chapter 5 for more details on embedded clauses). Embedding, as this is called, “accounts for the indefinite extensibility of certain units of 48 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="49"?> grammar” (CGEL 43, 2.8). Since it is particularly common in phrases, one of Quirk et al.’s phrase examples will be explained in more detail: (10) (The) students at this college (seem busy). Students at this college is a NP and consists of a NP head (students) and a postmodifier (the rest). The postmodifier is a PP and consists of a prep and a prepC. The prepC is a NP. That means that the last NP (this college) is embedded in a PP (at this college), which in turn is embedded in a NP (students at this college) and is typically depicted as follows: [students [at [this college]]]. A full analysis of example (10) would thus look like the one outlined below. (10) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n students postmod: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det this h: n college V: VP mv: fv seem C S : AdjP h: adj busy. As this example perfectly illustrates, the NP which is headed by students is indeed “extended” considerably as described in the above definition. The claim for “indefinite extensibility” can at least be guessed when considering a NP like “some students [at [the college [on [the other side [of [the park [at [the north end [of…]]]]]]]]]” or a PP like “on [the top floor [of [a house [in [the corner [of [the old square [behind [the church…]]]]]]]]]” (CGEL 44, 2.8). Quirk et al. go on explaining that “[i]n practice, of course, phrases of this degree of complexity rarely occur; but it is important to recognize that however long such a phrase may be, there is always the possibility of making it longer by further embedding.” What is even more important to keep in mind is the fact that we are still dealing with one (very long) NP and one (very long) PP, respectively. 49 2.6 Tricky Business <?page no="50"?> 15 Note well that there is not only a fine line between postmodification and complemen‐ tation but also between complementation and comparative clauses! While comparative clauses (see Chapter 6.7) are always cases of complementation, the reverse is not necessarily true. 2.6.3 Complementation When introducing the basic phrase structure of NPs, AdjPs and also AdvPs, the CGEL (63, 2.28) uses the terms postmodification and complementation. In all of the respective tables, including the overview of the AdvP (see Figure 3), complementation is depicted as a special case of postmodification: premodification head postmodification complementation I spoke to him quite very as yesterday often severely clearly indeed as I could Figure 3: Postmodification and complementation (reproduction of Table 2.28d, CGEL 63, 2.28) This calls for clarification. First of all, complementation should not be confused with complement (as in C S or C O ), since it is the “function of a part of a phrase or clause which follows a word, and completes the specification of a meaning relationship which that word implies” (CGEL 65, 2.32). In simpler words and with regard to the AdvP example cited in Figure 3, as clearly as I could, this quote postulates that complementation… ■ is a function inside a phrase (here, inside the AdvP) and thus on the same syntactic level as a postmodifier; ■ differs from a postmodifier in that it semantically completes (as I could) expectations set up by a previous word (as) in that phrase. The CGEL further explains that “complementation may be either obligatory or optional” (ibid.). In our example, the premodifier as obviously calls for a piece of complementation like as I could because a sentence like *I spoke to him as clearly. is semantically and syntactically unacceptable (see Chapter 6.7 on comparative clauses 15 ). It is, however, debatable whether the same holds true for the NP and AdjP examples given in the same subchapter (62-63, 2.28): 50 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="51"?> 16 Even though there is a clear difference between postmodification and complementation, syntactic analyses very often do not bother to always keep them apart. (11) I remember a better story than that. vs. I remember a better story. (12) I remember the best trip that I ever had. vs. I remember the best trip. (13) The weather was too hot to be enjoyable. vs. The weather was too hot. Although clearly lacking in content, the shortened sentences are at least tolerable from a syntactic perspective. But the CGEL is the first to admit “that there is not a straight choice between optional and obligatory elements of phrases” (67, 2.33) when it comes to complementation, since the difference is merely based on semantics. A better way of deciding whether the term complementation is adequate can, however, be found in this part of the definition: “Whereas the [postmodifier] always relates to the head of a phrase, the [complementation] may relate to a premodifier which is sepa‐ rated from its complementation by the head” (ibid. 66, 2.33). This becomes obvious when looking again at the NP in example (11), a better story than that, in which the complementation than that does not refer to the head story but to the premodifier better. Since there is a clear difference between postmodification and complementation, we should choose wisely. 16 The analysis of (11) shows how cases of complementation (using the abbreviation compl on the functional level) should be noted down: (11) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv remember O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj better h: n story compl: PP prep: prep than prepC: pron that. 51 2.6 Tricky Business <?page no="52"?> Taking a look at examples (12) and (13) again, it becomes clear that the function of complementation can take several forms and not just the PP as in example (11). In (12), the best trip that I ever had, the complementation is a defining relative clause (see Chapter 6.4), while (13), too hot to be enjoyable, features a to-infinitive clause (see Chapter 7) as complementation. 2.6.4 Complex Determinatives So far, the slot of the determinative has not been given much attention. After all, Table 1 looks perfectly unproblematic with only one word, the determiner the, this or a, serving as the determinative. Although this marks the general case, there are also NPs which feature a more complex determinative. Consider, for instance: Case A) John’s (new bicycle), my daughter’s (new desk) Case B) some 50 people, nearly ten inches Case C) all those many (children) In their definition, Quirk et al. (64, 2.30) mention that determination is a “function of words and (sometimes) phrases.” While the fact that determi‐ nation counts as a syntactic function has already been established, it is important to note that it can go beyond a simple word (note the plural of words in the definition! ) and can also be realized as a phrase. As becomes clear in Case A), “the determinative function can be per‐ formed not only by a determiner but by a genitive construction: John’s new bicycle, etc.” (CGEL 64, 2.29). Quirk et al. explain that the genitive “fills a slot in the noun phrase equivalent to a central determiner such as the” (326, 5.121) and show that the genitive can materialize as a possessive determiner, a single noun in the genitive case, or a “noun accompanied by its own determiners and/ or modifiers,” as can be seen in Figure 4. 52 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="53"?> DETERMINATIVE HEAD the (new) desk her (new) desk Jenny’s (new) desk my daughter‘s (new) desk Figure 4: Genitive constructions as determinatives (reproduction of Figure 5.121a, CGEL 326, 5.121) Since my in my daughter’s (new) desk (last line, Figure 4) clearly belongs to daughter’s and not desk, it is reasonable to cast the genitive construction into a phrase of its own, i.e. a NP. In other words and as shown in the analysis of example (14) My daughter’s new desk is pink., the NP my daughter’s new desk consists of the three functions determinative, premodifier and head which in turn are formally realized by a NP, an adjective and a noun, respectively. (14) s S: NP dtm: NP dtm: det My h: n daughter’s premod: adj new h: n desk V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj pink. Quirk et al. clarify once more when formulating: “We therefore see the genitive construction as a noun phrase embedded as a definite determinative within another noun phrase” (326, 5.121). This quote, the examples in Figure 4 as well as the analysis of example (14) should leave no doubt that everything that comes before the premodifier (new) is to be taken as one constituent, i.e. one determinative. Case B) shows a similar pattern, as the determinative is also realized by a NP; this time, however, the internal structure of this NP is different. When compared to sentence (14), the head in the NP in sentence (15) is premodified by an adverb, which is rather untypical in a NP. It works, however, because 53 2.6 Tricky Business <?page no="54"?> the head of the NP is a numeral, which can function as a head (see Chapter 3.9): (15) s S: NP dtm: NP premod: adv Some h: num 50 h: n people V: VP mv: pv were A: AdvP h: adv there. 1 Last but not least, let us now consider Case C), as in all those many children. We learn from the CGEL (1238-1239, 17.2) that the word class determiner (see Chapter 3.4) can be subdivided into predeterminers (e.g. all, both, double), central determiners (e.g. the, a, this, some) and postdeterminers (e.g. many, few, several). Recognizing those simple words as (types of) determiners is just as vital for analyzing the determinative as the fact that those three types can be used independently or put side by side if sticking to the following order: pre-, central, postdeterminer. Quirk et al. (ibid.) demonstrate this with NPs like all the furniture, both those musicians or the few survivors whose determiners are all fixed in terms of their position. Unfortunately, there is no hint in the CGEL about how to actually analyze a combination of two to three types of determiners. Two possible solutions present themselves (see Table 9): 54 2 The Internal Structure of Phrases <?page no="55"?> Solution 1) Solution 2) all those many children all those many children FU: dtm h FU: dtm dtm dtm h FO: det det det n FO: det det det n Table 9: Possible solutions for analyzing multiple determiners Solution 1) follows the line of argumentation just presented for the geni‐ tive construction: everything preceding the head is to be taken as one constituent, i.e. one determinative. The first problem this solution entails, however, is that there is no internal, phrasal relationship between all those many, as was still the case with my daughter’s. The second problem is the unpleasant deviation from the 1: 1 pairing of function and form. In contrast, Solution 2) introduces three constituents before the NP head, pairing three determinatives with three determiners and thus preserving the function/ form pairing. Since the CGEL never states anything to the contrary, i.e. never excludes the possibility of having more than one determinative in a row, we recommend the second solution. 55 2.6 Tricky Business <?page no="57"?> 1 Since this word class is very complex, it has been granted its own chapter (see Chapter 4). 2 Note that interjections are not usually central in exam contexts and will therefore not be explained any further. 3 Word Classes Michaela Pitsch Word classes are often underestimated. It seems obvious that climb is a verb and tree is a noun. Yet knowing which class a word belongs to is essential for a syntactic analysis. Only if you can determine that tree is a noun, can you conclude that the big apple tree is a noun phrase, tree being its head (see Chapter 2). All in all, the CGEL distinguishes between the following word classes (Table 1): nouns proper common adjectives adverbs verbs 1 full OPEN CLASS John, Thames, Trinity College … table, ink, wall, garden … big, yellow, happy, steady … steadily, yesterday, outside … walk, talk, swim, run, jump … modal primary pronouns determiners prepositions conjunctions can, may, must, would … CLOSED CLASS have, do, be I, you, themselves, which, what… the, a, this, her … on, under, in front of, before … while, because, although, and … numerals interjections 2 words of unique function one, two, third, fourth … oh, ugh, hey … to, not Table 1: Word classes (CGEL 67, 2.34) Some of these word classes are very easy to distinguish; others are more dif‐ ficult to keep apart. It is also noteworthy that some words have so-called dual membership, which means they can be categorized differently depending on how they are used. This, for example, can be a determiner or a pronoun; love <?page no="58"?> 3 For more details on the classification of nouns, see CGEL 245-252, 5.1-5.9. 4 For detailed information on compounds and other processes of word formation, see the CGEL Appendix. 5 Additionally, there are some cultural variations. While in BrE the hyphen is very common, either the open or the solid form is preferred in AmE (CGEL 1569, I.59). can be a verb or a noun, depending on the respective use in the sentence. Some of the more difficult cases will be discussed in separate sections. 3.1 Nouns Nouns 3 (n) can be either common nouns or proper nouns. Proper nouns are actual names and cannot be used with determiners or in the plural form (e.g. *the John, *Johns). They are usually spelled with initial capital letters. Common nouns are all other nouns, e.g. toy, remark, milk, music etc. They can be identified based on the following criteria, a majority of which should be fulfilled (CGEL 410, 7.13): (a) They take determiners, e.g. the/ a criminal (b) They can be inflected for number, e.g. one criminal - several criminals (c) They can be inflected in the genitive case, e.g. the criminal’s sentence (d) They can be premodified with an adjective (adj), e.g. a sexual criminal Another way to group nouns is according to their morphology. Here, compound nouns 4 (comp n) such as flower pot, White House or writing desk (consisting of n + n or adj + n constructions) make up a special class of nouns and should be noted as such in your syntactic analysis. It is, however, often difficult to differentiate between compound nouns, which function themselves as the head of a noun phrase (NP), and premodified nouns (see Chapter 2.6.1 for the two options of analyses). For this reason, Quirk et al. (1568-1570, I.59) name the following differences between the two cases. Note that there is an increase in reliability with spelling being the least and context the most reliable criterion: 1) Spelling: Spelling is not a dependable criterion on its own. The compound ʹflowerˌpot, for example, can be found in three concurring spellings: 5 flowerpot, flower-pot, flower pot. While the first two spelling variations suggest that the item is a 58 3 Word Classes <?page no="59"?> 6 A comment on the analysis: Noting down two (or even more) words in a single line also indicates that they belong together and in this case that they form a compound noun. compound, the third does not. Generally speaking, an item is more likely to occur in its solid form, i.e. written as one word, the more lexicalized it is. 2) Pronunciation: In contrast to spelling, the stress pattern is a very reliable feature of compounds. Compound nouns are stressed on the first constituent. Compare ʹblackbird and ˌblack ʹbird (CGEL 1568, I.58) - and ignore the fact that the spelling is, at least in this case, already a major hint. In cases in which the spelling does not provide any clues, pronunciation can be very helpful. Blackbirds refer to a species of bird and not just a ˌblack ˈbird, i.e. “a certain kind of bird which happens to be black” to quote Quirk et al. Additional examples (CGEL 1568, I.59) including their different stress patterns are shown in Table 2: compound nouns n/ adj + n constructions a ʹhotˌhouse a ˌhot ʹhouse a ʹdarkˌroom a ˌdark ʹroom Table 2: Stress patterns of compound and premodified nouns 3) Context: In some cases, only context will help you define whether you are dealing with a compound noun or a n/ adj + n construction. Consider the example German shepherd. Two interpretations are possible without contextual information. Firstly, German shepherd might refer to a certain dog breed. In this case, the two elements, German and shepherd, together form one single meaning and must therefore be considered a compound. In this case, both German and Shepherd should be capitalized. Secondly, German shepherd might be taken as a combination of the two elements, i.e. a shepherd who happens to be German. German here is just an attribute describing the head of the NP, which is shepherd. The question of how German shepherd is to be interpreted only becomes clear given further contextual information. The text, if not the sentence itself, will make clear whether it is a dog or a person. Compare examples (1) 6 and (2) and the respective analyses of the noun phrase: 59 3.1 Nouns <?page no="60"?> (1) The police often use German Shepherds to sniff out drugs. (2) Since sheep farming is no longer in high demand in Germany, the number of German shepherds has sunk dramatically. (1) (S): NP h: comp n German Shepherds 1 (2) (S): NP premod: adj German h: n shepherds 1 3.2 Adjectives and Adverbs Some adjectives (adj) can be recognized simply by looking at them. The following are suffixes which only occur in this word class (CGEL 402, 7.1): -able (comfortable), -al (seasonal), -ful (playful), -ic (scientific), -ish (greyish), -less (useless), -ous (dangerous), -y (dirty). However, there are many adjectives which have no specific form. To categorize these as adjectives, the CGEL (402-403, 7.2) provides four criteria: (a) They can be used attributively, i.e. describing a noun. e.g. a big house, a hungry child (b) They can be used predicatively with the verb seem. e.g. This child seems hungry. The universe seems infinite. (c) They can be premodified by very. e.g. very big, very old, very hungry (d) They can form a comparative and superlative form. e.g. big - bigger - biggest, good - better - best The first two criteria (a and b) are most important and central to this word class. A word is an adjective if at least one of these two is met. Thus, we have the following spectrum (Figure 1): 60 3 Word Classes <?page no="61"?> 7 For more details on participles and participle clauses, see Chapter 7. (a) (b) (c) (d) [1] hungry + + + + CENTRAL [2] infinite + + - - [3] old + - + + ADJECTIVES [4] afraid ? + + + PERIPHERAL [5] utter + - - - [6] asleep - + - - [7] soon - - + + ADVERBS [8] abroad - - - - Figure 1: Spectrum of adjectives (CGEL 404, 7.3) The adjectives that fulfill both of the central categories (a) and (b) are called central adjectives. Those that fall into at least one of the central categories are called peripheral adjectives. This criterion can also be used to distinguish adjectives and adverbs as in [7] and [8]. Since neither of them meets criterion (a) or (b), they are not adjectives but adverbs. Participles like frightening or frightened are considered adjectives as well whenever they occur on their own and refer to a noun without forming a clause with other clause constituents. Compare the following examples: (3) She dropped a bowl, frightening me to death. (4) The similarity between the twins was frightening. In (3), the main clause is She dropped a bowl. Frightening does not describe a noun, but forms the verb in a participle clause 7 that also includes an object (me) and an adverbial (to death). In (4), frightening refers to a noun, namely the similarity between the twins. It is therefore an adjective. This conclusion can also be tested by checking some of the criteria above. You can, for example, modify frightening in (4) with very. In (3) this is not possible. (3a) *She dropped a bowl, very frightening me to death. (4a) The similarity between the twins was very frightening. 61 3.2 Adjectives and Adverbs <?page no="62"?> Most adjectives, when used to modify the head of a noun phrase, usually come before the head, i.e. they are premodifiers. They can also, however, follow the head of the NP. Adjectives in the latter position are called postpositives, which might be worth an explanatory note in your syntactic analysis (see Chapter 6.4). Here are some NP examples for the different use of postpositive adjectives: (5) the latest edition available (6) the greatest artist alive (7) something good, nothing special, somewhere quiet (8) architecture proper, Japan proper (9) the president elect, Asia Minor, heir apparent In (5) and (6) latest and greatest are in the premodifier slot and their respective heads are edition and artist. These heads are each followed by another adjective which thus occupies the position of a postmodifier and can therefore be called a postpositive. While it is possible to move available in front of the head in (5) (the latest available edition), this cannot be done with (6) (*the greatest alive artist). Alive is an adjective which only occurs as a postpositive. Only the synonym living can be used as a premodifier (the greatest living artist). Postpositives are also used to modify pronouns as can be seen in (7). In (8), proper as a postpositive takes the meaning ‘in the actual sense of the word’. In addition, they quite often occur in titles or other fixed expressions, a few examples of which are given in (9) (CGEL 418-419, 7.21). Note: You do not need to label adjectives central, peripheral or postpos‐ itive in your syntactic analysis. It is, however, worthwhile to keep this distinction in mind so that you will be able to recognize adjectives even if they do not occur in their usual position, viz. as premodifiers within a NP. 62 3 Word Classes <?page no="63"?> 8 The distinction between adjuncts, conjuncts, disjuncts and subjuncts is not part of this chapter since it is not relevant for syntactic analysis. For further information, see CGEL 504-647, 8.25-8.147. The word class adverb (adv) 8 is very similar to the syntactic function adverbial (! ) in that they both can be referred to as ‘dustbin’ categories. Quirk et al. refer to the adverb as “the most nebulous and puzzling of the traditional word classes. Indeed, it is tempting to say simply that an adverb is an item that does not fit the definitions for other word classes” (CGEL 438, 7.46). Since they are most commonly confused with adjectives, a look at the criteria for the word class adverb may prove helpful. Morphologically, the following three types of adverbs can be distinguished (Table 3, CGEL 438-439, 7.46): (a) simple adverbs e.g. just, only, well, back, near, out, to‐ day, tonight, though, however, fur‐ thermore, etc. (b) compound adverbs e.g. somehow, somewhere, therefore, whereupon, whereby, whereto, here‐ with, etc. (c) derivational adverbs ■ with the suffix {-ly} ■ with the suffix {-wise} ■ with the suffix {-ward(s)} ■ with the suffix {-ways} ■ with the suffix {-style} ■ with the suffix {-fashion} e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. oddly, interestingly, strangely, etc. clockwise, otherwise, etc. northward(s), upward(s), etc. sideways, leastways etc. cowboy-style, western-style, etc. schoolboy-fashion, etc. Table 3: Three types of adverbs (according to morphology) Note: Again, these additional terms simple, compound and derivational do not have to be mentioned in your syntactic analysis. 63 3.2 Adjectives and Adverbs <?page no="64"?> 9 Note that seem links the two elements that belong together, viz. the adjective fast and the noun driver in (10b) and the adjective fast and the noun driving style in (11b). This explains the deviation in phrasing when comparing (10) and (10b) and will also explain the phrasing of (12b) later on. 3.3 Adjectives vs. Adverbs As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, some words have dual membership and belong to more than one word class. Adjectives and adverbs that look alike include fast, long, late, clean, close, deep, fine, flat, high etc. (CGEL 405-409, 7.6-7.11). The following sentences illustrate uses of fast: 9 Note that seem links the two elements that belong together, viz. the adjective fast and the noun driver in (10b) and the adjective fast and the noun driving style in (11b). This explains the deviation in phrasing when comparing (10) and (10b) and will also explain the phrasing of (12b) later on. 3.3 Adjectives vs. Adverbs As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, some words have dual membership and belong to more than one word class. Adjectives and adverbs that look alike include fast, long, late, clean, close, deep, fine, flat, high etc. (CGEL 405-409, 7.6-7.11). The following sentences illustrate uses of fast: (10) Terence is a fast driver. (attributive use) (11) Terence’s driving style is fast. (predicative use) Although driving style is not formally part of the same phrase as fast, the adjective describes the noun predicatively. Sentence (11) can be rephrased as (11a), in which fast is used attributively again. (11a) Terence has a fast driving style. Criterion (b), predicative use with seem, 9 can also be applied to both sentences: (10b) The driver seems fast. 64 3 Word Classes → 9 Note that seem links the two elements that belong together, viz. the adjective fast and the noun driver in (10b) and the adjective fast and the noun driving style in (11b). This explains the deviation in phrasing when comparing (10) and (10b) and will also explain the phrasing of (12b) later on. 3.3 Adjectives vs. Adverbs As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, some words have dual membership and belong to more than one word class. Adjectives and adverbs that look alike include fast, long, late, clean, close, deep, fine, flat, high etc. (CGEL 405-409, 7.6-7.11). The following sentences illustrate uses of fast: (10) Terence is a fast driver. (attributive use) (11) Terence’s driving style is fast. (predicative use) Although driving style is not formally part of the same phrase as fast, the adjective describes the noun predicatively. Sentence (11) can be rephrased as (11a), in which fast is used attributively again. (11a) Terence has a fast driving style. Criterion (b), predicative use with seem, 9 can also be applied to both sentences: (10b) The driver seems fast. 64 3 Word Classes ← Although driving style is not formally part of the same phrase as fast, the adjective describes the noun predicatively. Sentence (11) can be rephrased as (11a), in which fast is used attributively again. 9 Note that seem links the two elements that belong together, viz. the adjective fast and the noun driver in (10b) and the adjective fast and the noun driving style in (11b). This explains the deviation in phrasing when comparing (10) and (10b) and will also explain the phrasing of (12b) later on. 3.3 Adjectives vs. Adverbs As mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, some words have dual membership and belong to more than one word class. Adjectives and adverbs that look alike include fast, long, late, clean, close, deep, fine, flat, high etc. (CGEL 405-409, 7.6-7.11). The following sentences illustrate uses of fast: (10) Terence is a fast driver. (attributive use) (11) Terence’s driving style is fast. (predicative use) Although driving style is not formally part of the same phrase as fast, the adjective describes the noun predicatively. Sentence (11) can be rephrased as (11a), in which fast is used attributively again. (11a) Terence has a fast driving style. Criterion (b), predicative use with seem, 9 can also be applied to both sentences: (10b) The driver seems fast. → Criterion (b), predicative use with seem, 9 can also be applied to both sentences: (10b) The driver seems fast. (11b) Terence’s driving style seems fast. Criterion (c) postulates that adjectives can be premodified by very: (10c) Terence is a very fast driver. (11c) Terence’s driving style is very fast. 64 3 Word Classes <?page no="65"?> And finally, they can form a comparative and superlative form: fast - faster - fastest. (10d) Terence is a fast/ faster/ the fastest driver. (11d) Terence’s driving style is fast/ faster/ the fastest. Thus, fast in (10) and (11) fulfills all the criteria for adjectives and can be deemed as such. (12), however, seems to be a bit more complicated: (10c) Terence is a very fast driver. (11c) Terence’s driving style is very fast. And finally, they can form a comparative and superlative form: fast - faster - fastest. (10d) Terence is a fast/ faster/ the fastest driver. (11d) Terence’s driving style is fast/ faster/ the fastest. Thus, fast in (10) and (11) fulfills all the criteria for adjectives and can be deemed as such. (12), however, seems to be a bit more complicated: (12) Terence usually drives fast. Here, fast refers to the action in the sentence; it describes the way Terence is driving. So it does not refer to a noun but a verb. Due to this difference, not all the criteria apply to fast as it is used in this sentence: (12a) *Terence usually fast drives. (attributive use) (12b) *Terence usually drives seems fast. (12c) Terence usually drives very fast. (12d) Terence usually drives fast/ faster/ the fastest. The main criteria for adjectives, (a) and (b), are not fulfilled here. Thus, it is not an adjective. Since none of the other word classes is a probable match, we resort to our dustbin word class: the adverb. ← Here, fast refers to the action in the sentence; it describes the way Terence is driving. So it does not refer to a noun but a verb. Due to this difference, not all the criteria apply to fast as it is used in this sentence: (12a) *Terence usually fast drives. (attributive use) (12b) *Terence usually drives seems fast. (12c) Terence usually drives very fast. (12d) Terence usually drives fast/ faster/ the fastest. The main criteria for adjectives, (a) and (b), are not fulfilled here. Thus, it is not an adjective. Since none of the other word classes is a probable match, we resort to our dustbin word class: the adverb. For many grammarians another gray area concerns so called a-adjectives and a-adverbs. Compare, for example: (13) The patient was asleep. (13a) *The asleep patient said… (14) The patient was abroad. (14b) *The abroad patient said… As shown by (13a) and (14a), criterion (a), attributive use, is not fulfilled. Hence, criterion (b), becomes decisive. However, there are limits to the predicative use as well, as proven by (13b) and (14b). 65 3.3 Adjectives vs. Adverbs <?page no="66"?> 10 The CGEL gives very misleading examples for possessive pronouns (my/ mine, our/ ours). However, Quirk et al. later go on to distinguish between personal pronouns and determiners and state that only mine, ours, etc. are actual pronouns, while my, our, etc. are determiners. This distinction is discussed in Section 3.5. (13b) The patient seems asleep. (14b) *The patient seems abroad. Interestingly, abroad can be used predicatively but only with the verb to be. Thus, abroad is classified as an adverb, while asleep can be identified as an adjective. Some more examples of a-adjectives and a-adverbs are presented in Table 4: a-adjectives a-adverbs ablaze, adrift, afire, afloat, afraid, aghast, ajar, alert, alike, alive, alone, aloof, ashamed, averse, awake, aware aboard, around, astern, away Table 4: a-adjectives and a-adverbs (CGEL 408-409, 7.10-7.11) Note: These criteria have their limits! Another way to verify the word class of an item is by checking its syntactic function. Adjectives that are not part of a noun phrase can only function as C S or C O . Thus, anything else that looks like an adjective and forms a sentence constituent on its own which is not a C S or C O must be an adverb. 3.4 Pronouns and Determiners The term pronoun (pron) suggests that its function is to replace a noun (pro-noun). But instead of only being considered a nominal substitute, pro‐ nouns should be regarded as closed-class words with a noun-like function. The following overview (Figure 2) is based on the CGEL (345, 6.13), but was slightly adapted: 10 66 3 Word Classes <?page no="67"?> 11 Please note that Quirk et al. in their version of this overview (345, 6.13) call these pronouns the “wh-series.” However, this term is misleading since it also includes the words why, when and how, which are not pronouns but adverbs (see also Chapter 6.2 as well as Chapter 6.4 on relative pronouns and relative adverbs). central personal e.g. I, me, you, he, him, she, her, we, us, etc. reflexive e.g. myself, yourself, himself, ourselves, etc. possessive mine, yours, his, hers, its, ours, theirs reciprocal each other, one another relative who, whose, whom, which  11 , that interrogative who, whose, whom, which 11 demonstrative this, these, that, those indefinite positive universal all, both, each, every assertive e.g. the some-series, many, few, half, several, other, another, etc. non-assertive the any-series, either negative the no-series, neither Figure 2: Pronoun categories Note: In your syntactic analysis, the only pronoun that needs to be labeled with its specific name is the relative pronoun, which introduces a relative clause. Otherwise, pronoun (pron) will suffice. Let us pick the pronoun all from Figure 2 to illustrate this word class with an example sentence and its corresponding analysis. In (15) All (of the students) passed their exams. (CGEL 258, 5.16), all is a pronoun functioning as the NP head, which can be postmodified by a PP: 67 3.4 Pronouns and Determiners <?page no="68"?> 12 The prop it can, moreover, be used in yet another way, i.e. in extrapositions such as It is a shame that they lost the game. (see Chapter 10.4 for a detailed discussion). (15) s S: NP h: pron All postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n students V: VP mv: fv passed O d : NP dtm: det their h: n exams. 1 It is noteworthy that the personal pronoun it can be used in two ways. Like every other personal pronoun, it can refer to certain animate or inanimate objects mentioned in a text. When used in this fashion, it is called a referring-it. (16) She made some soup and gave it to the children. In example (16), taken directly from the CGEL (348, 6.16), two sentences are coordinated (see Chapter 9). In the second sentence, it is used to refer back to some soup and avoid repetition. But it can also be used as a syntactic prop and is thus called a prop or dummy it. This is the case with verbs that have zero-valency (and are called avalent), meaning they do not have a real subject. (17) It is warm today. (18) It is raining. The pronoun it does not refer to any sort of agent in (17) and (18). The action occurs on its own. It is used because it is the most neutral of the pronouns and thus, the most devoid of meaning (CGEL 348-349, 6.17). This does not change the syntactic analysis, though. It might not be an agent, but syntactically, it is still the subject of the sentence, 12 formally realized by a NP which in turn consists of a head which is a pronoun. 68 3 Word Classes <?page no="69"?> 13 This list shows a funny thing about numerals: determiner clearly is a formal term designating a word class, but so is numeral (see Section 3.9 for more details)! Let us take a look at determiners (det). Determinatives, as their corre‐ sponding function, specify the kind of reference a particular NP has, i.e. they ‘determine’ it (CGEL 253, 5.10; see also Chapter 2). The most prominent determiners are the definite and indefinite articles the and a(n). However, there are many more. In fact, most of the terminological categories listed above in Figure 2 for the types of pronouns also apply to determiners. In the section on determiners in the CGEL, this word class is split into three groups: central determiners, predeterminers and postdeterminers. Table 5 is a compilation of determiners as listed in the CGEL (253-264, 5.10-5.24). (a) predeterminers ■ all, both, half ■ multipliers ■ fractions ■ such, what e.g. e.g. double, twice, three times, etc. one third, one fifth, etc. (b) central determiners ■ articles ■ possessive determiners ■ relative determiner ■ demonstrative determiner ■ wh-determiner in -ever ■ interrogative determiner ■ negative determiner ■ assertive determiner ■ non-assertive determiner ■ quantitative determiner ■ universal determiner e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. e.g. the, a, an my, your, her, his, its, our, their whose, which this, that, these, those whichever, whatever, whoever, etc. which, what, whose no, neither some any, either enough every, each (c) postdeterminers ■ cardinal numerals 13 ■ ordinal numerals and ‘general ordinals’ ■ quantifiers e.g. e.g. e.g. one, two, three, four, etc. first, second, last, etc. few, many, etc. Table 5: Three groups of determiners 69 3.4 Pronouns and Determiners <?page no="70"?> All these determiners can be used individually, but they can also be grouped (see Chapter 2.6.4). In these cases, as their names suggest, predeterminers precede central determiners (e.g. all the children, double her income) and post‐ determiners occur after predeterminers or central determiners, if present (e.g. all ten children, all the ten children). It is certainly possible, though not vital, to indicate the kind of determiner if two or more occur together. (19) all the ten children would be analyzed as follows: (19) NP dtm: (pre) det all dtm: det the dtm: (post) det ten h: n children 1 Some determiners are even more complex, and this can be rather problem‐ atic. Examples for these complex determiners (compl det) are much of the, plenty of, a lot of, lots of, a good deal of, a great number of, etc. They are formed by more than one element, but can be substituted by a simple determiner without any change in meaning: e.g. a lot of - many. When analyzing constructions like these, the CGEL clearly states that “the whole expression [can be seen] as a determiner” (264, 5.25). Two alternative analyses for (20) much of the campus are given below: (20a) NP dtm: compl det much of the h: n campus (20b) NP h: pron much postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n campus 70 3 Word Classes <?page no="71"?> Although both solutions are doable, it is quite apparent that analysis (20a) is the simpler of the two. It takes into account that the head is campus and not much. Still, both solutions are syntactically correct. Note: Determiners (det) always function as determinatives (dtm) and only occur phrase-initially. 3.5 Pronouns vs. Determiners Due to their identical appearance, pronouns and determiners are often confused. They are, however, quite different because pronouns, as stated above, have noun-like functions and mainly occur as the head of a NP, while determiners only specify the reference of the NP head. Determiners can never occur in a head-position. Compare the following two sentences: (21) This is my book. (22) This book is mine. When seen in direct opposition, the possessive determiner my can be easily distinguished from the possessive pronoun mine, as the forms in this case are actually different. This is not the case if you substitute my and mine with his. His would be a determiner in (21) and a pronoun in (22), yet both word classes are identical in form. In (21) and (22), the difference in function is also notable. Mine stands alone as the NP head in the C S . My determines which book is meant in the utterance in (21). Let us also consider this. In (21), it is the head of the NP, as this alone constitutes the subject of the sentence. In (22), this book is the subject with this in the determinative slot and book as the head. 71 3.5 Pronouns vs. Determiners <?page no="72"?> (21) s S: NP h: pron This V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det my h: n book. 1 (22) s S: NP dtm: det This h: n book V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP h: pron mine. 1 3.6 Prepositions and Conjunctions “Prepositions are tricky little beasts” (Simpson 2014: n.p.). With most of them containing only six letters at most, they are very short words that seem to be of far lesser importance than nouns, verbs and adjectives (ibid.). Traditionally, a preposition (prep) is defined as “a word that governs, and normally precedes, a noun or pronoun and which expresses the latter’s relation to another word” (Huddleston/ Pullum 2002: 598). Examples would be before or after, which express a relation between two nouns with respect to time. Under, above or next to are typical examples that convey where something is in relation to something else. On and under consist of one word and are simple prepositions (prep), while next to is a fixed combination of two elements and is a complex preposition (compl prep). Additional examples of each appear in Table 6 followed by three short analyses: 72 3 Word Classes <?page no="73"?> simple prepositions (CGEL 665-667, 9.7) complex prepositions (CGEL 669-671, 9.10-9.11) about, after, around, as, at, before, be‐ hind, beneath, beyond, but, despite, down, during, except, for, from, in, inside, into, like, near, notwithstanding, off, onto, past, per, round, since, than, through, throughout, to, towards, under, unlike, until, up, without, etc. ahead of, apart from, but for, inside of, instead of, out of, prior to, up against, etc. in aid of, in charge of, in front of, etc. in accordance with, in conformity with, etc. by dint of, by virtue of, by way of, etc. on account of, on behalf of, on top of, etc. as far as, for the sake of, with regard to, etc. Table 6: Simple and complex prepositions (23) PP prep: prep under prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n tree (24) PP prep: compl prep next to prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n tree (25) PP prep: marg prep regarding prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n tree In addition to simple and complex prepositions, there is a third group which the CGEL terms marginal prepositions (marg prep). Aside from regarding, analyzed in (25), other marginal prepositions include bar, barring, excepting, excluding, save, concerning, failing, wanting, pending, given, granted, inclu‐ ded, etc. (CGEL 667, 9.8). They “behave in many ways like prepositions, although they also have affinities with other word classes such as verbs or adjectives” (ibid.). In many cases, these marginal prepositions can be 73 3.6 Prepositions and Conjunctions <?page no="74"?> substituted with “real” prepositions. All the examples above from bar to save, for instance, could easily be replaced with the simple preposition except. Whenever such a substitution is possible, the words must be analyzed as having the form and function of a preposition. Let us now turn to conjunctions, which are classified as coordinators or coordinating conjunctions (co conj) and subordinators or subordinating conjunctions (sub conj). Both coordinating and subordinating conjunctions link clauses (see Chapter 5 on clause combinations) or sentence constituents. While coordinators join elements of the same kind, e.g. a main clause and another main clause or a NP with another NP (see Chapter 9 on coordination), subordinators form hierarchies by connecting a subordinate clause to a superordinate main clause (CGEL 918-919, 13.2, Chapters 6 and 7 on subordinate clauses). Note: There are only three clear cases of coordinators: and, but and or. Aside from these three coordinators, the CGEL (935-941, 13.33-13.42) also discusses correlative coordinators. The first item in a correlative pair is called the endorsing item, the second is the coordinator. Table 7 cites only the most typical patterns with an example for each. The parentheses used in the examples highlight the optionality of the endorsing item: (both) … and He has met (both) her mother and her father. (either) … or He has met (either) her mother or her father. (neither) … nor He has met neither her mother nor her father. Table 7: Most typical correlative coordinating conjunctions A full analysis of the second sentence in Table 7 is presented in (26): 74 3 Word Classes <?page no="75"?> 14 See also comparative clauses in Chapter 6.7. (26) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP aux v: pv has mv: fv met O d : NP conjoint coord: endorsing item either conj 1 : NP 1 dtm: det her h: n mother coord: co conj or conj 2 : NP 2 dtm: det her h: n father. 1 Note that the endorsing item is put on the same level as the coordinating conjunction. Both are preceded by a function marker, i.e. coord (for coordi‐ nation) in order to uphold the function/ form pairing on all levels of analysis (see Chapter 9 for more details on how to analyze cases of coordination). Subordinators make up a much bigger word class, which can again be split into simple, complex and correlative subordinators (see Table 8, CGEL 998-1001, 14.12-14.13). simple sub conj compl sub conj correl sub conj after, although, as, be‐ cause, before, if, lest, once, since, that, though, un‐ less, until, when(ever), whereas, where(ever), whereupon, while ■ ending in that: assuming that, but that, considering that, in order that, in that, in the event that, now that, save that, so that ■ ending in as: according as, as far as, inasmuch as, insofar as ■ others: as if, as though, in case as … so as/ so/ such … as  14 less/ more/ -er … than no sooner … than barely/ hardly/ scarcely … when/ that so/ such … (that) the … the whether/ if … or Table 8: Simple, complex and correlative subordinating conjunctions 75 3.6 Prepositions and Conjunctions <?page no="76"?> 15 For more hints on correlative subordinating conjunctions, see CGEL (999-1001, 14.13). 16 A comment on the analysis: To give someone a call is what Ungerer et al. (1984: 36) call verbal complex. In verbal complexes, the verb and a subsequent adj (e.g. fond of) or n (e.g. to do justice) are so closely related “that together they form one unit of meaning.” Verbal complexes “correspond in meaning to single-word verbs,” which would be to call in sentence (27). Yet the syntactic analysis has no way of reproducing this semantic aspect, which explains our analysis of (27). While simple and complex subordinating conjunctions are frequently used, correlative subordinating conjunctions 15 are rare and will not be further detailed here. The other two forms of subordinating conjunctions are analyzed in (27) 16 and (28): (27) s A: adv cl sub: sub conj If S: NP h: pron you V: VP mv: fv need O d : NP h: n help, V: VP mv: fv give O i : NP h: pron me O d : NP dtm: det a h: n call. 1 (28) A: adv cl sub: compl sub conj In case S: NP h: pron you V: VP mv: fv need... 3.7 Prepositions vs. Subordinating Conjunctions The attentive reader may have noticed some overlaps in the last two sections. As, after, before and until, for example, were all listed both as simple prepo‐ sitions and subordinators. Both word classes have “a relating or connecting 76 3 Word Classes <?page no="77"?> function” (CGEL 659, 9.3) with the difference being that subordinators introduce subordinate clauses, while prepositions are followed by nominal or nominalized elements (CGEL 660, 9.3). Compare the following sentences: (29a) I called her the day before she arrived. (30a) After I had lunch, I went to meet him. (29b) I called her the day before her arrival. (30b) After lunch, I went to meet him. In both sentence pairs, the first sentence contains a subordinator and the second a preposition. In (29a) and (30a), the subordinator is followed by a whole clause (she arrived and I had lunch, respectively), while the prepositional complements in (29b) and (30b) are noun phrases. For more details on the difference between clauses and phrases, see Chapter 5. Note: Prepositions introduce phrases - subordinating conjunctions introduce clauses! Another special case is with (and also without), which is usually a preposition as in the following sentences (31, 32): (31) Mary is playing with her little brother John. (32) She opened the bottle with a cork-screw. However, with absolute participles and verbless clauses (see Chapter 7), with is used as a subordinating conjunction (CGEL 705, 9.55; 1003, 14.15): (33) With Mary being away, John felt miserable. (34) With Mary away, John felt miserable. The verbless clause in (34) is basically an elliptic version of (33). In most verbless clauses, a form of the verb to be can be inserted mentally to ascertain that it is a clause and not a phrase. Again, in each sentence, a subordinate clause is added to a main clause, this time linked by with. Therefore, with is not a preposition but a subordinator. 77 3.7 Prepositions vs. Subordinating Conjunctions <?page no="78"?> Note: With can only be used as a subordinating conjunction with absolute participles and verbless clauses! If with is not followed by one of these clause types, it is a preposition introducing a phrase. 3.8 Adverbs vs. Subordinating Conjunctions A special type of adverbs, namely conjunct adverbs like however, yet, so, hence, etc., are easily confused with subordinators. They also have a connecting function like subordinators, but they link sentences and not clauses. (35) We paid him a large sum. So he kept quiet about what he saw. (35a) We paid him a large sum. He kept quiet about what he saw. (35b) We paid him a large sum so he kept quiet about what he saw. Example (35) (CGEL 442, 7.52) consists of two sentences divided by a full stop. So links them as a cohesive tie, but it could also be left out as in (35a), which indicates that it is an optional adverbial on the first functional level. It is formally realized by an AdvP, with the adverb so functioning as the head. In (35b), so is used as a subordinator. Subordinators link main clauses and subordinate clauses. The second part of this section specifically deals with how, when, where and why, which can be used as subordinators but also as relative adverbs (similar in function to “normal” relative pronouns like who and which). As such, they are used to introduce relative clauses: (36) I saw the place where he is staying. (37) [He doesn’t know] the time when she was here. (38) He saw them when they were in Rome. (39) I’ll go where they go. (CGEL 442, 7.53) The subordinate clauses in (36) and (37) are relative clauses. Here, where and when are shorter versions of in which and at which, respectively and are, therefore, relative adverbs (see Chapter 6.4). Relative pronouns as well 79 3.9 Numerals ← (36) [I saw] the place where he is staying. (37) He doesn’t know the time when she was here. (38) He saw them when they were in Rome. (39) I’ll go where they go. (CGEL 442, 7.53) The subordinate clauses in (36) and (37) are relative clauses. Here, where and when are shorter versions of in which and at which, respectively and are, therefore, relative adverbs (see Chapter 6.4). Relative pronouns as well as relative adverbs always refer to an antecedent in the main clause. In (38) and (39), however, there is no possible antecedent present. The subordinate clauses are adverbial clauses introduced by subordinators. 79 3.9 Numerals ← 78 3 Word Classes <?page no="79"?> 17 We tolerate this inconsistency, i.e. a numeral being the head of a NP, since there is no such thing as a “numeral phrase.” 18 To distinguish between a (pro)noun-like numeral and a determiner-like numeral, think back to the guidelines used to differentiate between pronouns and determiners. (38) He saw them when they were in Rome. (39) I’ll go where they go. (CGEL 442, 7.53) The subordinate clauses in (36) and (37) are relative clauses. Here, where and when are shorter versions of in which and at which, respectively and are, therefore, relative adverbs (see Chapter 6.4). Relative pronouns as well as relative adverbs always refer to an antecedent in the main clause. In (38) and (39), however, there is no possible antecedent present. The subordinate clauses are adverbial clauses introduced by subordinators. Note: Only relative clauses can be introduced by relative pronouns (e.g. who) or relative adverbs (e.g. when). If you have identified a clause introduced by where as a relative clause, you know that where must be a relative adverb. 3.9 Numerals The category numerals (num) (CGEL 393-398, 6.63-6.69) can be divided into cardinal (e.g. one, two, three, four, five, six, etc.) and ordinal (e.g. first, second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, etc.) numbers. As previously mentioned (see Section 3.4), numerals can also correctly be called determiners in examples like one book (dtm: det or num). But Chapter 2.2 is just as correct when stating that a numeral can be like a (pro)noun and as such, function as a NP head, 17 e.g. Five is an odd number. (h: num). 18 This corresponds to the CGEL’s claim that numerals can “function either as determinatives or as heads in the NP” (393, 6.63 and 394, 6.64). Accordingly, an analysis of a sentence like (40) One of the main problems is limited consistency. has to treat one as the head of a NP in the S slot: 79 3.9 Numerals <?page no="80"?> (40) s S: NP h: num One postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: adj main h: n problems V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP premod: adj limited h: n consistency. 1 Examples (41) and (42) give more insight into the analysis of numerals used in dates: (41) In 1876, Thomas Edison created the light bulb. (42) Richard Nixon was president of the USA in the early 1970s. (41) s A: PP prep: prep In prepC: num 1876, S: NP h: pn Thomas Edison V: VP mv: fv created O d : NP dtm: det the h: comp n light bulb. 80 3 Word Classes <?page no="81"?> 19 A comment on the analysis: An alternative analysis with a slightly different meaning is also possible: the PP for $200 can also be the postmodifier of bag. (42) s S: NP h: pn Richard Nixon V: VP mv: pv was C S : NP h: n president postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: pn USA A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: adj early h: num 1970s. 1 In (42), we see another case of a numeral being a NP head, which makes perfect sense since 1970s has an adjectival premodifier, a determinative and even forms a plural - just like a noun. Things get a bit more complicated, however, when abbreviations are involved. The following sentences are the same except that (43) contains the usual notation for sums of money, which is spelled out in (44): (43) She bought a bag for $200. (44) She bought a bag for two hundred dollars. Both underlined phrases undoubtedly contain numerals, but two hundred in (44) looks more like a determiner for dollars, similar to ten in all the ten children (Section 3.4). In (43) there is only the dollar symbol. The visual focus is on the number 200. A syntactic analysis of such a sentence would have to be based on the way this sentence would be uttered (see (44) 19 ): 81 3.9 Numerals <?page no="82"?> (44) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: fv bought O d : NP dtm: det a h: n bag A: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP dtm: num 200 h: n $. 1 Analyses of abbreviated dates also have to be altered since they are not meant to be read the way they are notated. (45) They met on 22.10.2010. (45a) They met on the 22 nd of Oct. 2010. (45b) They met on Oct. 22 nd of 2010. (45a) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv met A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det the h: num 22nd postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP h: n Oct. postmod: num 2010. 82 3 Word Classes <?page no="83"?> (45b) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv met A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP h: n Oct. postmod: num 22nd postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: num 2010. 1 In (45a), we can see that the ordinal 22 nd is used pronominally, being a pro-form for the longer version the 22 nd day (CGEL 394, 6.64). For this reason, it is justified to label numerals as NP heads (just like nouns and pronouns). What (45a) also shows (see 2010) and what can also be witnessed in (45b) (see 22 nd ) is the fact that numerals can, in some cases, be (post)modifiers. This is only hinted at in the CGEL when briefly mentioning “the appositive use [of numerals] in number five, page nine, etc” (394, 6.64). With appositives being a special case of postmodifiers (see Chapter 8), we deduce that numerals can rightfully be treated as postmodifiers as well. 3.10 Words of Unique Function Two little words do not quite fit into this grand scheme of word classes. The CGEL (67-68, 2.34), unlike other schools of grammar, does not usually employ the word class particle. Still, for them, not is a negative particle (neg part). The second word of unique function is the infinitive marker (inf mark) to, not to be confused with the preposition to (see Table 6, Section 3.6). While the preposition to is always followed by a noun (phrase) as in to the couch, the inf mark to is found in to-infinitive constructions as a marker of the non-finite form of the verb. We recommend analyzing both not and to as part of the verb phrase. The CGEL does not consider them as having a specific function. However, the binary structure of form and function is important in syntax, which is why we decided to ascribe the function negation (neg) to the form neg part and the function infinitive marker (inf mark) to the form inf mark (see examples (46) and (47)). 83 3.10 Words of Unique Function <?page no="84"?> (46) s S: NP h: pron This V: VP mv: pv is neg: neg part not C s : NP dtm: det my h: n book. 1 (47) s S: NP h: pron We V: VP mv: fv want O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv go A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n cinema A: NP dtm: det next h: n week. Example (47) nicely demonstrates the contrast between the two word classes of to: the infinitive marker with the non-inflected full verb go and the preposition in a PP followed by a NP. Remember that next is to be treated the same way as last, which is listed as a postdeterminer among the ‘general’ ordinals (see Table 5, Section 3.4). The fact that next here is a determiner can also be tested by substitution: it has the same function as this, for example, which in this position would clearly be a determiner. 84 3 Word Classes <?page no="85"?> 20 Even though the CGEL does not mention some as an adverb, our argumentation is backed by various (online) dictionaries which also classify some as an adverb (cf. Merriam Webster online, Oxford Learner’s Dictionary online, Cambridge Dictionary online, s.v. some). 3.11 Tricky Business The last theoretical part of this chapter focuses on two rather common, problematic details in connection with word classes: 1. What do I do with some in constructions like some 50 people? 2. What do I note down when an adjective is used like a noun as in a demonstration of radicals? 3.11.1 Some as an Adverb A sentence structure may not seem intricate at first, but, when you have reached the last level of analysis and are confronted with the choice of word class, you might find yourself facing a difficult decision. Consider the following sentences: (48) Some 50 people gathered in front of the theater. (49) Approximately 50 people gathered in front of the theater. On the surface, these sentences do not seem challenging and they have the same meaning. The only difference is that (48) is introduced by some, which we have classified so far either as a determiner or a pronoun, and (49) by approximately, which is an adverb. It may be surprising to learn that some as used in (48), i.e. followed by an ordinal number, has to be treated as an adverb as well. 20 With this in mind and the fact that numerals such as 50 can also count as (pro)nouns (see Sections 3.9 and 2.6.4 for complex determinatives) and act as NP heads, we arrive at the following analysis (with (49) looking exactly the same): 85 3.11 Tricky Business <?page no="86"?> (48) s S: NP dtm: NP premod: adv Some h: num 50 h: n people V: VP mv: fv gathered A: PP prep: compl prep in front of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n theatre. 1 3.11.2 Change of Word Class As mentioned earlier, words can convert and, hence, change word classes. This has been the case with participles, for example, which can behave like adjectives. It is also possible for an adjective to convert into a noun. (50) A demonstration of radicals took place yesterday. Radical is originally an adjective, but in this sentence, it occurs in plural form, looking very much like a noun. Additionally, it functions as a prepositional complement, a position usually taken up by nominal elements. The sentence would be analyzed as follows: (50) s S: NP dtm: det A h: n demonstration postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: n radicals V: VP mv: fv took O d : NP h: n place A: AdvP h: adv yesterday. 86 3 Word Classes <?page no="87"?> 1 This is a comprehensive list as there are only three primary verbs. 4 The Verb Sandra Neigefind Of the various word classes that have been discussed, one is a bit more complicated than the rest: the verb. The structure of a verb phrase (VP) was already introduced in Chapter 2.4, so this chapter will take a closer look at the different categories of verbs, enabling you to analyze a VP from top to bottom by means of a function/ form pairing. Table 1 offers an overview of all the categories a verb can belong to. criterion for classification name examples in word class full verbs to sing, to run, to talk 4.1.1 modal auxiliary verbs can, might, should 4.1.2 [catenative verbs] appear to, come to, fail to 4.1.3 primary verbs to do, to be, to have  1 4.1.4 syntactic class intransitive The bomb explodes. Ch 1 copular She is happy. 4.2 monotransitive He likes the girl. Ch 1 ditransitive She gives him the doll. Ch 1 complex-transitive She considers him nice. Ch 1 number of words simple verbs He plays soccer. 4.3 multiword verbs phrasal verbs She turned up unexpectedly. 4.3.1 prepositional verbs Of course, you can cope with all the work. 4.3.2 phrasal-prepo‐ sitional verbs He thinks he can get away with everything. 4.3.3 Table 1: Categories of verbs <?page no="88"?> 4.1 Distinction According to Word Class As you can see in Table 1, we distinguish between three basic word classes for verbs. These classes are mutually exclusive, meaning each verb can only belong to one group. Catenative verbs can be seen as a special type of modal auxiliary verbs and do not count as a class of their own. It will be discussed in a separate section (4.1.3). 4.1.1 Full Verbs The bulk of verbs are full verbs (fv). Full verbs are an open word class. They can only function as main verbs (mv); the reverse, however, is not true, which is why a mv can, but does not have to, be a fv (see Table 6 in Chapter 2.4). Examples include verbs such as sing, run, hope and enable. Another way to categorize full verbs is by labeling them according to the number of words they consist of. Here we distinguish between simple verbs (featuring only one word) and multi-word verbs (consisting of up to three separate words). The latter represent a complex and important topic for syntactic analysis and will be dealt with in Section 4.3. 4.1.2 Modal Auxiliary Verbs Modal auxiliary verbs (or modals for short, abbreviated as mod aux in an analysis) belong to a closed inventory. In a VP, they can only function as auxiliary verbs (aux v) (see Chapter 2). The CGEL introduced the following criteria that must be met for a verb to be considerd a modal auxiliary verb (CGEL 121-127, 3.22-3.29). The following examples are either taken directly or are slightly altered versions from the CGEL (ibid.). Before examining the following criteria, note that this list is meant to give you a deeper insight into modal verbs; it is not necessarily used in syntactic analyses. It will, however, improve your ability to decipher unclear cases of modal verbs. In addition, it will help you differentiate between the different types of modals. 88 4 The Verb <?page no="89"?> a) When a finite clause is negated, the auxiliary precedes the negative particle (neg part) not. She can do it. She cannot do it. She saw the play. She didn’t see the play. *She saw not the play. b) When negated, the auxiliary and the negative particle contract (e.g. can’t, wouldn’t, mustn’t, won’t, etc.). c) Especially in questions, the word order is inverted and the auxiliary appears at the beginning of the sentence. She can swim. Can she swim? She plans to come. *Plans she to come? d) An emphatic positive can be formed. Won’t you try again? Yes, I WILL try again. e) In elliptic replies to questions, the auxiliary can function as the single operator. Won’t you try again? Yes, I will. f) Auxiliaries occur in pre-adverb position. She would never believe that story. g) Quantifiers that modify the subject can occur between the auxiliary and the main verb of the verb phrase. All the boys can swim. The boys can all swim. h) Auxiliaries can be used with any kind of subject, regardless whether the sentence is an active or a passive construction. The bus should be here at five. *The bus hopes to be here at five. The man should be here at five. The man hopes to be here at five. Note: These criteria apply to all verbs which can fill the auxiliary slot in verb phrases! Therefore, primary verbs (see Section 4.1.4) also meet all the stated specifications, but are not to be confused with modal verbs! 89 4.1 Distinction According to Word Class <?page no="90"?> 2 Be careful: In used to and ought to, to is an integral part of the modal and does not belong to the following infinitive. Thus, He used to go for a walk every day. contains a modal (used to) followed by a bare infinitive without to. The CGEL introduces some additional criteria that apply only to modal verbs (CGEL 127-128, 3.30): i) Modal auxiliaries are followed by the bare infinitive of a verb (including used to and ought to). 2 I can go. *I hope go. j) There are no non-finite forms of modal auxiliaries. *to can *canning k) There is no inflection for the 3 rd person singular. She must write. *She musts write. However, there are different types of modal auxiliaries and not all fulfill every criterion above (see Table 2). type of modal verb examples criteria fulfilled central modals can, could, may, might, should, will, would, must (a)-(k) marginal modals dare, need, ought to, used to (a)-(b), (i)-(k) modal idioms had better, would rather/ sooner, have got to, be to (i)-(j) semi-auxiliaries have to, be about to, be able to, be bound to, be going to, be supposed to, be willing to (i)-(j) catenative verbs appear to, fail to, happen to, seem to, tend to (i) Table 2: Types of modal auxiliary verbs with most common examples (adapted from Figure 3.40a, CGEL 137, 3.40) 90 4 The Verb <?page no="91"?> 3 Modality is best defined “as the manner in which the meaning of a [VP, clause or sentence] is qualified so as to reflect the speaker's judgment of the likelihood of the [action] it expresses” (CGEL 219, 4.49). Aside from these structural clues, there is also a semantic test that can help you detect a modal auxiliary verb: no matter which type of modal auxiliary verb is used, these verbs do not describe the actual activity expressed by a VP. In He might be going to the cinema., the agent is somewhat likely to perform the action of “going,” so going is the mv. Might cannot be the mv but only the auxiliary verb expressing modality 3 (in this case uncertainty). The activity in She is going to sing a song., on the other hand, is sing and in this case going is not the mv but part of the modal construction to be going to in the auxiliary slot. Detection Rule: A modal auxiliary verb expresses modality, but never contains information about the actual activity expressed in the VP. A full verb or a primary verb does! Let us take a closer look at different types of modal verbs to work out the differences and facilitate their detection in a syntactic analysis. The central modal verbs (also called core modals) are can, could, may, might, shall, should, will, would and must. This list of nine central modals is comprehensive. They fulfill all the criteria stated above, from (a) to (k) (CGEL 135-136, 3.39). They exist in only one form and can never be preceded by another auxiliary verb. However, they can be followed by the primary verbs (pv) be, do and have when these fulfill an auxiliary function. (1) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP aux v: mod aux can mv: fv write O d : NP dtm: det a h: n song. 91 4.1 Distinction According to Word Class <?page no="92"?> 4 In fact, need and dare as full verbs “can enter into a number of different constructions (cf 16.26, 16.39.16.50)” (CGEL 139, 3.42, Note [e]). The marginal modal auxiliaries (marg mod aux) are dare, need, ought to and used to. This list is comprehensive as well. Semantically, they are very close to the central modals, but they do not fulfill all the criteria listed above (CGEL 138-140, 3.41-3.44). They only conform to (a)-(c) from the first group and all items in the second group. Keep in mind, however, that these modals can also be full verbs, which look exactly the same, but have a different function: Need and dare as full verbs are fully inflected and followed by a to-infinitive, e.g. He needed to escape., or by a NP, e.g. He needs a haircut.  4 The following analyses of sentences (2) and (3) taken from the CGEL (138, 3.42) show the difference between the marg mod aux and the fv need. We consider negative sentences here, as the positive form of the modal verb is not used (*He need escape.) and because the type of negation (neg) hints at the exact word class of need: it is a fv when the pro-form do is used (see (3)), and a marg mod aux when only not is used (see (2) and criterion a) in the above list). However, the use of the marginal modals need and dare is very rare in English. (2) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP aux v: marg mod aux need neg: neg part not mv: fv escape. (3) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP aux v: pv does neg: neg part not mv: fv need O d : nom to-inf cl inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv escape. 92 4 The Verb <?page no="93"?> The four most common modal idioms (mod id) are had better, would rather, have got to and be to. They differ from full verbs, as they do not have a non-finite form and must be in the initial position in a VP. This also means that they cannot be preceded by other verbs and do not fulfill criteria (a)-(h) for modal verbs. In addition, have got to and be to have a third person singular s-form (CGEL 141-142, 3.45). The syntactic analysis is shown in example (4). (4) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: mod id would rather mv: fv rent O d : NP dtm: det the h: n cottage. 1 Let us take a closer look at semi-auxiliaries (semi aux). According to the CGEL (143-146, 3.47-3.48), a semi aux is a verb idiom which expresses modal or aspectual meaning. Their first part is the primary verb be or have. Examples are be able to, be going to, be supposed to and have to. The forms introduced by be only fulfill criterion (j) of the modal auxiliaries (no non-finite form). However, the use of be in these forms in turn provides the means for most of the criteria for modal verbs to be met, for instance, no do-support in a negated sentence (see criterion (a)). This is illustrated in example (5a). In contrast, another semi aux, viz. have to in example (5b), does need a do-support for negation, thus nicely illustrating rather subtle nuances between semi auxiliaries: (5a) We are not able to get up early tomorrow. (5b) We do not have to get up early tomorrow. Classifying such verbs as semi auxiliaries gives us the option to analyze the following verb, which actually expresses the action of the entire sentence, as the mv of the notably large VP. Compare therefore the sample analysis of the sentence in (6). 93 4.1 Distinction According to Word Class <?page no="94"?> (6) s S: NP h: pn Brazil V: VP aux v: semi aux is going to mv: fv win O d : NP dtm: det the h: pn World Cup. 1 4.1.3 A Special Case of Modals: Catenative Verb Constructions Appear to, come to, fail to, happen to, and tend to are catenative verbs (cat v), and when followed by an infinitive, the resulting construction is called a catenative verb construction. It is sometimes suggested that the verbs appear, come etc. should be analyzed as the mv (FO: fv) of a VP and that the following to introduces a to-infinitive clause (to-inf cl). Compare the two analyses for (7) He failed to solve the riddle. (7a) He failed | to solve the riddle. mv: fv O d : to-inf cl (7b) He failed to solve | the riddle. aux v: cat v + mv: fv O d : NP The corresponding chapter in the CGEL (146-147, 3.49) is remarkably vague on this point. A legitimate argument can be made for both solutions. After all, (7a) could be paraphrased with He failed it., proving that to solve the riddle is one constituent. But it could also be argued, perhaps more convincingly, that in (7b), failed to could be substituted by couldn’t, showing that failed to should be perceived as one form, as it works just like any other modal auxiliary. This is the path that we will pursue in this section: cat verbs are a type of modal verb that can only function as auxiliaries. Nevertheless, they are closer to full verbs than other types of modal verbs as they take do-support, e.g. when negated (see (8)). 94 4 The Verb <?page no="95"?> (8) Sam didn’t come to realize the importance of the problem. Be careful: Verbs like appear and happen can still be used as full verbs. And if they are, they must be the verbs expressing the activity described by the VP. Compare the following examples. While appear expresses the activity in sentence (10), it does not in sentence (9): (9) s S: NP h: pn John V: VP aux v: cat v appeared to mv: fv realize O d : NP dtm: det the h: n importance. 1 (10) s S: NP h: n Comets V: VP mv: fv appear A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP premod: adj predictable h: n times. In addition to cat verbs ending with to, there are also cat verbs that share the same function of be in its auxiliary slot, such as start out, keep (on) and go on combined with the -ing-participle of the main verb as in (11). Get can also be used with the -ed-participle (e.g. Our team got beaten by the visitors.). (11) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n girl V: VP aux v: cat v kept (on) mv: fv working. 95 4.1 Distinction According to Word Class <?page no="96"?> 4.1.4 Primary Verbs There are only three primary verbs: be, do and have. They comprise a closed inventory. While full verbs are only able to function as the mv of a VP and modal verbs only as auxiliaries, primary verbs can take on both functions (see Table 6 in Chapter 2.4). When used as an auxiliary, they express negation in VPs and/ or tense and aspect (CGEL 129-135, 3.31-3.38). Consider the following sentences which show primary verbs functioning as main verbs, (12) to (14), and primary verbs as auxiliaries (12a-14a): (12) Mary is a teacher. (12a) Mary is teaching a class right now. (13) John has done his research. (13a) John didn’t leave a stone unturned. (14) They have a house. (14a) They have had a great time in France. 4.2 Copular Verbs Verbs functioning as main verbs (i.e. full verbs and primary verbs) belong to different syntactic classes based on their transitivity as discussed in Chapter 1.2. There is a special case of intransitivity, triggered by a special kind of verb, though, which deserves extra attention: the copular verb. The prototypical copular verb is to be. Others include to appear, to become, to look, to seem, to feel, to taste and many more (CGEL 1172, 16.21); all of these verbs can, but do not necessarily have to, be used as copular verbs. Compare, for instance, sentences (15) and (16). (15) John grew very old. (15a) John is very old. (16) John grew tomatoes in the garden. (16a) *John is tomatoes in the garden. 96 4 The Verb <?page no="97"?> The verb grow is a copular verb in (15) but not in (16). As (15a) and (16a) show, the substitution test (with our prototypical copular verb to be) always helps tell the difference. Note: To check if a verb is actually a copular verb, [1] replace it with to be. The sentence will retain its meaning if it truely is a copular verb. [2] Also confirm that the verb cannot be used without the following constituent, i.e. that the sentence will be incomplete if the next component is deleted (CGEL 737, 10.16). In examples (17) and (18), the verbs to marry and to die would also be classi‐ fied as copular verbs according to the test. However, the CGEL classifies the following complementation in both cases as a verbless clause functioning as an adverbial, which becomes quite clear once we reformulate the sentences (17a and 18a) (CGEL 737, 10.16). (17) They married young. (17a) They married when they were young. (18) He died a poor man. (18a) He died when he was a poor man. To explain, take another look at (17) and (17a). If we analyze young as a C S , it corresponds to the sentence They are young (now). This is, however, not what the sentence means, as becomes more obvious when comparing it with its longer version in (17a). This shows us that young in (17) is better analyzed as an A instead of a C S . The analysis of a sentence containing a copular verb is as follows: (19) s S: NP h: pn William V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det my h: n friend. 97 4.2 Copular Verbs <?page no="98"?> As you can see, there is no need to note the pv as a copular verb in your syntactic analysis, classifying it as a pv is enough. However, it is still very useful to spot copular verbs, as it helps you to identify the correct syntactic sentence pattern. Copular verbs can only be followed either by a subject complement or by an adverbial. This means that copular verbs are never complemented by objects, which is why we give preference to calling them copular verbs instead of applying the term (in)transitivity (which deals with the absence/ presence of objects). These verbs are also called linking verbs, as they link the subject with something else. They describe states of people and things functioning as the subject. Accordingly, the only two sentence patterns where copular verbs are involved are SVC S and SVA (CGEL 1171-1176, 16.21-16.24), as can be seen in the following examples: (19) William is my friend. (20) The girl seemed very restless. (21) The kitchen is downstairs. These examples illustrate the two possible structures triggered by copular verbs. (19) and (20) are constructed with a C S , a NP and an AdjP, respectively. Example (21) takes an adverbial denoting space. Table 3 summarizes the functional and formal options with copular verbs. option for next (obligatory) constituent questions answered example forms SV She is.. C S how? …happy. …what some would call sloppy. AdjP clause what? …a teacher. …what some would call a boss. NP clause A where? …upstairs. …in the garden. …where most of her friends are. AdvP PP clause Table 3: Options for copular verb constructions 98 4 The Verb <?page no="99"?> 5 Different multi-word verbs have different particles. Use the exact name you find in the following paragraphs in your analysis. 6 In contrast to multi-word verbs, other idiomatic verbal expressions like fall asleep or to give someone a ring (‘to phone someone’) are not treated separately in the CGEL and are always analyzed as a main verb and its complementation in a copular, monotransitive, ditransitive or complex transitive construction. 4.3 Multi-Word Verbs Multi-word verbs are full verbs that consist of more than one word. If you detect a fv with more than one word, it is a multi-word verb. The words that follow the lexical verb are particles. 5 However, combinations only count as multi-word verbs if they function, syntactically as well as semantically, as a single unit. Because they are one semantic unit, they are also called verbal idioms.  6 Take a look at examples (22) and (23) to examine the differences between multi-word verbs and free combinations (CGEL 1150, 16.2) (22) s S: NP h: pron We V: VP mv: prep v (fv + prep) go into O prep : NP dtm: det the h: n problem. (23) s S: NP h: pron We V: VP mv: fv go A: PP prep: prep into prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n museum. While example (22) contains a multi-word verb, (23) does not. We call (23) a free combination because the verb and the preposition just happen to be next to each other. Moreover, in (23), both the verb go and the preposition into preserve their separate meanings. A verb counts as a multi-word verb if and only if it has an idiomatic status! In other words, the combination of 99 4.3 Multi-Word Verbs <?page no="100"?> go and into as used in (22) has a meaning other than the sum of the meaning of its parts. This status can be detected by replacing the construction with a single-word verb. Please note that this test is not always reliable, as there are multi-word verbs which cannot be paraphrased in one word and free combinations that can (CGEL 1162, 16.12). However, in example (22), we can paraphrase the verb to go into with discuss, but cannot find a one-word-alternative for go into in (23). There are three different types of multi-word verbs. The following sections will identify these types and guide you on how to analyze them. 4.3.1 Phrasal Verbs Phrasal verbs (phr v) consist of two units: a full verb and a particle called a prepositional adverb (prep adv). Examples directly taken from the CGEL (1152-1153, 16.3-16.4) appear below: (24) The tank blew up. (27) She’s bringing up two children. (25) When will they give in? (28) We will set up a new unit. (26) The plane has now taken off. (29) She looked up her friends. All these verbs have an idiomatic meaning and cannot be understood simply by knowing the meaning of their parts. In example (25), for instance, the meaning of to give in has nothing to do with giving or the direction in. You have to know that the meaning is ‘to relent’ or ‘back down’. The examples also illustrate another characteristic feature of phrasal verbs: they occur in intransitive (24)-(26) and monotransitive (27)-(29) constructions. In monotransitive constructions with phrasal verbs, we can move the object around. Let us look at the examples (27) and (27a)-(27c). (27) She’s bringing up two children. (27a) She’s bringing two children up. (27b) She’s bringing them up. (27c) *She’s bringing up them. 100 4 The Verb <?page no="101"?> If this object is a NP, we can move it around (27 or 27a); if it is a pronoun as in (27b vs. 27c), we have to move the pronominalized object between the two parts of the phr v (CGEL 1152-1155, 16.3-16.4). This feature of phrasal verbs will prove helpful to distinguish between the different types of multi-word verbs. For the syntactic analysis of a sentence like (24), we recommend the following: (24) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n tank V: VP mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) blew up. 1 The advantage of this kind of syntactic tree structure is three-fold: 1) the function/ form relation is upheld (which cannot be said of model solutions presented elsewhere); 2) the special type of verb (phr v) is noted down in the analysis; and 3) the word class of each part of the phr v is also mentioned. A few phrasal verbs belong to the syntactic class of copular verbs. Therefore, the following element has to be identified as C S . Sentences (30) and (31) offer examples for copular phrasal verbs. (30) They ended up happy. (31) It turned out a success. The test for copular verbs from Section 4.2 still works and the replacement with a form of to be is possible in both cases: They are happy. and It was a success. 4.3.2 Prepositional Verbs As phrasal verbs, prepositional verbs (prep v) consist of two units: a full verb and a particle called a preposition (prep). Here are some examples taken in part from the CGEL (1155-1156, 16.5): (32) We must go into the problem. (35) Jenny thanked us for the present. 101 4.3 Multi-Word Verbs <?page no="102"?> 7 The O prep can also take other forms than a NP, e.g. an -ing-part clause in (35a) Jenny thanked us for arriving on time. (33) I’ve come across a problem. (36) The gang robbed her of her neck‐ lace. (34) She looked after her son. (37) Mary took care of the children. Prepositional verbs appear either in monotransitive (32)-(34) or ditransitive (35)-(37) constructions. The NP that usually 7 follows these prepositions functions as prepositional object (O prep ). In cases of ditransitive complemen‐ tation, we find a direct object and a prepositional object (CGEL 1156, 16.5 and 1158, 16.7). The term prepositional object has already been discussed in Chapter 1.3. As a reminder: We recommend the usage of the term O prep only in the context of prepositional verbs (and phr-prep v, see Section 4.3.3), although not all linguists, including the CGEL, are that rigid. Taking another look at the monotransitive examples of prep v, which can easily be confused with the monotransitive phr verbs (see Section 4.3.1), we can also try to replace the O prep with a personal pronoun. Here, however, the full verb and preposition cannot be separated. (32) We must go into the problem. (32a) We must go into it. (32b) *We must go it into. (32c) *We must go the problem into. The syntactic analysis of a prep v is structured as in the following example (34). (34a) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: prep v (fv + prep) looked after O prep : NP dtm: det her h: n son. 102 4 The Verb <?page no="103"?> Please note that example (34), She looked after her son., has, in fact, two different meanings and can therefore be analyzed in two different ways: either as a prep v with a O prep (look after = ‘take care of ’) as in (34a) above, or as a free combination, i.e. a simple verb followed by an adverbial which is realized by a PP (look after = ‘follow someone with one’s eyes’) as in (34b): (34b) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: fv looked A: PP prep: prep after prepC: NP dtm: det her h: n son. 1 Thus, it is not always easy to draw a line between a prep v or a free combi‐ nation. After all, the boundaries are notoriously fuzzy, and the idiomatic surplus of multi-word verbs is at times hard to evaluate. Still, there are two criteria to effectively detect monotransitive prepositional verbs (CGEL 1164-1165., 16.14-16.15): Note: We know a multi-word verb is a monotransitive prep v if… 1) the O prep can be the S of a passive sentence. 2) the pronouns who(m) and what are used to ask for the O prep . Let us consider the following examples to test these two criteria. (38) We arrived at a station. (38a) *A station was arrived at. (39) We arrived at a conclusion. (39a) A conclusion was arrived at. While arrive at is a prep v in sentence (39), it is not in (38) because it fails the passive test. The second test works as well. (38) We arrived at a station. (38b) Where did we arrive at? (39) We arrived at a conclusion. (39b) What did we arrive at? 103 4.3 Multi-Word Verbs <?page no="104"?> (38b) uses the adverbial (! ) question form where, whereas (39b) relies on the pronoun what to detect the O prep as predicted in rule 2). Thus, only (39) should be classified as a prep v. There are a few prepositional verbs which belong to the syntactic class of copular verbs. They would, therefore, be followed by a C S instead of a O prep . Sentence (40) is one example of a copular prepositional verb. (40) He turned into a monster. You can still use the test for copular verbs to identify the construction. Replacing the verb with a form of to be results in the sentence He is a monster., proving that turn into is a copular verb and a multi-word verb (which can be substituted by a simple verb). 4.3.3 Phrasal-Prepositional Verbs Phrasal-prepositional verbs (phr-prep v) are the only type of multi-word verbs that contain three units: a full verb, a prepositional adverb, and a preposition (in that order! ). The name of the verb (phrasal-prepositional) may help you remember the correct sequence: first is a prepositional adverb (as with phrasal verbs) and then comes a preposition (as with prepositional verbs). Below are some examples: (41) We are all looking forward to your party on Saturday. (42) He thinks he can get away with everything. (43) He had to put up with a lot of teasing at school. (44) We put our success down to hard work. (45) I’ll let you in on a secret. (46) Don’t take it out on me! The phr-prep v comes with monotransitive (41)-(43) or ditransitive (44)-(46) complementation. The object following a phr-prep v is also called a O prep . The idiomatic status of these verbs can often be detected with the help of one-word paraphrases (i.e. put up with = ‘tolerate’) (CGEL 1160, 16.9). Finally, 104 4 The Verb <?page no="105"?> the syntactic analysis of a sentence containing a phr-prep v looks like this (43, shortened): (43, shortened) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP aux v: semi aux had to mv: phr-prep v (fv + prep adv + prep) put up with O prep : NP h: pron it. 4.3.4 Detection Rules If the main verb in the syntactic analysis is a multi-word verb, it is not hard to find out which one it is. Just follow the guidelines presented in Figure 1, which summarize all the features of multi-word verbs mentioned in the previous sections. 105 4.3 Multi-Word Verbs <?page no="106"?> How many particles does the verb have? 1 How many objects are there (transitivity)? intransitive → phr v monotransitive Substitute the O with a pronoun. What happens? verb and particle stay together → prep v verb and particle are seperated by the pronoun → phr v ditransitive → prep v 2 → phr-prep v Figure 1: Overview of multi-word verbs and detection rules 106 4 The Verb <?page no="107"?> 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences Hannah Jahner & Jenny Arendholz In comparison to previous chapters, this one is rather unusual and therefore starts with a disclaimer: This chapter is meant as a preface to the following two chapters in that it tries to carve out basic structures of clauses in general in order to facilitate a deeper understanding of the various finite (Chapter 6) and non-finite clause types (Chapter 7). The level of abstraction aimed at in this chapter will pave the way for a basic grasp of the nature of clauses in contrast to phrases previously presented in Chapter 2 - a difference often problematic for syntax beginners. After all, clauses and phrases both appear on formal levels (see below). There are two consequences of this rather unique chapter: 1. A lot of structures, viz. concrete clause types, will only be foreshadowed here with their explanations and concrete analyses following in later chapters (6 and 7). 2. A lot of terminology introduced here (i.e. finite, non-finite and verbless clauses, embedded and subordinate clauses, nominal and adverbial clauses) will never actually appear in your analysis. We are well aware that this level of abstraction might just be what some readers need in order to understand the larger scheme, while the same approach might scare others off. For some readers, it might thus be helpful to skip ahead to Chapters 6 and 7 and return to this one afterwards. 5.1 Clauses vs. Phrases The difference between clauses and phrases is vitally important in syntactic analyses. It is also key to understanding the difference between subordina‐ tion (see Section 5.3) and embedding (see Section 5.4). Table 1 summarizes the differences between the two syntactic forms. <?page no="108"?> 1 This is definitely true for NPs, AdjPs and AdvPs. VPs and PPs also have central, head-like elements, which are, however, not called head but mv and prep, respectively (see Chapter 2). 2 Note that we use the term function word in its broadest sense, including relative pronouns and subordinating conjunctions (see Chapter 3, 6 and 7). clauses phrases contain a verb (but see Chapter 7.5 for verbless clauses) do not contain a verb (exception VPs) there is no central element, i.e. no head contain a central element, i.e. a head 1 look like mini sentences including (parts of) SVO structures strictly follow the phrase patterns can contain other subordinate clauses can contain embedded clauses are sometimes (! ) introduced by a func‐ tion word 2 are never introduced by a function word Table 1: Differences between clauses and phrases If you are unsure about whether a constituent is a clause or a phrase, the following steps, which can be deduced from Table 1, might help you. At first, you should check whether the structure contains a verb. If it does, it is very likely a clause. If it does not contain a verb, be aware that it could still be a verbless clause (see Chapter 7.5). Check whether your structure looks like a mini sentence or rather follows one of the phrase patterns introduced in Chapter 2. Clauses are sometimes introduced by function words like that, after, if and many more, while phrases are not. Be careful, though: Not finding a function word does not automatically mean that it cannot be a clause! However, if you do find a function word, your structure of interest is definitely a clause. Let us have a look at the following examples. (1) the old man (2) The old man sits at the table. Example (1) neither contains a verb, nor looks like a mini sentence. Instead, it follows the typical phrase pattern of a NP: the is the determinative, old the premodifier and man the head of the phrase. Therefore, (1) can clearly be identified as a NP. Example (2), on the other hand, does contain the finite 108 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="109"?> verb sits. It can clearly be identified as a SVA clause on the first syntactic level. As examples (1) and (2) show, it is not difficult to tell a simple clause and a simple phrase apart. However, many students start having difficulties when it comes to sentences like example (3). (3) The old man who sits at the table is drinking a beer. In comparison to (1) and (2), example (3) displays a rather complex sentence structure. This kind of complexity is one of the reasons why many students have difficulties with syntactic analyses. Therefore, we will focus on the different syntactic levels of a sentence and introduce and explain them step-by-step. With regard to sentence (3), a straightforward, schematic solution will suffice for the time being (see Figure 1): {<[The old man <who sits at the table>] [is drinking] [a beer].>} ■ one {sentence} which is at the same time one <clause> and consists of three [phrases] ■ the first [phrase] includes another <clause> The main activity in the sentence is that someone (= The old man who sits at the table) is drinking something (= a beer). ■ three constituents on the first syntactic level (FU: SVO d , FO: NP, VP, NP) ■ the sentence is governed by the finite verbs is drinking ■ sits must be a finite verb in a clause on a level other than the first [The old man <who sits at the table>] [is drinking] [a beer] Who am I talking about? Who can carry out the action of the VP, i.e. who can do the drinking? head = man (n) → NP typical NP structure: dtm, premod, head, postmod VP typical VP structure: aux v + mv What was drunk? head = beer (n) → NP typical NP structure: dtm, head ■ there is a finite verb in the post‐ mod ■ the postmod must be a clause governed by the finite verb sits ■ this clause is part of the NP, i.e. it is embedded in the NP (see 5.4)! Figure 1: Schematic analysis of sentence (3) 109 5.1 Clauses vs. Phrases <?page no="110"?> 5.2 Sentences and Clause Combinations According to Quirk et al. (42, 2.7), sentences are the highest grammatical unit. As we know from Chapter 1, every sentence consists of at least one clause. A simple sentence consists of a single clause whose elements (subject, object, adverbial, etc.) are each realized by a phrase. If a sentence consists of more than one clause, it is called a multiple sentence. Multiple sentences can further be divided into compound sentences (see Chapter 9) and complex sentences (CGEL 719, 10.1). This is illustrated in Figure 2. Figure 2: Sentence structures (CGEL 719, 10.1; examples based on 38-40, 2.4) A compound sentence is a sentence in which two or more independent main clauses are linked by a coordinating conjunction such as and, or or but (see Chapter 3.6). The clauses of a compound sentence are equal constituents of the sentence. As the angle brackets indicate, the coordinating conjunction does not belong to either of the independent clauses. The combination of two independent main clauses is called coordination. However, the term coordination is also used in a broader sense, i.e. when clauses with the same syntactic status are combined. Therefore, not only the combination of two independent main clauses (see example (4)), but also the combination of two subordinate clauses (see example (5)) is called coordination (see Chapter 9). (4) {<Jim brought me here> and <Phil’s taking me home.>} (5) {<If I have an appointment in the morning> and <if I’m late>, <what do I do? >} 110 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="111"?> This chapter focuses, however, on the second type of multiple sentences illustrated in Figure 2: the complex sentence, which is a combination of an independent main clause and one or more dependent clauses (CGEL 987, 14.2). Dependent clauses in general are often subsumed under the umbrella term subordinate clauses. In this book, however, we would like to pursue a slightly more differentiated terminology when talking about complex sentences. To explain: As their name already suggests, dependent clauses cannot stand on their own and are always part of a clause combination. There are two types of such clause combinations of complex sentences: sentences where the dependent clause is a direct constituent of the main clause, and sentences where the dependent clause is a phrase constituent. We call the former subordinate and the latter embedded clauses. It would therefore be misleading to use the term subordinate clause (instead of dependent clause) both as an umbrella term and as one of its hyponyms. Note: There are two types of dependent clauses: ■ subordinate clause = direct constituent of a clause (often coextensive with a sentence) ■ embedded clause = direct constituent of a phrase The fact that the term dependent clause is used as an umbrella term instead is shown in Figure 3. The two basic types of dependent clauses as well as the two subtypes of subordinate clauses are also displayed in Figure 3. Figure 3: Overview of the types of dependent clauses 111 5.2 Sentences and Clause Combinations <?page no="112"?> To provide a framework for understanding the different types of dependent clauses, we will now move from broad umbrella terms to more specific terms. Note that using the umbrella terms in your syntactic analysis is not necessarily wrong. However, being as precise as possible may earn you more points in an exam context. All types of clauses can further be classified according to their realization of the verbal element. A clause is called a finite clause if its verbal element is finite. A clause with a non-finite verb as its verbal element, on the other hand, is called a non-finite clause (CGEL 150, 3.53). The third structural type of clauses is the verbless clause. Verbless clauses do not have a verb element, but are “nevertheless capable of being analyzed into clause elements” (CGEL 992, 14.5). Example (6) shows a non-finite and (7) a verbless clause (ibid.). (6) Knowing my temper, I didn’t reply. (7) Although always helpful, he was not much liked. The underlined parts in examples (6) and (7) can be regarded as dependent clauses because they cannot occur on their own and their internal structure can be analyzed “into the same functional elements that we distinguish in finite clauses” (ibid.). We referred to such structures before as “mini sen‐ tences” and analyze them accordingly. Example (7a) displays the syntactic functions of the clausal constituents in the corresponding mini sentence in (7). (7a) Although he was always helpful, he was not much liked. sub conj S V A C S The extended dependent clause in (7a) is the reason for postulating the following syntactic functions: (7) Although always helpful, he was not much liked. sub conj A C S Here is a full-fledged analysis of sentence (7). 112 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="113"?> (7) s A: adv vless cl sub: sub conj Although A: AdvP h: adv always C S : AdjP h: adj helpful, S: NP h: pron he V: VP mv: pv was neg: neg part not C S : AdjP premod: adv much h: adj liked. 1 5.3 Subordinate Clauses When “one clause is made a constituent of another clause” (CGEL 44, 2.9), i.e. constitutes a syntactic function, we speak of subordination. This can be shown in example (8), in which the dependent clause <that… accepted> directly constitutes the object of the superordinate clause, i.e. the sentence <I… accepted.>. The smaller chunk is a subordinate clause (as you will learn later, it is called nominal that-clause, nom that-cl for short, see analysis). (8) I understand that the offer has been accepted. S V O d NP VP subordinate clause 113 5.3 Subordinate Clauses <?page no="114"?> (8) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv understand O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP dtm: det the h: n offer V: VP aux v: pv has aux v: pv been mv: fv accepted. 1 Subordinate clauses are typically introduced by a class of words known as subordinating conjunctions (sub conj), or subordinators for short (see Chapter 3.6-3.8). They indicate the semantic relationship between the subordinate clause and the superordinate clause. Note that as opposed to coordinat‐ ing conjunctions in compound sentences, subordinating conjunctions in subordinate clauses do belong to their respective subordinate clause. If you find a subordinating conjunction, you will always find a subordinate clause. Unfortunately, some subordinate clauses do not need a subordinating conjunction. So you need to learn how to identify subordinate clauses without just looking for a subordinating conjuction (see Chapters 6 and 7). Another reason why simply learning all the subordinating conjunctions by heart will not guarantee you a successful analysis is that some words belong to multiple word classes, thus triggering different constructions (see Chapter 3.7-3.8). There are two categories of subordinate clauses: nominal clauses and adverbial clauses (see Figure 3). As displayed in Figure 4, nominal and adverbial clauses formally realize different sets of syntactic functions, fortunately without any overlap: FU S O i / O d C S / C O A FO nominal clauses adverbial clauses Figure 4: Syntactic functions of nominal and of adverbial clauses 114 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="115"?> 3 The list of functions in this quote from the CGEL was shortened deliberately by excluding “appositive, and prepositional complement” (ibid.) because a) the former is, technically speaking, not even a syntactic function and b) neither can be found on the first level of analysis. Note, however, that we can find nominal clauses in these constructions. 5.3.1 Nominal Clauses Nominal clauses “have functions that approximate to those of noun phrases: subject, object, complement” 3 (CGEL 1047, 15.2, see also Figure 4). This shows that nominal clauses are, just like phrases, direct constituents of a clause and, therefore, fulfill the requirements for subordinate clauses. Reconsider example (8) and its related sentence (8a) to prove and illustrate this claim. (8) I understand that the offer has been accepted. S V O d NP VP nominal clause (8a) I understand the idea. S V O d NP VP NP The term nominal clause is brought into play here instead of the more general term subordinate clause, used in the first attempt to analyze (8). Although nominal clause describes the type of clause already quite accurately, it still serves as a heading for a whole inventory of even more specific clause types - the ones that you will actually need in most exam contexts. These are listed in Table 2 along with CGEL examples and the respective chapter in which they will be discussed in more detail. 115 5.3 Subordinate Clauses <?page no="116"?> 4 Note that we use the term wh-clause as an umbrella term for wh-interrogative clauses (CGEL 1050, 15.5.), Yes-no and alternative interrogative clauses (CGEL 1053, 15.6.) and exclamative clauses (CGEL 1055, 15.7). For more details about this, see Chapter 6.2. 5 Since the aim of this table is to give a comprehensive overview of all the types of nominal clauses, we also included the “nominal bare infinitive clause (without to) [although it] is severely limited in its functions” (CGEL 1067, 15.15): C S , as in the example, or (rarely) S in a pseudo-cleft sentence (see Chapter 10.3). 6 If you have the impression that this clause is very similar to a simple NP, see Chapter 7.5 for detailed information about the nature of this rather strange kind of clause. types of nominal clauses verb type nominal that-clauses, e.g. I noticed that he spoke English with an Australian accent. finite clauses (Chapter 6) nominal wh-clauses, 4 e.g. The problem is who will water my plants when I am away. nominal relative clauses, e.g. Whoever did that should admit it frankly. nominal to-infinitive clauses, e.g. To be neutral in this conflict is out of the question. non-finite clauses (Chapter 7) nominal bare infinitive clauses, 5 e.g. All I did was hit him on the head. nominal -ing-participle clauses, e.g. Watching television keeps them out of mischief. nominal -ed-participle clauses, e.g. They found him worn out by travel and exertion. nominal verbless clauses, e.g. Wall-to-wall carpets in every room  6 is their dream. no verb (Chapter 7) Table 2: Types of nominal clauses (CGEL 1048, 15.3, slightly adapted) As can be seen in Table 2, only some of the nominal clause types carry the word nominal in their name. Since that-clauses, wh-clauses and relative clauses frequently appear both in subordinate clauses (as nominal clauses) and also in embedded positions (as attributive clauses), it makes sense to be as precise as possible in naming them. For this reason, subordinate that-clauses are called nominal that-clauses, while embedded that-clauses are called attributive that-clauses (see Table 4). For your syntactic analysis, we recommend the use of the most specific term possible, i.e. specifying a 116 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="117"?> nominal that-clause as such instead of calling it only a nominal clause or, even less precise, a subordinate clause, let alone a finite clause. 5.3.2 Adverbial Clauses Adverbial clauses (in the broadest sense) are the realization of the adverbial constituent (A) - and only the A - in the form of a clause (see Figure 4). They provide the reader with information in addition to what is contained in the subject, verb, object or complement. They can also indicate the attitude of the speaker. Example sentence (9) illustrates the status of the adverbial clause as a type of subordinate clause. Compare (9) and (9a) to see how an adverbial clause is just one possible formal realization of the function A. Another formal realization is a PP as in (9a), though other phrases are also possible (see Chapter 2). (9) They went wherever they could find work. S V A NP VP adverbial clause (9a) They went to the cinema. S V A NP VP PP The term adverbial clause subsumes finite, non-finite and verbless clauses. However, the adverbial clause proper refers only to the finite type (see Chapter 6.1), which is introduced by a subordinating conjunction (sub conj) that indicates the semantic role of the clause in the sentence. This can be shown with the help of three classic examples ((10) to (12), CGEL 1087, 15.31; 1078, 15.25; 1088, 15.32): (10) They went wherever they could find work. (sub conj wherever indicating place) (11) When I last saw you, you lived in Washington. (sub conj when indicating time) 117 5.3 Subordinate Clauses <?page no="118"?> (12) If the weather is fine, (then) we’ll have a barbecue. (sub conj if indicating condition) But, as visible in Table 3, other types of subordinate clauses can be found in the adverbial slot. We recommend that you note down the more specific terms found in Table 3, e.g. to-infinitive clause, instead of the umbrella term adverbial clause and use the latter only for finite subordinate clauses (with subordinating conjunctions! ) in the adverbial slot as in the examples (10) to (12). types of adverbial clauses verb type adverbial clauses (proper), e.g. When I last saw you, you lived in Washington. finite clauses (Chapter 6) sentential relative clauses, e.g. Things then improved, which surprises me. adverbial to-infinitive clauses, e.g. I’m not sure what to do, to be honest. non-finite clauses (Chapter 7) adverbial bare infinitive clauses, e.g. He paid the fine rather than appeal to a higher court. adverbial -ing-participle clauses, e.g. Driving at high speed, one may well miss direction signs. adverbial -ed-participle clauses, e.g. The sentence is ambiguous, taken out of context. adverbial verbless clauses, e.g. Fresh from the oven, rolls are delicious. no verb (Chapter 7) Table 3: Types of adverbial clauses with CGEL examples 5.4 Embedded Clauses Unlike subordinate clauses, embedded clauses do not directly constitute one of the seven syntactic functions. Instead, embedded clauses are constituents of phrases. 118 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="119"?> (13) This is [the house <that Jack built.>] S V C S NP VP NP h mv dtm h postmod pron pv det n embedded cl As can be seen by taking a closer look at (13), embedded clauses can only be used on the second syntactic level at the earliest and not, as with subordinate clauses, on the first level of analysis. An embedded clause always formally realizes a function inside (! ) a phrase, most typically a postmodifier inside a NP or an AdjP (see Table 7). Accordingly, an analysis involving an embedded clause should look like this. (13) s S: NP h: pron This V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det the h: n house postmod: def rel cl O d : NP h: rel pron that S: NP h: pn Jack V: VP mv: fv built. As examples (14) to (16) show, embedded clauses can also be found in two other phrase types besides NPs, viz. AdjPs (14), PPs (15), and AdvPs (16). (14) I am [ready <to leave the compound.>] (15) She’s good [at <playing tennis.>] (16) He ran fast [enough <to catch the train.>] 119 5.4 Embedded Clauses <?page no="120"?> 7 As we will show in Chapter 6.7, comparative clauses are always embedded clauses. For this reason, there is no need to call them attributive comparative clauses, as there is no nominal or adverbial counterpart to confuse it with. In (14), an attributive to-infinitive clause serves as postmodifier for the AdjP head ready and thus represents one constituent inside the AdjP. The same holds true for (15), where an attributive -ing-participle clause is a prepositional complement inside a PP. In (16), the attributive to-infinitive clause complements (see Chapter 2.6.3) the head of the AdvP. In all three example sentences, the respective clauses are embedded in phrases. Table 4 offers an overview of the different clause types that can occur as embedded clauses. types of embedded clauses verb type attributive relative clauses, e.g. This is [the book <that I bought at the sale>]. finite clauses (Chapter 6) attributive that-clauses, e.g. [The fact <that he resigned>] worried all of us. attributive wh-clauses, e.g. I answered [his question <where the library was>]. comparative clauses, 7 e.g. Jane is [as healthy <as her sister (is)>]. attributive to-infinitive clauses, e.g. I’m [very eager <to meet her>]. non-finite clauses (Chapter 7) attributive -ing-participle clauses, e.g. They are [busy <preparing a barbecue>]. attributive -ed-participle clauses, e.g. [Any coins <found on this site>] must be handed to the police. Table 4: Types of embedded clauses (partly taken from the CGEL) As already indicated in 5.3.1, attributive relative clauses, attributive that-clauses and attributive wh-clauses are the only clause types that carry the name attributive in order to highlight their distinctness from their nominal counterparts. 120 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="121"?> 5.5 Summary: Syntactic Functions of Dependent Clauses We end this chapter with a summary of the various clause types previously introduced. Table 5 offers a systematic and hierarchically-ordered overview, starting with hyperonyms and becoming more and more precise further down, where the bulletpoints spell out the most specific names of the clause types. The most accurate term to use in your analysis is thus found in the bulletpoints, although all the other terms listed further up are also correct. Also note that many dependent clauses can be used in varying positions in a sentence, thus sometimes appearing more than once in the table. dependent clauses embedded clauses subordinate clauses adverbial clauses nominal clauses finite ■ attributive that-cl ■ attributive wh-cl ■ attributive relative cl ■ comparative cl finite ■ adverbial cl (proper) ■ sentential relative cl finite ■ nominal that-cl ■ nominal wh-cl ■ nominal relative cl non-finite ■ attributive to-infinitive cl ■ attributive -ing-partici‐ ple cl ■ attributive -ed-participle cl non-finite ■ adverbial to-infini‐ tive cl ■ adverbial bare infin‐ itive cl ■ adverbial -ing-par‐ ticiple cl ■ adverbial -ed-partici‐ ple cl non-finite ■ nominal to-infinitive cl ■ nominal bare infini‐ tive cl ■ nominal -ing-partici‐ ple cl ■ nominal -ed-participle cl verbless --verbless ■ adverbial verbless cl verbless ■ nominal verbless cl Table 5: Systematic and hierarchically ordered overview of dependent clauses Whereas Table 5 summarizes the different types of dependent clauses, Table 6 and 7 give a brief overview of the different syntactic functions which dependent clauses can have. Please note that these tables exemplify each syntactic function with only one clause type and are therefore not exhaustive when it comes to the particular form of a clause. 121 5.5 Summary: Syntactic Functions of Dependent Clauses <?page no="122"?> 8 Note that the nominal relative clause is the only type of clause that can normally function as an indirect object. 9 See Chapter 2.6.3 for example sentences with complementation in phrases other than the AdjP. subordinate clauses subtype functions example nominal clauses S That the invading troops have been withdrawn has not affected our government’s trade sanctions. O d I understand that the offer has been accepted. O i He gave whoever asked for it  8 a copy of his latest paper. C S The best excuse is to say that you have an examination tomorrow morning. C O You can call me whatever you like. adverbial clauses A We left after the speeches ended. Table 6: Different functions of dependent, subordinate clauses embedded clauses functions example postmod in NP [The fact <that she wouldn’t betray her friends>] is very much to her credit. postmod in AdjP I am [ready <to leave the compound>]. compl, e.g. in AdjP 9 Jane is [as healthy <as her sister (is)>]. prepC in PP They did not consult us [on <whose names should be put forward>]. Table 7: Different functions of dependent, embedded clauses 122 5 An Introduction to Complex Sentences <?page no="123"?> 6 Finite Clauses Jenny Arendholz & Michaela Pitsch The previous chapter has shown that phrases and clauses are different forms that can both be used to fill (the same) functional slots: the subject of a sentence can be realized as a noun phrase (NP) or a nominal that-clause: His early arrival (S: NP) was clearly an inconvenience to his host. vs. That he arrived so early (S: nom that-cl) was clearly an inconvenience to his host. This chapter is designed to familiarize you with the various types of finite clauses, i.e. clauses that are formed with a finite verb. In contrast to non-finite verbs (see Chapter 7), finite verbs provide information about person, number, tense, aspect, mood and voice. Since a lot of these clauses look similar on the surface - quite a few of them start with the word that - it is imperative to characterize each clause type meticulously in order to tell them apart and avoid confusion. In this vein, the clauses will be labeled in the analyses as precisely as possible - even though this may be more than you actually need in some exam contexts. Table 1 offers a first overview of the clause types which will be discussed in detail in this chapter. clause type example sentence section adverbial clauses It didn’t work out as we had hoped. 6.1 attributive wh-clauses I answered his question where the library was. 6.2 nominal wh-clauses Tim asked me where the library was. 6.2 attributive that-clauses The fact that he resigned worried all of us. 6.3 nominal that-clauses That he resigned worried all of us. 6.3 attributive relative clau‐ ses My brother (,) who lives in America (,) is an engineer. 6.4 nominal relative clauses Whoever did that should admit it frankly. 6.5 <?page no="124"?> 1 For more details on the distinction between adverbial clauses in the broadest sense and adverbial clauses proper, see Chapter 5.3.2. sentential relative clau‐ ses Things then improved, which surprises me. 6.6 comparative clauses Jane is as healthy as her sister (is). 6.7 Table 1: Overview of clause types to be discussed in Chapter 6 6.1 Adverbial Clauses The term adverbial clause (adv cl) was already introduced in Chapter 5. When used in its broadest sense, it comprises all subordinate clauses that function as adverbials. However, as this chapter deals with finite clauses only, we will have a closer look here at adverbial clauses proper. 1 Whenever we mention the term adverbial clause in this chapter, we are actually referring to the adverbial clause (proper). It is a subordinate clause that functions as an adverbial, centers around a finite verb and starts with a subordinating conjunction. In your syntactic analysis, only these clauses are actually labeled with the abbreviation adv cl. In Chapter 7, you will encounter many non-finite clauses, e.g. adverbial -ing-participle clauses. Although they can also function as adverbials (A), they are not denoted adverbial clause on the formal level. Instead, they keep their names. In our example, the term adverbial -ing-participle clause (adv -ing-part cl) would be used. Compare (1, CGEL 1078, 15.25) and its modified version (1a): both share the function A, but differ in their formal realization: (1) While I was asleep, I dreamed about you. FU: A / FO: adv cl (1a) Being asleep, I dreamed about you. FU: A / FO: adv -ing-part cl You can recognize the adverbial clause in (1) by the clause-initial subordi‐ nator while and by the finite verb was. This little word gives you information about the semantics of the clause. It was already mentioned in Chapter 1 that 124 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="125"?> 2 For further information on this point, see Chapter 3.7. 3 Note that most of the time, adverbial clauses of purpose are actually to-infinitive clauses (see Chapter 7.3.1) and need to be labeled as such. adverbials have various semantic roles, which can be expressed by phrases or adverbial clauses. In sentence (2), for example, you can find an adverbial of time conveyed by the prepositional phrase before class. The same slot can also be filled with an adverbial clause (3). (2) I met Judy before class. FU: A / FO: PP (3) I met Judy before I went to class. FU: A / FO: adv cl Do not be fooled by the fact that both adverbials begin with the word before. Each before belongs to a different word class. In (2), it is a preposition introducing a PP, whereas in (3), it is a subordinator introducing an adver‐ bial clause. 2 In Table 2, you find subordinators which typically introduce adverbial clauses, classified according to the respective semantic content (CGEL 1077-1118, 15.24-56). semantic role subordinators time after, as, before, once, since, till, until, when, whenever, while, whilst, now (that), as long as, so long as, as soon as, immediately place where, wherever condition if, in case, as long as, in the event that concession whereas, while, although, even if, even tough, though contrast whereas, while exception except (that), but that, excepting (that), save (that) reason because, since, as, for purpose 3 in order to, so as to, so that, in order that result so (that) comparison as if, as though, like, (just) as, (exactly) as 125 6.1 Adverbial Clauses <?page no="126"?> proportion as…so, the…the preference rather than, sooner than comment as Table 2: Adverbial clauses and their subordinators As you can see, as appears very often in this table, which is why the semantic role cannot simply be determined by looking at the subordinator alone. In most exam contexts, however, the semantic role of the adverbial is of minor importance. It may, however, prove useful when trying to identify the function of sentence constituents: whenever you see a clause introduced by a subordinator that gives information on how, when, where, why, etc. something in the main clause happened, this subordinate clause has the function of an adverbial (A). Here is a sample analysis of (4) It didn’t work out as we had hoped.: (4) s S: NP h: pron It V: VP aux v: pv did neg: neg part not mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) work out A: adv cl sub: sub conj as S: NP h: pron we V: VP aux v: pv had mv: fv hoped. 6.2 Wh-Clauses The second type of finite clauses is called wh-clauses (wh-cl), a term that is used rather inconsistently throughout the CGEL. In most cases, it actually serves as an umbrella term for the following four subtypes: wh-interrogative clauses as in I can’t imagine what they want with your address. (CGEL 1050, 126 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="127"?> 4 In yes-no and alternative interrogative clauses, in which we see the same array of syntactic functions as in wh-interrogative clauses, the choice of subordinating conjunctions is limited: if or whether (in the yes-no type), whether… or or if … or (in the alternative interrogative clause type). 15.5), yes-no interrogative clauses as in I wonder if you can help me. (CGEL 1053, 15.6), alternative interrogative clauses as in I can’t find out whether the flight has been delayed or whether it has been cancelled. (ibid.) 4 but also exclamative clauses like I remember what a good time I had at your party. (CGEL 1055, 15.7). Please note that despite the semantic differences in these four constructions, we will stick to the label wh-clause for all four and focus on the most frequent of the four types, the wh-interrogative clause. The odd one out, the exclamative clause, will get a separate paragraph after the following discussion of the “regular” wh-clauses. The “regular” wh-clauses are also known as indirect questions. In indirect speech, direct questions are reported. Sentence (5a) clearly picks up on the direct question in (5), incorporating it as an indirect question. Therefore, we find a wh-clause in the O d slot, following the O i me. (5) Where is the library? (5a) Tim asked me where the library was. Verbs like ask, tell, explain, doubt, know, etc. prototypically precede a wh-clause, but this clause can also follow nouns, e.g. question, issue, idea, as in (5b). (5b) I answered his question where the library was. Compare sentences (5a) and (5b) regarding their syntactic functions in Figure 1: 127 6.2 Wh-Clauses <?page no="128"?> 5 A comment on the analysis: We will discuss the exact word class of the first element in a wh-clause later in this section in Table 3. (5a) Tim asked me where the library was. S V O i O d (5b) I answered his question where the library was. S V O d Figure 1: Syntactic functions on the first level of analysis in sentences (5a-b) In (5a), the wh-clause forms the entire object on its own, whereas in (5b), his question is also part of the object and the wh-clause describes this noun in more detail. It tells us what his question actually was. Thus, wh-clauses can be used in nominal positions as in (5a) or in attributive positions, i.e. as postmodifiers as in (5b) (see Figure 2). wh-clause subordinate: nominal FU: S, O d , C S embedded: attributive FU: postmod in NP or AdjP, prepC in PP Figure 2: Attributive and nominal wh-clauses and their functions When used as nominal clauses, wh-clauses appear in slots that are typically filled by nouns functioning as S, O d or C S . If they are used attributively, they function as postmodifiers to nouns or adjectives or as prepositional complements in PPs (CGEL 1050-1051, 15.5). The difference between these two types of wh-clauses becomes obvious when looking at the analyses of sentences (5a) 5 and (5b): 128 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="129"?> (5a) s S: NP h: pn Tim V: VP mv: fv asked O i : NP h: pron me O d : nom wh-cl A: AdvP h: int adv where S: NP dtm: det the h: n libary V: VP mv: pv was. 1 (5b) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv answered O d : NP dtm: det his h: n question postmod: attr wh-cl A: AdvP h: int adv where S: NP dtm: det the h: n libary V: VP mv: pv was. As visible in Figure 2, nominal wh-clauses can be the O d as in sentence (5a), but also the S or C S of a sentence: (6) When the ministers would vote upon the deal has not yet been decided. (SVA) (7) His question was whether the vote would take place this week. (SVC S ) Also, attributive wh-clauses do not only occur in NPs as shown in sentence (5b), but also as postmodifiers in AdjPs as in sentence (8). Compare the following two sentences (CGEL 1225, 16.73): 129 6.2 Wh-Clauses <?page no="130"?> 6 Although the CGEL does not use the term antecedent in the context of constructions with attributive wh-clauses, the adjective in sentence (8), unsure, is still very similar in function to a “regular” antecedent normally found in attributive relative clauses (see Chapter 6.4). For this reason - and because the presence of an antecedent usually makes detecting attributive clauses far easier - we will put the term antecedent to good (and broad) use and apply it to all attributive clauses (see Tables 8, 15, 16 and 17), knowing full well that in doing so, we are not necessarily in sync with the CGEL in all cases. (8) I was unsure what I should say. (9) It was unclear what they would do. At first glance, the sentences appear very similar. However, by substituting and repositioning sentence constituents, you will find that it in sentence (9) is an extraposed subject with the nominal wh-clause being its notional counterpart (read more about extraposition in Chapter 10.4). Thus, unclear stands on its own, forming the C S , which can be seen when rephrasing the sentence as What they should do was unclear. This is not possible in (8), where the wh-clause is tightly connected to the adjective unsure. It cannot be moved to a different position as it explains what the subject was unsure about. It postmodifies the adjective 6 and has to be classified as an attributive wh-clause within the AdjP. (8) I was unsure what I should say. S V C S (9) It was unclear what they would do. S ant V C S S post Figure 3: Syntactic functions on the first level of analysis in sentences (8) and (9) The last possible function of the attributive wh-clause is the prepC in a PP as the following two sentences show: (10) Everyone was talking about who would take over the leadership of the party. (11) The opinion polls caused much confusion about who the winner would be. (Ungerer et al. 1984: 202) 130 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="131"?> In case of doubt, substitute the wh-clauses by it. This results in the modified sentence The opinion polls caused much confusion about it. for (11), which proves that the entire wh-clause is really one constituent that follows the preposition about. This works in both sentences. Thus, it becomes apparent that about is not part of the wh-clauses. Accordingly, both wh-clauses function as prepCs. The complete analysis of sentence (10) bears witness to that: (10) s S: NP h: pron Everyone V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv talking A: PP prep: prep about prepC: attr wh-cl S: NP h: int pron who V: VP aux v: mod aux would mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) take over O d : NP dtm: det the h: n leadership postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n party. 1 However, this does not mean that prepositions are never part of a wh-clause. Just as prepositions can be part of direct questions, they can also belong to the introductory element of an indirect question. (12) For whom will you vote? (12a) They asked for whom I would vote. In (12a), the preposition for does not belong to the verb of the main clause (ask) but to vote in the subordinate clause. Sentence (12a) would thus be analyzed as follows: 131 6.2 Wh-Clauses <?page no="132"?> 7 The usage of who and whom strongly depends on the formality of the context. Only in formal situations are who and whom used in their traditional way as summarized in Table 3. In an informal context, who might have any of the functions listed for whom as well. (12a) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv asked O d : nom wh-cl A: PP prep: prep for prepC: int pron whom S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: mod aux would mv: fv vote. 1 We will now comment on the introductory elements of wh-clauses. When reporting a question, the question word used in the direct question becomes the introductory element of the wh-clause. These so-called wh-elements comprise the words who, whom, which, whose, what, when, where, why and also how. Whenever the direct question might be answered with yes or no (e.g. Is the library this way? ), the subordinators whether or if are used. Wh-elements belong to different word classes (see Chapter 3) and can take on many syntactic functions. Table 3 provides a comprehensive overview (see CGEL 817-819, 11.14, 11.15 for hints on functions and 368-371, 6.36-6.39 for hints on word classes): wh-ele‐ ment example sentence He asked… form (interrogative …) function who …who bought this book. int pron S whom  7 …whom I met at the library. …to whom I gave my library card. int pron int pron O d prepC (in PP as A) what …what was going on. …what I did last night. …for what I needed this book. …what kind of book I liked to read. int pron int pron int pron int det SO d prepC (in PP as A) dtm 132 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="133"?> 8 Please note that how, when, where and why can also introduce relative clauses. When they do, they are not interrogative adverbs but relative adverbs (see Section 6.4 in this chapter and Chapter 3). 9 In the CGEL, only where is explicitly labeled as an interrogative adverb (409, 7.11 Note [b]), a term which we also use for when, how, why by analogy. Their functions are listed in section 11.15 (CGEL 818), but are also alluded to in section 10.10 (731-732) where where, when, how long and why are called “wh-interrogative adverbials.” 10 Since how long is treated as one wh-interrogative adverbial by the CGEL (see footnote 9), the same should hold for how far analogously. which …which (of the books) was my favourite. …which he should pick. …with which he could study. …which book was my favourite. int pron int pron int pron int det S O d prepC (in PP as A) dtm whose …whose book this was. int det dtm how  8 …how he could reach the library. …how far it was. int adv 9 int adv Apremod (in AdvP as A) 10 when …when he had to return the book. int adv A where …where he could find a book on syntax. int adv A why …why he had to learn this. int adv A Table 3: wh-elements, their forms and functions As promised at the beginning of this section, here are a few additional notes on the nature of the fourth subtype of wh-clauses, the exclamative clause. Remember that we will nevertheless use the label wh-clause for this subtype as well! Exclamative clauses can function as extraposed subjects (see Chapter 10.4), direct objects or prepositional complements (see sentences (13)-(15), CGEL 1055, 15.7): (13) It’s incredible how fast she can run. (exclamative clause as extraposed subject) (14) I remember what a good time I had at your party. (exclamative clause as O d ) (15) I read an account of what an impression you had made. (exclamative clause as prepC) 133 6.2 Wh-Clauses <?page no="134"?> It is also interesting to point out that “the exclamative element is formed with what as predeterminer in a noun phrase and how as [intensifying adverb] of an adjective, adverb, or clause” (ibid.). Here are two sample analyses for wh-clauses introduced by how and what, respectively: (13) s S ant : NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj incredible S post : nom wh-cl A: AdvP h: int adv how fast S: NP h: pron she V: VP aux v: mod aux can mv: fv run. 1 (15) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv read O d : NP dtm: det an h: n account postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: attr wh-cl O d : NP dtm: int det what dtm: det an h: n impression S: NP h: pron you V: VP aux v: pv had mv: fv made. Sometimes, the meaning of the subordinate wh-clause can be ambiguous, vacillating between two interpretations. You can’t imagine what difficulties I have with my children. can mean You can’t imagine the great difficulties I have with my children., which would be an exclamatory interpretation, or You can’t imagine the kinds of difficulty I have with my children., which would be 134 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="135"?> 11 In most cases, the that-clause is a direct object. It rarely occurs as an indirect object and is only “marginally acceptable” (CGEL 1050, 15.4 Note [a]) in sentences such as They would not give that she passed her examination with distinction any consideration in determining her salary. 12 In contrast to wh-clauses, that-clauses cannot function as a prepC, i.e. they do not follow prepositions (CGEL 1049, 15.4). an interrogative interpretation. In this regard, it also proves advantageous to merely call the subordinate clause nom wh-clause for both readings. 6.3 That-Clauses That-clauses (that-cl) constitute another group of clauses that can be used nominally as a subordinate clause (nominal that-clause, nom that-cl) or attributively (attributive that-clause, attr that-cl) as an embedded clause. Figure 4 lists all possible functions of that-clauses (CGEL 1049, 15.4): that-clause subordinate: nominal FU: S, O d , 11 C S embedded: attributive FU: postmod in NP or AdjP 12 Figure 4: Attributive and nominal that-clauses and their functions While sentences (16) to (18) exemplify the three possible functions of nominal that-clauses, sentences (19) and (20) show the two functions of the attributive ones: (16) That he resigned worried all of us. (SVO d ) (17) He knew that he could get a better position elsewhere. (SVO d ) (18) The reason for his resignation was that he was offered a better position elsewhere. (SVC S ) 135 6.3 That-Clauses <?page no="136"?> 13 The head of the NP is again very similar in function to an antecedent (cf. footnote 6 in this Chapter). 14 Note that the term attributive that-clause follows terminology actually introduced by Ungerer et al. (1984: 200), whereas the CGEL calls the very same construction an appositive (that-)clause (1010, 14.22; 1244, 17.9), alluding to the fact that these clauses are used in constructions called appositions (see Chapter 8). Throughout this book, however, we treat both terms as synonyms and will only use the term attributive that-clause. 15 Another far more natural way of expressing the same proposition is the sentence It worried all of us that he resigned. However, we will postpone the discussion of constructions with so-called extrapositions until Chapter 10.4. (19) The fact that he resigned worried all of us. (postmod in NP) (20) We were worried that he would resign. (postmod in AdjP) In attributive function, a that-clause fills the position of a postmod within a NP or an AdjP (see Figure 4). The head of a NP followed by an attr that-cl “must be a general abstract noun such as fact, idea, proposition, reply, remark, answer, and the like” (CGEL 1260, 17.26). 13 Constructions like the fact that X (as in The fact that he resigned worried all of us.) always involve an attr that-cl 14 and are called appositions (see Chapter 8 for more details). Compare the analysis of (16) and (19) to see the difference between a nom that-cl and an attr that-cl. Note that the meaning of both sentences is practically identical. 15 Also pay attention to the levels on which the two types of that-clauses occur (nom that-cl as a subordinate clause on the first level vs. attr that-cl as an embedded clause inside a phrase on the second level): (16) s S: nom that-cl sub: sub conj That S: NP h: pron he V: VP mv: fv resigned V: VP mv: fv worried O d : NP h: pron all postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: pron us. 136 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="137"?> (19) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n fact postmod: attr that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron he V: VP mv: fv resigned V: VP mv: fv worried O d : NP h: pron all postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: pron us. 1 Now we will take a look at attributive that-clauses that postmodify heads in AdjPs as in (21) We are glad that you can join us on our wedding anniversary. (CGEL 1049, 15.4, slightly altered). The that-clause is clearly linked to the adjective glad and cannot be moved to another position. This indicates that glad … anniversary forms one sentence constituent only. Here is the full syntactic analysis: (21) s S: NP h: pron We V: VP mv: pv are C S : AdjP h: adj glad postmod: attr that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron you V: VP aux v: mod aux can mv: fv join O d : NP h: pron us A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det our h: comp n wedding anniv. 137 6.3 That-Clauses <?page no="138"?> We can learn from all these analyses that that is always a subordinating conjunction (sub conj). However, that can sometimes be omitted. Consider sentences (22) to (22c): (22) They have a valid point. (22a) He says that they have a valid point. (22b) He feels that they have a valid point. (22c) He feels they have a valid point. We have seen above that wh-clauses are reported questions. That-clauses in many cases are reported declarative sentences following a verb of utterance as in (22a), or of perception as in (22b and c). The last example proves that that-clauses need not necessarily be introduced by a subordinating conjunction. Still, in your analysis, the clause type has to be called a (nominal or attributive) that-cl even though the word that might not actually be there. Compare the two analyses of (22b) and (22c): (22b) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: fv feels O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: pv have O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj valid h: n point. 138 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="139"?> 16 Note that the CGEL only uses the term adnominal relative clause (1244, 17.9), which is synonymous to the far more common term we actually use here: attributive relative clause. 17 Although both terms in each pair are used synonymously, this book gives preference to the terms defining/ non-defining relative clause and their corresponding abbreviations. (22c) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: fv feels O d : nom that-cl S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: pv have O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj valid h: n point. 1 6.4 Attributive Relative Clauses Another finite, postmodifying (and thus embedded) clause in a NP aside from an attributive that-clause (see Section 6.3) is the attributive 16 relative clause (attr rel cl). Take as a first example sentence (23) My brother, who lives in America, is an engineer. (CGEL 1240, 17.4) - or should it rather be (23a) My brother who lives in America is an engineer. without commas? As we will see later on, both versions are possible and correct, yet carry different meanings (see Table 4). It is thus essential for the beginning of this section to explain the difference between the two subtypes of attributive relative clauses, viz. non-defining/ non-restrictive and defining/ restrictive 17 relative clauses (non-def rel cl and def rel cl, respectively) as represented by sentences (23) and (23a). The main difference depends on the question of whether the preceding NP head, in this case brother, needs that embedded clause to be unambiguous in terms of reference. Table 4 illustrates that difference in meaning and highlights what we need to keep in mind when it comes to punctuation and use of relative pronouns. Details will be discussed bit by bit throughout this section. 139 6.4 Attributive Relative Clauses <?page no="140"?> 18 It should go without saying that this is not true for sentences with a sentence-final non-defining relative clause. In cases like I visited my brother, who lives in America. the second comma becomes a period. 19 There are cases in which the relative pronoun can be deleted. This zero relative (pronoun), as the CGEL (1248, 17.14) calls it, is expressed by the symbol Ø. defining relative clause non-defining relative clause My brother who lives in America is an engineer. My brother, who lives in America, is an engineer. True to their name, defining relative clauses define one element of a larger group of possible referents. True to their name, non-defining rela‐ tive clauses are not needed to define a specific element in a larger group since there is only one legitimate referent. meaning: I have more than one brother. The def rel cl is necessary to single out which one of my brothers I mean. meaning: I only have one brother and the reference is unambiguous. The non-def rel cl merely gives additional information. punctuation: no commas! punctuation: two commas! 18 relative pronouns: for persons: who (S), whom (O d ), whose (Gen.) for things: which (S, O d ), whose (Gen.) AND ALSO that (S, O d ) relative pronouns: for persons: who (S), whom (O d ), whose (Gen.) for things: which (S, O d ), whose (Gen.) NEVER that Ø 19 only if the rel pron is the O d in the def rel cl but not the S! Ø is never an option in a non-def rel cl Table 4: Difference between a defining and non-defining relative clause As has already been hinted at in Table 4, attributive relative clauses are (almost) always introduced by a relative pronoun (rel pron), which most 140 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="141"?> 20 Since the distinction between defining and non-defining is only relevant for attributive relative clauses anyway, it indirectly shows that you have classified the clause as an attributive relative clause. 21 But compare also with footnotes 6 of this Chapter in the context of attributive wh-clauses and 13 for attributive that-clauses! typically has the syntactic function S or O d in the internal structure of the rel cl. In (23), our non-def rel cl is analyzed in full with the rel pron who functioning as the S in the rel cl. Note that the term attributive relative clause is just an auxiliary construct to help you recognize the particular clause type, which is why it is not actually used in the analysis. Instead, use the abbreviations def rel cl or non-def rel cl. 20 (23) s S: NP dtm: det My h: n brother, postmod: non-def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron who V: VP mv: fv lives A: PP prep: prep in prepC: pn America, V: VP mv: pv is C s : NP dtm: det an h: n engineer. 1 Clearly, who refers back to my brother, the so-called antecedent, 21 which the CGEL defines as “an element to which [the relative pronoun] in some sense ‘cross-refers’” (76, 2.44). The rel pron who carries out the action of the verb (lives) and is the S in the rel cl. In contrast to (23), (24) goes to show that a rel pron like that cannot only function as a S but also as a O d inside the rel cl: 141 6.4 Attributive Relative Clauses <?page no="142"?> (24) s S: NP h: pron This V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det the h: n book postmod: def rel cl O d : NP h: rel pron that S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv bought A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n sale. 1 In (24), that refers back to the antecedent the book, whereas the action of the verb, bought, is completed by I, the S in the rel cl. When asking what was bought by me, the answer is the book or its substitute, the rel pron that, making that the O d of the rel cl. Another detail that deserves some attention concerns the omission of the rel pron, leading to a construction that is always introduced by the zero rel pron, Ø. As has already been touched upon in Table 4, a zero rel pron can only be found in defining (! ) relative clauses in which the rel pron functions as a O d . The sentences in Table 5 prove these claims: def rel cl non-def rel cl rel pron = O d This is the book that I bought at the sale. This is the book Ø I bought at the sale. My brother, whom I last met in America, is an engineer. *My brother, Ø I last met in Amer‐ ica, is an engineer. rel pron = S My brother who lives in America is an engineer. *My brother Ø lives in America is an engineer. My brother, who lives in America, is an engineer. *My brother, Ø lives in America, is an engineer. Table 5: Options for zero relative pronouns 142 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="143"?> 22 “When the governing preposition precedes its complement, as in the rather formal [(25), at whom], the choice of whom is obligatory. When it does not, as in [(25a), who(m)], there is some choice between who or whom: the latter is preferred in formal English, the former is preferred in informal use, where however the zero form is by far the most common” (CGEL 1249, 17.14). 23 In these constructions, “some choice exists in placing a preposition which has a wh-pronoun as its complement. No such choice exists with that, where [a preposition in final position] presents the sole pattern” (CGEL 1252, 17.17) because constructions such as *at that the burglar fired the gun. do not exist. 24 A comment on the analysis: In contrast to zero rel prons without prepositions (e.g. This is the book Ø I bought at the sale.), those which come with a preposition need to be commented on in an analysis. As becomes obvious when looking at (25a), Ø is the prepC without which the PP is incomplete (see Chapter 2 and the two obligatory elements of a PP, prep and prepC). When analyzing sentences like This is the book Ø I bought at the sale., you have the option of inserting and analyzing zero elements, in this case the zero rel pron Ø. But acknowledging the fact that there is a zero rel pron Ø may help you determine the clause type (viz. def rel cl) as well as clause-internal functions (e.g. I as the S). In less typical constructions, however, the rel pron can also function as a C S in a def rel cl like She is the perfect accountant which (*who/ *that/ *Ø) her predecessor was not. (CGEL 1248, 17.14) or in a non-def rel cl like Anna is a vegetarian, which (*who/ *that/ *Ø) no one else is in our family. (CGEL 1258, 17.22). Note that in these cases, the choice of the rel pron is narrowed down to which alone. While this is rather unproblematic, the fourth possible syntactic function of a rel pron, “adverbial (or complement in a prepositional phrase functioning as adverbial)” (CGEL 1248, 17.14) must be illustrated with an example: (25) He is the policeman at whom  22 the burglar fired the gun. (25a) He is the policeman who(m)/ that/ Ø  23 the burglar fired the gun at. A closer look at the internal structure of the two defining relative clauses (25) and (25a) 24 leads to the following analyses: 143 6.4 Attributive Relative Clauses <?page no="144"?> (25) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det the h: n policeman postmod: def rel cl A: PP prep: prep at prepC: rel pron whom S: NP dtm: det the h: n burglar V: VP mv: fv fired O d : NP dtm: det the h: n gun. 1 (25a) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det the h: n policeman postmod: def rel cl A: PP (pt. 2) prepC: rel pron who(m)/ that/ - S: NP dtm: det the h: n burglar V: VP mv: fv fired O d : NP dtm: det the h: n gun A: PP (pt. 1) prep: prep at. Comparing these analyses, it is obvious that the only difference lies in the fact that in sentence (25a), the chunk “A: PP” is segmented into two parts, leading to what the CGEL (664, 9.6) calls a stranded preposition at the end of the sentence. To avoid this rather unpleasant layout, it is advisable to 144 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="145"?> 25 Even though this term cannot be found in the CGEL, we will nevertheless use it for the sake of clarity and contrast with regard to other constructions. In an exam context, adv is absolutely sufficient. rearrange the order of the words, thus reuniting the constituent “A: PP” as in the analysis of (25). Do not forget to indicate (e.g. by means of an arrow) and comment on the changed word order! The same problems and analyses can be encountered when looking into non-def rel clauses, for which the CGEL (1258, 17.22) offers the following sample sentences: (26) This is a new type of word processor, about which there has been so much publicity. (26a) This is a new type of word processor, which/ *that/ *Ø there has been so much publicity about. As sentence (26a) demonstrates, the choice of the rel pron in a non-def rel cl with a stranded preposition is rather limited (compare (25a)). When place, time and cause are expressed in a relative clause, “special adverbs”, sometimes called relative adverbs (rel adv), 25 where, when and why can (in case of (29) even should) be used instead of the combination of preposition and rel pron (CGEL 1253-1254, 17.18): (27) That’s the place in which/ where she was born. (28) That was the period during which/ when she lived here. (29) That’s the reason ? for which/ why he spoke. Even though sentences (27)-(29) do not always make use of our prototypical relative pronouns (see Table 4) but of relative adverbs instead, it is imperative that you analyze them as attributive relative clauses nevertheless. This is what the relative clause in (27) looks like when analyzed: 145 6.4 Attributive Relative Clauses <?page no="146"?> 26 In this sentence, “the antecedent is nonpersonal [which is why] there is some tendency to avoid the use of whose (presumably because many regard it as the genitive only of the personal who), but avoidance involves stylistic difficulty. There is the stiffly formal and cumbersome of which: The house the roof of which was damaged…” (ibid.). For more on alternative constructions see CGEL (1249, 17.14). 27 Even though this term cannot be found in the CGEL, we will nevertheless use it for the sake of clarity and contrast with regard to other constructions. In an exam context, det is absolutely sufficient. (27) s S: NP h: pron That V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det the h: n place postmod: def rel cl A: AdvP h: rel adv where S: NP h: pron she V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv born. 1 There are, however, also constructions in which the rel pron is a possessive determiner of the form whose (CGEL 1249, 17.14): (30) The woman whose daughter you met is Mrs Brown. (31) The house whose  26 roof was damaged has now been repaired. The analysis of sentence (30), including a defining relative clause with a relative determiner (rel det), 27 should look like this: 146 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="147"?> (30) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n woman postmod: def rel cl O d : NP dtm: rel det whose h: n daughter S: NP h: pron you V: VP mv: fv met V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP h: pn Mrs Brown. 1 To close this section, one special case will not go unmentioned: postposed adjectives (CGEL 418-419, 7.21), which can “be seen as reductions of relative clauses” (CGEL 1294, 17.56), e.g. ■ something different / something that is different ■ a play popular in the 1890s / a play that was popular in the 1890s (ibid.) Table 6 outlines two strategies for handling postposed adjectives. For reasons of simplicity, we give preference to strategy A. Strategy A) postmodifying adj/ AdjP NP h: pron something postmod: adj different NP dtm: det a h: n play postmod: AdjP h: adj popular postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det the h: num 1890s 147 6.4 Attributive Relative Clauses <?page no="148"?> Strategy B) elliptic rel cl NP h: pron something postmod: def rel cl (ellipt.) S: NP h: rel pron (that) V: VP mv: pv (is) C S : AdjP h: adj different 1 NP dtm: det a h: n play postmod: def rel cl (ellipt.) S: NP h: rel pron (that) V: VP mv: pv (was) C S : AdjP h: adj popular postmod: PP... in the 1890s 1 Table 6: Options for the analysis of postposed adjectives Some basic facts about attributive relative clauses to remember: 1. an attributive rel cl is an embedded clause → it always functions as a postmodifier of a NP head (= its antecedent) 2. the rel pron can function as S or O d , less typically as C S or A 3. commas are only used in a non-def rel cl 4. that is only used in a def rel cl 5. zero relative pronouns can only be found in a def rel cl 6.5 Nominal Relative Clauses Nominal relative clauses (nom rel cl), which are subordinate clauses, are a rather problematic breed, as they are often confused with attributive relative clauses (see Section 6.4) or wh-clauses (see Section 6.2). The goal of this 148 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="149"?> section is thus twofold: describing central features of the nom rel cl and distinguishing it as clearly as possible from other clause types. Although relative clause is part of its name, the nom rel cl does not have an antecedent like a “normal” attr rel cl. Compare: (32) You’re not who/ *that I thought you were. = no antecedent (33) You’re the boy who/ that I love. = with antecedent (boy) When trying to replace who by a rel pron such as that in (32), we immediately realize that (32) is not an attr rel cl. If, however, we substitute who by whoever, a pronoun frequently used in nom rel clauses, we still get a syntactically and semantically acceptable sentence. The missing antecedent is also noticeable in examples (34) to (36): (34) Whoever did that should admit it frankly. (~ The person who did that…) (35) I took what they offered me. (~…the thing(s) that they offered me.) (36) Macy’s is where I buy my clothes. (~…the place where I buy my clothes.) As indicated by the equivalent clauses in brackets, the nom rel clauses on the left are equal in meaning to noun phrase heads with general reference (person, thing and place, respectively), modified by an attributive relative clause. This proves that attr rel cl and nom rel cl are, in fact, somewhat related in structure. In a nom rel cl, however, the “wh-element is merged with its antecedent” (CGEL 1056, 15.8). This means that whoever in (34) can be considered a blend of the person who. The same is true for what and the thing(s) that in (35) and for where and the place where in (36). Knowledge about this structural feature can serve as a test when trying to distinguish a nom rel cl from other clauses (see below). A nom rel cl is usually introduced by what the CGEL calls wh-elements (1057-1058, 15.8), including: 149 6.5 Nominal Relative Clauses <?page no="150"?> 28 “The wh-element may express either a SPECIFIC meaning (generally indicated by the absence of the -ever suffix) or a NONSPECIFIC meaning (generally indicated by the presence of the -ever suffix)” (CGEL 1059, 15.9). 29 Compare this to the word class “relative adverbs” in Section 6.4 in def rel clauses like That’s the place in which/ where she was born. Here we also find the adverb where, but it is not preceded by an antecedent! If we reduce (That’s) the place where she was born., a NP with a def rel cl., we get the nom rel cl (That’s) where she was born. Both constructions serve as C S and both are introduced by the adverb where. ■ who(m)(ever)  28 : She can marry who(m)(ever) she pleases. ■ what(ever): You can call me what(ever) you like. ■ which(ever): You can take which(ever) you like. ■ where (but not wherever! ): Macy’s is where I buy my clothes. ■ when (but not whenever! ): Now is when I need you. ■ (in rare cases) how (but not however! ): That’s how she works. ■ (in rare cases) why (but not whyever! ): That’s why I don’t go there anymore. The word class (syntactic form) of these introductory wh-words varies depending on their actual usage in a sentence: Most commonly, we find pronouns (She tasted what I bought.), determiners (She saw what food I bought.) and also adverbs 29 (Here is where I bought the food.). A similar degree of diversity can be observed when looking at the syntactic function of: a) the nom rel cl in a sentence and b) the wh-word inside the nom rel cl, both of which are listed in Table 7 (CGEL 1057-1058, 15.8). The last column of Table 7 also specifies the word class of each wh-word (in brackets, e.g. FO: det). True to (the first part of) their name, nom rel clauses (see Chapter 5.3.1 on nominal clauses) are found in nominal slots. sentence a) FU of nom rel cl (in sentence) b) FU of wh-word (in nom rel cl) What happened upset him. S S (FO: pron) What he saw upset him. S O d (FO: pron) What she became in later life distressed her friends. S C S (FO: pron) 150 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="151"?> 30 The indirect object normally refers to people. For this reason, the nom rel cl is the only type of clause that can function as O i (CGEL 1048, 15.2). 31 A comment on the analysis: Alternatively, you might consider rearranging the order of the words in the sentence and reunite the two parts of the “A: PP” constituent. Where she went was Manchester. S A (FO: adv) You should see whoever deals with com‐ plaints. O d S (FO: pron) She took what she needed. O d O d (FO: pron) They welcomed whatever visitors came their way. O d dtm (in S) (FO: det) I’ll show you what you can open the bottle with. O d prepC (FO: pron) He gave whoever asked for it a copy of his latest paper. O i 30 S (FO: pron) That’s what she calls her sister. C S C O (FO: pron) April is when the lilacs bloom. C S A (FO: adv) You can call me what(ever) you like. C O O d (FO: pron) I’m happy with what I am. prepC C S (FO: pron) Table 7: Functions of nom rel clauses and wh-words (including their form) The following four sample analyses (37-40 31 ) of sentences taken from Table 7 showcase the wh-word in all possible word classes and the nom rel cl with various syntactic functions: 151 6.5 Nominal Relative Clauses <?page no="152"?> (37) s S: NP h: pron You V: VP aux v: mod aux can mv: fv call O d : NP h: pron me Co: nom rel cl O d : NP h: pron what(ever) S: NP h: pron you V: VP mv: fv like. 1 (38) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv welcomed O d : nom rel cl S: NP dtm: det whatever h: n visitors V: VP mv: fv came A: NP dtm: det their h: n way. (39) s S: nom rel cl A: AdvP h: adv Where S: NP h: pron she V: VP mv: fv went V: VP mv: pv was A: NP h: pn Manchester. 152 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="153"?> 32 The word in bold refers to the correct solution for the example sentence. (40) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: mod aux ’ll mv: fv show O i : NP h: pron you O d : nom rel cl A: PP (pt. 2) prepC: pron what S: NP h: pron you V: VP aux v: mod aux can mv: fv open O d : NP dtm: det the h: n bottle A: PP (pt. 1) prep: prep with. 1 The remainder of this section will summarize the differences between nom rel clauses and clause types that look similar, viz. attributive relative clauses and both types of wh-clauses, which have already been mentioned throughout this chapter. Some obvious aspects are listed in Table 8. nom rel cl attr rel cl nom wh-cl attr wh-cl example I took what they offered me. This is the place where she was born. Tim asked me where the li‐ brary was. I answered his question where the library was. antecedent -- ✓ (place) -- ✓ (question) word class of wh-word 32 pron, det, adv rel pron, rel det, rel adv int pron, int det, int adv int pron, int det, int adv 153 6.5 Nominal Relative Clauses <?page no="154"?> type of de‐ pendent clause → function of the clause subordinate (nominal) → S, O i , O d , C S , C O ; but also: prepC (then embed‐ ded clause! ) embedded → only post‐ mod in NPs subordinate (nominal) → S, O d , C S embedded → postmod in NPs and AdjPs; also: prepC Table 8: Distinguishing nom rel clauses, attr rel clauses, nom wh-interrogative clauses and attr wh-clauses Summarizing hints already mentioned in the previous sections, we list some more tests that may help you differentiate between alleged clausal doppelgangers: 1. attr rel cl vs. nom rel cl ■ Check the wh-element! Is it replaceable by another rel pron? Yes: You’re the boy who/ that I love. No: You’re not who/ *that I thought you were. → who is a rel pron (just like that)! → it must be an attr rel cl! → who is not a rel pron! → the clause cannot be an attr rel cl but has to be a nom rel cl! ■ Check the position of the clause! Is it an embedded clause? Yes: You’re the boy that I love. No: You’re not who I thought you were. → the clause is part of a NP and postmodifies the head (boy) → it must be an attr rel cl! → the clause is not part of a NP and does not postmodify an an‐ tecedent → the clause is not embedded but subordinate → the entire clause is the C S 154 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="155"?> → the clause cannot be an attr rel cl but has to be a nom rel cl! 2. nom rel cl vs. nom wh-cl: ■ Can you paraphrase the clause with a NP consisting of a head with general reference and a postmodifying def rel cl? Yes: I took what they offered me. ~…the thing(s) that they offered me. No: I can’t imagine what they want with your address. *… the thing(s) that they want with your address. → it must be a nom rel cl! → it must be a nom wh-cl! ■ Check the wh-element. Can you form a compound ending in -ever? Yes: I took what(ever) they offered me. No: *She asked me whoever would look after the baby. → it must be a nom rel cl! → it cannot be a nom rel cl but has to be a nom wh-cl! The CGEL (1060, 15.9) explains that the “compound forms in -ever are used in nominal relative clauses, but not in [nom wh]-clauses.” So whenever you can add the -ever or see a clause with a form ending in -ever, it has to be a nom rel cl. The opposite, however, is not true: clauses that do not use a compound with -ever are not automatically something other than a nom rel cl. After all, we have seen above that there are a lot of nom rel clauses that can do without -ever. In these cases, the difference between a nom rel cl and a nom wh-cl can become extremely blurry. This is particularly true for sentences whose meaning is ambiguous from the very start: (41) They asked me what I knew. (CGEL 1061, 15.9) 155 6.5 Nominal Relative Clauses <?page no="156"?> The clause in sentence (41) can have two interpretations (although depend‐ ing on the context, one might appear the likelier choice), which is why we can also have two correct syntactic analyses: - as a nom rel cl: They asked me things that I knew. (NP paraphrase, see above); - as a nom wh-cl: They asked me, ‘What do you know? ’ (asking for unknown information, see next test) ■ Check the meaning of the clause! Does it ask for unknown information? Yes: She asked me who would look after the baby. No: I took what was on the kitchen table. → the speaker does not know the answer and had to phrase a (di‐ rect) question (CGEL 1051, 15.5) → it must be a nom wh-cl! → the information may be known to both speaker and hearer → it must be a nom rel cl! The most important difference between a wh-cl and a nom rel cl is a semantic one. The CGEL (1060, 15.9) explains: The [nom wh-interrogative]-clause contains a gap of unknown information, expressed by the wh-element, and its superordinate clause expresses some concern with the closing of that gap, with supplying the missing information. The nominal relative clause does not contain a gap in information, and therefore the superordinate clause is not concerned with the closing of that gap. 6.6 Sentential Relative Clauses This section considers the internal make-up of sentences like Things then improved, which surprises me. (CGEL 1118, 15.57). They consist of two separate clauses in one sentence: a main clause and a subordinate clause, the latter being a sentential relative clause (sent rel cl) functioning as an A. Do not confuse them with nominal relative clause constructions like What surprises me is that things then improved. in which the nom rel cl acts as 156 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="157"?> 33 For this reason, Quirk et al. attest “its resemblance in certain respects to adverbial clauses” (ibid) and Ungerer et al. even go as far as calling them adverbial relative clauses (1984: 203). The CGEL (630, 8.133, Note) also points to the fact that semantically, sentential relative clauses correspond to certain types of adverbials (so-called content disjuncts) and compares Obviously, Mrs Macdonald didn’t want to have anything to do with them. and Mrs Macdonald didn't want to have anything to do with them, which was obvious. 34 In informal conversation, sentential relative clauses can also be found in medial position: Marvin and Terry - which is something I’ll never understand - were quarrelling within a month of their marriage and were separated within three months. (CGEL 1120, 15.57, Note [c]). a S (see Section 6.5)! When looking for antecedents in a sent rel cl, we do not find a noun because the “sentential relative clause does not function as a modifier of a noun phrase [head]” (CGEL 1048, 15.2). Instead, this finite clause refers to “a unit larger than a phrase, usually to a clause but sometimes even to a series of sentences” (ibid.) 33 as summarized in Table 9: example sentences antecedent (42) Things then improved, which surprises me. a whole (independent) clause (43) Colin married my sister and I married his brother, which makes Colin and me double in-laws. a whole sentence (here: two conjoined clauses) (44) … — which is how the kangaroo came to have a pouch. the entire story previously told Table 9: Examples for sentential relative clauses and their antecedents (CGEL 1118, 15.57) As all these examples show, sent rel cl are usually found in sentence-final position. 34 Quirk et al. note the similarity between the sent rel cl and the non-defining attributive relative clause in that both are separated from their antecedent by intonation or punctuation and introduced by the “relative word” which (1118, 15.57). Other relative words introducing a sent rel cl, which are actually analyzed as rel prons on the last formal level, are whereupon or whence in formal contexts like At the annual meeting, the parishioners severely criticized the minister, whereupon he resigned. There are also combinations such as since when, until when, from when and by when, which are used as sentential relatives as well, e.g. She joined the editorial staff of a local newspaper, since when she has contributed to various monthlies. (CGEL 1119-1120, 15.57). As can be seen in examples (42) to (44) in Table 157 6.6 Sentential Relative Clauses <?page no="158"?> 35 Quirk et al. (1119, 15.57) remark that the “determiner which may be found with prepositions other than in,” illustrating their point with the sentences They were under water for several hours, from which experience they emerged unharmed. and The last speaker assured the audience that the party would win the election, on which optimistic note the meeting ended. 36 A comment on the analysis: Existential constructions and their analyses are dealt with in detail in Chapter 10.5. 9, which as a relative pronoun normally functions as a S. The analysis of sentence (42) bears witness to that: (42) s S: NP h: n Things A: AdvP h: adv then V: VP mv: fv improved, A: sent rel cl S: NP h: rel pron which V: VP mv: fv surprises O d : NP h: pron me. 1 Which can, however, also be classified as a relative determiner preceding “general abstract nouns such as fact, case, event, or situation, or more specific verbal nouns such as failure or claim. The noun phrases […] may be prepositional complements […]” (CGEL 1118, 15.57) as in sentence (45) The plane may be several hours late, in  35 which case there is no point in our waiting. (ibid.): 36 158 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="159"?> (45) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n plane V: VP aux v: mod aux may mv: pv be C S : AdjP premod: NP dtm: det several h: n hours h: adj late, A: sent rel cl A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP rel det which h: n case S gr : NP h: pron there V: VP mv: pv is S not : NP dtm: det no h: n point postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det our h: n waiting. 1 Another sentential relative clause can be found in the sentence (46) They are said to have taught chimpanzees to use human language, which claim has been disputed by some scholars. (CGEL 1118, 15.57). This rather formal sentence can be recast as (46a) They are said to have taught chimpanzees to use human language, a claim which has been disputed by some scholars. with a NP head (claim) postmodified by a relative clause (which has…, CGEL 1119, 15.57). While the modified version in (46a) can be analyzed with the help of an 159 6.6 Sentential Relative Clauses <?page no="160"?> 37 A comment on the analysis: There is no explanation for the status of the expression “to be said to” in the CGEL. It is seen here as analogous to “to be supposed to,” which Merriam Webster online (s.v. be supposed to, idiom) categorizes as an idiom. Both expressions convey tentativeness and show resemblance to other modal auxiliaries like might (see Chapter 4.1.2). For this reason, we decided to analyze “are said to” as a modal idiom (mod id). apposition (see Chapter 8), the original sentence (46) 37 should be analyzed as follows: (46) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP aux v: mod id are said to aux v: pv have mv: fv taught O i : NP h: n chimpanzees O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv use O d : NP premod: adj human h: n language, A: sent rel cl S: NP dtm: rel det which h: n claim V: VP aux v: pv has aux v: pv been mv: fv disputed A: PP prep: prep by prepC: NP dtm: det some h: n scholars. 1 A special type of sent rel cl is introduced by as (CGEL 1115, 15.55). Sentences like (47) She is extremely popular among students, as is common knowledge. show two things: 160 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="161"?> 1. as can also be used as a relative word just like which (comparable to …, which is common knowledge.) 2. this kind of sent rel cl can also precede its antecedent, i.e. the sentence it comments on (As is common knowledge, she… students.). However, this kind of as should not be confused with the subordinate conjunction as that can be found in adverbial clauses proper (see Section 6.1) such as (48) He is the best candidate, as it seems. Here, “the sentential antecedent [= He is the best candidate] is replaced by it” (ibid.) in the following adverbial clause proper. Table 10 lists more constructions with as belonging to both word classes (CGEL 1116, 15.55) and summarizes relevant features for telling both constructions apart. as = relative pronoun in sent rel cl as = subordinating conjunction in adv cl (proper) as everybody knows, as you may remem‐ ber, as you say, as I can see, as I have said, as I’m told, as you may have heard as it appears, as it happens, as it tran‐ spired, as it may interest you to know, as I see it, as I interpret it characteristic features: ■ as can be substituted by which ■ no pronoun it characteristic features: ■ as cannot be substituted by which ■ it as a pronoun for the antecedent Table 10: as as a relative pronoun and a subordinating conjunction Despite the rather clear classification in Table 10, Quirk et al. (ibid.) are the first to admit that these two constructions “often merge, providing a choice whether or not to insert it.” The it is thus optional in some of the examples in which as is still a subordinator: as (it) seems likely, as (it) often happens, as (it) was pointed out, as (it) was said earlier, as I remember (it), as I understand (it) (ibid.). To conclude this section, two sample sentences will be analyzed and juxtaposed. 161 6.6 Sentential Relative Clauses <?page no="162"?> (47) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP premod: adv extremely h: adj popular postmod: PP prep: prep among prepC: n students, A: sent rel cl S: NP h: rel pron as V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP premod: adj common h: n knowledge. 1 (48) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det the premod: adj best h: n candidate, A: adv cl sub: sub conj as S: NP h: pron it V: VP mv: fv seems. As can be learned from these analyses, both types of as appear in the A slot; though they are part of different subordinate clauses, a sent rel cl and an adv cl, respectively. While the first as in (47) functions as a S in the sent rel cl and is a rel pron, the second as in (48) does not fulfill a syntactic function of its own, but is merely a linking element, viz. a subordinator. 162 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="163"?> Note: Even though it seems like there are numerous types of relative clauses, each of the three has a unique scope that helps to distinguish them (see Chapter 5): ■ attributive relative clause = embedded clause (in a NP) ■ nominal relative clause = subordinate, nominal clause ■ sentential relative clause = subordinate, adverbial clause 6.7 Comparative Clauses The last type of the finite clauses to be discussed in this chapter is the comparative clause (comp cl) found in sentences like Jane is healthier than her sister (is)., expressing nonequivalence, or Jane is as healthy as her sister (is)., which expresses equivalence (CGEL 1127-1128, 15.63). In both examples, “a proposition expressed in the [main] clause is compared with a proposition expressed in the subordinate clause” (ibid.). Accordingly, such sentences comprise two parts: a comparative element (comp-element) and a comparative clause: Jane is healthier / more healthy / less healthy than her sister (is). (= nonequivalence) as healthy as her sister (is). (= equivalence) = comp-element = comp cl When it comes to analyzing sentences with a comp cl of nonequivalence or of equivalence, the CGEL (1144-1146, 15.75) provides two options. In the first, less preferred option, the comp-element and the comp cl are treated as two separate units (see (49a)). 163 6.7 Comparative Clauses <?page no="164"?> 38 The same relation holds in sentences in which the comparative is expressed by inflection. In Mary is younger than Tom is. (CGEL 1145, 15.75), the comp cl than Tom is functions as the complementation of the -er suffix. (49a) s S: NP h: pn John V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP premod: adv more h: adj intelligent A: comp cl sub: sub conj than S: NP h: pn Bill V: VP mv: pv is. 1 The second analytical option (49b) is preferred by the CGEL (1144, 15.75) and will thus be pursued in this section. As is illustrated in (49b), the comp cl than Bill is provides complementation for the discontinuous premodifier and is thus directly linked to more. 38 For this reason, the term postmodifier needs to be replaced by the term complementation (compl) (see also Chapter 2.6.3 for more on complementation). Also note that the status of the comp cl changes from a subordinate clause, as in the analysis in (49a), to that of an embedded clause in (49b). (49b) s S: NP h: pn John V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP premod: adv more h: adj intelligent compl: comp cl sub: sub conj than S: NP h: pn Bill V: VP mv: pv is. 164 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="165"?> 39 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. As the analysis in (49b) shows, both the comp-element and the comp cl are put in the C S . But this is just one of several possible functions of the comp-element and the comp cl in constructions expressing nonequivalence. Table 11 (based on CGEL 1130, 15.65) summarizes and illustrates all their possible functions. It also shows the range of syntactic functions and forms of more (CGEL 1134, 15.69) in cases where it is not represented by the inflectional suffix -er: possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (nonequivalence) FU (FO) of more Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. 39 dtm (det) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) NP head (pron) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntac- NP head (pron) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntac- AdvP head (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. premod of AdjP head (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. premod of premodifying adj (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. premod of AdvP head (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 4 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. premod of premodifying adv (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 4 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. premod of AdjP head (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 4 (nonequivalence) of more Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). 4 S V O d dtm (det) More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. S V A S (contd.) NP head (pron) I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. S V A A AdvP head (adv) The article | was | more objective than I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) The time | passed | more quickly than (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) I | am | more severely handicapped than you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) She | thinks | her children | more obedient than (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) She | ’s applied | for more jobs than Joyce (has (applied for)). S V A dtm (det) 4 We suggest to include and analyze the parenthetical portions of these sentences in a proper syntactic analysis. dtm (det) as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions 165 6.7 Comparative Clauses <?page no="166"?> Constructions of equivalence expressed by as… as are “grammatically parallel to the more … than construction” (CGEL 1137, 15.71), which is why we can reuse some of the sentences in Table 11 for Table 12: possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 premod of AdjP head (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 premod of premodifying adj (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 premod of premodifying adv (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 premod of AdvP head (adv) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) of (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions Table 12 shows that the first as in each sentence should be classified as an adv. The second as, however, is the analog form to than in the nonequivalent comp cl and therefore a subordinator (sub conj). The analysis should thus look like (50) below: 166 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="167"?> (50) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n article V: VP mv: pv was C S : AdjP premod: adv as h: adj objective compl: comp cl sub: sub conj as S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv expected O d : nom that-cl (ellipt.) S: NP h: pron it V: VP aux v: mod aux would mv: pv be. 1 When turning constructions of nonequivalence (Table 11) into constructions of equivalence (Table 12), the simple replacement of more … than by as … as is not always possible. Instead, modifications involving as many (count) and as much (noncount) are needed. The CGEL notes: “We can therefore parallel the functions of more […], substituting as many and as much where necessary” (1137, 15.71). This is illustrated in Table 13, which also lists the functions (and forms) of as many and as much analogous to the functions in more constructions. Consequently, as many and as much are treated as one (! ) entity, viz. dtm (det), NP head (pron) and AdvP head (adv), respectively: possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (nonequivalence / equivalence) FU (FO) of as many / as much SVO d Isabelle | has | more books than her brother (has). *Isabelle | has | as books as her brother (has). Isabelle | has | as many books as her brother (has). = nonequiv. = equivalence dtm (det) 167 6.7 Comparative Clauses <?page no="168"?> 40 Just as many has become far more common in constructions like these. 41 Since this analysis was constructed by analogy to the construction of nonequivalence with more… than, it looks rather odd (cf. the analysis of (53)). Another far more likely solution for as much in the sentence-final AdvP could be: as (disc. premod: adv) + much (h: adv), with disc. being short for discontinuous. SVAS (contd.) 40 More (of my friends) | are | in New York | than (are) here. *As (of my friends) | are | in New York | as (are) here. As many (of my friends) | are | in New York | as (are) here. = nonequiv. = equivalence NP head (pron) SVAA I | agree | with you | more than ((I agree) with) Robert. *I | agree | with you | as ((I agree) with) Robert. I | agree | with you | as much as ((I agree) with) Robert. = nonequiv. = equivalence AdvP head (adv) 41 Table 13: as many and as much in constructions of equivalence Accordingly, this is what the analyses of the three sentences in Table 13 look like (51-53): (51) s S: NP h: pn Isabelle V: VP mv: pv has O d : NP dtm: det as many h: n books compl: comp cl sub: sub conj as S: NP dtm: det her h: n brother V: VP mv: pv has. 168 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="169"?> (52) s S: NP h: pron As many postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det my h: n friends V: VP mv: pv are A: PP prep: prep in prepC: pn New York S: NP (cont.) compl: comp cl sub: sub conj as V: VP mv: pv are A: AdvP h: adv here. 1 (53) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv agree A: PP prep: prep with prepC: pron you A: AdvP h: adv as much compl: comp cl sub: sub conj as S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv agree A: PP prep: prep with prepC: pn Robert. The presence of a comp-element can also lead to deviations in the regular NP order (see Table 14), which is particularly striking in the gray boxes: 169 6.7 Comparative Clauses <?page no="170"?> 42 A comment on the analysis: The preposed AdjP in a sentence containing a comp cl of equivalence leads to a rather unusual order of elements inside this NP as the premod precedes even the dtm. equivalence nonequivalence *It was an as lively discussion as we thought it would be. It was a more heated discussion than we thought it would be. It was as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. = AdjP is “preposed” It was more heated a discussion than we thought it would be. = AdjP is “preposed” It was a discussion as lively as we thought it would be. = AdjP is “postposed” It was a discussion more heated than we thought it would be. = AdjP is “postposed” Table 14: Changes in the regular NP order due to comparison The AdjPs are placed either before the dtm of the NP head, i.e. they are “preposed,” or after the NP head in which cases they are “postposed” (CGEL 1135, 15.69; 1137, 15.71). Note that the “regular” order can only be upheld in sentences expressing nonequivalence. While AdjPs following NP heads can easily be dealt with using postmodifiers, AdjPs preceding even the dtm of a NP head are more complicated and call for thorough analysis (see (54) 42 ) and an explicit comment on the unusual NP order. 170 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="171"?> 43 Other less common comp-elements can be found in the CGEL (1140, 15.73). 44 A comment on the analysis: Existential constructions like these are explained and analyzed in Chapter 10.5. (54) s S: NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv was C S : NP premod: AdjP premod: adv as h: adj lively dtm: det a h: n discussion compl: comp cl sub: sub conj as S: NP h: pron we V: VP mv: fv thought O d : nom that-cl (ellipt.) S: NP h: pron it V: VP aux v: mod aux would mv: pv be. 1 The last type of comparative construction to be discussed here is called a “sufficiency and excess” construction as in Don is sensitive enough to understand your feelings. or Marilyn was too polite to say anything about my clothes. (CGEL 1127, 15.63). As these examples show, the comparison is most commonly 43 introduced by enough or too. Quirk et al. explain that the “most common word for sufficiency is enough (as an adverb, a determiner, or a pronoun) and the most common word for excess is the adverb too” (1140, 15.73). These are complemented by an attributive to-infinitive clause (see Chapter 7.3.2 for more) instead of a comp cl. Here are three sample analyses for these comparisons, also showcasing the word class(es) of enough (55- 57) 44 and too (58-59): 171 6.7 Comparative Clauses <?page no="172"?> (55) s S: NP h: pn Don V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj sensitive postmod: AdvP h: adv enough compl: attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv understand O d : NP dtm: det your h: n feelings. 1 (56) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: fv knows O d : NP h: pron enough postmod: PP prep: prep about prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n topic compl: attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv explain O d : NP h: pron it A: PP prep: prep to prepC: pron you. (57) s S gr : NP h: pron There V: VP mv: pv was S not : NP dtm: det enough h: n food compl: attr to-inf cl... to feed an army. 172 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="173"?> (58) s S: NP h: pn Marilyn V: VP mv: pv was C S : AdjP premod: adv too h: adj polite compl: attr to-inf cl... to say anything about... 1 (59) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: pv ’m C S : AdjP premod: AdvP premod: adv much h: adv too h: adj tired compl: attr to-inf cl... to go out. The “sufficiency and excess” category can also be constructed with the “pairs of correlatives so … (that) and such … (that)” (CGEL 1142, 15.74; see also Chapter 3.6). As indicated by the parentheses, the subordinating conjunction that can be omitted in informal contexts. 173 6.7 Comparative Clauses <?page no="174"?> (60) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv walked A: AdvP premod: adv so h: adv quickly compl: comp cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: mod aux could neg: neg part n’t mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) catch up. 1 (61) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n apartment V: VP mv: pv has O d : NP dtm: det such dtm: det a premod: adj beautiful h: n view compl: comp cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv intend O d : nom to-inf cl... to rent it. The CGEL barely addresses the question of the exact clause type in these constructions. In 1143, 15.74, they mention the term that-clause when discussing “sufficiency and excess” constructions, but that is not exactly precise. For this reason, we base our analysis on another section in the CGEL (1109, 15.49), which also discusses comparative clauses with the correlatives so … (that) and such … (that) and examples similar to the ones presented in (60) and (61). These 174 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="175"?> sentences express result and count as yet another type of comparative clause, which is why we recommend the label comp cl (instead of that-cl). 6.8 Tricky Business: Is that Still a Problem? All the finite clause types presented in this chapter and those in particular which are introduced by that are notoriously hard to tell apart. Table 15 summarizes and contrasts typical features of each clause type in order to highlight the difference. clause type example antecedent? function → subordi‐ nate or embed‐ ded word class of first ele‐ ment adv cl (6.1) It didn’t work out as we had hoped. --- A subordi‐ nate (adver‐ bial) sub conj attr wh-cl (6.2) I was unsure what I should say. ✓ (unsure) postmodifier of NP or AdjP head embedded int pron int det int adv He asked to whom I gave my library card. --also: prepC nom wh-cl (6.2) He asked whom I met at the li‐ brary. --- S, O d , C S = nominal slots subordi‐ nate (nominal) int pron int det int adv attr that-cl (6.3) I agree with the old saying that absence makes the heart grow fonder. ✓ (saying) postmodifier of NP or AdjP head embedded sub conj nom that-cl (6.3) I noticed that he spoke English with an Austral‐ ian accent. --- S, O d , C S = nominal slots subordi‐ nate (nominal) sub conj 175 6.8 Tricky Business: Is that Still a Problem? <?page no="176"?> attr rel cl (def / non-def) (6.4) The purse which I bought last week was stolen. ✓ (purse) only post-modifier to a NP head embedded rel pron rel det rel adv nom rel cl (6.5) Whoever did that should ad‐ mit it frankly. --- S, O i , O d , C S , C O = nominal slots subordi‐ nate (nominal) pron det adv I’m happy with what I am. also: prepC Excep‐ tion: em‐ bedded sent rel cl (6.6) Things then im‐ proved, which surprises me. ✓ (the main clause) A subordi‐ nate (adver‐ bial) rel pron (rare: rel det) comp cl (6.7) Jane is as healthy as her sister (is). --compl in NP, AdjP, AdvP embedded sub conj Table 15: Finite clauses in comparison Despite the fact that Table 15 implies clear-cut boundaries between the various clause types, for some clauses there is, in fact, more than one correct solution. In section 6.5, the sentence They asked me what I knew. could be interpreted either as a nom rel cl or as a nom wh-cl. The same holds for the sentence A report that he stole was ultimately sent to the police. (CGEL 1262, 17.27), which can be read in two different ways: 1. as a def rel cl with report being the antecedent, similar in meaning to A report which he stole was ultimately sent to the police. In this case, the rel pron that can be substituted by which (and translated into German by ‘den’); 2. as an attr that-cl meaning ‘a report saying that he stole’ (with that being translated into German by dass), in which the substitution by a rel pron like which does not work. Fortunately, sentences like this are very rare. 176 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="177"?> The final part of this chapter discusses clusters of sentences which look similar at first glance. What might be confusing in sentences (62) to (65), for instance, is that the dependent clause is always introduced by when. Still, they clearly belong to one particular clause type, while when belongs to different word classes in the different examples. A first step is analyzing the function and position of the clauses and identifying antecedents where possible as outlined in Table 16: example sentence broad analy‐ sis additional clues clause type word class of when (62) When dinner is ready, I will call you. ASVO d → ad‐ verbial cl no antecedent clause provides additional infor‐ mation about the point in time adv cl sub conj (63) When the next meet‐ ing will take place has not yet been de‐ cided. SVA → nomi‐ nal cl no antecedent clause expresses unknown infor‐ mation nom wh-cl int adv (64) They finally settled the issue when the product would be launched. SAVO d → at‐ tributive cl in O d , postmod to NP head is‐ sue (=antece‐ dent) issue is a general abstract noun attr wh-cl int adv (65) I will always remem‐ ber the time when we were all together. SVAO d → at‐ tributive cl in O d , postmod to NP head time (=antece‐ dent) when can be re‐ placed by at which, a relative pronoun attr def rel cl rel adv Table 16: Analytical steps in determining the dependent clause type We apply the same strategies to the last cluster of similar-looking sentences, which are all introduced by that (66-69, Table 17): 177 6.8 Tricky Business: Is that Still a Problem? <?page no="178"?> example sentence broad analysis additional clues clause type word class of that (66) Judy hopes that she can enrol in one of Professor Smith’s courses. SVO d → nomi‐ nal cl no antecedent that cannot be replaced by which, but can be translated with dass in German nom that-cl sub conj (67) She is such a good lecturer that all her courses are full. SVC S → attrib‐ utive cl in C S , compl to dtm such no antecedent that cannot be replaced by which, but can be translated with dass in German the clause com‐ pletes expecta‐ tions raised by such comp cl sub conj (68) The literature that she analyses in her lectures is most of‐ ten contemporary. SVAC S → at‐ tributive cl in S, postmod to NP head literature (=antecedent) that can be re‐ placed by which, a rela‐ tive pronoun attr def rel cl rel pron (69) The fact that she is very likable con‐ tributes to her popularity among the students. SVA → attribu‐ tive cl in S, post‐ mod to NP head fact (=antece‐ dent) fact is a general abstract noun that cannot be replaced by which, but can be translated with dass in German attr that-cl sub conj Table 17: Analytical steps in determining the dependent clause type (and the word class of the initial that) 178 6 Finite Clauses <?page no="179"?> 1 If you are looking for the terms gerund and gerundival (or gerundial) clauses in our list, please note that in the CGEL, the foundation for this book, they hardly play a role. The most elaborate passage on gerunds in connection with clauses can be found on page 1064 (15.12 Note [a]) where it says that “[n]ominal -ing clauses are sometimes called ‘gerundive’ or ‘gerundival clauses’. Their verb is commonly called a ‘gerund’.” There is no further elaboration. Two more passages (CGEL 1292, 17.54 including the following note and 1521, I.3) refer only to the word class of some words ending in -ing. 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses Lioba Arnoldi Following the finite clauses in Chapter 6, this chapter will now focus on the other two types of clauses: non-finite clauses and verbless clauses. The verb in a non-finite clause is - as its name suggests - non-finite. There is no indication for the specific tense, aspect, number and person, which makes this clause semantically ambiguous and understandable only when read in connection with the main clause. In a verbless clause, the verb is absent. Contrary to the many types of finite clauses that may look similar at first glance, the types of non-finite clauses are easier to distinguish. A first overview of the non-finite 1 and verbless clauses to be discussed in this chapter is given in Table 1. clause type example sentence sec‐ tion nominal -ing-participle clau‐ ses Watching television keeps them out of mischief. 7.1.1 adverbial -ing-participle clau‐ ses Driving at high speed, one may well miss direction signs. 7.1.1 attributive -ing-participle clauses The person writing reports is my collea‐ gue. 7.1.2 nominal -ed-participle clauses They found him worn out by travel and exertion. 7.2.1 adverbial -ed-participle clau‐ ses The sentence is ambiguous, taken out of context. 7.2.1 attributive -ed-participle clau‐ ses Any coins found on this site must be handed to the police. 7.2.2 <?page no="180"?> nominal -to-infinitive clauses The best thing would be to tell everybody. 7.3.1 adverbial -to-infinitive clau‐ ses She lived to be 100. 7.3.1 attributive -to-infinitive clau‐ ses I’m very eager to meet her. 7.3.2 nominal bare-infinitive clau‐ ses All I did was hit him on the head. 7.4 adverbial bare-infinitive clau‐ ses He paid the fine rather than appeal to a higher court. 7.4 nominal verbless clauses A friend in need is a friend indeed. 7.5 adverbial verbless clauses She telephoned though obviously ill. 7.5 Table 1: Overview of non-finite and verbless clauses 7.1 -ing-Participle Clauses -ing-participle clauses (-ing-part cl) represent the first type of non-finite clauses to be introduced in this chapter. Take a look at the first example sentence (1) and its reformulated (finite) version in (1a) (CGEL 1121, 15.58): (1) Driving home after work, I accidentally went through a red light. (1a) While I was driving home after work, I accidentally went through a red light. The dependent -ing-part cl in (1) does not include any information about who drives, when that person was driving etc. In other words, the verb form is non-finite. What is demonstrated by (1a) is that we always assume that the subject of the superordinate clause (I) also performs the action described by the non-finite verb in the dependent clause (driving). In other words, the subject of the superordinate clause is the implied subject of the dependent clause (CGEL 725, 10.6). This is called the attachment rule (CGEL 1120, 15.58) and will become vitally important later on. In other cases, however, the action described by the non-finite verb in the de‐ pendent clause is not necessarily performed by the subject of the superordinate clause. This is particularly striking in We met you (when you? / we? were) leaving 180 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="181"?> 2 Since the pronoun they has the objective case them, them may also appear in a nominal -ing-part cl as a NP that functions as the subject and thus is equivalent to their. The sentence would then be I intend to voice my objections to them receiving an invitation to our meeting. the room. (CGEL 995, 14.8) where the absence of a subject in the dependent clause leads to semantic ambiguity. In these sentences, it is necessary to make explicit which subject we have in mind for the dependent clause. This is demonstrated by sentences (2) and (2a) taken from the CGEL (1064, 15.12): (2) I didn’t know about the weather being so awful in this area. (2a) *I didn’t know about being so awful in this area. In (2), the non-finite dependent clause includes a subject of its own, the weather. Adhering to the attachment rule would suggest that being so awful in this area is “carried out” by I, the subject of the superordinate clause (see 2a), but this simply does not make sense. It is clear that non-finite clauses in general and -ing-participle clauses in particular cannot always rely on an implied subject as in (1), and thus include what is called an overt subject (CGEL 1120, 15.58) or a notional subject (Ungerer et al. 1984: 171) as in (2). In the following, we will give preference to the term notional subject. The NP functioning as the notional subject will generally be in the genitive case if it is the first item in the sentence or a pronoun. If it has any personal reference or appears in a formal register, the NP will also be in the genitive case (CGEL 1063, 15.12). Pronouns may, however, also be in their objective case (if they have one). If these conditions are not met, the common case is preferred. Contrast: (2) I didn’t know about the weather being so awful in this area. → the weather = common case → NOT: *the weather’s being (3) I intend to voice my objections to their receiving an invitation to our meeting. → their = genitive case 2 → NOT: *to they receiving 181 7.1 -ing-Participle Clauses <?page no="182"?> 3 See Chapter 3.6 for more on marginal prepositions. 4 Note that the difference between the -ing-form (and -ed-form) as an adjective and a verb participle in a clause has already been discussed in Chapter 3.2, which is why it will not be addressed here. After this structural introduction, it is necessary to go one step back and look at words with the suffix -ing, or -ing-forms, because it can be difficult to determine whether a sentence element is actually an -ing-part cl or not. Table 2 offers a list of -ing-forms with example sentences (CGEL 414, 7.16; 660, 9.3). word class of -ing-form example adjective (4) You are very frightening. participial form full verb (main verb in a VP) (5) You are frightening the children. marginal preposition 3 (6) Considering his age, he has made excellent progress in his studies. subordinating conjunction (7) Considering that he is rather young, his parents have advised him not to apply. full verb (main verb in a VP) in an -ing-part cl (8) Considering the conditions in the office, she thought it wise not to apply for the job. Table 2: List of -ing-forms with examples from the CGEL As indicated in Table 2, -ing-forms are usually adjectives or participial forms. 4 If the participial form is preceded by an auxiliary verb as in (5), it is part of a “normal,” finite VP governing the superordinate clause. If this is not the case, it can be a marginal preposition (6), a subordinating conjunction (7) or a non-finite verb in a dependent clause (CGEL 660, 9.3) - a distinction that can be quite tricky. When comparing example sentences (6), (7) and (8), we can see that the same participial form, considering, appears in different word classes. Yet we only speak of an -ing-part cl if the -ing-form is a non-finite verb form, meaning that it is used without any additional auxiliary verbs. Considering also functions as the main verb of the dependent clause as in (8). To avoid confusion and make it easier to decide between these three options, we have composed a list of clues decreasing in importance (Figure 1). 182 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="183"?> Preposition or subordinating conjunction or verb? Clue 1 The attachment rule if: implied subject of -ing-part cl = subject of super‐ ordinate clause then: subordinate clause = -ing-part cl, -ing-form = V Clue 2 Prepositions only introduce nominal elements if: -ing-form is followed by NP then: -ing-form = preposition Clue 3 Subordinating conjunctions introduce subordinate clauses if: -ing-form is followed by a subordinate clause (e.g. that-clause) then: -ing-form = subordinator Clue 4 Subordinators can be replaced by subordinators (that are semantically equal) if: -ing-form replaceable by another subordinator then: -ing-form = subordinator Figure 1: Clues to determine the word class of a participial -ing-form If we look at our problematic example sentences (6) to (8) again, we can now be sure that in sentence (6), considering is a preposition; in sentence (7), it is a subordinating conjunction; and in sentence (8), it is a verb. Here is the proof: (6) Considering his age, he has made excellent progress in his studies. → implied subject ≠ subject of the main cl (Clue 1) → -ing-form introduces NP his age (Clue 2) ➔ preposition 183 7.1 -ing-Participle Clauses <?page no="184"?> 5 Note, however, that the second clue also works for this sentence if we consider a less salient meaning in which the subject of the main clause is not the implied subject of the superordinate clause. In this rather unlikely scenario, considering is a preposition. 6 For more information on nominal clauses, see Chapter 5.3.1 and for adverbial clauses, see Chapter 5.3.2. (7) Considering that he is rather young, his parents have advised him not to apply. → implied subject ≠ subject of main cl (Clue 1) → -ing-form introduces a that-clause (Clue 3) → -ing-form is replaceable with because (Clue 4) ➔ subordinating conjunction (8) Considering the conditions in the office, she thought it wise not to apply for the job. → implied subject = subject of main cl (‘When she considered…’) (Clue 1) ➔ verb in an -ing-part cl 5 As stated earlier, only sentence (8) contains an -ing-part cl. This type of non-finite clause can be divided into two sub-categories, the subordinate -ing-part cl and the attributive -ing-part cl, which will be explained in the next two sections. 7.1.1 Subordinate -ing-Participle Clauses Nominal -ing-participle clauses (nom -ing-part cl) may take on functions similar to NPs, whereas adverbial -ing-participle clauses (adv -ing-part cl) only function as adverbials in a complex sentence. 6 Table 3 provides an overview of the syntactic functions of both nominal and adverbial subordinate -ing-part cl (with examples) (CGEL 1063, 15.12 and 1086, 15.30). function type example S nom (9) Watching television keeps them out of mischief. O d nom (10) He enjoys playing practical jokes. 184 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="185"?> 7 Complex-transitive constructions involving non-finite clauses as in sentence (12) are difficult and will be dealt with in more detail in Section 7.6.2. 8 A comment on the analysis: Note that the verb in a participle clause is always a full verb on the formal level even though it is non-finite. It could also be argued that this A is realized by a PP that has another PP as its prepC. Both analyses are correct. C S nom (11) Her first job had been selling computers. C O nom (12) She had us working day after day. A adv (13) (When) driving at high speed, one may well miss direction signs. Table 3: The syntactic functions of subordinate -ing-participle clauses with examples from the CGEL Since these functions of the -ing-part cl are quite transparent in most sentences, their analyses should not be a problem. 7 Therefore, only sentence (9) 8 will be analyzed completely. (9) s S: nom -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv Watching O d : NP h: n televison V: VP mv: fv keeps O d : NP h: pron them A: AdvP h: adv out postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: n mischief. What seems difficult in some cases is the distinction between the nom -ing-part cl and deverbal nouns ending in -ing. If an -ing-form appears on its own, it is syntactically ambiguous and can be analyzed as a nom -ing-part cl or a NP (CGEL 1065, 15.13). Compare the example analyses of (14) My hobby is swimming. and note that both are equally acceptable. 185 7.1 -ing-Participle Clauses <?page no="186"?> (14a) s S: NP dtm: det My h: n hobby V: VP mv: pv is C S : nom -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv swimming. 1 (14b) s S: NP dtm: det My h: n hobby V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP h: n swimming. A NP preceding the -ing-form, however, may hint at one particular option over the other. If the NP is in the common case or objective case, it must be the notional subject of the nom -ing-part cl (see (15)). In these instances, the -ing-form can never be a deverbal noun as in (14b). (15) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv liked O d : nom -ing -part cl S: NP h: pron us V: VP mv: fv singing. But if the NP preceding the -ing-form is in the genitive case, we are still left with both possibilities. Let us take a look at sentence (16) in which the -ing-form is syntactically ambiguous: (16) They liked our singing. The CGEL (1065, 15.13) states that the genitive case “biases towards” an interpretation as a simple NP with the determiner our functioning as the 186 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="187"?> determinative of the following deverbal noun. Nonetheless, both analyses (16a) and (16b) are correct. (16a) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv liked O d : nom -ing -part cl S: NP h: pron our V: VP mv: fv singing. 1 (16b) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv liked O d : NP dtm: det our h: n singing. If other elements are present, the choice between the two options is much clearer: + NP as O d : They liked our singing folk songs. → nom -ing-part cl + PP as postmod: They liked our singing of folk songs. → NP with deverbal noun + AdjP as premod: They liked our loud singing. → NP with deverbal noun + AdvP as A: They liked our singing softly. → nom -ing-part cl We will now turn to the second subtype of subordinate -ing-part clauses: the adv -ing-part clause as in sentence (13) Driving at high speed, one may well miss directions signs. (CGEL 1086, 15.30). Adv -ing-part cl always function as adverbials in a sentence and are not elliptical finite clauses because the verb does not express the progressive aspect. They can be introduced by 187 7.1 -ing-Participle Clauses <?page no="188"?> 9 Remember that in Chapter 3.7, we argued in favor of with being used as a subordinating conjunction in connection with participle and verbless clauses. 10 More information about this aspect can be found in the CGEL (1078, 15.25; 1086, 15.30; 1090, 15.34; 1097, 15.39; 1100, 15.41; 1110, 15.50). 11 A comment on the analysis: Note that the word order was changed for the purpose of the analysis. a subordinator like once, if, since, with,  9 after or whether…or (CGEL 1005, 14.19). 10 While some adv -ing-part cl require a subordinator, others do not. Compare the analysis of sentence (13) 11 with the slightly altered sentence (13a). The fact that (13a) is introduced by a subordinator does not have any impact on the analysis. Both sentences feature an A that is an adv -ing-part cl. (13) s A: adv -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv Driving A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP premod: adj high h: n speed, S: NP h: pron one V: VP aux v: mod aux may mv: fv miss A: AdvP h: adv well O d : NP h: comp n direction signs. 1 188 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="189"?> (13a) s A: adv -ing -part cl sub: sub conj When V: VP mv: fv driving A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP premod: adj high h: n speed, S: NP h: pron one V: VP aux v: mod aux may mv: fv miss A: AdvP h: adv well O d : NP h: comp n direction signs. 1 Just like nom -ing-part cl, adv -ing-part cl can also have a notional subject (CGEL 1120, 15.58). Take a look at (17) No further discussion arising, the meeting was brought to a close. (17) s A: adv -ing -part cl S: NP dtm: det No premod: adj further h: n discussion V: VP mv: fv arising, S: NP dtm: det the h: n meeting V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv brought A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det a h: n close. 189 7.1 -ing-Participle Clauses <?page no="190"?> 12 Do not worry if the term appositive as used in the abbreviation postmod (appos) is not yet familiar. Apposition and its relation to postmodification will be discussed in great detail in Chapter 8. For now, it is only important to know that the attr -ing-part cl may function as a special type of postmod, viz. as an appositive in a complex sentence. 13 This is what the CGEL (1063, 15.12; 1230, 16.83) refers to as adjectival complementation. 7.1.2 Attributive -ing-Participle Clauses The last type of -ing-part cl is the embedded or attributive -ing-part clause (attr -ing-part cl). These can take on different functions, but cannot have notional subjects. Table 4 provides an overview (CGEL 1063, 15.12; 1263, 17.28). function example NP-head postmod (appos) 12 (18) His current research, investigating attitudes to racial stereotypes, takes up most of his time. NP-head postmod (19) The person writing reports is my colleague. AdjP-head post‐ mod 13 (20) They are busy preparing a barbecue. prepC (21) I’m responsible for drawing up the budget. Table 4: Syntactic functions of attributive -ing-participle clauses When dealing with a non-finite clause such as the attr -ing-part cl, the loss of inflection (and possible absence of a notional subject) can lead to semantic and functional ambiguity. Without context, it is impossible to say which syntactic function the clause has, thus leaving us with more than one possible analysis. Take a look at example sentence (22) with its two readings (CGEL 1126, 15.62): (22) I caught the boy waiting for my daughter. a) I caught the boy who was waiting for my daughter. → corresponding -ing-part cl is the postmodifier of a NP-head b) I caught the boy while I was waiting for my daughter. → corresponding -ing-part cl is an A on the sentence level 190 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="191"?> In a), the interpretation of the -ing-part cl hints to its function as the postmodifier of a NP-head, marking it as an embedded, attributive clause. However, if we argue for the analysis of the -ing-part cl as an adverbial as in b), it is not an embedded but a subordinate clause, viz. an adverbial -ing-part cl (see Chapter 7.1.1). This leads to two quite different syntactic analyses: (22a) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv caught O d : NP dtm: det the h: n boy postmod: attr -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv waiting A: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP dtm: det my h: n daughter. 1 (22b) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv caught O d : NP dtm: det the h: n boy A: adv -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv waiting A: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP dtm: det my h: n daughter. The attr -ing-part cl as a postmodifier of a NP-head is semantically equal to an (attributive) relative clause in which the relative pronoun functions as the subject (CGEL 1263, 17.28). Compare the following two sentences (23) and (24): 191 7.1 -ing-Participle Clauses <?page no="192"?> 14 In contrast to example (22b), the referent remains constant in examples (25a), (25b) and (25c): The implied subject in the subordinate clauses is always the apple tree. (23) The person who will write reports is my colleague. will be writing writes is writing wrote was writing (24) The person writing reports is my colleague. The same way attributive relative clauses can be either restrictive or non-re‐ strictive, this also holds for other postmodifiers of NP-heads, including attr -ing-part cl (CGEL 1263, 17.28; 1270, 17.34). Whereas (24) would be an example of restrictive postmodification, example (25a) below displays non-restrictive postmodification. One problem arises when looking at attr -ing-part cl that are non-restric‐ tive postmodifications of NP-heads: They can also be interpreted as adv -ing-part cl functioning as A. This is because in a sentence, they can be moved freely without any change in meaning or reference, indicating an adverbial role. Compare these examples: (25a) The apple tree, swaying gently in the breeze, was a reminder of old times. (25b) Swaying gently in the breeze, the apple tree was a reminder of old times. (25c) The apple tree was a reminder of old times, swaying gently in the breeze. Sentence (25a) is ambiguous since the -ing-part cl is preceded by a NP and can therefore be analyzed as an attr -ing-part cl; as such, it functions as a non-restrictive NP-head postmod. However, it can also be an adv -ing-part cl functioning as A (similar to example (22b) 14 ). In sentences (25b) and (25c), we are clearly dealing with an adv -ing-part cl due to its detached position in the sentence. 192 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="193"?> 15 The -ed-form of a verb, i.e. the past participle form, is sometimes formed without -ed. Keep in mind that irregular verbs will not actually have that ending (e.g. given, stood, drunk, etc.). 16 See Chapter 3.6 for more on marginal prepositions. 7.2 -ed-Participle Clauses Just like -ing-part clauses (and other non-finite clauses, see below), -ed-par‐ ticiple clauses (-ed-part cl) can also have a notional subject of their own. If the subordinate -ed-part cl does not have one, the attachment rule applies again, meaning the subject of the superordinate clause also performs the action described by the non-finite verb in the subordinate clause. Compare example sentence (26) with its finite version (26a) (CGEL 15.58, 1121). (26) Persuaded by our optimism, he gladly contributed time and money to the scheme. (26a) Since he was persuaded by our optimism, he gladly contributed time and money to the scheme. Before we take a look at the syntactic functions of this type of non-finite clause and their analyses, we have to determine the exact word class of the -ed-form under discussion. This is crucial information for calling a subordinate clause an -ed-part cl in the first place. 15 Consider Table 5 (CGEL 414, 7.16; 660, 9.3): word class of -ed-form example adjective (27) The man was very offended. participial form full verb (main verb in VP) (28) The man was offended by the po‐ liceman. marginal preposition 16 (29) Given the present conditions, I think she’s done rather well. subordinating conjunction (30) Given that this work was pro‐ duced under particularly difficult circumstances, the result is better than could be expected. full verb (main verb in a VP) in -ed-part cl (31) Given the chance, I’d do it again. Table 5: The distribution of -ed-forms with examples from the CGEL 193 7.2 -ed-Participle Clauses <?page no="194"?> 17 To read up on the distinction between adjective and verb participles, see Chapter 3.2. 18 The CGEL simply discusses -ed-participle clauses in general and does not propose the terms nominal/ adverbial -ed-participle clause. But, for reasons of symmetry, we Again, only the last three constructions, (29)-(31), are problematic. 17 In order to distinguish between the -ed-form as a marginal preposition, a subordinating conjunction and a non-finite verb, let us take a look at the following examples with the participle given. We will make use of the same clues introduced in Section 7.1. (29) Given the present conditions, I think she’s done rather well. → -ed-form introduces NP the present conditions (Clue 2) → implied subject ≠ subject of the main cl (Clue 1) ➔ preposition (30) Given that this work was produced under particularly difficult circumstances, the result is better than could be expected. → ed-form introduces a that-clause (Clue 3) → replaceable by although (Clue 4) → implied subject ≠ subject of the main cl (Clue 1) ➔ subordinating conjunction (31) Given the chance, I’d do it again. → implied subject = subject of the main cl (‘If I were given…’) (Clue 1) ➔ verb in a -ed-part cl Only sentence (31) contains an -ed-participle clause. As we will see in the following sections, an -ed-part cl can be a subordinate or an attributive clause. 7.2.1 Subordinate -ed-Participle Clauses Just like -ing-part cl, -ed-part cl can be subordinate clauses, but only in passive constructions because “the [past] participle [is] firmly linked with the passive voice” (CGEL 1265, 17.29). -ed-part cl can also be nominal -ed-part cl (nom -ed-part cl) or adverbial -ed-part cl (adv -ed-part cl). 18 While adv 194 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="195"?> do call them nominal and adverbial -ed-participle clauses. After all, the term nominal -ing-participle clause does exist. Though in most exam situations, the term -ed-part cl will suffice. 19 We are again confronted with a complex-transitive construction in sentence (32). Detailed explanations about these constructions can be found in Section 7.6.2. 20 For more on this, see also CGEL 1078, 15.25; 1086, 15.30; 1090, 15.34; 1097, 15.39; 1100, 15.41; 1110, 15.50. -ed-part cl can have notional subjects, nom -ed-part cl cannot. Unfortunately, the CGEL is extremely vague when describing -ed-part cl, specifically, their syntactic functions. Table 6 summarizes the few clues scattered in the CGEL (1207, 16.54; 1086, 15.30). function type example C O 19 nom (32) They found him worn out by travel and exertion. A adv (33) The sentence is ambiguous, (if) taken out of context. Table 6: The syntactic functions of subordinate -ed-participle clauses with examples Take a look at the analysis of a nom -ed-part cl in example (32). (32) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP mv: fv found O d : NP h: pron him C O : nom -ed -part cl V: VP mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) worn out A: PP prep: prep by prepC: NP h: n conjoint conj 1 : n 1 travel coord: co conj and conj 2 : n 2 exertion. When an -ed-part cl functions as an adverbial, it can be introduced by subordinators like once, until, if, although, while or when (CGEL 1004, 14.18). 20 Just like some adv -ing-part cl, some adv -ed-part cl require a 195 7.2 -ed-Participle Clauses <?page no="196"?> 21 A comment on the analysis: It could also be argued that this A is realized by a PP that has another PP as its prepC. Both analyses are correct. subordinator, while others do not. Compare the following analyses of the two versions of sentence (33), (33a) 21 and (33b) (CGEL 1086, 15.30): (33a) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n sentence V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj ambiguous, A: adv -ed -part cl V: VP mv: fv taken A: AdvP h: adv out postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: n context. 1 (33b) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n sentence V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj ambiguous A: adv -ed -part cl sub: sub conj if V: VP mv: fv taken A: AdvP h: adv out postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: n context. In (33b), we are still dealing with an adv -ed-part cl; it is simply introduced by the subordinator if. It cannot be a finite adverbial clause, like other clauses introduced by if (see Chapter 6.1), since the verb in (33b) is still non-finite. As demonstrated by sentence (34) Lunch finished, the guests retired to the lounge. 196 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="197"?> and as mentioned earlier, adv -ed-part cl can also have notional subjects (CGEL 1120, 15.58). (34) s A: adv -ed -part cl S: NP h: n Lunch V: VP mv: fv finished, S: NP dtm: det the h: n guests V: VP mv: fv retired A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n lounge. 1 7.2.2 Attributive -ed-Participle Clauses Just like an -ing-part cl, -ed-part cl can also be attributive -ed-part cl (attr -ed-part cl). They only function as postmodifiers of a NP-head and cannot have notional subjects (CGEL 1265, 17.29) as demonstrated in Table 7: function example NP-head post‐ mod (35) Any coins found on this site must be handed to the police. Table 7: The only syntactic function of the attributive -ed-participle clause with an example An analysis of sentence (35) looks as follows: 197 7.2 -ed-Participle Clauses <?page no="198"?> (35) s S: NP dtm: det Any h: n coins postmod: attr -ed -part cl V: VP mv: fv found A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det this h: n site V: VP aux v: mod aux must aux v: pv be mv: fv handed A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n police. 1 The postmodification of NP-heads by attributive -ed-part cl can be restrictive or non-restrictive (CGEL 1264, 17.29; 1270, 17.34). The connection between attributive -ed-part cl and relative clauses is (again) restricted to the (attrib‐ utive) defining relative clauses in which the relative pronoun functions as the subject. Compare examples (36) and (37) below: The car that will be repaired by that mechanic… (36) is being repaired was being repaired (37) The car (being) repaired by that mechanic… If we take a closer look at non-restrictive postmodifications of NP-heads by attributive -ed-part cl, we encounter the same problem as in Section 7.1.2 with example (22). Again, the non-restrictive attr -ed-part cl can be analyzed as a NP-head postmod or as an adv -ed-part cl functioning as A (it can be moved in the sentence). Compare these examples: 198 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="199"?> 22 A comment on the analysis: The word order was changed for the purpose of the syntactic analysis, resolving the split infinitive issue in the process. (38a) The substance, discovered almost by accident, has revolutionized medicine. (38b) Discovered almost by accident, the substance has revolutionized medicine. (38c) The substance has revolutionized medicine, discovered almost by accident. In sentences (38b) and (38c), the -ed-part cl functions as an adverbial based on its position in the sentence, making it an adv -ed-part cl. When it comes to sentence (38a), we are left with the two possibilities of analyzing the -ed-part cl either as an adverbial or as a postmodifier. 7.3 to-Infinitive Clauses The to-infinitive clause (to-inf cl) is the third type of non-finite clauses. The non-finite verb in this clause is the to-infinitive form of a verb. Just like -ing-part cl and -ed-part cl, it may or may not have a notional subject. Compare examples (39) and (40) (CGEL 993, 14.6; 994, 14.7). (39) The best thing would be to tell everybody. → without notional subject (40) I expect them to come. → with notional subject In to-inf cl, it is possible to encounter a split infinitive construction. This construction involves an adverbial between the infinitive marker to and the actual infinitive verb form (CGEL 496, 8.21). The infinitive marker, noted as inf mark twice (once for its function, once for its form), and the main verb make up the VP. For an analysis of the split infinitive, we must simply change the word order and note why. Take a look at the analysis of example (41) 22 To suddenly resign my job is unthinkable. (ibid.): 199 7.3 to-Infinitive Clauses <?page no="200"?> 23 A comment on the analysis: This is an elliptical to-inf clause in which the main verb of the non-finite VP is missing. 24 Elliptical to-inf cl should not be confused with constructions involving the semi-auxi‐ liaries have to or used to as in the example I won’t disturb you again unless I have to. (CGEL 908-909, 12.64). In these cases, to is part of the semi aux. (41) s S: nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark To mv: fv resign A: AdvP h: adv suddenly O d : NP dtm: det my h: n job V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj unthinkable. 1 On some occasions, you will come across an elliptical to-inf cl which only consists of to. If negated, it is accompanied by not as in example (42) 23 She used my pen, although I told her not to. (CGEL 909, 12.64). 24 In an analysis, explicitly note that the non-finite verb of the to-inf cl is elliptical, which is why the main verb is missing. (42) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: fv used O d : NP dtm: det my h: n pen, A: adv cl sub: sub conj although S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv told O i : NP h: pron her O d : nom to-inf cl neg: neg part not inf mark: inf mark to. 200 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="201"?> 25 The CGEL does not use the term adverbial to-infinitive clause. However, since to-inf cl can function as adverbials, they are discussed in the chapters about adverbial clauses (CGEL 1079, 15.25). Again, for reasons of symmetry and clarity, we will utilize the term adverbial to-infinitive clause. 26 Again, we are confronted with a complex-transitive construction. See Section 7.6.2 for details. 27 A comment on the analysis, which also holds for sentences (? 48a) and (48b): After the copular verb form is, we can choose between a C S or an A function for out of the question. Although it can be replaced by e.g. unthinkable, thus pointing towards a C S , we still analyze this chunk as an A because only an A can be combined with an AdvP or with a PP. This also holds true for sentences (? 48a) and (48b). 7.3.1 Subordinate to-Infinitive Clauses Nominal to-infinitive clauses (nom to-inf cl) can take on functions similar to NPs, whereas adverbial to-infinitive clauses (adv to-inf cl) only function as adverbials in a complex sentence. 25 Table 8 provides an overview of the syntactic functions with examples for these two types of subordinate to-inf cl (CGEL 1061, 15.10; 1079, 15.25; 1171, 16.20). function type example S nom (43) To be neutral in this conflict is out of the question. O d nom (44) He likes everyone to relax. C S nom (45) The best excuse is to say that you have an examination tomorrow morning. C O 26 nom (46) They knew him to be a spy. A adv (47) She lived to be 100. Table 8: The syntactic functions of subordinate to-infinitive clauses with examples Let us take a look at sentence (43) 27 for a sample analysis: 201 7.3 to-Infinitive Clauses <?page no="202"?> 28 This is especially true when the to-inf cl functions as an extraposed subject involving the anticipatory it as in It was considered impossible for anyone to escape. Extraposition is discussed in detail in Chapter 10.4 and in the CGEL (1391-1392, 18.33). (43) s S: nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark To mv: pv be C S : AdjP h: adj neutral A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det this h: n conflict V: VP mv: pv is A: AdvP h: adv out postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n question. 1 In a to-inf cl with a notional subject, the notional subject is introduced by the preposition for, unless the entire to-inf cl functions as the O d as in (44). In all other cases, including (48), for is obligatory (CGEL 993, 14.6; 1061, 15.10). 28 (44) He likes everyone to relax. (48) For your country to be neutral in this conflict is out of the question. (44) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: fv likes O d : nom to-inf cl S: NP h: pron everyone V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv relax. 202 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="203"?> The preposition makes the syntactic analysis of sentences like (48) difficult. Let us take a look at this example in which the to-inf cl functions as the subject of the superordinate clause (CGEL 1061, 15.10). The NP your country is the notional subject of the to-inf cl since it performs the action of the subordinate verb be. However, since it is preceded by a preposition, the preposition and the following NP form a PP, technically speaking. This leads to the unusual pairing of S: PP (see Chapter 2.1). This logic is realized in the strongly disfavored analysis in (? 48a). (? 48a) s S: nom to-inf cl S: PP prep: prep For prepC: NP dtm: det your h: n country V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: pv be C S : AdjP h: adj neutral A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det this h: n conflict V: VP mv: pv is A: AdvP h: adv out postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n question. We rather propose analyzing for as a subject marker (subj mark), a concept which does not exist in the CGEL. This way, we can still identify for your country as a NP, and not a PP, functioning as the S. Another option would be to stipulate yet another syntactic function before the S - something we should rule out right away. When discussing the internal structure of to-inf clauses, the CGEL (994, 14.7) considers for everybody to be here to have SVA structure and for you to give him a call SVO i O d structure. This shows that Quirk et al. see no room for yet another syntactic function before the S. So 203 7.3 to-Infinitive Clauses <?page no="204"?> 29 With and without may also appear as prepositions, but since they introduce clauses in these instances, they must be subordinators (CGEL 704-705, 9.55). for remains a part of the subject, analogous to the inf mark in a VP. The analysis of (48b) bears witness to that: (48b) s S: nom to-inf cl S: NP subj mark: subj mark For dtm: det your h: n country V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: pv be C S : AdjP h: adj neutral A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det this h: n conflict V: VP mv: pv is A: AdvP h: adv out postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n question. 1 Adverbial to-inf cl can be introduced by subordinators like as if, in order, whether, with or without (CGEL 1004, 14.17). 29 For is also included as one of those subordinators for a to-inf cl with a notional subject, having a “clause-introducing function” (CGEL 705, 9.55). However, the CGEL con‐ cedes right away that for is “a device for introducing the subject rather than […] a true subordinator” (CGEL 1004, 14.17). This again supports our concept of a subj mark. Quirk et al. argue that for can also appear in combination with the (true) subordinator in order to as in example (49) In order for you to be eligible for a student grant, your parents must receive […] a stipulated […] income. (ibid., simplified). A full analysis of (49) appears below: 204 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="205"?> (49) s A: adv to-inf cl sub: sub conj In order S: NP subj mark: subj mark for h: pron you V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: pv be C S : AdjP h: adj eligible postmod: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP dtm: det a premod: n student h: n grant, S: NP dtm: det your h: n parents V: VP aux v: mod aux must mv: fv receive O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj stipulated h: n income. 1 Therefore, it could be said that for on its own is a subordinator; it is a subj mark only when preceded by a “true” subordinator like in order. We propose simply sticking to the analysis of for as a subj mark in all to-inf cl, with or without a preceding subordinator. 7.3.2 Attributive to-Infinitive Clauses There are also attributive to-infinitive clauses (attr to-inf cl), which can take on the following functions in Table 9 (CGEL 1061, 15.10; 1127, 15.63; 1226, 16.75; 1266, 17.30): 205 7.3 to-Infinitive Clauses <?page no="206"?> 30 Compare with Table 4. For further information on apposition, see Chapter 8. 31 Despite the fact that the CGEL speaks of “adjective complementation” (1226, 16.75), we give preference to the term AdjP-head postmod. After all, the to-inf cl refers back to the head eager and not to the premodifier very. To review the difference between postmodifiers and complementation, see Chapter 2.6.3. 32 A special function of attr to-inf clauses is complementation, as discussed in Chapter 6.7 in the context of comparative clauses. function example NP-head postmod (appos) 30 (50) Your ambition, to become a farmer, re‐ quires the energy and perseverance that you so obviously have. NP-head postmod (51) The man for you to see is Mr Johnson. AdjP-head postmod 31 (52) I’m very eager to meet her. compl (53) Don is sensitive enough to understand your feelings.  32 Table 9: The syntactic functions of attributive to-infinitive clauses with examples Some attr to-inf cl can have a notional subject introduced by for, but others cannot. Compare (54) and (54a) for an example with and without a notional subject (CGEL 1266, 17.30): (54) The man for you to see is Mr Johnson. (54a) The man to see is Mr Johnson. The analysis of a notional subject in an attr to-inf cl is the same as in nominal and adverbial subordinate to-inf cl (e.g. see the analysis for sentence (49)). To conclude this section, we fully analyze sentence (52) as well as its extended version with a notional subject (52a), I’m very eager for Jack to meet her. 206 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="207"?> (52) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: pv ’m C S : AdjP premod: adv very h: adj eager postmod: attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv meet O d : NP h: pron her. 1 (52a) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: pv ’m C S : AdjP premod: adv very h: adj eager postmod: attr to-inf cl S: NP subj mark: subj mark for h: pn Jack V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv meet O d : NP h: pron her. 7.4 Bare Infinitive Clauses The bare infinitive clause (bare inf cl) is the fourth and last type of the non-finite clauses. It can be used as an adverbial bare infinitive clause (adv bare inf cl) as in (55) or as a nominal bare infinitive clause (nom bare inf cl) as in (56). In some cases, it can come with a notional subject as in (55), but in others, it is subjectless as in (56) (CGEL 993, 14.6): 207 7.4 Bare Infinitive Clauses <?page no="208"?> (55) Rather than you do the job, I’d prefer to finish it […]. (56) All I did was hit him on the head. Sentence (55) also shows that an adv bare inf cl is introduced by a subordi‐ nator, viz. either by rather than or sooner than (CGEL 1003, 14.16). Below is an analysis of sentence (55), containing an adv bare inf cl with a notional subject that is introduced by a subordinator: (55) s A: adv bare inf cl sub: sub conj Rather than S: NP h: pron you V: VP mv: pv do O d : NP dtm: det the h: n job, S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: mod aux ’d mv: fv prefer O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv finish O d : NP h: pron it. According to the CGEL (993, 14.6), the nom bare inf (clause) appears in pseudo-cleft sentences (see Chapter 10.3) whenever to, which is not obligatory, is left out. This is shown in example (57) What they did was (to) dig a shallow channel around the tent., which is analyzed in full below: 208 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="209"?> 33 The C S can also be part of a pseudo-cleft construction as shown in sentence (57). 34 Again, we are confronted with a complex-transitive construction. Detailed explanations about these constructions can be found in Section 7.6.2. (57) s S: nom rel cl O d : NP h: pron What S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: pv did V: VP mv: pv was C S : nom bare inf cl V: VP mv: fv dig O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj shallow h: n channel A: PP prep: prep around prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n tent. 1 As can be seen in Table 10, bare infinitive clauses are always subordinate and may only take on four functions in a complex sentence (CGEL 1067, 15.15), three of which occur in nominal slots and one in an adverbial (CGEL 1004, 14.16; 1202, 16.49). There are no attributive bare inf cl. function type example S (in pseudo-cleft) nom (58) Mow the lawn was what I did this afternoon. C S 33 nom (56) All I did was hit him on the head. C O 34 nom (59) I heard someone slam the door. A adv (60) He paid the fine rather than appeal to a higher court. Table 10: The syntactic functions of subordinate bare infinitive clauses with examples 209 7.4 Bare Infinitive Clauses <?page no="210"?> 35 You are familiar with the SVC S and SVA-structures of clauses and sentences. In verbless clauses, a verb is obviously missing and sometimes even a subject, which is why these structures only consist of (S)C S and (S)A. 7.5 Verbless Clauses The verbless clause (vless cl) is neither a finite nor a non-finite clause but a third type. Verbless cl, which can be nominal or adverbial subordinate clauses, do not have a verb and can take on the following syntactic functions in Table 11 below (based on CGEL 1068, 15.16; 489, 8.13): function type example S nom (61) Wall-to-wall carpets in every room is their dream. C S nom (62) A friend in need is a friend indeed. A adv (63) She telephoned though obviously ill. Table 11: The syntactic functions of verbless clauses with examples There are no notional subjects in nom vless cl. Similar to all other adverbial non-finite clauses discussed in this chapter, adv vless cl can also be intro‐ duced by a subordinator like when, as soon as, though, with or without (CGEL 1079, 15.25; 1097, 15.39; 1003, 14.15) as in example (63). Sentences (64) and (66) feature an adv vless cl without a subordinator. When a notional subject is present, the internal structure of an adv vless cl is strictly limited to SC S and SA patterns as in (64) and (66). The adv vless cl in sentences (65) and (67) are skeletal, as they only consist of subordinators followed by a C S and an A, respectively (CGEL 996, 14.9): 35 (64) He looked remarkably well, his skin clear and smooth. → A: adv vless cl (SC S ), without subordinator (65) Though somewhat edgy, she said she would stay a little longer. → A: adv vless cl (sub + C S ), with subordinator (66) Mavis sat in the front seat, her hands in her lap. → A: adv vless cl (SA), without subordinator 210 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="211"?> 36 As you will read in Chapter 10.4, this construction is a case of extraposition. We need a dummy it because the sentence Is to have bicycles in heavy traffic wise? is not possible. For this reason, the it belongs to the underlined construction. (67) While at college, he was a prominent member of the dramatic society. → A: adv vless cl (sub + A), with subordinator The limited amount of syntactic functions and the absence of a verb makes vless cl look like NPs. Due to their semantics and structure, however, the CGEL insists on their interpretation as clauses. The explanations on why and how vless clauses are to be differentiated from NPs, however, are sometimes unconvincing. The CGEL provides the following examples for vless cl: (62) A friend in need is a friend indeed. (61) Wall-to-wall carpets in every room is their dream. (68) Are bicycles wise in heavy traffic? There are some features that make it clear that these clauses cannot be simple NPs. A first clue is that they can be paraphrased with a corresponding nominal non-finite clause. Compare: (62a) To be a friend in need is to be a friend indeed. → nom to-inf cl (61a) Having wall-to-wall carpets in every room is their dream. → nom -ing-part cl (68a) Is it wise to have bicycles in heavy traffic?   36 → nom to-inf cl In (62), the PP in need does not really postmodify the NP-head due to its semantic properties. The proverb roughly means ‘Friendship in a time of need is indeed friendship’. If we were to analyze the PP as a NP-head postmod, the NP would then mean ‘a friend who is in need’. This does not semantically correspond with the sentence. The same is true for a friend indeed; therefore, a friend in need and a friend indeed are vless cl. If wall-to-wall carpets in every room in (61) was a simple NP, the plural head carpets would require the superordinate verb to also be in the plural form, are. However, the singular form is used. This indicates the presence of a vless cl instead of a simple NP. 211 7.5 Verbless Clauses <?page no="212"?> 37 Since there is such a fine line when deciding whether a phrasal solution is possible or not, it is very likely that in exam contexts both solutions will be valid. This is not the case if semantic ambiguities, problems related to verbal concord or the presence of a subordinator clearly point to a clausal solution. You might, however, earn some extra points by addressing the problem. 38 A comment on the analysis: If you feel unsure about the C S function in this analysis, take a look at sentence (65) again. In (68), “semantic restrictions […] make it anomalous to combine the noun-phrase head bicycles as subject with the […] adjective wise” since wise is not an adjective that can be attributed to bicycles. Bicycles are not wise. The adjective wise rather refers to the idea of having bicycles in heavy traffic and therefore points to the underlying clause to have bicycles in heavy traffic as in (68a). In some cases, it may be possible to find a phrasal solution after all. The CGEL (424, 7.27) states that “[a]djectives can function as the sole realization of a verbless clause […] or as the head of an adjective phrase realizing the clause.” In other words, AdjP can be seen as shortened versions of vless cl and what could be seen as a clause can be analyzed as a phrase. This is certainly true for sentence (69) Unhappy with the result, she returned to work. (ibid.), which contains a short clause that can therefore be treated either as a vless cl or as an AdjP. This is not possible in sentence (63) She telephoned though obviously ill. Here, we have to stick to the clausal solution because the underlined part is introduced by a subordinator, which only occurs in clauses and never in phrases. 37 We conclude this section with a complete analysis of the adv vless cl from sentence (63) 38 and contrast it with clausal (69a) and phrasal (69b) solutions of sentence (69): (63) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP mv: fv telephoned A: adv vless cl sub: sub conj though C S : AdjP premod: adv obviously h: adj ill. 212 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="213"?> (69a) s A: adv vless cl C S : AdjP h: adj Unhappy postmod: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n result, S: NP h: pron she V: VP mv: fv returned A: PP prep: prep to prepC: n work. 1 (69b) s A: AdjP h: adj Unhappy postmod: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n result, S: NP h: pron she V: VP mv: fv returned A: PP prep: prep to prepC: n work. Table 12 offers a summary of all the non-finite clauses discussed in this chapter, focusing on the possibility (! ) of a) each clause type having a notional subject, b) the notional subject being introduced by a preposition, c) the subordinate non-finite clause being introduced by a sub conj. 213 7.5 Verbless Clauses <?page no="214"?> 39 We put a dash here rather than an X because a preposition is not even an option since there is no notional subject. clause type a) with notional subject? b) prep + notional subject? c) sub conj in subordinate clause? nom -ing-part cl ✓ They liked us singing. ✕ ✕ adv -ing-part cl ✓ No further discussion arising, the meeting was brought to a close. ✕ ✓ When driving at high speed, one may well miss direction signs. attr -ing-part cl ✕ --- 39 --nom -ed-part cl ✕ --- --adv -ed-part cl ✓ Lunch finished, the guests retired to the lounge. ✕ ✓ The sentence is ambig‐ uous if taken out of context. attr -ed-part cl ✕ --- --nom to-inf cl ✓ For your country to be neutral in this conflict is out of the question. ✓ ✕ adv to-inf cl ✓ For you to be eligible for a student grant, your parents must receive […] a stipulated annual in‐ come. ✓ ✓ In order for you to be eligible for a stu‐ dent grant, your pa‐ rents must receive […] a stipulated annual in‐ come. attr to-inf cl ✓ The man for you to see is Mr Johnson. ✓ ✕ nom bare inf cl ✕ --- --adv bare inf cl ✓ Rather than you do the job, I’d prefer to finish it […]. ✕ ✓ Rather than you do the job, I’d prefer to fin‐ ish it […]. 214 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="215"?> 40 These constructions should be distinguished from those with a full verb (function: main verb) complemented either by a nom -ingor nom -ed-part cl (function: O d ) as in The girl liked working. They should not be confused with constructions that have an -ingor -ed-form as an adjective (function: C S ) as in Our team looked beaten. (CGEL 147, 3.49). nom vless cl ✕ --- --adv vless cl ✓ He looked remarkably well, his skin clear and smooth. ✕ ✓ Though somewhat edgy, she said she would stay a little lon‐ ger. Table 12: A summary of the occurrence of notional subjects (partly introduced by a prep or sub conj) in non-finite clauses 7.6 Tricky Business In the final section of this chapter, we will take a look at tricky aspects of non-finite clauses and try to find answers to the following questions: 1. How do I analyze an -ing-, -edor to-infinitive form that follows a catenative verb? 2. How do I analyze a sentence like I caught Ann reading my diary.? Does this sentence have SVO d , SVO i O d , SVO d C O or SVO d A structure? 7.6.1 Catenative Verbs and Non-Finite Forms In Chapter 4.1.3, we first talked about catenative verbs. These verbs can be found in combination with -ingand -ed-participles or with to-infinitives. 40 Compare: (70) The girl kept (on) working. (71) Our team got beaten. (72) Sam appeared to realize the importance of the problem. The syntactic analysis of sentences in which a participle or to-infinitive fol‐ lows a catenative verb can be rather complicated. Catenative verbs “resemble 215 7.6 Tricky Business <?page no="216"?> the auxiliary be in combining either with the -ing[-]participle in progressive constructions, or with the -ed[-]participle in passive constructions” (CGEL 146, 3.49). So we can analyze the combination of a catenative verb + a participle as a regular VP as shown in (70) below (corresponding to the analysis proposed in Chapter 4.1.3): (70) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n girl V: VP aux v: cat v kept (on) mv: fv working. 1 The same issue arises when coming across verbs which may “seem close to being […] catenatives” (CGEL 506, 8.28; 1126, 15.62) and describe a position or movement as in (73) He stood waiting. and (74) She came running. Catenative verbs in combination with to-infinitives as in sentence (72) also behave like auxiliaries (CGEL 146, 3.49), resulting in an analysis similar to (70) above. This analysis interprets the to as no longer belonging to the infinitive. To changes from an inf mark within a to-inf cl to part of the cat v. This also explains the underlined portions in (the not yet analyzed) sentence (72) above. (72) s S: NP h: pn Sam V: VP aux v: cat v appeared to mv: fv realize O d : NP dtm: det the h: n importance postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n problem. 216 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="217"?> 41 These constructions are possible with all types of non-finite clauses. Since their analyses do not differ, we will only concentrate on -ing-part clauses in our explanation. 7.6.2 Gradience in Non-Finite Clauses One issue we have only mentioned briefly is the gradience in non-finite clauses (see Tables 3, 6, 8, and 10). Gradience refers to the degrees of semantic and syntactic ambiguity some sentences with non-finite clauses possess that lead to multiple analyses (CGEL 1216-1219, 16.64-66). This is due to the “superficially identical structures” of these sentences (ibid.) 41 as illustrated below: (75) Jack hates her missing the train. NP 1 VP 1 NP 2 VP 2 -ing NP 3 (76) I caught Ann reading my diary. The surface structures of (75) and (76) are the same, but their syntactic structures differ. In sentence (75), we are dealing with a monotransitive construction with NP 2 , her, the notional subject of the subordinate nom -ing-part cl. Therefore, her missing the train is one chunk, which functions as the O d of the sentence. This corresponds to structure (a) in Figure 2 below. In sentence (76), we are faced with a complex-transitive construction (CGEL 1195, 16.43) with NP 2 by itself as the O d of the superordinate clause; the non-finite clause is a separate sentence constituent. This is portrayed in structure (b) in Figure 2. (a) (b) S V S V O S V O V O NP 1 VP 1 NP 2 VP 2 -ing NP 3 NP 1 VP 1 NP 2 VP 2 -ing NP 3 Figure 2: Monotransitive (a) and complex-transitive (b) sentence structures with -ing-par‐ ticiple clauses (CGEL 1217, 16.64, slightly adapted) 217 7.6 Tricky Business <?page no="218"?> Let us take a closer look at the complex-transitive structure (b). Here, NP 2 functions semantically as the notional subject of the subordinate clause, but “syntactically it is ‘raised’ from the non[-]finite clause to function as [the] object of the superordinate” clause, which is why it is termed a raised object (CGEL 1202, 16.49). Therefore, the non-finite clause in a complex-transitive construction is structurally “subjectless.” In (76), Ann is the raised object since it is the semantic subject of the non-finite clause Ann is reading my diary. Ann also functions as the O d of the superordinate clause I caught Ann. As outlined in Table 13, these complex-transitive constructions are possible with all four types of nominal (! ) non-finite clauses (ibid.): clause type example nom -ing-part cl (76) I caught Ann reading my diary. nom -ed-part cl (77) We saw him beaten by the World Heavyweight Cham‐ pion. nom to-inf cl (46) They knew him to be a spy. nom bare inf cl (59) I heard someone slam the door. Table 13: Complex-transitive constructions with non-finite clauses (CGEL 1202, 16.49) Unfortunately, there is no sharp boundary between monotransitive con‐ structions (a), i.e. those with notional subjects like (75), and complex-tran‐ sitive constructions (b), i.e. those with raised objects like (76). For this reason, a gradience exists between the two: NP 2 and the following non-finite clause are somewhere in between being one sentence element and two sentence elements. In other words, one end of the gradience is a non-finite clause with a notional subject as one unit that functions as a O d , versus the opposite end where a O d is followed by an C O (CGEL 1216-1219, 16.64-16.66). Our vague phrasing is the direct consequence of the lack of specificity on this topic in the CGEL. Quirk et al. call these constructions complex-transitive - which is a major clue that rules out the SVO i O d pattern right away. Still, they never indicate which of the two complex-transitive types, SVO d C O or SVO d A, apply to such sentences. SVO d C O is the most likely option. The more unlikely option, SVO d A structure in a complex-transitive construction, will be discussed at the end of this section. Despite the gradience between monotransitive and complex-transitive constructions, there are a few tests (CGEL 1186, 16.36; 1203, 16.49; 1206, 218 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="219"?> 42 The passive test may fail when used on constructions with -ed-participles since there may not be a possible passive or “at best, the passive is dubious” (CGEL 1207, 16.54). 16.53) that can help you determine which analysis of NP 2 (and the following non-finite clause) is the most plausible choice. These tests are listed in Figure 3. Test 6 can be remembered easily and yields rather clear results: NP 2 is the notional subject of the non-finite clause if … test 1 … NP 2 and the following clause can together be replaced by the pronoun it. ✓ Jack hates her missing the train. → Jack hates it. ✕ I caught Ann reading my di‐ ary. → *I caught it. test 2 … NP 2 and the following clause can be replaced by a NP that serves as their nominalization. ✓ He likes her visiting fre‐ quently. → He likes her frequent visits. ✕ I caught Ann reading my di‐ ary. → *I caught Ann’s reading of my diary. test 3 … NP 2 and the following clause can be made the focus of a pseudo-cleft clause. ✓ Jack hates her missing the train. → What Jack hates is her missing the train. ✕ I caught Ann reading my di‐ ary. → *What I caught was Ann read‐ ing my diary. test 4 … NP 2 has a genitive or possessive form or can be replaced by a genitive or possessive form. ✓ Jack hates her missing the train. ✕ I caught Ann reading my di‐ ary. → *I caught Ann’s reading my diary. test 5 … NP 2 CANNOT become the subject of the passive sentence. 42 ✓ Jack hates her missing the train. → *Her was hated missing the train by Jack. 219 7.6 Tricky Business <?page no="220"?> ✕ I caught Ann reading my di‐ ary. → Ann was caught reading my diary by me. test 6 … the following clause CANNOT be omitted without radically changing the meaning. ✓ Jack hates her missing the train. ≠ Jack hates her. ✕ I caught Ann reading my di‐ ary. = I caught Ann. Figure 3: Tests to determine the status of NP 2 The final problem in connection with the complex-transitive construction is the choice between the two possible sentence patterns SVO d C o and SVO d A (CGEL 1195, 16.43). If we assume that an A is more flexible regarding its position in a sentence than an C O , we can apply the rearrangement-test (see Chapter 1.2) to see if an element is an adverbial. When comparing (76) and (76a), it becomes clear that the non-finite clause is probably not an A because the rearrangement leads to confusion as to who or what functions as the subject of the non-finite clause and may drastically change the meaning. Compare: (76) I caught Ann reading my diary. → Ann is reading the diary. ≠ (76a) Reading my diary, I caught Ann. → I am reading my diary. (attachment rule) The information transmitted in the non-finite clause of (76) is also too central to be reduced to the status of an adverbial. A copular relationship between NP 2 and the non-finite clause is clearly identifiable, which suggests an C O function. For these reasons, we recommend treating this kind of non-finite clause as an C O . Although we already presented this decision earlier in Tables 3, 6, 8 and 10, we are fully aware that we cannot provide any kind of explicit 220 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="221"?> 43 Whether you decide on the C O as we suggest or the A, a brief comment on the vague portrayal of these constructions in the CGEL could be an asset on an exam. backup from the CGEL. 43 Here is a complete syntactic analysis of example sentence (76). (76) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv caught O d : NP h: pn Ann C O : nom -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv reading O d : NP dtm: det my h: n diary. 1 To sum up, we offer a graphic depiction of the thoughts and analytical steps presented in this section to guide your decision-making process. To illustrate this process, we will include two more sentences taken from the CGEL (1206, 16.53): (78) I saw him lying on the beach. (79) I hate my friends leaving early. 1. monotransitive or complex-transitive constructions? I saw him lying on the beach. = I saw him. ≠ I saw it. I hate my friends leaving early. ≠ I hate my friends. = I hate it. → two separate constituents → complex-transitive construction (him = raised object) → one constituent → monotransitive construction (my friends = notional subject) 2. for complex-transitive constructions: SVO d C O or SVO d A? ✕ I saw him lying on the beach. SVO d A 221 7.6 Tricky Business <?page no="222"?> ≠Lying on the beach, I saw him. ✓ I saw him lying on the beach. =I saw him when he was lying on the beach. SVO d C O Figure 4: Tests to distinguish monotransitive and complex-transitive constructions 222 7 Non-Finite Clauses and Verbless Clauses <?page no="223"?> 1 One of the rare examples for apposition within other phrases - illustrated in an AdjP - can be seen in 8.2.1, example (5). 2 Multiple modifiers are also possible, but rare - see example (24) in 8.4.2. 3 The CGEL is not clear about whether an apposition is a type of modification or whether it is sometimes used instead of modification (compare 1238-1239, 17.2 and 1282, 17.44). We define it as a special type of modification. 8 Appositions Franziska Kirchhoff This chapter aims at explaining the concept of apposition, which is found mostly within noun phrases. It furthermore gives detailed instructions on how to spot appositions and deal with them in an analysis. 8.1 Definition and Terminology An apposition is most typically a construction within a noun phrase (NP) 1 which is composed of a head and a 2 modifier (most often the postmodifier) signifying the same referent. This modifier is in apposition with the head (= in a copular relation) (CGEL 1300-1302, 17.65) 3 and should be labeled as a special type of modifier on the functional level of analysis: such modifiers can always be labeled preor postmodifier, but sometimes it is even more precise to call them appositives or appositive modifiers in which case we recommend labeling them as an appositive premodifier, abbreviated premod (appos), or appositive postmodifier, postmod (appos) for short. Modifiers are analyzed as appositive modifiers whenever there is a copular relation between them and the head as in example (1). (1) Anna, my best friend, was here. To be in a copular and therefore appositive relation means that the two constituents (a head and a modifier) must either have an identical referent or “the reference of one must be included in the reference of the other” (CGEL 1301, 17.65). The simplest way of deciding whether such a copular relation exists is to check whether be can be used to connect the constituents in <?page no="224"?> 4 We have already used the distinction between restrictive/ non-restrictive (or defining/ non-defining) in our discussion of attributive relative clauses (see Chapter 6.4). Since the concept is absolutely parallel when applied to appositives, it will not be discussed any further here. After all, it is not even necessary for your analysis. This also holds for the distinction between strict/ weak, full/ partial apposition also detailed in the CGEL (1320-1304, 17.66-17.68). question (CGEL 1261, 17.26) in a sense of is equal to, or in less clear cases, is part of. In the case of example (1), this test results in (1a), clearly showing that Anna and my best friend must be in apposition. (1a) Anna is (equal to) my best friend. In contrast to other cases of modification, in an apposition it is not always clear which of the constituents is the head and which is the modifier. For this reason, we need to determine which of the two elements is ‘the defined’ and which is ‘the defining’. In most cases, this question can be answered by finding out which of the two potential appositives can be omitted without creating either syntactic or semantic problems (CGEL 1305, 17.69). In example (1), both Anna was here. and My best friend was here. work syntactically and semantically. The punctuation (two commas), however, shows us that this is a non-restrictive 4 apposition, meaning that my best friend is only added information to the head Anna without further restricting it. Generally, in a nonrestrictive apposition, the first appositive is the defined (and thus labeled head) and the second is the defining (labeled appositive postmodifier) (CGEL 1304, 17.68). Thus, Anna must be considered the head of the NP Anna, my best friend, and my best friend is only postmodifying this head in an appositive way, resulting in the following complete analysis of sentence (1): (1) s S: NP h: pn Anna, postmod (appos): NP dtm: det my premod: adj best h: n friend, V: VP mv: pv was A: AdvP h: adv here. 224 8 Appositions <?page no="225"?> 5 The apposition in form of an AdjP will be analyzed at the end of this section, while the PP example can be found again in 8.4.1. The steps you need to keep in mind to successfully analyze a case of apposition are summarized in this checklist: Checklist: Is it a case of apposition? ■ First, check whether the two constituents are in a copular relation by trying to connect them with be. ■ Then, find out which of these constituents is the defined, i.e. the head, and label the other one preor postmod (appos). 8.2 Different Forms of Apposition Appositive modifiers can occur in many different forms, which is why memorizing all the forms that could possibly fulfill their function is not helpful when trying to spot a case of apposition in a sentence. The following lists are therefore not meant to be exhaustive but instead mention the most common forms of apposition with their respective indicators. This should help you spot an apposition in classical cases. The less obvious cases will be dealt with in the Tricky Business Section (8.4). 8.2.1 Phrasal Apposition When the defining element in an apposition is a phrase, it is almost always a NP. This is called phrasal apposition. In contrast, clausal apposition is far less common (see 8.2.2). Thus, NP constructions will take center stage in this section. Further examples of phrasal apposition other than NPs are also shown in Table 1. 5 In order to highlight the apposition, we underlined the head of the phrase and the appositive modifier within it. 225 8.2 Different Forms of Apposition <?page no="226"?> 6 For more details on nouns as premodifiers see Chapter 2.6.1. form of the appositive example NP (2) (3) Theseus, a Greek hero, killed the Minotaur. My friend Anna was here last night. PP (4) The question (,) of student grants (,) was discussed yesterday. AdjP (5) He was exceedingly inebriated - hopelessly drunk, in other words. Table 1: Some examples of phrases functioning as appositive postmodifiers taken from the CGEL When you come across a NP that postmodifies the head of a superordinate NP, this postmodifying NP is most likely a case of apposition and must then be labeled postmod (appos). NPs that appear as premodifiers of a NP head, however, can either be a regular premodifier (then labeled premod) as in his life story (CGEL 1330, 17.104) or an appositive premodifier (then labeled premod (appos)) as in FBI Chief J. Edgar Hoover (CGEL 276, 5.42). 6 Either way - with postmodifiers as well as premodifiers -, you can be certain about their appositive nature by checking for a copular relation. Ambiguity can arise when it comes to proper nouns. The CGEL uses the term appositives both for geographical names and names of specific individuals - as soon as they contain two constituents that are in a copular relation, like “President Kennedy” (CGEL 1319, 17.91) or “Mount Everest” (CGEL 1317, 17.89). Although we do not deny the appropriateness of such labeling, we suggest analyzing these as proper nouns for reasons of simplicity. This seems particularly reasonable when both words are spelled with capital letters as in the two examples given. As touched upon before, the only difficulty with appositive modifiers in the form of a NP arises when deciding which of the two nouns is the head of the superordinate NP and which is the head of the modifying NP. For this distinction you can use the explanation from 8.1. Still, very often, both options are possible. Compare examples (2) and (3) from Table 1: 226 8 Appositions <?page no="227"?> 7 The parentheses point to the fact that My is not part of the head, but would be labeled dtm: det before the head in this analysis. 8 A comment on the analysis: As visible in Table 2, sentence (3) can also be analyzed with a postmod (appos). The analysis then follows the same structure as the analysis of sentence (2). (2) Theseus, a Greek hero, killed the Minotaur. (3) My friend Anna was here last night. Example (2) clearly demonstrates an appositive postmodifier, as the punc‐ tuation points to a nonrestrictive apposition (CGEL 290, 5.64). Example (3), however, is less obvious. While the fact that Anna was here last night. can stand on its own shows that My friend can be analyzed as the appositive premodifier, the sentence is as equally acceptable as My friend was here last night, so that an analysis of Anna as the appositive postmodifier is also just as acceptable. Table 2 summarizes the options of analysis for sentences (2) and (3), thus foreshadowing the complete analyses of the two basic options, i.e. involving a premod (appos) or a postmod (appos). S: NP V: VP rest premod (appos): NP h: (p)n postmod (appos): NP … … (2) Theseus , a Greek hero, killed the Mino‐ taur. (3) My friend Anna was here last night. (3a) (My)  7 friend Anna was here last night. Table 2: Overview of premodifying and postmodifying appositive NPs Here are the complete analyses for sentences (2) and (3): 8 227 8.2 Different Forms of Apposition <?page no="228"?> (2) s S: NP h: pn Theseus, postmod (appos): NP dtm: det a premod: adj Greek h: n hero, V: VP mv: fv killed O d : NP dtm: det the h: pn Minotaur. 1 (3) s S: NP premod (appos): NP dtm: det My head: n friend h: pn Anna V: VP mv: pv was A: AdvP h: adv here A: NP dtm: det last h: n night. Finally, one rare example of an apposition within an AdjP will be shown. Example (5) from Table 1 above shows a structure in which an AdjP (hopelessly drunk …words) postmodifies the head of the superordinate AdjP (inebriated). (5) He was exceedingly inebriated - hopelessly drunk, in other words. Our standard test for a copular relation clearly shows that inebriated is (equal to) hopelessly drunk. Furthermore, in other words is one of the clearest 228 8 Appositions <?page no="229"?> 9 The CGEL calls this structure “close to the appositive,” as it reformulates instead of adding information (CGEL 638, 8.141). indicators of apposition (ind appos for short), as will be elaborated on in Section 8.3. We suggest 9 the following analysis: (5) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: pv was C S : AdjP premod: adv exceedingly h: adj inebriated postmod (appos): AdjP premod: adv hopelessly h: adj drunk, ind appos: ind appos in other words. 1 8.2.2 Clausal Apposition An appositive modifier does not have to be a phrase (e.g. NP), as shown in 8.2.1, but can also be a clause. Example (6) shows an attributive that-clause functioning as an appositive postmodifier. (6) Your criticism, that no account has been taken of psychological factors, is fully justified. This calls for some elaborations on the term appositive clause as introduced by the CGEL (1260-1262, 17.26-27). Even though the CGEL only describes a certain type of that-clause in its ‘Appositive clauses’ section, many embed‐ ded clauses can, in fact, function as appositive modifiers (e.g. that-clauses, wh-clauses, to-infinitive clauses, etc., see Chapters 6 and 7). In order to avoid confusion, we deviate from the CGEL in this case and do not use the term appositive clause the way they do: Whenever the form of a clause in apposi‐ tion is described, the precise clause names as introduced in previous chapters (e.g. attributive that-clause, attributive wh-clause, attributive to-infinitive clause, etc.) are used. The term appositive clause, which never actually shows up in any of our analyses, only comes in handy to point to the fact that 229 8.2 Different Forms of Apposition <?page no="230"?> the appositive postmodifier is a clause and not a phrase. This strategy is mirrored in the analysis of sentence (7) below. As an apposition just about always occurs within noun phrases, the clause which realizes the function of an appositive modifier is then always embedded within that NP. This also means that only those clause types which can be used in embedding qualify as appositive clauses. Table 3 shows some of the more common examples of appositive clauses. finite clauses attributive that-clauses (7) The belief that no one is infallible is well-founded. attributive wh-clauses (8) Your original question, why he did not report it to the police earlier, has not yet been answered. (nominal) relative clau‐ ses (in rare cases) (9) I’ll pay you the whole debt: what I originally borrowed and what I owe you in interest. nonfinite clauses attributive to-infinitive clauses (10) This appeal, to visit him, was sent. attributive -ing-partici‐ ple clauses (11) I’m looking for a job driving cars. Table 3: Examples of different forms of appositive clauses taken from the CGEL Clausal appositives are most commonly attributive that-clauses. Also note that an attributive that-clause is always appositive. Just as with any apposi‐ tion, a clause beginning with that within a NP can be checked on apposition by testing a potential copular relation with be. Take a look at examples (7), (12) and (13) of which only two contain appositives: (7) The belief that no one is infallible is well-founded. (12) There’s a table that stands in the corner. (13) He heard the news that his team had won. Testing all three examples on a copular relation with be leads to: 230 8 Appositions <?page no="231"?> (7a) the belief is that no one is infallible (12a) *a table is that stands in the corner (13a) the news was that his team had won Thus, it is apparent that examples (7) and (13) but not (12) contain attributive that-clauses which function as appositive postmodifiers. In addition to this copular link, these clauses also follow a special type of NP head which “must be a general abstract noun such as fact, idea, proposition, reply, remark, answer, and the like” (CGEL 1260, 17.26, see Chapter 6.3). Thus, it can help to look out for such nouns when trying to correctly identify an apposition. The NP heads in examples (7) and (13), belief and news, respectively, clearly belong to this type. Consequently, the full analysis of (7) is as follows: (7) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n belief postmod (appos): attr that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron no one V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj infallible V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj well-founded. Example (12), on the other hand, is not a case of apposition, as it is not even an attributive that-clause but a defining relative clause, despite resembling the attributive that-clause (see Chapter 6.3 and 6.4). So ruling out that an embedded clause starting with that is an attributive relative clause (by trying to replace that with a rel pron) may also prove helpful. If that test fails, you are clearly dealing with an attributive that-clause that functions as an appositive postmodifier. 231 8.2 Different Forms of Apposition <?page no="232"?> Note: Indicators for attributive that-clauses: ■ The head of the NP is an abstract noun such as fact, idea, belief, news, question, etc. ■ The head is followed by that as a subordinating conjunction (sub conj), which cannot be replaced by a relative pronoun such as which or who. As example (9) I’ll pay you the whole debt: what I originally borrowed and what I owe you in interest. (see Table 3) shows, nominal relative clauses can sometimes be used as appositives, although the CGEL usually refrains from calling relative clauses appositive. Indeed, example (9) with the NP head debt is the only example in which the CGEL clearly labels a (nominal! ) relative clause appositive. The CGEL instead usually draws a clear line between sentences like (1) Anna, my best friend, was here. (CGEL 1301, 17.65, simplified) and sentences with attributive relative clauses like (1b) Anna, who is my best friend, was here. (CGEL 1301, 17.65, simplified). Thus, you are on the safe side by labeling attributive relative clauses like (1b) as simple postmodifiers. Other kinds of clauses functioning as appositive modifiers can be identi‐ fied and analyzed similarly, so that only one further sample analysis will be given: (10) s S: NP dtm: det This h: n appeal, postmod (appos): attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv visit O d : NP h: pron him, V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv sent. It should be emphasized again that not all examples presented here have to be analyzed as appositive modifiers in every exam context. The CGEL sets the ground for doing so in all the above examples, but in cases of doubt, it 232 8 Appositions <?page no="233"?> 10 Note that the abbreviation ind appos is used both for function and form. is usually better to label a modifier as a regular one and only add a footnote pointing towards its appositive nature. 8.3 Indicators of Apposition There are a number of expressions that can function as indicators of apposition (ind appos). 10 These indicators may occur at the beginning or the end of the appositive modifier. This section therefore aims to make you aware of these indicators and demonstrates how to analyze them. Some of the most common indicators of apposition are shown in Table 4 (adapted from CGEL 1307-1308, 17.73-17.74): ‘most appositive’ equivalence that is to say, that is, ie., namely, viz in other words or, or rather, or better and ‘least appositive’ for example, for instance, eg., including, included inclusion especially, particularly, in particular, mainly Table 4: Examples of indicators of apposition As indicated in Table 4, the CGEL arranges these indicators on a scale of how appositive certain constructions are. Thus, it should be questioned whether examples with indicators like especially or including should really be labeled as an apposition to begin with, or whether regular modification is more appropriate in such cases. Compare: (14) My best friend, in other words Anna, was here last night. (15) Many people, including my sister, won’t forgive him. In both examples, the indicator of apposition comes at the beginning of the (appositive) postmodifier. While example (14) clearly shows a copular 233 8.3 Indicators of Apposition <?page no="234"?> relation (My best friend is Anna), this seems questionable for (15): *Many people is my sister. Therefore, we do not classify (15) as a case of apposition and suggest the corresponding analyses for these two sentences. Also note how to handle the indicator of apposition, which is, of course, only necessary in (14): (14) s S: NP dtm: det My premod: adj best h: n friend, postmod (appos): NP ind appos: ind appos in other words h: pn Anna, V: VP mv: pv was A: AdvP h: adv here A: NP dtm: det last h: n night. 1 (15) s S: NP dtm: det Many h: n people, postmod: PP prep: prep including prepC: NP dtm: det my h: n sister, V: VP aux v: mod aux will neg: neg part not mv: fv forgive O d : NP h: pron him. An example for an indicator of apposition placed at the end of the appositive modifier can be seen in sentence (16) Dickens’s most productive period, the 1840s, that is, was a special time. and in the corresponding analysis. 234 8 Appositions <?page no="235"?> (16) s S: NP dtm: n Dickens’s premod: AdjP premod: adv most h: adj productive h: n period, postmod (appos): NP dtm: det the h: num 1840s, ind appos: ind appos that is, V: VP mv: pv was C S : NP dtm: det a premod: adj special h: n time. 1 But note that even the most typical indicators of apposition are no guarantee for the presence of an apposition, as can be seen in example (17) where in other words is used to indicate the reformulation of the whole sentence and rather not to introduce a case of apposition. (17) She has applied for a transfer - she is tired of her present job, in other words. 8.4 Tricky Business This section takes a look at slightly more complicated cases of apposition and sentences roughly resembling apposition. 8.4.1 will help you figure out what to do with of-constructions like the city of Rome (CGEL 1284, 17.47). 8.4.2 sets out to distinguish coordination from apposition in constructions like (21) His aged servant and subsequent editor. (CGEL 761, 10.39, shortened). 8.4.1 The Appositive of-Phrase There is an entire section in the CGEL about “Apposition with of-phrases” (1284f., 17.47), discussing examples like the city of Rome. This construction 235 8.4 Tricky Business <?page no="236"?> 11 A comment on the analysis: student grants can alternatively be analyzed as a compound noun (see Chapter 2.6.1). clearly differs from similar structures like the people of Rome (CGEL 1284, 17.47) because of the copular relation between the city and Rome. Our standard test for apposition (“The city (that I mean) is Rome.”) clearly supports an analysis of such of-phrases as an apposition. However, it remains unclear which of the two nouns functions as the head and which as its appositive modifier. Ideally, the of-PP realizes the appositive postmodifier, as in example (18). (18) The question of student grants was discussed yesterday. The concord of the verb was with the noun question, as opposed to student grants, which would call for a plural verb, makes it relatively clear that question must be the head of the NP. Consequently, of student grants must be the appositive postmodifier, as can be seen in the analysis of sentence (18). 11 (18) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n question postmod (appos): PP prep: prep of prepC: NP premod: n student h: n grants V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv discussed A: AdvP h: adv yesterday. However, in some cases, it would make much more sense to analyze the NP head of the prepositional complement (i.e. Rome in the city of Rome) as the head of the entire NP with the first noun (i.e. city) being an appositive premodifier. For some of the examples mentioned in the CGEL, like the fool of a policeman or her brute of a brother (1285, 17.47), the CGEL labels the second noun (policeman and brother, respectively) N1 and the first N2, which also hints at the fact that we are actually describing a policeman and 236 8 Appositions <?page no="237"?> a brother, respectively. Furthermore, the copular test in the CGEL results in “The policeman is a fool.” (1285, 17.47), as opposed to the original order in which fool comes first (the fool is a policeman), which does not seem to acknowledge the copular relation between the nouns correctly. These two points in addition to the fact that “the possessive determiner actually notionally determines N1, not N2: her brute of a brother [‘Her brother was a brute.’]” (CGEL 1285, 17.47), are reason enough to consider the prepositional complement as the head and the first noun as the appositive. However, there is a catch: This logic cannot be illustrated in a proper syntactic analysis, as sentence (19) Her brute of a brother came home. (CGEL 1285, 17.47, expanded) nicely shows. The analysis in (*19), which tries to mirror the semantic structure of the sentence, is seriously flawed. After all, a NP cannot possibly end on of a. (*19) s S: NP dtm: det Her premod (appos): NP h: n brute ? : ? of a h: n brother V: VP mv: fv came A: AdvP h: adv home. Thus, whenever both nouns can be treated - at least syntactically - as the head of the NP, as in the city of Rome, an analysis similar to example (18) is preferred, resulting in the analysis in (19). You might want to add a footnote, though, pointing to the underlying semantic structure that cannot be shown by means of syntax. 237 8.4 Tricky Business <?page no="238"?> (19) s S: NP dtm: det Her h: n brute postmod (appos): PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det a h: n brother V: VP mv: fv came A: AdvP h: adv home. 1 8.4.2 Distinguishing Apposition from Coordination As mentioned in Table 4 (Section 8.3), the coordinating conjunctions and and or can be indicative of an apposition in some cases. In fact, “[a]pposition resembles coordination” (CGEL 1301, 17.65), but luckily, whether multiple constituents connected by and or or really are in apposition can be deter‐ mined easily. Remember: Just check whether the constituents describe the same referent, e.g. by linking them with be. This works, for example, in sentence (20). (20) This temple of ugliness and memorial to Victorian bad taste was erected. Here, the temple is simultaneously the memorial. Also, a singular verb (was) is used, which points to the fact that there can only be one referent and not two. For this reason, we can rule out coordination (see Chapter 9) and analyze the sentence as follows: 238 8 Appositions <?page no="239"?> (20) s S: NP dtm: det This h: n temple postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: n ugliness postmod (appos): NP ind appos: ind appos and h: n memorial postmod: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP premod: adj Victorian premod: adj bad h: n taste V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv errected. 1 In some cases, however, it is not directly apparent whether the two constit‐ uents describe the same referent and, in such examples, it may help to analyze the verb. If a singular verb is used, then multiple constituents usually refer to one single person (or thing). Like in (20), those constituents are therefore in apposition. Compare the following: (21) His aged servant and the subsequent editor of his collected papers was with him at his deathbed. (22) His aged servant and the subsequent editor of his collected papers were with him at his deathbed. In (21), the use of the singular verb was indicates that his aged servant and the subsequent editor of his collected papers must be one and the same person. Thus, they are in apposition and one of them must be labeled an appositive modifier. In this example, either NP could be the modifier; so we can resort to the unproblematic and more common postmod (appos) solution. The word and as used in an apposition must thus be labeled ind appos. The same test reveals that in (22), we have a case of coordination with his aged servant and the subsequent editor of his collected papers being two different people. Note that checking the verb concord does not always help in determining whether an apposition is involved. This is especially the case when the 239 8.4 Tricky Business <?page no="240"?> verb already is in plural because of the existence of even more coordinated constituents, as can be seen in example (23) where my cousin and the housekeeper may or may not be in apposition. (23) Only my cousin, the housekeeper, and Mrs Baldwin were in the house at the time of the burglary. At last, a somewhat more complex example of apposition resembling coordination can be seen in (24) Anne Martin, star of the TV series and author of a well-known book, has resigned. where two postmodifiers are in apposition with the head Anne Martin. (24) s S: NP h: pn Anne Martin, postmod (appos): NP h: n star postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: n TV h: n series postmod (appos): NP ind appos: ind appos and h: n author postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det a premod: adj well-known h: n book, V: VP aux v: pv has mv: fv resigned. With and only being an indicator of apposition of medium strength (see Table 4), sentence (24) can also be seen as containing only one appositive postmodifier (star of the TV series and author of a well-known book) which then contains coordination, which you can learn more about in the following Chapter 9. 240 8 Appositions <?page no="241"?> 1 In the following, we will give preference to the term coordinator for brevity. 2 Here is a rare and rather extreme example of a conjoint that has more than two immediate constituents (for a complete analysis see also Chapter 9.4): The colours of the rainbow are blue, green, yellow, orange, red, indigo, and violet. (CGEL 47, 2.10). 9 Coordination Jenny Arendholz This chapter deals with various forms of coordination. First, we will intro‐ duce the underlying structure of coordination and the necessary terminol‐ ogy. Then, one central element, the coordinating conjunctions, will take center stage before all the possible types of coordination are listed. After that, two ways of analyzing coordination will be demonstrated, offering a basic blueprint for how to handle this structure. Coordination “has many variations and complications” and there is a lot of flexibility when it comes to the elements that can be coordinated, involving clauses, phrases and words. For this reason, only the most important, i.e. the most frequent cases can be discussed here in more detail. 9.1 Terminology and Basic Structures Let us consider the first example, sentence (1), in which the sentence-initial adverbial features a case of coordination: (1) Slowly and stealthily, he crept towards his victim. In (1), the coordination consists of three elements: the two coordinated items, called conjoins (conj), and the linking word and, called a coordinator  1 or coordinating conjunction (co conj). We can thus say that two (or more) 2 conjoins (mostly) linked by a co conj form the larger construction that is known as a conjoint (CGEL 46, 2.10). It is also important to note that “conjoins of each construction are parallel to one another in meaning, function, and also (generally) in form” (CGEL 942, 13.43). This is summarized in Figure 1 and will be essential for analyses to come: <?page no="242"?> slowly conjoin 1 conj 1 } conjoint and coordinator co conj stealthily conjoin 2 conj 2 Figure 1: Basic structure and terminology of coordination In coordination, units of the same rank are linked. In (1), slowly and stealthily are both adverbs and - taken together as a conjoint - function as one adverbial in the sentence. This underscores that in coordination, “the units are constituents at the same level of constituent structure, whereas in subordination they form a hierarchy, the subordinate unit being a constituent of the superordinate unit” (CGEL 918, 13.2). For this reason, coordination belongs to the syntactic arrangement of parataxis (“equal arrangement”), while subordination belongs to hypotaxis (“underneath arrangement”) (ibid.). Quirk et al. illustrate these two arrangements with the noun phrases reproduced (and slightly altered) in (2) and (3) (919, 13.2): (2) his best and longest novel (= coordination, parataxis) (3) his hugely successful novel (= subordination, hypotaxis) In (2), the coordinate adjective phrase best and longest functions as a premodifier of the NP head novel and in that NP, best and longest are equal constituents. Both are adjectives on the same level (parataxis) and both refer to the following head novel. In (3), however, the adverb hugely does not modify novel. First it modifies successful, then hugely and successful together modify novel. Thus, hugely and successful are not on the same level. Instead, there is a hierarchy in their relationship (hypotaxis) because the subordinate unit, the adverb hugely, is a constituent of the superordinate unit, the AdjP headed by successful (ibid.). These relations can be depicted visually in a partial syntactic analysis (Figure 2): 242 9 Coordination <?page no="243"?> (2) [his [best and longest] coor AdjP novel] NP (3) [his [hugely successful] AdjP novel] NP (2) NP dtm: det his premod: AdjP conjoint best and longest h: n novel 1 (3) NP dtm: det his premod: AdjP premod: adv hugely h: adj successful h: n novel 1 best and longest = paratactic relation hugely successful = hypotactic relation Figure 2: Paratactic vs. hypotactic relations on a phrasal level To illustrate the same difference on a clausal level, consider sentences (4) and (5): (4) He has quarrelled with the chairman and has resigned. (= coordination, parataxis) (4a) He has quarrelled with the chairman and he has resigned. (4b) He has quarrelled with the chairman. He has resigned. (5) Since he quarrelled with the chairman, he has resigned. (= subordination, hypotaxis) (5a) *Since he quarrelled with the chairman. He has resigned. (5b) He quarrelled with the chairman. He has resigned. In (4), the co conj and links two clausal conjoins, which is why the entire sentence is a conjoint. Both clauses are on the same syntactic level and could also be used independently as illustrated in (4b). In the intermediate step (4a), the subject is repeated, making (4) its elliptical version (see Section 9.4). (5) is a case of subordination in which the subordinate adverbial clause introduced by the sub conj since is not on the same level as the main clause but is subordinate to it. Simply separating them as in (5a) is therefore impossible. Leaving out the sub conj, thus deleting the marker of the causal relationship between the two clauses, however, results in two acceptable sentences in (5b). It is interesting to note that the causal relationship is still expressed in (5b). It is also graspable in (4) and (4b), where the causal relationship is expressed by the co conj and and the linear arrangement of the 243 9.1 Terminology and Basic Structures <?page no="244"?> 3 Note that we use the abbreviation S comp to indicate a compound sentence. 4 For explanations on polysyndetic coordination as in The wind roared, and the lightning flashed, and the sky was suddenly as dark as night., see CGEL 926-927, 13.17. sentence, respectively. If we look close enough, we see that there is actually only a fine line between (causal) meaning expressed by coordination or by subordination (CGEL 919, 13.3). It is thus logically consistent for the CGEL to talk about a “gradient between ‘pure’ coordinators and ‘pure’ subordinators” (920, 13.5), a train of thought which will be picked up again in Section 9.2. To conclude this section, Figure 3 offers rough, schematic analyses of sentences (4) 3 and (5): (4) He has quarrelled with the chairman and has resigned. (5) Since he quarrelled with the chairman, he has resigned. (4) s comp conj 1 : cl 1 S: NP... He V: VP... has quarreled A: PP... with the chairman coord: co conj and conj 2 : cl 2 V: VP... has resigned. 1 (5) s A: adv cl sub: sub conj Since S: NP... he V: VP... quarreled A: PP... with the chairman, S: NP... he V: VP... has resigned. 1 two clauses in paratactic relation (same level) two clauses in hypotactic relation (one clause is part of the other, i.e. the entire sentence) Figure 3: Paratactic vs. hypotactic relations on a clausal level 9.2 Coordinators Coordination comes in two forms: 4 syndetic and asyndetic coordination. In the former, coordination is “marked by overt signals of coordination (and, or, but), whereas asyndetic coordination is not overtly marked” (CGEL 918, 13.1). This is quite obvious in sentences (6) and (7) (ibid.): (6) Slowly and stealthily, he crept towards his victim. 244 9 Coordination <?page no="245"?> (7) Slowly, stealthily, he crept towards his victim. While we only see a comma in (7), coordination is explicitly marked in (6) with the coordinator and. However, (7) could easily be turned into syndetic coordination by inserting and, proving that (7) is, in fact, also a case of coordination. Since asyndetic coordination is “usually stylistically marked” (ibid.), we will deal with the more frequent type of syndetic coordination here and focus on the coordinators. There are three conjunctions that the CGEL clearly regards as coordina‐ tors: and, or and but, the first two being central coordinators (920, 13.5). There are also others which need to be placed on the aforementioned “gradient between ‘pure’ coordinators and ‘pure’ subordinators” (ibid.). The shortened version of the respective table in the CGEL (927, 13.18), which is a summary of the syntactic features of coordinators (CGEL 921-926, 13.6-13.16), is reproduced in Table 1: coordinators in between subordinators and or = central coordinators but yet so nor however therefore for so that if because Table 1: The coordinator-subordinator gradient Although Table 1 “demonstrates the absence of a clear divide between coordinators and other linking items” (CGEL 928, 13.19), we can still be sure that and and or always mark coordination, just as if and because always mark subordination. But is special insofar as it does not fulfill all the same criteria as the two central coordinators, such as linking more than two clauses. Still, but can be expected to be used in coordination frequently. However and therefore are less coordinator-like than yet, so and nor, which “in some respects resemble coordinators” (ibid.). For and so that “are shown to be subordinators rather than coordinators; and yet they are more coordinator-like than the more typical subordinators if and because” (ibid.) on the right end of the table. Words which “share some of the 245 9.2 Coordinators <?page no="246"?> 5 Closely related to semi-coordinators are so-called quasi-coordinators, e.g. as well as, as much as, rather than, more than, which “behave sometimes like coordinators, and at other times like subordinators or prepositions” (CGEL 982, 13.103). 6 A less typical correlative is not… but / not only… but as in He didn’t come to help, but to hinder us. (CGEL 940-941, 13.42). 7 This construction is equivalent to He hasn’t met either her mother or her father. where the negation is already marked on the verb (CGEL 936, 13.33). distinguishing features of coordinators” are called semi-coordinators 5 (ibid.). In Table 1, this is true for the words in the two columns in the middle. Now that we have clarified the nature of coordinators, we can focus our attention on the special case of correlative coordinators or correlatives (CGEL 935-941, 13.33-13.42), which come in pairs and have already been mentioned in Chapter 3.6. We start with the reproduction of Table 7 from that section (called Table 2 in this chapter), which lists said pairs of correlative coordinators 6 and gives one typical example for each (ibid.): (both) … and (8) He has met (both) her mother and her father. (either) … or (9) He has met (either) her mother or her father. neither … nor (10) He has met neither her mother nor her father.  7 Table 2: Most typical correlative coordinating conjunctions The first item in a correlative is called endorsing item and is sometimes op‐ tionally inserted for reinforcement (see parentheses in Table 2). The second one is the coordinator. Correlatives are also useful in distinguishing between segregatory and combinatory meaning (CGEL 953-957, 13.59-13.63). These terms point to semantic nuances which can impact the syntactic analysis, as we will show later in this chapter. The difference becomes obvious when comparing sentence (11) David and Joan got divorced., meaning ‘from each other’ (combinatory meaning), to (11a) Both David and Joan got divorced., meaning ‘not from each other’ (segregatory meaning) (CGEL 936, 13.35). Sentence (9) He has met (either) her mother or her father. is analyzed below, effectively as a first blueprint for sentences to come - regardless of whether they feature correlative pairs or not (see also Chapter 3.6, analysis (26)). If we only have a central co conj like or, we simply leave out the line with the endorsing item, here either. 246 9 Coordination <?page no="247"?> (9) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP aux v: pv has mv: fv met O d : NP conjoint coord: endorsing item either conj 1 : NP 1 dtm: det her h: n mother coord: co conj or conj 2 : NP 2 dtm: det her h: n father. 1 For the time being, the analysis in (9) is supposed to show two things: where to put the terms introduced in 9.1 and how to deal with a correlative pair. The bold print in (9) indicates our suggested notational conventions. We can also see that the endorsing item is placed before and on the same level as the first conjoin and that the co conj is in between and also on the same level as both conjoins. To uphold the bipartite function/ form structure for each level, we suggest including the function marker coord (for coordination) before the colon that precedes the endorsing item and the co conj (see also 9.4). 9.3 Types of Coordination Coordinators can be used to link complete independent clauses, such as (12) [The winter had come at last](,) and [snow lay thick on the ground]. (CGEL 946, 13.50). This is what sentence (12) looks like when analyzed completely: 247 9.3 Types of Coordination <?page no="248"?> (12) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S: NP dtm: det The h: n winter V: VP aux v: pv had mv: fv come A: PP prep: prep at prepC: n last coord: co conj and conj 2 : sentence 2 S: NP h: n snow V: VP mv: fv lay C S : AdjP h: adj thick A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n ground. 1 Of course, this is only the simplest case of coordination because all we actually do is analyze two sentences consecutively, putting markers of (the parts of) coordination first, including and. This also includes marking the compound sentence as such with S comp to make explicit that (12) is, in fact, a type of coordination. We can complicate matters further by adding an A as in sentence (13) Yesterday [the sun was very warm] and [the ice melted]. (CGEL 950, 13.54). Quirk et al. state that this example “can reasonably be called coordination of clauses.” As indicated by the brackets, the sentence-initial A “stands outside the two conjoins, and its meaning applies simultaneously to both of them” (ibid.). Therefore, the structure is A [S V C] + [S V] - a pattern which corresponds to the most salient reading of sentences like this, but which is not applicable to (13a) or (13b): (13a) [Yesterday the sun was very warm] and [during the morning the ice melted]. (13b) [Yesterday the sun was very warm] and [the ice has melted]. 248 9 Coordination <?page no="249"?> The analysis of (13a) differs from (13) because of “an adverbial of the same semantic class” in the second conjoin, which “limits the scope of the first adverbial” (ibid.). In (13b), the perfect aspect in the second conjoin indicates that yesterday can only belong to the first conjoin. Therefore, the analyses are [A S V C] + [A S V] for (13a) and [A S V C] + [S V] for (13b) (ibid.). In the following, we will present a number of tables. They will demon‐ strate that all kinds of elements that are parts of sentences can be linked and called coordination as well. The aim of this section is thus to give you an overview of all types of coordination so that you can master the first step of the analysis: correctly identifying the type of coordination. Section 9.4 will be dedicated to proposing analyses for selected sample sentences taken from this section. coordination of dependent clauses (CGEL 946, 13.50) examples coordinated items FU: FO a) finite clauses (14) [If you pass the examination] and [(if) no one else applies,] you are bound to get the job. A: adv cl conjoint (15) The Minister believes [that the economy is improving,] and [(that) unemployment will soon decrease]. O d : nom that-cl conjoint (16) I didn’t know [who she was,] or [what she wanted]. O d : nom wh-cl conjoint (17) Someone [who knows the area,] but [whose home is outside it,] is more likely to be a successful representative. postmod: def rel cl conjoint b) non-finite clauses (18) I’ve asked him [to come this evening] or [(to) phone us tomorrow]. O d : nom to-inf cl conjoint (19) Samantha is fond of [working at night] and [getting up late in the morning]. prepC: attr -ing-part cl con‐ joint 249 9.3 Types of Coordination <?page no="250"?> (20) All the villagers helped to rebuild the houses [damaged by the storm] or [waded away by the floods]. postmod: attr -ed-part cl con‐ joint c) verbless clauses (21) [With George ill] and [(with) the chil‐ dren at home,] Jenny is finding life very difficult. A: verbless cl conjoint Table 3: Coordination of dependent clauses As indicated in the right column of Table 3, the functions of the coordinated items can be found on the first level of analysis (e.g. O d , A, etc.) but also on lower levels (e.g. postmod, prepC, etc.). Table 4 presents the next type: coordination of predicates. Note that in contrast to Table 3, we cannot give a straightforward name to the type of conjoint in the righthand column of Table 4 (and, for that matter, other tables to come). The reason for this will become clear in Section 9.4. coordination of predicates (CGEL 948, 13.52) examples coordinated items FU (22) Peter [ate the fruit] and [drank the beer]. [VO] and [VO] (23) I [send you my very best wishes], and [look forward to our next meeting]. [VO i O d ], and [VAA] (24) Margaret [is ill], but [will soon recover]. [VC S ], but [VA] Table 4: Coordination of predicates According to the CGEL (78-79, 2.47), a predicate is that part of a sentence that remains when you exclude the subject, e.g. (25) Julie (S) buys her vegetables in the market. Predicates “may, of course, have varied structures in terms of clause elements” (CGEL 948, 13.52), which becomes obvious when considering the righthand column of Table 4. Coordination is possible because a) both conjoins share the same subject and b) brevity of expression is always preferred (CGEL 949, 13.53). So to avoid repetition, the second conjoin lacks the subject. But be very careful: The sentence (26) Two young men ate the fruit and (also) drank the beer. 250 9 Coordination <?page no="251"?> (CGEL 948, 13.52) is not the same in meaning as (26a) Two young men ate the fruit, and two young men drank the beer. In this case, they is necessary in the second clause to appropriately express co-referentiality, resulting in (26b) Two young men ate the fruit, and they drank the beer. Unfortunately, this impacts our syntactic analysis, as we are now faced with another type of coordination, viz. coordination of independent clauses/ sentences in (26b). coordination of predications (CGEL 949, 13.53) examples coordinated items FU (27) Most people will have [read the book] or [seen the film]. [V(mv)O d ] or [V(mv) O d ] (28) They should have [washed the dishes], [dried them], and [put them in the cup‐ board]. [V(mv)O d ], [V(mv)O d ], and [V(mv)O d A] (29) You must [take the course] and [pass the examination]. [V(mv)O d ] and [V(mv)O d ] (30) They were [married in 1960], but [di‐ vorced in 1970]. [V(mv)A], but [V(mv)A] Table 5: Coordination of predications As can be seen from the example sentences in Table 5, predications can also be coordinated. The predication is that part of a sentence that remains when you exclude the subject as well as the operator(s) of a VP, e.g. (31) He (S) had (operator) given the girl an apple. (CGEL 79, 2.48). Predicates are thus incomplete VPs and consecutive sentence elements such as objects and/ or adverbials (see the righthand column of Table 5). 251 9.3 Types of Coordination <?page no="252"?> 8 But is seldom used as a NP coordinator: Not only [the students,] but [some of the staff] have voted for these changes. (CGEL 952: 13.57). coordination of NPs (CGEL 951-952, 13.56) examples coordinated items FU: FO (32) [Some of the staff], and [all of the stu‐ dents], have voted for these changes.  8 S: NP conjoint (33) On this farm, they keep [cows], [sheep], [pigs], and [a few chickens]. O d : NP conjoint (34) Lucy Godwin is [a well-known broad‐ caster] and [winner of the Novelist of the Year Award for 1978]. C S : NP conjoint (35) The plan was opposed by [Frederick], [Mary], and [me]. prepC: NP conjoint (36) Jane plays three instruments: [the piano], [the viola], and [the French horn]. postmod (appos): NP con‐ joint Table 6: Coordination of NPs Table 6 shows a very common type of coordination, which can be found on the first functional level (e.g. as the realization of a S, O d or C S ) and also on lower levels of an analysis as part of other phrases such as NPs or PPs. Table 7 focuses on coordination that happens inside NPs and concerns its various parts, such as premodifiers as in (37) They sell [manual] and [electric] typewriters. or heads as in (38) Your [son] and [daughter] look so much alike. (CGEL 957, 13.64). Since these “may be expanded” to (37a) They sell [manual typewriters] and [electric typewriters]. and (38a) [Your son] and [your daughter] look so much alike., it is “often possible to postulate ellipsis from a full form in which coordination takes place between noun phrases” (ibid.). In (37a), that would result in a NP conjoint in the O d slot, whereas in (38a), we would have a NP conjoint in the S slot. What used to be NP-internal coordination is thus turned into phrasal coordination (see Table 6). 252 9 Coordination <?page no="253"?> 9 Note that this heterogeneous list provided by the CGEL is actually a mixture of functional and formal conjoints: While the first three types are positioned on a functional level, the last three variants of determiner conjoints are found on a formal level. So technically speaking, grouping both clusters of sentences as “parts of NPs” is wrong because only heads and modifiers are actually parts of NPs. For that reason, we divided Table 7 in two parts. 10 In some cases, the CGEL refrains from formulating full sentences. For the sake of homogeneity, we decided to complete phrasal examples, turning them into very simple but full-fledged sentences throughout this chapter. 11 For information on the rare and also “awkward” (CGEL 965, 13.74) case of coordination of genitives with possessive pronouns, e.g., my husband’s and mine or your bank account and your husband’s, see CGEL (964-965, 13.74). coordination of parts of NPs (CGEL 957-966, 13.64-76) examples coordinated items FU and FO 9 (39) (40) His [wife] and [child] were there.  10 Old [men] and [women] were left to organ‐ ize the community. NP heads conjoint (41) He specializes in selling [old] and [valua‐ ble] books. premodifier conjoint (42) The bus [for the Houses of Parliament] and [(for) Westminster Abbey] leaves from this point. postmodifier conjoint (43) (44) [A few] or [many] students were there. I am inviting [one] or [two] students to a party. determiner conjoint (rare! ) (45) [John’s] and [Mary’s] children were there. determiner (as genitive) 11 conjoint (rare! ) (46) (47) I know about [your] and [my] problems. I know [their] and [our] students. determiner (as possessive) conjoint Table 7: Coordination of parts of NPs If you carefully read through Table 7, you may realize that a lot of sentences can have two or even more readings. As we have seen in sentence (11) in Section 9.2, the difference in semantics (see combinatory vs. segregatory meaning) affects our syntactic analysis, which is why a few semantic elaborations on Table 7 are necessary here. 253 9.3 Types of Coordination <?page no="254"?> 12 In contrast to that, “the [boys] and [girls] staying at the hostel” is less ambiguous. After all, if “the determiner is not repeated in the noninitial [conjoin], an ellipsis of the determiner is normally assumed” (CGEL 960, 13.67). The less salient meaning of this phrase would imply ‘boys who do not stay at the hostel’. The NP heads conjoints in (39) and (40) are equal in meaning to the constructions (39a) His wife and his child were there. and (40a) Old men and old women were left to organize the community., respectively. What distinguishes (40a) from (39a) is the fact that there is also a second meaning of (40), namely (40b) [Old men] and [women] were left to organize the community. If we assume that the premodifier old really only refers to the first NP head men, the resulting type of coordination would change from NP head conjoints to NP conjoints, combining NP 1 , old men, with NP 2 , women (CGEL 960, 13.67). 12 Sentence (41) is also ambiguous because it “may mean ‘books which are old and valuable’ (combinatory meaning) or ‘old books and valuable books’ (segregatory meaning)” (CGEL 960, 13.68). The same holds for sentence (45), which can mean ‘John’s child and Mary’s child’ or ‘John’s children and Mary’s child’ or ‘John’s child and Mary’s children’ etc. (segregatory reading) or ‘the children who are joint offspring of John and Mary’ (combinatory meaning) (CGEL 963: 13.72). If, however, the apostrophe was only placed behind Mary, viz. [John] and [Mary]’s children, the combinatory meaning would take precedence since ’s “is outside the coordinate construction, and is added to the whole conjoint noun phrase John and Mary” (964, 13.72). We conclude this discussion by taking a look at sentences (46) and (47), also from Table 7. Note that the slightly altered versions (46a) I know about your problems and mine. as well as (47a) I know their students and ours. both contain possessive pronouns as the second conjoins, thus resulting in conjoined NPs again (CGEL 964, 13.73). The CGEL states that “[a]ll the main variations of construction we have noted in connection with clauses and noun phrases are also found in verb phrases, adjective phrases, adverb phrases, and prepositional phrases” (967, 13.77). Listing all of these types of coordination is therefore impossible. What we can do, however, is reproduce those types the CGEL also chose to elaborate on in more detail (967-970, 13.77-13.84). A summary of Quirk et al.’s writing can be found in Table 8. 254 9 Coordination <?page no="255"?> 13 In constructions like these, parts of the prepositional complement can be ellipted either in the first or in the second conjoin: (55a) He spoke [for the first] but [against the second motion]. or (55b) He spoke [for the first motion] but [against the second]. (CGEL 969, 13.81). 14 “If the two or more prepositions are identical, all but the first preposition can be ellipted.” (CGEL 969, 13.81). 15 In this construction, the prepC is partly ellipted. coordination of other constituents (CGEL 967-970, 13.77-84) examples coordinated items (48) Yesterday we [bought] and [sold] ten paintings. VP conjoint (49) I have [washed] and [dried] the dishes. mv conjoint (with shared aux v) (50) (51) The country [can] and [must] recover from its present crisis. He [may], or (certainly) [should], resign. aux v conjoint (less common, formal) (52) The journey was [long] and [extremely arduous]. AdjP conjoint (53) I’m feeling [younger] and [healthier] than I have felt for years. AdjP heads conjoint (54) She made the announcement [quietly] but [quite confidently]. AdvP conjoint (55) (56) He spoke [for the first motion] but [against the second motion].  13 They are going [to France], [(to) Ger‐ many], or [(to) Switzerland].  14 PP conjoint (57) He climbed [up] and [over] the wall.  15 prep conjoint (58) The enemy attacked [quickly] and [with great force]. [AdvP] and [PP] (59) They can call [this week] or [whenever they wish]. [NP] or [adv clause] = mixed coordination of As 255 9.3 Types of Coordination <?page no="256"?> (60) I am prepared to meet them [when] and [where] they like. subordinator conjoint (61) I am determined to find out [who] or [what] caused this uproar. interrogative pronoun conjoint Table 8: Coordination of other constituents Table 8 really is a mixed bag and we cannot even specify in advance whether coordination happens on a formal plane (see Tables 3 and 6) or on a functional plane (see Tables 4, 5 and partly 7) as we did before. Here are a few more remarks about the content of Table 8 and related cases: With regard to AdjPs, yet again there might be some ambiguity. Consider sentence (62) The souvenirs they bought were very cheap and gaudy. (CGEL 968, 13.79). Does the premodifier very refer only to the first adjective cheap or also to the second one, gaudy? There are two possibilities for structuring this sentence and thus two types of coordination. Note that the second reading is preferred: 1) [very cheap] and [gaudy] → premodifier applies only to the first conjoin → AdjP conjoint 2) very [cheap] and [gaudy] → premodifier applies to both conjoins → AdjP head conjoint This ambiguity vanishes as soon as we change the order of the words: (62a) The souvenirs they bought were gaudy and very cheap. (ibid.). An interesting detail about the coordination in sentences (58) and (59) will not go unmentioned: although the “general principle governing the coordination of phrases and words is that the conjoins must belong to the same category, formally, functionally, and semantically, [sometimes] the normal formal parallelism is not maintained” (CGEL 969, 13.82). The result is the coordination of different adverbial categories, or, as the CGEL also calls it, the mixed coordination of adverbials (ibid.). This can be seen in sentence (58), in which an AdvP is coordinated with a PP, and also in sentence (59), where we find a NP coordinated with an adv cl. This works because in “each case, […] a close semantic parallel between the conjoins is maintained” (ibid.). The coordination in sentence (60) is possible because the “two subordinate clauses are identical except for their conjunctions [so that] one of the clauses 256 9 Coordination <?page no="257"?> 16 In fact, the CGEL introduces two other less common types, namely appended coordina‐ tion and interpolated coordination. Since the first of the two is “characteristic of informal speech” (CGEL 975, 13.94) and the second one considered “[s]tylistically […] often awkward [and] best avoided” (CGEL 977, 13.96), a reference to their respective chapters in the CGEL will suffice here. can be omitted, normally the first” (CGEL 969, 13.83). The same reason also holds for the interrogative pronoun conjoint in sentence (61). complex coordination (CGEL 973-974, 13.91) examples coordinated items FU (63) We gave [William a book on stamps], and [Mary a book on painting]. [O i and O d ] and [O i and O d ] (64) Jack painted [the kitchen white] and [the living room blue]. [O d and C O ] and [O d and C O ] (65) You should serve [the coffee in a mug] and [the lemonade in a glass]. [O d and A] and [O d and A] (66) Paula is flying [to Madrid tonight] and [to Athens next week]. [A and A] and [A and A] Table 9: Complex coordination Table 9 is rather straightforward again because it is very clear that the conjoint is placed on a functional level. The example sentences in this table still differ from all the other sentences in previous tables since we are no longer dealing with “the coordination of single grammatical constituents such as clauses, predications, phrases, and words,” but are now turning to a less regular and less common type of coordination called complex coordination. 16 Here, “the conjoins are combinations of units, rather than single units” (ibid.), which is indicated by the brackets in the righthand column of Table 9. The sentences (63) to (66) also show their relation, by ellipsis, to the coordination of clauses (CGEL 973, 13.90). 257 9.3 Types of Coordination <?page no="258"?> 17 In a lot of model solutions, these principles, the first one in particular, are noticeably neglected. We want to avoid these inaccuracies and are aware that our analyses thus increase complexity, but we see this as the lesser of two evils. 9.4 The Analysis of Coordination As mentioned earlier, we cannot provide complete analyses for all the sentences presented throughout this chapter. What we can and did do, however, is closely examine all 47 example sentences from Tables 3 to 9 in Section 9.3. In doing so, we identified three strategies for analyzing such sentences. We will outline these strategies in the following portion, discuss their advantages and limitations, and suggest which of the 47 sentences can be analyzed using which strategy. When weighing our analytical options, we based our decision on two simple guiding principles: 17 1. Preserving the bipartite structure: Each level should consist of a func‐ tion followed by a form. 2. Labeling the type of coordination: The conjoint should be written down first before explicitly naming and analyzing its constituents. 9.4.1 The Ellipsis Strategy Let us go back to the analysis of sentence (12) at the beginning of Section 9.3. We have seen that compound sentences, in which - by their very nature - two clauses are always coordinated, can be analyzed quite easily. All we have to do is deal with each clause and mark the two of them as conjoins using the abbreviations mentioned earlier (see 9.1). For this reason, it makes our lives as analysts much easier if we construe sentences with coordination (that are not compound sentences per se) as instances of incomplete or ellipted compound sentences whenever possible. Here are two examples to illustrate this thought (CGEL 929, 13.21): (67) Sam has [trimmed the hedge] and [mowed the lawn]. = elliptical version of: (67a) [Sam has trimmed the hedge], and [Sam has mowed the lawn]. (68) I [washed] and [ironed] the clothes. = elliptical version of: (68a) [I washed the clothes] and [I ironed the clothes]. 258 9 Coordination <?page no="259"?> 18 The sentences in Tables 3 to 9 for which the ellipsis strategy works are (15), (22), (23), (24), (27), (28), (29), (30), (32), (34), (52), (55), (58), (59), (63), (64), (65) and (66). So instead of going through a full-fledged analysis of a predication conjoint in (67) or a VP conjoint in (68), we can present both sentences as elliptical compound sentences. We will call this the ellipsis strategy. The analysis of sentence (68) bears witness to it and also illustrates the notational conventions we propose: (68) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv washed O d : NP dtm: det (the) h: n (clothes) coord: co conj and conj 2 : sentence 2 S: NP h: pron (I) V: VP mv: fv ironed O d : NP dtm: det the h: n clothes. 1 In terms of coordination, the analysis of sentence (68) is an exact reproduction of the analysis of sentence (12) and therefore rather unproblematic. For the sake of completeness, we put parentheses around elements that were not part of the original, elliptical sentence (68). We suggest you do the same and comment on that and the reasons behind it in a footnote. We also noted down the analyses of the elliptical elements although this is not absolutely necessary. This is something that you do not have to do. After all, you are only asked to analyze the sentence constituents that are actually there, i.e. sentence (68), and not any elements you added to aid the analysis, i.e. sentence (68a). The first step in analyzing coordination is thus to find out if a sentence can be treated as an elliptical version of a compound sentence. If so, you can apply the ellipsis strategy. Unfortunately, this is not always the case: out of our 47 sentences, 18 sentences 18 can be analyzed with the help of the ellipsis strategy, among them (15) The Minister believes [that the economy 259 9.4 The Analysis of Coordination <?page no="260"?> 19 Far more detailed information concerning the reasons why the ellipsis strategy does not work in sentences (69a)-(71a) can be found in the CGEL (942-943, 13.45-46). is improving,] and [(that) unemployment will soon decrease]., which can be expanded to (15a) [The Minister believes that the economy is improving,] and [the Minister believes (that) unemployment will soon decrease]. and analyzed as a compound sentence like (12). There are three main reasons why not every sentence can be expanded to a full compound sentence. In some of our remaining 29 sentences, we come across semantic or structural limitations. In other cases, we would have to expand the sentence extensively for it to become a full-fledged compound sentence. Here we will discuss all three reasons accordingly using example sentences from this chapter. The two sentences in Table 10 (CGEL 942, 13.45) fall into the category of semantic limitations, 19 as the meaning of the altered versions is either different from the original or simply nonsensical: original sentence ellipsis strategy (69) I have never grown [apples] or [pears]. (69a) *[I have never grown apples] or [I have never grown pears]. (70) The national flag of Japan is [red] and [white]. (70a) *[The national flag of Japan is red] and [the national flag of Japan is white]. Table 10: Coordination without ellipsis strategy So according to the CGEL, (69) can only be analyzed as a NP conjoint and (70) as an AdjP conjoint (see 9.4.2). Below are examples from our 47 sample sentences that illustrate the structural limitations of the ellipsis strategy. In these (and other) cases, expanding a sentence creates syntactic problems: (36) Jane plays three instruments: [the piano,] [the viola,] and [the French horn]. ≠ (36a) *[Jane plays three instruments: the piano,] [Jane plays three instruments: the viola,] and [Jane plays three instruments: the French horn]. → nonsensical syntax 260 9 Coordination <?page no="261"?> (39) His [wife] and [child] were there. ≠ (39a) *[His wife were there] and [his child were there]. → wrong concord between verbs and singular nouns The third reason for discarding the ellipsis strategy is that too many elements would have to be added to transform the sentence into a compound sentence: (21) [With George ill] and [(with) the children at home,] Jenny is finding life very difficult. ≠ (21a) *[With George ill, Jenny is finding life very difficult] and [(with) the children at home, Jenny is finding life very difficult]. (33) On this farm, they keep [cows,] [sheep,] [pigs,] and [a few chickens]. ≠ (33a) *[On this farm, they keep cows,] [on this farm, they keep sheep,] [on this farm, they keep pigs,] and [on this farm, they keep a few chickens]. When considering the type of coordination, introduced in the Tables 3 to 9, a certain trend can be observed with regard to the applicability of the ellipsis strategy. This trend is portrayed in Table 11, but should be treated with caution. After all, these results are solely based on the analysis of the 47 sentences in the aforementioned tables. ellipsis strategy rather applicable rather not applicable predicate conjoints predication conjoints complex coord. other constituents dependent cl NPs parts of NPs Table 11: Gradient of applicability (by mere tendency) of the ellipsis strategy with regard to type of coordination 9.4.2 The Conjoint Strategy For those sentences in which the ellipsis strategy is not an option, we have to “examine the construction in terms of the conjoins themselves - viz the elements which are left intact” (CGEL 942, 13.44). This is exemplified with 261 9.4 The Analysis of Coordination <?page no="262"?> 20 A comment on the analysis: Remember that we recommend moving As that interrupt VPs. sentences (69) 20 and (70), which had previously been excluded from the ellipsis strategy in 9.4.1, but can be analyzed successfully as a NP conjoint and an AdjP conjoint, respectively: (69) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: pv have mv: fv grown A: AdvP h: adv never O d : NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 h: n apples coord: co conj or conj 2 : NP 2 h: n pears. 1 (70) s S: NP dtm: det The premod: adj national h: n flag postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: pn Japan V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP conjoint conj 1 : AdjP 1 h: adj red coord: co conj and conj 2 : AdjP 2 h: adj white. Admittedly, these two analyses look a bit bloated, particularly with regard to the bold parts. They also deviate from model solutions proposed in other publications. But as previously stated (see the two guiding principles outlined in 9.4), we want to preserve the function/ form pattern and explicitly label the type 262 9 Coordination <?page no="263"?> 21 The sentences in Tables 3 to 9 for which the conjoint strategy works are (14), (15), (16), (17), (18), (19), (20), (21), (32), (33), (34), (35), (36), (43), (44), (45), (46), (47), (48), (52), (54), (55), (56), (57), (60) and (61). 22 This is true for the sentences (15), (32), (34), (52) and (55). of coordination and its parts. If we left out the bold parts, one of the questions to arise would be how and where to note down the co conj. These two analyses also hint at the fact that a syntactic analysis is unproblematic if the name of the conjoint refers to a formal level, i.e. NP conjoint in (69) and AdjP conjoint in (70). For this reason, the following types of coordination can be analyzed with the second strategy, which we call the conjoint strategy: applicable conjoint strategy sometimes applicable applicable not applicable dependent cl NPs parts of NPs other constituents predicate conjoints predication conjoints complex coord. Table 12: Types of coordination that can be analyzed with the conjoint strategy With dependent clauses as well as (noun) phrases being formal categories, analyzing them like sentence (69) is no problem. This is not the case for half of the category parts of NPs, as it refers to functions, e.g. coordinated heads or premodifiers. We will have to deal with those separately (see Section 9.4.3). The same holds true for the category other constituents, which is a mixed bag and therefore cannot be treated as a whole. The column on the right lists the types of conjoints whose names neither point to a formal nor a functional level. Do predicates and predications belong on the formal or functional level? The conjoint strategy is impossible to use for sentences with predicate conjoints, predication conjoints and complex coordination - at least in our sample. Fortunately, these are exactly the sentences that can be analyzed using the ellipsis strategy (compare Table 11). So out of our 47 sentences, 26 21 can successfully be analyzed by applying the conjoint strategy. As a matter of fact, there are some example sentences in our sample 22 that can be analyzed either with the ellipsis strategy or the conjoint strategy, among them (15): (15) The Minister believes that the economy is improving, and (that) unemploy‐ ment will soon decrease. 263 9.4 The Analysis of Coordination <?page no="264"?> (15a) The Minister believes [that the economy is improving,] and [(that) unemploy‐ ment will soon decrease]. = conjoint strategy with nom that cl conjoint (15b) [The Minister believes that the economy is improving,] and [the Minister believes (that) unemployment will soon decrease]. = ellipsis strategy Here are two analyses (15a) and (15b), equally effective and correct, which you can choose from: (15a) s S: NP dtm: det The h: pn Minister V: VP mv: fv believes O d : nom that-cl conjoint conj 1 : nom that-cl 1 sub: sub conj that S: NP dtm: det the h: n economy V: VP aux v: pv is mv: fv improving, coord: co conj and conj 2 : nom that-cl 2 sub: sub conj that S: NP h: n unemployment V: VP aux v: mod aux will mv: fv decrease A: AdvP h: adv soon. 264 9 Coordination <?page no="265"?> (15b) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S: NP dtm: det The h: pn Minister V: VP mv: fv believes O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP dtm: det the h: n economy V: VP aux v: pv is mv: fv improving, coord: co conj and conj 2 : sentence 2 S: NP dtm: det (the) h: pn (Minister) V: VP mv: fv (believes) O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: n unemployment V: VP aux v: mod aux will mv: fv decrease A: AdvP h: adv soon. 1 To conclude this section, we will analyze yet another sentence (taken from the CGEL 47, 2.10) with the help of the conjoint strategy; the twist, however, is that there are more than two conjoins: (71) The colours of the rainbow are blue, green, yellow, orange, red, indigo, and violet. 265 9.4 The Analysis of Coordination <?page no="266"?> (71) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n colors postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n rainbow V: VP mv: pv are C S : AdjP conjoint conj 1 : AdjP 1 h: adj blue, conj 2 : AdjP 2 h: adj green, conj 3 : AdjP 3 h: adj yellow, conj 4 : AdjP 4 h: adj orange, conj 5 : AdjP 5 h: adj red, conj 6 : AdjP 6 h: adj indigo, coord: co conj and conj 7 : AdjP 7 h: adj violet. 1 9.4.3 The Shift Strategy As we stated earlier (see Section 9.4.2), we cannot use the conjoint strategy for conjoints that the CGEL locates on a functional plane. This problem, which concerns four sentences in Table 7, “Coordination of parts of NPs,” and four sentences in Table 8, “Coordination of other constituents,” will be uncovered and solved in this section. Let us (re)consider sentence (39) His [wife] and [child] were there., which the CGEL labels as NP heads conjoint (960, 13.67), and (49) I have [washed] and [dried] the dishes., which features a mv conjoint. First, we will try to apply the conjoint strategy, as this will reveal the underlying structural problem: 266 9 Coordination <?page no="267"?> (*39) s S: NP dtm: det His h conjoint: ? ? h 1 : n wife coord: co conj and h 2 : n child V: VP mv: pv were A: AdvP h: adv there. 1 (*49) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: pv have mv conjoint: ? ? mv 1 : fv washed coord: co conj and mv 2 : fv dried O d : NP dtm: det the h: n dishes. Every time we try to analyze a sentence with a conjoint placed on a functional level, as illustrated in the flawed analyses of (*39) and (*49), we encounter the same problem indicated by the question marks: What should we call this formal slot? If we just leave it out and move the next element to the left, right behind the name of the conjoint, we would get two functional levels next to each other. In (*39), that would mean that the h conjoint would be directly followed by a head, and in (*49), the mv conjoint would be followed by a mv - with each of these abbreviations representing functions! With an eye on our notational conventions, that would mean abandoning the linking of two units (function and form) with a colon and having two consecutive dashes. Note that this is precisely what some model solutions simply do. We, however, would still like to try to preserve the bipartite structure of function and form, and therefore propose a third strategy: the shift strategy. What this strategy entails is shifting what used to be on a functional level to a formal level in order to be able to apply the conjoint 267 9.4 The Analysis of Coordination <?page no="268"?> strategy without further problems. Based on the two flawed sample analyses (*39) and (*49), we will now apply the shift strategy to (39) and (49), marking the shift with a black arrow: (39) s S: NP dtm: det His h: n conjoint conj 1 : n 1 wife coord: co conj and conj 2 : n 2 child V: VP mv: pv were A: AdvP h: adv there. 1 → (49) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: pv have mv: fv conjoint conj 1 : fv 1 washed coord: co conj and conj 2 : fv 2 dried O d : NP dtm: det the h: n dishes. → What used to be a (functional) NP head conjoint now appears as a (formal) n conjoint, leaving a simple, non-coordinated head in (39). In (49), the mv conjoint is now a (formal) fv conjoint, following a simple, non-coordinated mv. We can then proceed with our analyses as recommended by the conjoint strategy (see Section 9.4.2). To conclude this section, Table 13 lists the eight sentences from Tables 7 and 8 that require the help of the shift strategy, also showing the result of each shift. 268 9 Coordination <?page no="269"?> example conjoint 1 → shifted conjoint FU: FO (39) (40) His [wife] and [child] were there. Old [men] and [women] were left to organize the community. NP heads conjoint h: n conjoint (41) He specializes in selling [old] and [valuable] books. premodifier conjoint premod: adj con‐ joint (42) The bus [for the Houses of Parliament] and [(for) Westminster Ab‐ bey] leaves from this point. postmodifier conjoint postmod: PP con‐ joint (49) I have [washed] and [dried] the dishes. mv conjoint mv: fv conjoint (50) (51) The country [can] and [must] recover from its present crisis. He [may], or (certainly) [should], resign. aux v conjoint aux v: mod aux conjoint (53) I’m feeling [younger] and [healthier] than I have felt for years. AdjP heads conjoint h: adj conj Table 13: Example sentences for and results of the shift strategy 9.4.4 Detection Rules The steps of the analysis, including the three main strategies outlined in the previous sections, are summarized in Figure 4: 269 9.4 The Analysis of Coordination <?page no="270"?> How do I analyze coordination? Can I apply the ellipsis strategy? Yes! → Expand the sentence to a fullfledged compound sentence. No! → Can I apply the conjoint strategy? Yes! → Note down the conjoint on a formal level. No! → Apply the shift strategy and move the conjoint from a functional to a formal level. Figure 4: Steps of analysis for sentences with coordination 270 9 Coordination <?page no="271"?> 1 Note that in the first part of Table 1, the main focus in each sentence is marked in bold. In case of divided focus (see Section 10.3), the secondary focus is underlined. 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns Jenny Arendholz Although an English sentence can vary in its complexity, it is relatively fixed when it comes to the basic pattern that sentence constituents have to follow: SVO (CGEL 50-51, 2.14). Being an analytical language and in marked contrast to inflected languages, English cannot have a free word order since the function of a word is not expressed by an inflectional suffix. Therefore, this fixed word order is necessary for the English language to make up for the loss of inflectional endings the language has suffered over time. Nevertheless, we do find sentences with a slightly marked word order, in newspaper articles as well as other texts. We automatically perceive these sentences differently largely because of the changed distribution of information within them. This chapter will outline the various possibilities of structuring the elements in a sentence according to their importance for the communicative situation. Table 1 gives an overview of the various constructions that deviate - sometimes for reasons of emphasis - from the unmarked SVO word order. 1 Each of these constructions get a separate section in this chapter (see third column). The table also includes an example sentence and a preview of the analysis: construction example sentence section unmarked, “nor‐ mal” word order Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 --fronting Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 10.2 cleft sentence proper Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 10.3 pseudo-cleft sen‐ tence Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 5 as part of prepC Table 11: Syntactic functions (and forms) in nonequivalent comp cl constructions possible functions of comp-element + comp cl (equivalence) FU (FO) of the first as The article | was | as objective as I expected (it would be). S V C S premod of AdjP head (adv) It | was | as lively a discussion as we thought it would be. S V C S premod of premodifying adj (adv) I | am | as severely handicapped as you (are). S V C S premod of premodifying adv (adv) The time | passed | as quickly as (it passed) last year. S V A premod of AdvP head (adv) She | thinks | her children | as obedient as (they were) last year. S V O d C O premod of AdjP head (adv) Table 12: Syntactic functions (and forms) in equivalent comp cl constructions construction example sentence section unmarked, “normal” word order “original” sentence: I shall ignore his callousness. S V O d --fronting His callousness I shall ignore. O d S V 10.2 cleft sentence proper It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S 10.3 pseudo-cleft sentence What I shall ignore is his callousness. S V C S 10.3 10.3 <?page no="272"?> extraposition (of clausal S or O) Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 6 extraposition (of clausal S or O) It surprised me to hear him say that. S ant V O d S post You must find it exciting working here. S V O ant C O O post 10.4 existential construction There is a car blocking my way. S gr V S not 10.5 Table 1: Overview of constructions deviating from unmarked SVO 10.4 existential con‐ struction Dokumentvorlage • Narr Verlage | A 3.3 6 extraposition (of clausal S or O) It surprised me to hear him say that. S ant V O d S post You must find it exciting working here. S V O ant C O O post 10.4 existential construction There is a car blocking my way. S gr V S not 10.5 Table 1: Overview of constructions deviating from unmarked SVO 10.5 Table 1: Overview of constructions deviating from unmarked SVO 10.1 Theme and Rheme Before digging deeper into the topic of information structure, we will look at how information is distributed in sentences in general. Sentences consist of two kinds of information: what is known to the reader/ listener and what is new. The known theme (or topic) of the sentence is most frequently represented by the subject in an unmarked sentence (SVO); it is the beginning of the sentence and determines who or what the sentence is about (CGEL 1361-1362, 18.9). The other part, the rheme, contains new information and is the most important part of a sentence with normal word order. Consider sentence (1) (ibid.): (1) She visited that very day an elderly and much beloved friend. She is the theme of the sentence and as such is known information. The person referred to by she must have been introduced earlier in the text or conversation and therefore does not need to be specified any further. The rest of the sentence is the rheme, the new and newsworthy bit. Typically, this part is placed at the end of a sentence to create an end-focus. This is how the CGEL defines the principle of end-focus: “[I]t is common to process the information in a message so as to achieve a linear presentation from low to high information value” (1357, 18.3). In other words, the most important, most focused elements in a sentence are normally found at the end; in (1) that is the O d an elderly and much beloved friend. There is, however, another reason why this O d is put at the end of the sentence and even after the optional A that very day. In (1) the principle of end-weight also plays an important role because “the new information often needs to be stated more 272 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="273"?> fully than the given (that is, with a longer, ‘heavier’ structure)” (CGEL 1361, 18.9). That means that end-weight also applies here since the unknown O d needs a more complex structure and could not simply be exchanged for her in sentence (1). 10.2 Fronting and Inversion The first deviation from an unmarked word order is created by the process of fronting, which is “very common both in speech and in conventional written material” and defined as “moving into initial position an item which is otherwise unusual there” (CGEL 1377, 18.20), namely the O d , C S , C O , A or even parts of the VP. If, for instance, the O d is fronted, the rheme no longer appears at the end but at the beginning of the sentence. The unmarked word order SV(A)O d becomes marked O d SV(A), as can be seen in example (1a): (1a) An elderly and much beloved friend she visited that very day. Although the unmarked structure in sentence (1) already suggests that an elderly and much beloved friend is the most important information (via end-focus), fronting the O d stresses its importance even more. Also note that with fronting, the order of all the other elements in the sentence remains untouched. Here are two examples with fronted elements other than the O d (CGEL 1377-1379, 18.20-21): (2) Relaxation you call it. (C O fronted, C O SVO d ) (3) Into the stifling smoke we plunged. (A fronted, ASV) Example (3) shows the fronting of an adverbial. In an unmarked structure, the adverbial is simply added to the end of the sentence (SVA). To put special focus on the adverbial, it is fronted and thus perceived as far more stressed by the recipient. This is also called a scene-setting effect (CGEL 521, 8.47; 1384, 18.26 Note [b]). As visible in (2), analyzing a case of fronting is not too difficult: 273 10.2 Fronting and Inversion <?page no="274"?> (2) s C O : NP h: n Relaxation S: NP h: pron you V: VP mv: fv call O d : NP h: pron it. 1 Even though you do not have to mention that a certain constituent is fronted or that the sentence makes use of fronting, you should still be aware of this special means of emphasis. After all, a sentence like (2) clearly deviates from the seven basic sentence types introduced in Chapter 1.2. So knowing about fronting should give you confidence when analyzing a sentence as C O SVO d as demonstrated in (2). So far, we have dealt with cases of “unproblematic” fronting, which only affect the dislocation of one element, while the rest of the sentence remains untouched. Other forms of fronting, however, automatically trigger a change in word order of the remaining constituents as well. For this reason, we will now look at inversion. Consider sentence (4) taken from the CGEL (1380, 18.23) and its slightly altered versions (4a) and (4b): (4) The milkman is here. (SVA, unmarked order) (4a) *Here the milkman is. (ASV, only fronting) (4b) Here is the milkman. (AVS, fronting and inversion) If we try fronting and thus emphasizing the A here without changing anything else, we get the ungrammatical sentence (4a). The only viable option is (4b), as it makes use of full inversion or subject-verb inversion (CGEL 1379, 18.23). We can see a complete change of the usual word order with SVA becoming AVS. The S of the SVA construction is shifted to end-position (i.e. after the main verb) and placed in end-focus, which is rather unusual for a S (see Section 10.1). The same mechanism is at play in sentence (5), which can easily be turned into the fronted and inverted version (5b) but not a fronted and uninverted (5a): (5) The flowers she got were very beautiful. (SVC S , unmarked order) 274 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="275"?> 2 But note that in their chapter about fronting (1377, 18.20), the CGEL permits sentences like Wilson his name is. with a form of to be in end position. (5a) *Very beautiful the flowers she got were. (C S SV, only fronting) (5b) Very beautiful were the flowers she got. (C S VS, fronting and inversion) Although this phenomenon is rather typical for literary speech, it does also appear in ordinary informal speech. The reason fronting triggers full inversion in sentences (4) and (5) lies in the verb to be. It is not strong enough - or in the words of the CGEL “[it is] lacking in communicative dynamism” (1379, 18.23) - to be isolated at the end of the sentence. Instead, the S moves behind the V and the C S or A is shifted to the front. 2 This way, the S gets end-focus. Full inversion is also possible with a fronted O d , “but chiefly limited to the reporting clauses where the object represents direct speech” as in “Please go away” said one child. (1380, 18.23). There are, however, some limitations to subject-verb inversion (1381, 18.23, Footnotes [a] and [b]); it only works: ■ with simple present tense or simple past tense verbs, i.e. Here comes my brother. vs. *Here is coming my brother. ■ with certain verbs of stance (be, stand, lie, etc.) or very general verbs of motion (come, go, fall, etc.) ■ if the S is not a personal pronoun, i.e. Here he is. vs. *Here is he., Here he comes. vs. *Here comes he. or Away he ran. vs. *Away ran he. What becomes obvious when looking at Here he is. vs. *Here is he. is that the “no personal pronoun in end position” rule supersedes the aforementioned rule prohibiting the verb to be in end position. The analysis of a sentence such as (5b) thus looks as follows: 275 10.2 Fronting and Inversion <?page no="276"?> (5b) s C S : AdjP premod: adv Very h: adj beautiful V: VP mv: pv were S: NP dtm: det the h: n flowers postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: pron she V: VP mv: fv got. 1 The second form of inversion triggered by fronting is called partial inversion or subject-operator inversion. In contrast to full inversion and true to its name, only the subject and the (first) auxiliary verb, i.e. the operator, swap positions. If there is no auxiliary verb to invert the subject with, the pro-form do is inserted. This is nicely illustrated in sentences (6) and (7) (Ungerer et al. 1984: 227): (6) Not for anything in the world (A) would (V aux1 ) John (S) have (V aux2 ) entered (V mv ) that room (O d ) again (A). (7) Not a single word (O d ) did (V aux ) he (S) speak (V mv ) for the rest of the evening (A). The CGEL (1381-1383, 18.24) lists four scenarios for partial inversion: a) elliptical clauses with initial so or the corresponding negatives neither or nor: John saw the accident and so did Mary. She wasn’t angry and neither was I. b) where a phrase of negative form or meaning is fronted: At no time must this door be left unlocked. Not a single book had he read that month. c) in comparative clauses when the S is not a personal pronoun: Oil costs less than would atomic energy. d) in subordinate clauses of condition and concession (especially in more formal usage): Were she alive today, she would grieve at the changes. 276 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="277"?> 3 To avoid split VPs as in (6), you could also consider changing the order of the sentence constituents before conducting your analysis. Do not forget to comment on the necessity of that change, though, and mark it with an arrow. 4 cleft per definition means “a space or opening made by or as if by splitting” (Merriam Webster online, s.v. cleft, n.). The syntactic analysis in (6) demonstrates again that neither the term fronting nor inversion is actually needed as a label. It also shows that the S moves between the first auxiliary verb and the rest of the VP, thus segmenting the VP in two parts. 3 (6) s A: AdvP h: adv Not postmod: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP h: pron anything postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n world V: VP aux v: mod aux would S: NP h: pn John V: VP (cont.) aux v: pv have mv: fv entered O d : NP dtm: det that h: n room A: AdvP h: adv again. 1 10.3 Cleft Sentences Proper and Pseudo-Cleft Sentences Another way of distributing information and deviating from the regular word order in a sentence is represented by so-called cleft sentences. We distinguish between cleft sentences proper and pseudo-cleft sentences. As the name cleft  4 indicates, the sentence is divided “into two clauses, each with its own verb” (CGEL 1383, 18.25), which results in divided focus. However, the context dictates exactly which of the focused elements is dominant. Consider the following mini-dialogues from the CGEL (1384, 18.26, slightly adapted) and pay special attention to the divided focus in B’s responses: 277 10.3 Cleft Sentences Proper and Pseudo-Cleft Sentences <?page no="278"?> 5 For deviations from that pattern, e.g. (No,) that was the doctor I was speaking to., see CGEL (1384, 18.26, Note [c]). 6 The CGEL (1385, 18.27) also mentions marginal (even doubtful) cases, in which sentence constituents other than S, O d or A are highlighted by means of a cleft-construction: O i (e.g. ? It’s me (that) he gave the book.), O i as PP (e.g. It’s me he gave the book to.), C O (e.g. It’s dark green that we’ve painted the kitchen.) and in particular C S (e.g. ? It’s a genius that he is.). When, however, the verb before the C S is not to be, a cleft-construction with a C S as a focused element can be acceptable: It was a doctor that he eventually became. A: You should criticize his CALlousness B: No, it is his CALlousness that I shall igNORE → in B, callousness is given, ignore is new → more stress on ignore vs. A: You should ignore his disHONesty B: No, it is his CALlousness that I shall igNORE → in B, callousness is new, ignore is given → more stress on callousness Let us take a closer look at B’s (slightly shortened) responses from the mini-dialogues: (8) It is his callousness that I shall ignore. S V C S In (8), the basic structure of a cleft sentence proper becomes perfectly clear: the sentence begins with the subject pronoun it, 5 an empty theme, which is followed by a form of the verb to be. In this SVC S sentence, it is normal for the next (and last) part of the sentence to carry the focus (CGEL 1384, 18.26). As we have already stated when talking about divided focus, it is the context that governs whether callousness or ignore is more prominent, as both parts carry stress. “[W]hile very common in spoken English, the construction is particularly convenient in writing, since it provides unerring guidance to the reader in silently assigning appropriate prosody” (ibid.). Cleft sentences proper are flexible insofar as they highlight different parts of the sentence (CGEL 1385, 18.27), namely S, O d or A 6 but never the V. This can be illustrated with various permutations of a classic Quirk et al. sentence, reproduced in (9): 278 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="279"?> (9) John wore a white suit at the dance last night. (SVO d AA, unmarked order) (9a) It was John who wore a white suit at the dance last night. (focus on S) (9b) It was a white suit (that) John wore at the dance last night. (focus on O d ) (9c) It was last night (that) John wore a white suit at the dance. (focus on A time ) (9d) It was at the dance that John wore a white suit last night. (focus on A place ) (9e) *It’s wore that John a white suit at the dance. The detailed analysis of the C S in all these cleft sentences is, however, problematic because cleft sentences always contain an embedded clause which also needs to be labeled. The CGEL (1386, 18.28) states that this clause “is obviously similar in structure to a restrictive relative clause; and yet […] there are considerable differences.” In the same paragraph, Quirk et al. go on outlining similarities as well as differences between defining relative clauses and what they vaguely call “the type of ‘annex’ clause that occurs in cleft sentences” (1387, 18.28 Note). They do not, however, bring up any other clause name for the embedded clause under discussion. For this reason, we decided to use the term defining relative clause anyway. Despite certain inadequacies that the usage of this term in this context involves, it still seems to be the only logical choice. After all, we are looking for a term for a finite, embedded clause that has an antecedent which is not an abstract noun like idea or remark (see Chapter 6.4), aspects all covered by the term defining relative clause. Hence, this is what the analysis of (9a) looks like. 279 10.3 Cleft Sentences Proper and Pseudo-Cleft Sentences <?page no="280"?> (9a) s S: NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv was C S : NP h: pn John postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron who V: VP mv: fv wore O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj white h: n suit A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n dance A: NP dtm: det last h: n night. 1 In the analysis of (9d), however, it is slightly less convincing to use the term defining relative clause because dance (as opposed to John in the previous analysis) does not work well as an antecedent to that. But if we imagine replacing that by on which, a relative pronoun preceded by a preposition, the relation to dance appears more plausible. Again, in the absence of a better alternative, we propose the same analysis for (9d) as for (9a): 280 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="281"?> 7 For more details on other rather marginal pronouns in that position, such as who, where, when, etc., see CGEL (1388, 18.30). (9d) s S: NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv was A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n dance postmod: def rel cl A: NP h: rel pron that S: NP h: pn John V: VP mv: fv wore O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj white h: n suit A: NP dtm: det last h: n night. 1 (9d) also differs from (9a) in that it has a SVA-structure on the first level and not a SVC S -structure. But since the copular verb to be can be used for both constructions (see Chapter 1.2 and 4.2), this is not a problem. Pseudo-cleft sentences like What I shall ignore is his callousness. (CGEL 1383, 18.25) are similar to cleft sentences proper, as they also “make explicit the division between given and new parts of the communication” (CGEL 1387, 18.29). They always have the syntactic structure SVC S with a nominal relative clause subject usually starting with the pronoun what  7 (ibid., see also Chapter 6.5 on nominal relative clauses). This is illustrated in the analysis of (10) What you need most is a good rest. (CGEL 1388, 18.29). 281 10.3 Cleft Sentences Proper and Pseudo-Cleft Sentences <?page no="282"?> (10) s S: nom rel cl O d : NP h: pron What S: NP h: pron you V: VP mv: fv need A: AdvP h: adv most V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det a premod: adj good h: n rest. 1 The pseudo-cleft sentence is a bit more flexible than the cleft sentence proper in that it “permits marked focus to fall on the predication” by using the substitute verb do (ibid.): (11) What he’s done is (to) spoil the whole thing. (12) What John did to his suit was (to) ruin it. (13) What I’m going to do to him is (to) teach him a lesson. In terms of focus, the do item carries an anticipatory focus, while the main focus comes in the usual end-focus position (ibid.). 10.4 Extraposition of Clausal Subjects and Objects Another way of deviating from the normal word order is achieved by extraposition. This pattern is actually the odd one out in this chapter, since its aim is not to create special emphasis (as all the others above). Instead, it is used to reduce the complexity of a sentence, as will be demonstrated in this section. The term extraposition means the postponement of clausal elements within a sentence. These can be either clausal subjects or clausal objects, 282 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="283"?> 8 The CGEL (1391, 18.33) actually states that these clauses are “almost exclusively subordinate nominal clauses,” yet fails to give a counterexample to account for their use of “almost.” i.e. subjects or objects realized by nominal 8 finite or non-finite clauses (see Chapters 6 and 7). The extraposition of the clausal object is, however, far less frequent (CGEL 1391, 18.33). Let us deal with the more common case first: the extraposition of a clausal subject. In order to reduce the complexity of the sentence, mainly in spoken language, the subject is moved to the end of the sentence. The original subject position is filled by the anticipatory pronoun it. The resulting, extraposed version of the sentence thus contains two subjects, which can be labeled as the postponed subject (the one which is notionally the subject of the sentence, S post for short) and the anticipatory subject (it) (S ant for short) (ibid.). Example sentences (14) and (14a) (CGEL 1392, 18.33) illustrate this process: (14) To hear him say that surprised me. S (clausal) V O d (“original,” yet marked version) (14a) It surprised me to hear him say that. S ant V O d S post (extraposed, unmarked version) Table 2 is an exhaustive list of sentence types in which a clausal subject can be extraposed (CGEL 1392, 18.33): sentence type “original” sentence extraposed sentence SVC S ~ S ant VC S S post To teach her is a pleasure. It is a pleasure to teach her. SVA ~ S ant VAS post That income tax is to be lowered was on the news. It was on the news that income tax is to be low‐ ered. SV ~ S ant VS post What you do doesn’t matter. It doesn’t matter what you do. SVO d ~ S ant VO d S post To hear him say that sur‐ prised me. It surprised me to hear him say that. 283 10.4 Extraposition of Clausal Subjects and Objects <?page no="284"?> SVO d C O ~ S ant VO d C O S post To see others enjoying themselves makes her happy. It makes her happy to see others enjoying them‐ selves. SV pass ~ S ant V pass S post *That she slipped arsenic into his tea is said. It is said that she slipped arsenic into his tea. SV pass C S ~ S ant V pass C S S post For anyone to escape was considered impossible. It was considered impossi‐ ble for anyone to escape. Table 2: Sentence types with extraposed clausal subjects What Table 2 also demonstrates is the fact that the extraposed version of a sentence is far more usual than the “original” version (ibid.). After all, the latter is oftentimes highly marked due to the complexity of the S (see Section 10.1) and it is at times downright unacceptable (see SV pass ). Some extraposed sentences are obligatory since a non-extraposed version does not exist, particularly with verbs such as seem and appear. Compare It seems that everything is fine. vs. *That everything is fine seems. (CGEL 1392, 18.33 Note [a]). With -ing participle clauses as S, the case is reversed: while Getting the equipment loaded was easy. is the unmarked sentence, the extraposed version It was easy getting the equipment loaded. is marked and “uncommon outside informal speech” (CGEL 1393, 18.34). Sample analyses of sentences (15) and (16), both taken from Table 2, illustrate how to deal with this first type of extraposition. Note again that the term extraposition itself is not used in the analysis. As with fronting (see 10.2), it is, however, useful to be actively aware of the extraposition in order to apply the abbreviations S ant and S post correctly. (15) s S ant : NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det a h: n pleasure S post : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv teach O d : NP h: pron her. 284 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="285"?> (16) s S ant : NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv was A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n news S post : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: comp n income tax V: VP aux v: mod id is to aux v: pv be mv: fv lowered. 1 The analyses of (15) and (16) also show that the (extraposed or postponed) S is in each case a nominal clause, namely a nominal to-inf cl (non-finite) in (15) and a nominal that-cl (finite) in (16). The extraposition of a clausal object works exactly the same way as that of the clausal subject: (17) You must find working here exciting. S V O d C O (“original,” yet marked version) (17a) You must find it exciting working here. S V O ant C O O post (extraposed, unmarked version) There is, however, one additional rule: “When the object is an -ing clause in [SVO d C O ] or [SVO d A] clause types, it can undergo extraposition; when it is a to-infinitive clause or a that-clause, it must do so” (CGEL 1393, 18.35). Table 3 provides evidence for that claim: 285 10.4 Extraposition of Clausal Subjects and Objects <?page no="286"?> SVO d C O 1) O d = -ing-part cl → extraposition sometimes possible You must find working here exciting. You must find it exciting working here. I made settling the matter my prime objective. *I made it my prime objective settling the matter. 2) O d = to-inf cl → extraposition obligatory I made it my objective to settle the matter. *I made to settle the matter my objective. 3) O d = that-cl → extraposition obligatory I find it strange that you are here. *I find that you are here strange. SVO d A 1) O d = that-cl → extraposition obligatory I owe it to you that the jury acquitted me. * I owe that the jury acquitted me to you. Something put it into his head that she was a spy. * Something put that she was a spy into his head. Table 3: Options for extraposition in various clausal objects As usual, this section ends with two sample analyses: 286 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="287"?> (17) s S: NP h: pron You V: VP aux v: mod aux must mv: fv find O ant : NP h: pron it C O : AdjP h: adj exciting O post : nom -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv working A: AdvP h: adv here. 1 (18) s S: NP h: pron I V: VP mv: fv made O ant : NP h: pron it C O : NP dtm: det my h: n objective O post : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv settle O d : NP dtm: det the h: n matter. At first glance, some might notice superficial similarities between the extraposition of clausal subjects and cleft sentences proper. After all, both start with the empty theme it, but that would be it. To settle any doubts about these two constructions, Table 4 offers a comparison. 287 10.4 Extraposition of Clausal Subjects and Objects <?page no="288"?> extraposition of clausal subjects cleft sentences proper example (To hear him say that sur‐ prised me.) It surprised me to hear him say that. (I shall ignore his callousness.) It is his callousness that I shall ig‐ nore. why? reduction of the complexity of the sentence by avoiding a long S (the S is usually short because it is known) special emphasis on a limited num‐ ber of sentence constituents (S, O d or A) how? replacement of the S in its normal position by it; shift of S to the end of the sentence splitting of a sentence into two parts, both with their own finite verb (the first one being a form of to be) what? only a clausal subject can be affected by the change S, O d or A can be moved behind the it + to be-construction, thus forming the beginning of the C S in the new cleft sentence result? two subjects: S ant (underlined) and S post divided focus: anticipatory focus and end-focus other the verb following it does not have to be to be the first verb is a form of to be Table 4: Extraposition of clausal subject vs. cleft sentences proper 10.5 Existential Constructions So far, we have assumed that each sentence can be divided into information that is given or known (the theme) and information that is new (the rheme). But what if everything in a sentence is new? What if “the recipient is expected to interpret [even] a theme as entirely new and unconnected with anything previously introduced” (CGEL 1402, 18.44)? In cases like these, “it is convenient to have devices for providing some kind of dummy theme which will enable the originator to indicate the ‘new’ status of a whole clause, including its subject” (ibid.). This is where the existential there comes into play: instead of saying A car is blocking my way., we use the existential construction There is a car blocking my way. (ibid.), which clearly signals that we have not talked about the car before. This also explains why an indefinite NP (a car not the car) occurs in both sentences. As the name already indicates, 288 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="289"?> 9 For an overview of other less frequent existential constructions that are not formed with there but with have as in The porter has a taxi ready., see CGEL 1411-1414, 18.51-54. Although clearly different in meaning, the analysis of these sentences is absolutely unproblematic: The porter has a taxi ready. is actually analyzed as SVO d . 10 For existential sentences constructed with verbs other than to be, e.g. There rose in his imagination grand visions of a world empire., see CGEL 1408-1409, 18.49. 11 Please be careful not to confuse this notional subject with the same term used in Chapter 7! This is a case of unfortunate terminology, as the idea behind the notional subject used in the context of means of emphasis is absolutely unrelated to the notional subject found in non-finite clauses. existential constructions, 9 which can be used for all seven basic clause types, serve “to bring the existence of an entire proposition […] to the attention of the hearer” (CGEL 1403, 18.44). In other words, existential constructions mark the entire content of a sentence as new. They are not to be taken as means of emphasis. This is the inner make-up of the construction: the unstressed dummy there is put in the theme of the sentence, i.e. in the beginning, thus moving everything else into the rheme and marking it as new. The existential there is accompanied by the simple present or past of to be, 10 resulting in the pattern there + (auxiliaries) + be + subject + rest of the sentence (CGEL 1403, 18.45). When we want to analyze a sentence like (19) There is a car blocking my way., we need two new terms: grammatical subject (S gr ) for the empty dummy there and notional subject (S not ) 11 for the real, semantically-loaded subject (ibid.): (19) s S gr : NP h: pron There V: VP mv: pv is S not : NP dtm: det a h: n car postmod: attr -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv blocking O d : NP dtm: det my h: n way. Note that in (19), there is analyzed as a pronoun in a NP, namely as a placeholder for the content given in full in the S not . Although the CGEL 289 10.5 Existential Constructions <?page no="290"?> does not touch upon the word class of the structure word there, it explicitly warns about mistaking the existential there for the place adverb there. The existential there lacks stress and carries no locative meaning (1405, 18.46). Compare: (20) There’s a ball on the roof! (20a) *A ball on the roof is there! (21) There’s our ball! (21a) Our ball is (right) there! In (20), we find an existential there because it is unstressed and the locative meaning is conveyed by the A on the roof, not by the structure word there. Instead, there merely introduces the fact that a ball is on the roof (existential meaning), which also becomes obvious when looking at the indefinite determiner a with the noun ball. Turning the sentence around and pretending that there really is an A that can be moved around freely in the sentence does not work (20a). In contrast, (21) features a stressed there that does carry locative meaning. We can imagine someone pointing a finger to the exact spot where the ball is. Accordingly, the A there can be moved to the end of the sentence without difficulty in (21a). In (21), it is fronted for means of emphasis. Another reason there is an adverb in (21) and (21a) is that it can be premodified by another adverb, i.e. right (21a), which is not possible with an existential there. Last but not least, ball in (21) and (21a) is not introduced by an indefinite determiner but a possessive determiner, indicating a certain amount of familiarity with the object. 290 10 Means of Emphasis and Other Deviating Sentence Patterns <?page no="291"?> 1 Note that due to copyright issues, some sentences had to be shortened by a few words or phrases that were syntactically “uneventful” anyway. For the same reason, nine sentences do not come with a source, two of which, (1.4) and (1.7), were deemed idiomatically fixed expressions of the English language that can exist and be understood without a particular context. The remaining seven sentences that are not linked to a source text in the reference section are also authentic in that they represent native speaker syntax. 11 Practice Makes Perfect Britta van den Berg & Jenny Arendholz The last chapter of this book offers a comprehensive practice section for self-study. The training sentences were handpicked from a mini-corpus of 13 texts taken from three British online newspapers (BBC News, The Guardian and The Economist) and two American online newspapers (The New York Times and The Washington Post). Our selection of texts was guided by the corresponding topic - which we assumed would most likely be selected for use on an exam. The 52 partly adapted 1 sentences are subdivided into three categories: easy, moderate and difficult. As grammatical structures are not isolated phenomena, each example contains a number of structures belonging to different parts of the book. To make the most of this chapter, we recommend that you try and analyze the easier examples first and gradually work your way through to the more complex ones. Should you be interested in particular syntactic structures or word classes, you can also look them up in the index provided in Table 1. The syntactic phenomena and their abbreviations used in the analyses are listed in the first column, and the second column refers you to the specific sentences in which these phenomena occur. Before you get to work, keep a few things in mind: ■ We included the solutions we deem most plausible. At times, alternative solutions can be found in the comments underneath the analysis. This does not mean, however, that these are the only valid solutions! ■ The comments also contain noteworthy additional information, e.g. about special kinds of word classes or constructions which do not appear in the actual analysis. ■ A change of the original word order is always indicated by an arrow and allows for discontinuous phrases to be reunited. <?page no="292"?> ■ The function/ form pairing is strictly obeyed on every level of analysis. ■ We label dependent clauses exhaustively (e.g. nom to-inf cl and attr wh-cl) thus offering more detail than is probably necessary in most exam contexts. We do this to maintain consistency, but also in the hope that more clues about structure will further a deeper understanding of the types of dependent clauses. syntactic phenomenon sentence number finite clauses adv cl 2.2; 2.8; 2.11; 2.17; 2.21; 3.2; 3.3; 3.4; 3.9 attr that-cl 1.7; 2.19 attr wh-cl 3.9 comp cl 2.4; 2.10; 3.15; 3.16 def rel cl 1.3; 1.9; 1.10; 1.11; 2.3; 2.14; 2.17; 3.2; 3.6 nom rel cl 2.12; 2.18; 3.11 nom that-cl 2.13; 3.6; 3.8; 3.9; 3.13; 3.14 nom wh-cl 2.8; 2.9; 2.18; 3.14; 3.18 non-def rel cl 1.8; 3.3; 3.11 sent rel cl 3.2; 3.12; 3.13 non-finite and verbless clauses adv bare inf cl 2.14 adv -ed-part cl 2.21 adv -ing-part cl 2.20; 2.21; 3.1 adv to-inf cl 1.2; 3.10 adv vless cl 2.15; 3.5 attr -ed-part cl 3.1; 3.9; 3.15 attr -ing-part cl 2.11; 3.12; 3.15 attr to-inf cl 1.8; 1.9; 2.16 nom bare inf cl 2.5; 3.11; 3.12; 3.18 292 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="293"?> 2 Note that in contrast to the other sections of this table, types of coordination have been ordered from larger to smaller structures. nom -ed-part cl 2.12 nom -ing-part cl 2.13; 3.18 nom to-inf cl 2.15; 2.19; 2.20; 3.2; 3.11; 3.16 coordination 2 S comp 2.2; 2.5; 2.14; 3.4; 3.11; 3.14 clausal conjoint adv -ing-part cl: 2.21 nom that-cl: 3.8 phrasal conjoint NP: 2.11; 2.14; 2.21; 3.2; 3.6; 3.7; 3.8 AdjP: 2.3 VP: 3.16 adv conjoint 2.20 fv conjoint 3.8; 3.12 int adv conjoint 3.18 num conjoint 2.9 pn conjoint 3.1 deviating sentence patterns cleft sentence 1.11; 2.17 existential construction 1.12; 1.13 extraposition 2.19; 2.20; 3.14 fronting 1.10 pseudo-cleft sentence 2.18 word classes a-adverb 1.4 cat v 1.6; 3.2; 3.9 compl det 1.1; 2.1; 2.6; 2.21; 3.9; 3.15 compl prep 3.6; 3.14 int adv 2.8; 3.9; 3.18 293 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="294"?> int det 3.14 marg mod aux 2.10; 3.6 marg prep 3.1 neg part 1.5; 2.8; 2.9; 2.10; 2.18; 3.14 num (as dtm) 1.2; 1.3; 1.13; 2.1; 2.8; 2.9; 2.11; 2.14; 3.3; 3.4; 3.10 num (as h) 1.4; 2.4; 2.9; 3.3; 3.5; 3.14; 3.15 phr v 1.7; 3.9; 3.10; 3.15 phr-prep v 2.7 prep v 3.11 rel adv 1.8 rel det 3.13 semi aux 2.6; 3.7; 3.8; 3.12 others adv in VP 1.6; 1.8; 3.3; 3.4, 3.13 by-agent PP 2.1; 2.5; 3.1; 3.2 compl 1.9; 2.4; 2.10; 3.15; 3.16 complex dtm (dtm: NP) 1.4; 2.1; 2.4; 2.7; 3.3; 3.5; 3.9; 3.15 dtm: pn 2.11; 2.19; 3.2; 3.12 ind appos 3.17 O i as PP (A) 1.2; 1.3; 3.7 postmod (appos) 2.11; 2.16; 2.17; 3.17 premod (appos) 3.14 premod: n 1.2; 2.2; 2.3; 2.5; 2.8; 2.12; 2.14; 2.16; 3.3; 3.5; 3.6; 3.7; 3.9; 3.14; 3.17 premod: pn 1.12; 2.6; 3.1; 3.4; 3.17 subj mark 2.20 with-construction 3.5 Table 1: Index of noteworthy syntactic structures 294 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="295"?> 11.1 Easy Sentences (1.1) Avanti House in Stanmore, north London, is one of a new generation of religious schools. (Text 10) s S: NP h: pn Avanti House postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP h: pn Stanmore, postmod: NP premod: adj north h: pn London, V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: compl det one of a premod: adj new h: n generation postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP premod: adj religious h: n schools. 1 Notes one of a For complex determiners see Chapter 3.4 (but see also the alternative solution for (2.1)). 295 11.1 Easy Sentences <?page no="296"?> (1.2) Mr. Brady appeared on one morning radio show to sell his ideas to the audience. s S: NP h: pn Mr. Brady V: VP mv: fv appeared A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det one premod: n morning premod: n radio h: n show A: adv to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv sell O d : NP dtm: det his h: n ideas A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n audience. 1 Notes one Or dtm: num. to The indirect object occurs at the end of the sentence. In this position, it is preceded by the preposition to, and hence must be analyzed as an adverbial (see Chapter 1.3). 296 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="297"?> (1.3) Greece has awarded citizenship to three migrant fishermen who rescued Greeks from a devastating fire near Athens last July. (Text 3) s S: NP h: pn Greece V: VP aux v: pv has mv: fv awarded O d : NP h: n citizenship A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det three premod: adj migrant h: n fisherman postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron who V: VP mv: fv rescued O d : NP h: pn Greeks A: PP prep: prep from prepC: NP dtm: det a premod: adj devastating h: n fire postmod: PP prep: prep near prepC: pn Athens A: NP dtm: det last h: n July. Notes three Or dtm: num. to The indirect object occurs at the end of the sentence. In this position, it is preceded by the preposition to, and hence must be analyzed as an adverbial (see Chapter 1.3). last Last belongs to the ‘general ordinals’, which resemble ordinal numerals (see Chapter 3.4). 297 11.1 Easy Sentences <?page no="298"?> (1.4) It’s only two days away. s S: NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv ’s A: AdvP premod: NP dtm: NP premod: adv only h: num two h: n days h: adv away. 1 Notes away Away is a special type of adverb called ɑ-adverb (see Chapter 3.3). (1.5) But the self-defeating nature of populist policies will not blunt their appeal. (Text 6) s coord: co conj But S: NP dtm: det the premod: adj self-defeating h: n nature postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP premod: adj populist h: n policies V: VP aux v: mod aux will neg: neg part not mv: fv blunt O d : NP dtm: det their h: n appeal. 298 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="299"?> Notes But But can be analyzed as a co conj linking this sentence to the previous one, implying an underlying incomplete sentential conjoint. Alternatively, it may be regarded as an adverb and analyzed as follows: A: AdvP - h: adv. (1.6) Non-Christian faith schools, in particular, seem also to deepen ethnic segrega‐ tion. (Text 10) s S: NP premod: NP premod: adj Non-Christian h: n faith h: n schools, A: PP prep: prep in prepC: n particular, A: AdvP h: adv also V: VP aux v: cat v seem to mv: fv deepen O d : NP premod: adj ethnic h: n segregation. Notes also Also was moved outside the VP, so it no longer splits the VP in two. seem to With catenative verbs, to does not introduce a to-inf cl but is part of the auxiliary verb instead (see Chapter 4.1.3 and 7.6.1). 299 11.1 Easy Sentences <?page no="300"?> (1.7) It’s time they make up their mind! s S: NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv ’s C S : NP h: n time postmod: attr that-cl sub: sub conj (that) S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) make up O d : NP dtm: det their h: n mind! 1 Notes It Here, it is used as an ‘empty’ or ‘prop’ subject (CGEL 348, 6.17) in an expression denoting time. This type of it should not be confused with it as anticipatory subject found in extraposition (see Chapter 10.4). (that) In this attr that-cl, the subordinator that was omitted resulting in a zero that-clause. Knowing this helps to classify the clause correctly. However, there is no need to add the missing subordinator in the analysis. Here, it was done for the sake of clarity. 300 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="301"?> (1.8) Parents with very strong religious beliefs of any sort are likely to turn to the private sector, where schools are more lightly regulated. (Text 10) s S: NP h: n Parents postmod: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP premod: AdjP premod: adv very h: adj strong premod: adj religious h: n beliefs postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det any h: n sort V: VP mv: pv are C S : AdjP h: adj likely postmod: attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv turn A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: adj private h: n sector, postmod: non-def rel cl A: AdvP h: rel adv where S: NP h: n schools V: VP aux v: pv are mv: fv regulated A: AdvP premod: adv more h: adv lightly. Notes lightly The AdvP was moved outside the VP, so it no longer splits the VP in two. 301 11.1 Easy Sentences <?page no="302"?> (1.9) The Angel Project pays for those who are well enough to go home immediately. (Text 1) s S: NP dtm: det The h: pn Angel Project V: VP mv: fv pays A: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP h: pron those postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron who V: VP mv: pv are C S : AdjP h: adj well postmod: AdvP h: adv enough compl: attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv go A: AdvP h: adv home A: AdvP h: adv immediately. (1.10) Rarely did Peter Pan display the kind of maturity that would please a teacher. s A: AdvP h: adv Rarely V: VP aux v: pv did mv: fv display S: NP h: pn Peter Pan O d : NP dtm: det the h: n kind postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP h: n maturity postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron that V: VP aux v: mod aux would mv: fv please O d : NP dtm: det a h: n teacher. 302 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="303"?> Notes Rarely The adverb rarely is fronted, which causes the subject to move between the auxiliary verb and the main verb (see inversion in Chapter 10.2). Peter Pan The NP was moved outside the VP, so that the VP is no longer split in two. (1.11) And it was from the school that they fled. (Text 12) s coord: co conj And S: NP h: pron it V: VP mv: pv was A: PP prep: prep from prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n school postmod: def rel cl A: NP h: rel pron that S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: fv fled. Notes And Although the sentential conjoint itself is incomplete, and links this sentence to the previous one and is hence regarded as a co conj. Alternatively, and could also be interpreted as an adverb: A: AdvP - h: adv. it This it introduces a cleft sentence. 303 11.1 Easy Sentences <?page no="304"?> (1.12) Last year there was fierce criticism of the Greek government over its response to the Attica wildfire. (Text 3) s A: NP dtm: det Last h: n year S gr : NP h: pron there V: VP mv: pv was S not : NP premod: adj fierce h: n criticism postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: adj Greek h: n government postmod: PP prep: prep over prepC: NP dtm: det its h: n response postmod: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: pn Attica h: n wildfire. Notes there This is an existential construction introduced by an existential there. 304 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="305"?> (1.13) There are now 101 non-Christian religious state schools in England. (Text 10) s S gr : NP h: pron There V: VP mv: pv are A: AdvP h: adv now S not : NP dtm: det 101 premod: adj non-Christian premod: adj religious h: comp n state schools A: PP prep: prep in prepC: pn England. 1 Notes 101 Or dtm: num. state schools Alternatively, it is also possible to analyze schools as h and state as premod: n. 305 11.1 Easy Sentences <?page no="306"?> 11.2 Moderate Sentences (2.1) The creed was embraced by many of the 19th century’s newly independent Latin American countries. (Text 9) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n creed V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv embraced A: PP prep: prep by prepC: NP dtm: compl det many of the dtm: NP dtm: det 19th h: n century’s premod: AdjP premod: adv newly h: adj independent premod: adj Latin American h: n countries. 1 Notes many of the In Chapter 3.4, much of the is cited as an example for a complex determiner. By analogy many of the is also analyzed as a complex determiner. Alterna‐ tively, you could analyze the noun phrase as follows: 306 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="307"?> prepC: NP h: pron many postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: NP dtm: det the dtm: det 19th h: n century’s premod: AdjP premod: adv newly h: adj independent premod: adj Latin American h: n countries. 1 19th Or dtm: num. 307 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="308"?> (2.2) Identity politics is a valid response to discrimination but, as identities multiply, the politics of each group collides with the politics of all the rest. (Text 8) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S: NP premod: n Identity h: n politics V: VP mv: pv is C S : NP dtm: det a premod: adj valid h: n response postmod: PP prep: prep to prepC: n discrimination coord: co conj but, conj 2 : sentence 2 A: adv cl sub: sub conj as S: NP h: n identities V: VP mv: fv multiply, S: NP dtm: det the h: n politics postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det each h: n group V: VP mv: fv collides A: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n politics postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det all dtm: det the h: n rest. 308 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="309"?> (2.3) In both cases monopoly power distorts markets in ways that are economically significant, politically potent and ethically unjustifiable. (Text 9) s A: PP prep: prep In prepC: NP dtm: det both h: n cases S: NP premod: n monopoly h: n power V: VP mv: fv distorts O d : NP h: n markets A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP h: n ways postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron that V: VP mv: pv are C S : AdjP conjoint conj 1 : AdjP 1 premod: adv economically h: adj significant, conj 2 : AdjP 2 premod: adv politically h: adj potent coord: co conj and conj 3 : AdjP 3 premod: adv ethically h: adj unjustifiable. 309 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="310"?> (2.4) The world is now nearly one degree warmer than it was before widespread industrialisation. (Text 2) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n world V: VP mv: pv is A: AdvP h: adv now C S : AdjP premod: NP dtm: NP premod: adv nearly h: num one h: n degree h: adj warmer comp: comp cl sub: sub conj than S: NP h: pron it V: VP mv: pv was A: PP prep: prep before prepC: NP premod: adj widespread h: n industrialisation. 1 Notes warmer The comparative form is marked by the inflectional suffix -er instead of the discontinuous premodifier more. But like more, warmer needs to be complemented by a comp cl (see Chapter 6.7, footnote 39). 310 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="311"?> (2.5) His hospital philanthropy always makes him feel sad, and he is angered by the failure of government. (Text 1) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S: NP dtm: det His premod: n hospital h: n philanthropy A: AdvP h: adv always V: VP mv: fv makes O d : NP h: pron him C O : nom bare inf cl V: VP mv: fv feel C S : AdjP h: adj sad, coord: co conj and conj 2 : sentence 2 S: NP h: pron he V: VP aux v: pv is mv: fv angered A: PP prep: prep by prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n failure postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: n government. Notes makes Make is one of the few verbs after which a bare infinitive clause functions as object complement (CGEL 1067, 15.15). 311 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="312"?> (2.6) Just as many non-Christians are willing to send their children to Church of England schools. (Text 10) s S: NP dtm: compl det Just as many h: pn non-Christians V: VP aux v: semi aux are willing to mv: fv send O d : NP dtm: det their h: n children A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP premod: pn Church of England h: n schools. 1 (2.7) The constant complaints would chip away at the school’s reputation. s S: NP dtm: det The premod: adj constant h: n complaints V: VP aux v: mod aux would mv: phr-prep v (fv + prep adv + prep) chip away at O prep : NP dtm: NP dtm: det the h: n school’s h: n reputation. 312 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="313"?> (2.8) When a city lawmaker asked the government why, four years later, the lights still had not been fixed, he received an interesting response. (Text 11) s A: adv cl sub: sub conj When S: NP dtm: det a premod: n city h: n lawmaker V: VP mv: fv asked O i : NP dtm: det the h: n government O d : nom wh-cl A: AdvP h: int adv why, A: AdvP premod: NP dtm: det four h: n years h: adv later, S: NP dtm: det the h: n lights A: AdvP h: adv still V: VP aux v: pv had neg: neg part not aux v: pv been mv: fv fixed, S: NP h: pron he V: VP mv: fv received O d : NP dtm: det an premod: adj interesting h: n response. 1 Notes four Or dtm: num. 313 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="314"?> (2.9) She didn’t know what her two sons, 11 and 15, would do long term. (Text 12) s S: NP h: pron She V: VP aux v: pv did neg: neg part n’t mv: fv know O d : nom wh-cl O d : NP h: int pron what S: NP dtm: det her dtm: det two h: n sons, postmod: num conjoint conj 1 : num 1 11 coord: co conj and conj 2 : num 2 15, V: VP aux v: mod aux would mv: pv do A: NP premod: adj long h: n term. 1 Notes two Or dtm: num. 314 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="315"?> 3 From The New York Times. © [2018] The New York Times Company. All rights reserved. Used under license. (2.10) (…) The terms of the agreement “were so bad that they didn’t dare put it to Parliament for a vote.” 3 (…) (Text 5) s S: NP dtm: det The h: n terms postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n agreement V: VP mv: pv “were C S : AdjP premod: adv so h: adj bad compl: comp cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron they V: VP aux v: pv did neg: neg part n’t aux v: marg mod aux dare mv: fv put O d : NP h: pron it A: PP prep: prep to prepC: pn Parliament A: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP dtm: det a h: n vote.” 1 315 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="316"?> (2.11) Such common concerns, uniting America’s 573 recognised tribes, have prolifer‐ ated as Indian economic interests and cultural identity have deepened. (Text 7) s S: NP dtm: det Such premod: adj common h: n concerns, postmod (appos): attr -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv uniting O d : NP dtm: pn America’s dtm: det 573 premod: adj recognised h: n tribes, V: VP aux v: pv have mv: fv proliferated A: adv cl sub: sub conj as S: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 premod: adj Indian premod: adj economic h: n interests coord: co conj and conj 2 : NP 2 premod: adj (Indian) premod: adj cultural h: n identity V: VP aux v: pv have mv: fv deepened. 1 Notes 573 Or dtm: num. (Indian) Indian refers both to economic interests and cultural identity but was ellipted in the second part of the NP conjoint. 316 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="317"?> 4 From The Washington Post. © [2018] The Washington Post. All rights reserved. Used under license. (2.12) (…) And that’s why Matsumoto recently found himself armed with an ultra‐ sound wand. 4 (…) (Text 13) s coord: co conj And S: NP h: pron that V: VP mv: pv ’s C S : nom rel cl A: AdvP h: adv why S: NP h: pn Matsumoto A: AdvP h: adv recently V: VP mv: fv found O d : NP h: pron himself C O : nom -ed -part cl V: VP mv: fv armed A: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP dtm: det an premod: n ultrasound h: n wand. Notes And Although the sentential conjoint itself is incomplete, and links this sentence to the previous one and is hence regarded as a co conj. Alternatively, and could also be interpreted as an adverb: A: AdvP - h: adv. why A similar example can be found in the CGEL (1058, 15.8): That’s why I don’t go there anymore. himself Himself is a reflexive pronoun. 317 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="318"?> (2.13) Assuaging the anger of the left-behind means realising that places matter, too. (Text 6) s S: nom -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv Assuaging O d : NP dtm: det the h: n anger postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n left-behind V: VP mv: fv means C S : nom -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv realising O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: n places V: VP mv: fv matter, A: AdvP h: adv too. 318 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="319"?> (2.14) Yet rather than defend the system of alliances and liberal institutions it created after the second world war, America has been neglecting it - and even attacking it. (Text 8) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 A: AdvP h: adv Yet A: adv bare inf cl sub: sub conj rather than V: VP mv: fv defend O d : NP dtm: det the h: n system postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 h: n alliances coord: coord conj and conj 2 : NP 2 premod: adj liberal h: n institutions postmod: def rel cl O d : NP h: rel pron (that) S: NP h: pron it V: VP mv: fv created A: PP prep: prep after prepC: NP dtm: det the dtm: det second h: comp n world war, S: NP h: pn America V: VP aux v: pv has aux v: pv been mv: fv neglecting O d : NP h: pron it - coord: coord conj and conj 2 : sentence 2 A: AdvP h: adv even S: NP h: pron (it) V: VP aux v: pv (has) aux v: pv (been) mv: fv attacking O d : NP h: pron it. Notes S comp The sentence elements in the second conjoin which are not part of the original, elliptic sentence are bracketed here, and it is not necessary to 319 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="320"?> analyze them. It is done here only for the sake of completeness. The ellipsis strategy has one drawback, though: The adverbial bare infinitve clause is analyzed as part of sentence 1 although it refers to both sentence 1 and sentence 2 . (that) In the def rel cl, the rel pron that was omitted in the original sentence. There is no need to analyze the missing, bracketed rel pron as we have done for the sake of clarity. second Or dtm: num. world war The analysis as a compound noun is the preferred option here, but you could also analyze world war as premod + h. If second world war were written in capital letters, an analysis as proper noun would be best. 320 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="321"?> (2.15) Remote from power, most people are expected to be content with growing material prosperity instead. (Text 8) s A: adv vless cl C S : AdjP h: adj Remote postmod: PP prep: prep from prepC: n power, S: NP dtm: det most h: n people V: VP aux v: pv are mv: fv expected O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: pv be C S : AdjP h: adj content postmod: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP premod: adj growing premod: adj material h: n prosperity A: AdvP h: adv instead. 321 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="322"?> (2.16) But the boom in religiously selective schools sits oddly with another government aim, to deepen religious integration. (Text 10) s coord: co conj But S: NP dtm: det the h: n boom postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP premod: AdjP premod: adv religiously h: adj selective h: n schools V: VP mv: fv sits A: AdvP h: adv oddly A: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP dtm: det another premod: n government h: n aim, postmod (appos): attr to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv deepen O d : NP premod: adj religious h: n integration. Notes But But can be analyzed as a co conj linking this sentence to the previous one, implying an underlying incomplete sentential conjoint. Alternatively, it may be regarded as an adverb: A: AdvP - h: adv. 322 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="323"?> (2.17) It was he who gave Carrie her nickname, Pumpkin, when she was a toddler. s S: NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv was C S : NP h: pron he postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron who V: VP mv: fv gave O i : NP h: pn Carrie O d : NP dtm: det her h: n nickname, postmod (appos): pn Pumpkin, A: adv cl sub: sub conj when S: NP h: pron she V: VP mv: pv was C S : NP dtm: det a h: n toddler. 1 Notes It Although never explicitly mentioned in the analysis, this is a cleft sentence. 323 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="324"?> (2.18) What isn’t so clear, though, is whether salt belongs in popcorn. s S: nom rel cl S: NP h: pron What V: VP mv: pv is neg: neg part n’t C S : AdjP premod: adv so h: adj clear, A: AdvP h: adv though, V: VP mv: pv is C S : nom wh-cl sub: sub conj whether S: NP h: n salt V: VP mv: fv belongs A: PP prep: prep in prepC: n popcorn. 1 Notes What This is a pseudo-cleft sentence, a term which is actually not needed in the analysis itself. 324 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="325"?> (2.19) It is hard to escape the impression that Berlin’s government has a certain contempt for its citizens. (Text 11) s S ant : NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv is C S : AdjP h: adj hard S post : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv escape O d : NP dtm: det the h: n impression postmod: attr that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP dtm: pn Berlin’s h: n government V: VP mv: pv has O d : NP dtm: det a premod: adj certain h: n contempt prostmod: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP dtm: det its h: n citizens. Notes It In this sentence, the clausal subject is extraposed leading to what is called extraposition. 325 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="326"?> (2.20) This makes it easy for officials to pass the blame for problems back and forth without doing anything about them. (Text 11) s S: NP h: pron This V: VP mv: fv makes O ant : NP h: pron it C O : AdjP h: adj easy O post : nom to-inf cl S: NP subj mark: subj mark for h: n officials V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv pass O d : NP dtm: det the h: n blame postmod: PP prep: prep for prepC: n problems A: AdvP h: adv conjoint conj 1 : adv 1 back coord: co conj and conj 2 : adv 2 forth A: adv -ing -part cl sub: sub conj without V: VP mv: pv doing O d : NP h: pron anything A: PP prep: prep about prepC: pron them. 1 Notes it/ O ant In this sentence, the clausal object is extraposed leading to what is called extraposition. 326 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="327"?> (2.21) Middle school and high school students will work in a hybrid learning model, doing most of their work online and meeting with teachers as needed in the local mall until a more permanent plan is announced in January. (Text 12) 327 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="328"?> s S: NP premod: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 premod: adj Middle h: n school coord: co conj and conj 2 : NP 2 premod: adj high h: n school h: n students V: VP aux v: mod aux will mv: fv work A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det a premod: adj hybrid premod: adj learning h: n model, A: adv -ing -part cl conjoint conj 1 : adv -ing -part cl 1 V: VP mv: pv doing O d : NP dtm: compl det most of their h: n work A: AdvP h: adv online coord: co conj and conj 2 : adv -ing -part cl 2 V: VP mv: fv meeting A: PP prep: prep with prepC: n teachers A: adv -ed -part cl sub: sub conj as V: VP mv: fv needed A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: adj local h: n mall A: adv cl sub: sub conj until S: NP dtm: det a premod: AdjP premod: adv more h: adj permanent h: n plan V: VP aux v: pv is mv: fv announced A: PP prep: prep in prepC: pn January. 1 328 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="329"?> Notes most of their Just like other examples given for complex determiners in Chapter 3.4, most of their also consists of more than one item that could be replaced by a simple determiner (but see also the alternative solution for (2.1)). 329 11.2 Moderate Sentences <?page no="330"?> 11.3 Difficult Sentences (3.1) It may have proved decisive in several races won by Democrats by thin margins, including Senate races in Arizona and Montana. (Text 7) s S: NP h: pron It V: VP aux v: mod aux may aux v: pv have mv: fv proved C S : AdjP h: adj decisive A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det several h: n races postmod: attr -ed -part cl V: VP mv: fv won A: PP prep: prep by prepC: pn Democrats A: PP prep: prep by prepC: NP premod: adj thin h: n margins, A: adv -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv including O d : NP premod: pn Senate h: n races postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: pn conjoint conj 1 : pn 1 Arizona coord: co conj and conj 2 : pn 2 Montana. Notes including Alternatively, the A could be analyzed as a PP with including as marginal preposition (see Chapter 3.6 and 7.1). We could also argue that the -ing-part 330 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="331"?> 5 From The New York Times. © [2018] The New York Times Company. All rights reserved. Used under license. cl functions as a postmodifier to the head races. Note that in this positon, the -ing-part cl is an attr -ing-part cl. (3.2) (…) Britain’s Parliament is gripped by a mood of anxiety and suppressed excitement at the prospect of a grave political crisis that looms if, as analysts expect, Mrs. May fails to persuade lawmakers to support her (…) plan. 5 (…) (Text 4) s S: NP dtm: pn Britain’s h: pn Parliament V: VP aux v: pv is mv: fv gripped A: PP prep: prep by prepC: NP dtm: det a h: n mood postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 h: n anxiety coord: co conj and conj 2 : NP 2 premod: adj suppressed h: n excitement postmod: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n prospect postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det a premod: adj grave premod: adj political h: n crisis postmod: def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron that V: VP mv: fv looms A: adv cl sub: sub conj if, A: sent rel cl O d : NP h: rel pron as S: NP h: n analysts V: VP mv: fv expect, S: NP h: pn Mrs. May V: VP aux v: cat v fails to mv: fv persuade O i : NP h: n lawmakers O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv support O d : NP dtm: det her h: n plan. 331 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="332"?> Notes at The PP postmodifies mood rather than excitement as it refers both to a feeling of excitement and a feeling of anxiety. persuade Persuade is a verb that takes an indirect object and a to-inf cl as direct object (CGEL 1215, 16.63). It should not be confused with the monotransitive and complex-transitive constructions described in Chapter 7.6.2. 332 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="333"?> (3.3) The Camp fire, which grew to 250 square miles before it was fully contained this week, destroyed nearly 14,000 homes. (Text 12) s S: NP dtm: det The h: comp n Camp fire, postmod: non-def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron which V: VP mv: fv grew A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: num 250 h: comp n square miles A: adv cl sub: sub conj before S: NP h: pron it V: VP aux v: pv was mv: fv contained A: AdvP h: adv fully A: NP dtm: det this h: n week, V: VP mv: fv destroyed O d : NP dtm: NP premod: adv nearly h: num 14,000 h: n homes. Notes Camp fire Camp could also be analyzed as a premodifying noun and fire as the head of the NP. 250 Or dtm: det. 333 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="334"?> square miles Square could also be analyzed as premodifying noun and miles as the head of the NP. fully The AdvP was moved outside the VP, so it no longer splits the VP in two. (3.4) They have seen each other since then, but they will officially reunite on 3 December when Butte county schools reopen for the first time since the fire began. (Text 12) 334 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="335"?> s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S: NP h: pron They V: VP aux v: pv have mv: fv seen O d : NP h: pron each other A: PP prep: prep since prepC: adv then, coord: co conj but conj 2 : sentence 2 S: NP h: pron they V: VP aux v: mod aux will mv: fv reunite A: AdvP h: adv officially A: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det 3 h: n December A: adv cl sub: sub conj when S: NP premod: pn Butte county h: n schools V: VP mv: fv reopen A: PP prep: prep for prepC: NP dtm: det the dtm: det first h: n time A: adv cl sub: sub conj since S: NP dtm: det the h: n fire V: VP mv: fv began. 1 Notes officially The AdvP was moved outside the VP, so it no longer splits the VP in two. 3 335 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="336"?> 6 From The Washington Post. © [2018] The Washington Post. All rights reserved. Used under license. Or dtm: num. first Or dtm: num. since This adv cl could also refer to the first time, postmodifying the NP head time. The problem is, however, that adverbial clauses cannot serve as attributive subordinate clauses as necessary for postmodifiers. (3.5) (…) Whale sharks may be the most thick-skinned critters on the planet, with hides nearly 10 inches thick in places.  6 (…) (Text 13) s S: NP h: comp n Whale sharks V: VP aux v: mod aux may mv: pv be C S : NP dtm: det the premod: AdjP premod: adv most h: adj thick-skinned h: n critters postmod: PP prep: prep on prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n planet, A: PP prep: prep with prepC: NP h: n hides postmod: AdjP premod: NP dtm: NP premod: adv nearly h: num 10 h: n inches h: adj thick postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: n places. 336 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="337"?> Notes Whale sharks Whale could also be analyzed as premodifying noun and sharks as head of the NP. the The is actually part of the superlative form the most. Lacking a better solution, it is, however, analyzed as a determiner of the head of the NP. with Assuming with hides nearly 10 inches thick in places is an elliptic version of with hides being nearly 10 inches thick in places, this structure could also be interpreted as a verbless clause (see Chapter 7.5) in which with functions as a sub conj (see Chapter 3.7): A: adv vless cl sub conj: sub conj with S: NP h: n hides C S : AdjP premod: NP dtm: NP premod: adv nearly h: num 10 h: n inches h: adj thick postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: n places 337 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="338"?> (3.6) Scientists say we ought to eat less meat because of the carbon emissions the meat industry produces, as well as other negative environmental impacts. (Text 2) s S: NP h: n Scientists V: VP mv: fv say O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj (that) S: NP h: pron we V: VP aux v: marg mod aux ought to mv: fv eat O d : NP premod: adj less h: n meat A: PP prep: compl prep because of prepC: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 dtm: det the premod: n carbon h: n emissions postmod: def rel cl O d : NP h: rel pron (that) S: NP dtm: det the premod: n meat h: n industry V: VP mv: fv produces, coord: co conj as well as conj 2 : NP 2 premod: adj other premod: adj negative premod: adj environmental h: n impacts. Notes (that) (after ‘say’) In the nom that-cl, the subordinator is omitted. However, you are not obliged to add the missing subordinator, let alone analyze it. 338 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="339"?> (that) (after ‘emissions’) The defining relative clause is introduced by a zero rel pron which does not have to be analyzed and is added here only for the sake of completeness. (3.7) They were supposed to teach best practice to farmers and factory managers in small towns and rural areas. (Text 6) s S: NP h: pron They V: VP aux v: semi aux were supposed to mv: fv teach O d : NP premod: adj best h: n practice A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 h: n farmers coord: co conj and conj 2 : NP 2 : premod: n factory h: n managers A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 premod: adj small h: n towns coord: co conj and conj 2 : NP 2 premod: adj rural h: n areas. Notes to The indirect object comes after the direct object. In this position, it is preceded by the preposition to and hence must be analyzed as an adverbial (see Chapter 1.3). 339 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="340"?> 7 From The Washington Post. © [2018] The Washington Post. All rights reserved. Used under license. (3.8) (…) This could mean that she and her fellow females were at the beginning of their reproductive cycles and about to go mate offshore.  7 (…) (Text 13) s S: NP h: pron This V: VP aux v: mod aux could mv: fv mean O d : nom that-cl conjoint conj 1 : nom that-cl 1 sub: sub conj that S: NP conjoint conj 1 : NP 1 h: pron she coord: co conj and conj 2 : NP 2 dtm: det her premod: adj fellow h: n females V: VP mv: pv were A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n beginning postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det their premod: adj reproductive h: n cycles coord: co conj and conj 2 : nom that-cl 2 sub: sub conj (that) S: NP h: pron (they) V: VP aux v: semi aux (were) about to mv: fv conjoint conj 1 : fv 1 go coord: co conj (and) conj 2 : fv 2 mate A: AdvP h: adv offshore. 340 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="341"?> 8 From The Washington Post. © [2018] The Washington Post. All rights reserved. Used under license. (3.9) (…) So although scientists have learned recently that young whale sharks tend to hang out in just a handful of hot spots scattered across the world’s temperate zones, we know almost nothing about how whale sharks make baby whale sharks.  8 (…) (Text 13) s coord: co conj So A: adv cl sub: sub conj although S: NP h: n scientists V: VP aux v: pv have mv: fv learned A: AdvP h: adv recently O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP premod: adj young h: comp n whale sharks V: VP aux v: cat v tend to mv: phr (fv + prep adv) hang out A: AdvP h: adv just A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: compl det a handful of h: comp n hot spots postmod: attr -ed -part cl V: VP mv: fv scattered A: PP prep: prep across prepC: NP dtm: NP dtm: det the h: n world’s premod: adj temperate h: n zones, S: NP h: pron we V: VP mv: fv know O d : NP premod: adj almost h: pron nothing A: PP prep: prep about prepC: attr wh-cl A: AdvP h: int adv how S: NP h: comp n whale sharks V: VP mv: fv make O d : NP premod: n baby h: comp n whale sharks. 341 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="342"?> Notes So The CGEL notes that so is best regarded as a linking adverbial. This also applies when so introduces a sentence and thus links two separate sentences. However, the authors also point out that so is more coordinator-like than other linking adverbials and sometimes even called a “semi-coordinator” (928, 13.19 and 642, 8.144). Hence, it could also be analyzed as coord: co conj. whale sharks Whale could also be analyzed as premodifying noun and sharks as head of the NP. just We decided to analyze just as a separate A in the nom that-cl since it is comparatively flexible with regard to position while maintaining pretty much the original meaning. Also, possible alternative solutions have to be discarded because they entail serious structural flaws: ■ making just part of the following PP (in a handful of…) still requires a change of position and would mean introducing a premod in a PP; ■ including just in the dtm would call for a premodifier inside some sort of “dtm phrase”. Note that neither of the two constructions can be found in the regular CGEL phrase structures. a handful of A handful of is similar to a lot of and was interpreted as a complex determiner (see Chapter 3.4). about Alternatively, the PP could be classified as a postmod of nothing. 342 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="343"?> (3.10) He heads out to the cashier to settle the bills of eight patients. (Text 1) s S: NP h: pron He V: VP mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) heads out A: PP prep: prep to prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n cashier A: adv to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv settle O d : NP dtm: det the h: n bills postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det eight h: n patients. 1 Notes eight Or dtm: num. 343 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="344"?> (3.11) The family, who lost their home in the fire, is looking at opportunities in Chico and letting the boys decide where they want to go to school. (Text 12) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S: NP dtm: det The h: n family, postmod: non-def rel cl S: NP h: rel pron who V: VP mv: fv lost O d : NP dtm: det their h: n home A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n fire, V: VP aux v: pv is mv: fv looking A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP h: n opportunities postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: pn Chico coord: co conj and conj 2 : sentence 2 S: NP h: pron (they) V: VP aux v: pv (are) mv: fv letting O d : NP dtm: det the h: n boys C O : nom bare inf cl V: VP mv: fv decide O d : nom rel cl A: AdvP h: adv where S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: fv want O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv go A: PP prep: prep to prepC: n school. Notes letting Let is one of the few verbs after which a bare infinitive clause functions as object complement (CGEL 1205, 16.52). 344 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="345"?> looking at To look at can also be analyzed as a prepositional verb. (3.12) Frank’s eccentricity manifests itself in having to watch, count, video and catalogue drones, which helps him control his anger. s S: NP dtm: n Frank’s h: n eccentricity V: VP mv: fv manifests O d : NP h: pron itself A: PP prep: prep in prepC: attr -ing -part cl V: VP aux v: semi aux having to mv: fv conjoint conj 1 : fv 1 watch, conj 2 : fv 2 count, conj 3 : fv 3 video coord: co conj and conj 4 : fv 4 catalogue O d : NP h: n drones, A: sent rel cl S: NP h: rel pron which V: VP mv: fv helps O d : NP h: pron him C O : nom bare inf cl V: VP mv: fv control O d : NP dtm: det his h: n anger. Notes itself Itself is a reflexive pronoun. helps Help can either be followed by a to-inf cl or, as is the case here, by a bare inf cl which functions as an object complement (CGEL 1205, 16.52). 345 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="346"?> 9 From The Washington Post. © [2018] The Washington Post. All rights reserved. Used under license. (3.13) (…) It could mean that they were at the end of the cycle, in which case mating would have already occurred.  9 (…) (Text 13) s S: NP h: pron It V: VP aux v: mod aux could mv: fv mean O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj that S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: pv were A: PP prep: prep at prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n end postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n cycle, A: sent rel cl A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: rel det which h: n case S: NP h: n mating V: VP aux v: mod aux would aux v: pv have mv: fv occurred A: AdvP h: adv already. Notes already The AdvP was moved outside the VP, so it no longer splits the VP in two. 346 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="347"?> (3.14) It is not clear exactly how many people they saved from the fire, but Interior Minister Alexis Charitsis said the three, along with Greek colleagues, had rescued “dozens of our compatriots”. (Text 3) s comp conj 1 : sentence 1 S ant : NP h: pron It V: VP mv: pv is neg: neg part not C S : AdjP h: adj clear S post : nom wh-cl A: AdvP h: adv exactly O d : NP dtm: int det how many h: n people S: NP h: pron they V: VP mv: fv saved A: PP prep: prep from prepC: NP dtm: det the h: n fire, coord: co conj but conj 2 : sentence 2 S: NP premod (appos): comp n Interior Minister h: pn Alexis Charitsis V: VP mv: fv said O d : nom that-cl sub: sub conj (that) S: NP dtm: det the h: num three, A: PP prep: compl prep along with prepC: NP premod: adj Greek h: n colleagues, V: VP aux v: pv had mv: fv rescued O d : NP h: num "dozens postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det our h: n compatriots". 347 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="348"?> Notes It The actual subject of the sentence, viz. the nominal wh-clause, was post‐ poned by means of extraposition. Interior Minister Alternatively, Interior can be classified as nominal premodifier and Minister as head of the NP. (that) The subordinator is omitted in the original nominal that-clause and does not have to be analyzed. 348 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="349"?> (3.15) A child born in the bottom 20 percent in wealthy San Francisco has twice as much chance as a similar child in Detroit of ending up in the top 20 percent as an adult. (Text 6) s S: NP dtm: det A h: n child postmod: attr -ed -part cl V: VP mv: fv born A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: NP dtm: det the premod: adj bottom h: num 20 h: n percent A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP premod: adj wealthy h: pn San Francisco V: VP mv: pv has O d : NP dtm: compl det twice as much h: n chance compl: comp cl sub: sub conj as S: NP dtm: det a premod: adj similar h: n child postmod: PP prep: prep in prepC: pn Detroit postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: attr -ing -part cl V: VP mv: phr v (fv + prep adv) ending up A: PP prep: prep in prepC: NP dtm: NP dtm: det the premod: adj top h: num 20 h: n percent A: PP prep: prep as prepC: NP dtm: det an h: n adult. 349 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="350"?> Notes of The PP of ending up […] postmodifies chance despite the fact that it was separated from the noun by the comp cl. (3.16) As long as I live, and can, I will be trying to do good for Greece. (Text 3) s A: AdvP premod: adv As h: adv long compl: comp cl sub: sub conj as S: NP h: pron I V: VP conjoint conj 1 : VP 1 mv: fv live, coord: co conj and conj 2 : VP 2 aux v: mod aux can, S: NP h: pron I V: VP aux v: mod aux will aux v: pv be mv: fv trying O d : nom to-inf cl V: VP inf mark: inf mark to mv: fv do O d : NP h: n good A: PP prep: prep for prepC: pn Greece. Notes can Can may only function as aux v, which means that the main verb itself is missing. 350 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="351"?> (3.17) Ms Haaland, a veteran activist from New Mexico and member of the Laguna Pueblo tribe, will enter the House of Representatives alongside Sharice Davids, a lawyer, martial-arts specialist and member of the Ho-Chunk tribe from Kansas. (Text 7) s S: NP h: pn Ms Haaland, postmod (appos): NP dtm: det a premod: n veteran h: n activist postmod: PP prep: prep from prepC: pn New Mexico postmod (appos): NP ind appos: ind appos and dtm: det (a) h: n member postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: pn Laguna Pueblo h: n tribe, V: VP aux v: mod aux will mv: fv enter O d : NP dtm: det the h: pn House of Representatives A: PP prep: prep alongside prepC: NP h: pn Sharice Davids, postmod (appos): NP dtm: det a h: n lawyer, postmod (appos): NP dtm: det (a) premod: n martial-arts h: n specialist postmod (appos): NP ind appos: ind appos and dtm: det (a) h: n member postmod: PP prep: prep of prepC: NP dtm: det the premod: pn Ho-Chunk h: n tribe postmod: PP prep: prep from prepC: pn Kansas. 351 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="352"?> Notes a (after ‘Ms Haaland,’) The indefinite article a does not only refer to veteran activist but also to member and is therefore inserted in parentheses. veteran Or premod: adj. and As a veteran activist from New Mexico and member of the Laguna Pueblo tribe have the same referent, namely Ms Haaland, and is not indicative of coordination but of apposition. a (after ‘Sharice Davids,’) The indefinite article a also refers to specialist and member and is therefore inserted in parentheses. (3.18) But knowing how, where and when criminals strike could help protect the neighborhood. s coord: co conj But S: nom -ing -part cl V: VP mv: fv knowing O d : nom wh-cl A: AdvP h: int adv conjoint conj 1 : int adv 1 how, conj 2 : int adv 2 where coord: co conj and conj 3 : int adv 3 when S: NP h: n criminals V: VP mv: fv strike V: VP aux v: mod aux could mv: fv help C O : nom bare inf cl V: VP mv: fv protect O d : NP dtm: det the h: n neighborhood. 352 11 Practice Makes Perfect <?page no="353"?> Notes But But can be analyzed as a co conj linking this sentence to the previous one, implying an underlying incomplete sentential conjoint. Alternatively, it may be regarded as an adverb: A: AdvP - h: adv. help Help can either be followed by a to-inf cl or, as in this case, by a nom bare inf cl (CGEL 1205, 16.52). However, nom bare inf cl cannot function as O d (as one might consider an option for this sentence) but only as S in pseudo-cleft sentences, C S or C O (see Chapter 7.4). Since the first two functions can be ruled out, the C O is the only viable option. Note, however, that we need to postulate an elliptic object to be complemented by the clause for this solution to work. 353 11.3 Difficult Sentences <?page no="355"?> References Primary Sources Text 1: P R E S S L Y , Linda (2018) “The ‘Angel’ Who Secretly Pays Patients’ Hospital Bills” BBC News Dec. 21 <https: / / www.bbc.com/ news/ stories-46637822> (last accessed July 15, 2021). © BBC Text 2: S T Y L IA N O U , Nassos, G U I B O U R G , Clara, D U N F O R D , Daniel & R O D G E R S , Lucy (2018) “Climate Change: Where We Are in Seven Charts and What You Can Do to Help” BBC News Dec. 2 <https: / / www.bbc.com/ news/ science-environment-46384067> (last accessed July 15, 2021). © BBC Text 3: “Greek Citizenship for Migrants Who Saved Lives in Wildfire” (2019) BBC News Jan. 2 <https: / / www.bbc.com/ news/ world-europe-46734926> (last accessed July 15, 2021). © BBC Text 4: C A S T L E , Stephen (2018a) “Facing Brexit Defeat, Theresa May Turns to Damage Control” The New York Times Dec. 3 <https: / / www.nytimes.com/ 2018/ 12/ 03/ world/ europe/ uk-brexit-theresa-may.h tml? rref=collection%2Fsectioncollection%2Fworld> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Text 5: C A S T L E , Stephen (2018b) “Facing Defeat, Theresa May Delays Brexit Vote in Parliament” The New York Times Dec. 10 <https: / / www.nytimes.com/ 2018/ 12/ 10 / world/ europe/ uk-brexit-ecj.html> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Text 6: “The Right Way to Help Declining Places” (2017) The Economist Oct. 21 <https: / / www.economist.com/ leaders/ 2017/ 10/ 21/ the-right-way-to-help-declining-places> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Text 7: “The Rise of Native American Politicians” (2018) The Economist Dec. 1 <https: / / www.economist.com/ united-states/ 2018/ 12/ 01/ the-rise-of-native-ame rican-politicians> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Text 8: “A Manifesto for Renewing Liberalism” (2018) The Economist Sept. 13 <https: / / www.economist.com/ leaders/ 2018/ 09/ 13/ a-manifesto-for-renewing-liberalism> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Text 9: “The Economist at 175” (2018) The Economist Sept. 13 <https: / / www.econo mist.com/ essay/ 2018/ 09/ 13/ the-economist-at-175> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Text 10: “New Types of Religious State School Deepen Segregation” (2018) The Economist Dec. 1 <https: / / www.economist.com/ britain/ 2018/ 12/ 01/ new-types-of -religious-state-school-deepen-segregation> (last accessed July 15, 2021). <?page no="356"?> Text 11: “Why Is Berlin so Dysfunctional? ” (2017) The Economist Dec. 2 <https: / / www.economist.com/ europe/ 2017/ 12/ 02/ why-is-berlin-so-dysfunctional> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Text 12: A N G U IA N O , Dani (2018) “California: 32,000 Kids Return to Class on Monday after Wildfires Hit Schools” The Guardian Dec. 1 <https: / / www.theguardian.com / us-news/ 2018/ nov/ 30/ california-wildfires-schools-paradise> (last accessed July 15, 2021). Copyright Guardian News & Media Ltd 2021 Text 13: B I T T E L , Jason (2018) “Watch a Diver Perform the First Undersea Ultrasound on the World’s Biggest Shark” The Washington Post Nov. 6 <https: / / www.washingtonpost.com/ science/ 2018/ 11/ 06/ watch-diver-perform-f irst-undersea-ultrasound-worlds-biggest-shark/ > (last accessed July 15, 2021). Secondary Sources A A R T S , Florent G.A.M. & A A R T S , Jan (1988) English Syntactic Structures: Functions and Categories in Sentence Analysis. New York: Prentice Hall. H U D D L E S T O N , Rodney D. & P U L L U M , Geoffrey K. (2002) The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. K O R T M A N N , Bernd (2009) English Linguistics: Essentials. Berlin: Cornelsen Verlag. Q U I R K , Randolph, G R E E N B A U M , Sidney, L E E C H , Geoffrey & S V A R T V I K , Jan (1985) [CGEL] A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London: Longman. U N G E R E R , Friedrich, M E I E R , Gerhard E. H., S C HÄF E R , Klaus & L E C H L E R , Shirley B. (1984) A Grammar of Present-Day English. Stuttgart: Klett. Secondary Online Sources Cambridge Dictionary online: <https: / / dictionary.cambridge.org/ > (last accessed June 9, 2021). Merriam Webster online: <https: / / www.merriam-webster.com/ > (last accessed June 9, 2021). Oxford Learner’s Dictionary online: <https: / / www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/ > (last accessed June 9, 2021). S I M P S O N , Adam J. (2014) “How to help learners of English to understand prepo‐ sitions” British Council Aug. 26 <https: / / www.britishcouncil.org/ voices-magazine/ how-help-learners-english-understand-prepositions> (last accessed June 9, 2021). 356 References <?page no="357"?> Index a-adjective 65 a-adverb 65 absolute participle 78 adjective (adj) 60 adjective phrase (AdjP) 40 adnominal relative clause 139 adverb (adv) 63 adverbial (A) 25 adverbial bare infinitive clause (adv bare inf cl) 207 adverbial clause (adv cl) 114, 117, 124 adverbial -ed-participle clause (adv -ed-part cl) 194 adverbial -ing-participle clause (adv -ing-part cl) 184 adverbial relative clause 157 adverbial to-infinitive clause (adv to-inf cl) 201 adverbial verbless clause (adv vless cl) 210 adverb phrase (AdvP) 40 alternative interrogative clause 127 antecedent 130, 141 anticipatory focus 282 anticipatory object (O ant ) 285 anticipatory pronoun 283 anticipatory subject (S ant ) 283 appended coordination 257 apposition 223 appositive (that-)clause 136 appositive clause 229 appositive of-phrase 235 appositive postmodifier/ postmod (appos) 223 appositive premodifier/ premod (appos) 223 asyndetic coordination 244 attachment rule 180 attributive -ed-participle clause (attr -ed-part cl) 197 attributive -ing-participle clause (attr -ing-part cl) 190 attributive relative clause (attr rel cl) 139 attributive that-clause (attr that-cl) 135 attributive to-infinitive clause (attr to-inf cl) 205 attributive wh-clause (attr wh-cl) 129 auxiliary verb (aux v) 43 avalent 68 bare infinitive clause (bare inf cl) 207 catenative verb (cat v) 94 central adjective 61 central determiner 69 central modal 91 clausal apposition 229 clause 107 cleft sentence proper 278 combinatory meaning 246 common noun 58 comparative clause (comp cl) 120, 163 comparative element (comp-element) 163 complementation (compl) 50 complex coordination 257 complex determinative 52 <?page no="358"?> complex determiner (compl det) 70 complex preposition (compl prep) 72 complex sentence 110 complex subordinator/ subordinating conjunction (compl sub conj) 75 compound noun (comp n) 47, 58 compound sentence (S comp ) 110, 248 conjoin (conj) 241 conjoint 241 conjoint strategy 263 coordination (coord) 241 coordinator/ coordinating conjunction (co conj) 74, 241 copular verb 96 correlative coordinator/ correlative 74, 246 correlative subordinator/ subordinating conjunction (correl sub conj) 75 defining/ restrictive relative clause (def rel cl) 139 dependent clause 111 determinative (dtm) 38 determiner (det) 69 direct object (O d ) 25 discontinuous premodifier 164 divided focus 277 -ed-participle clause (-ed-part cl) 193 ellipsis strategy 259 embedded clause 111 embedding 48 end-focus 272 endocentric phrase 36 endorsing item 74, 246 end-weight 272 exclamative wh-clause 127 existential construction 288 existential there (exist. there) 288 exocentric phrase 37 extraposed object/ postponed object (O post ) 283, 285 extraposed subject/ postponed subject (S post ) 283 extraposition 282 finite clause 112, 123 fixed word order 271 free combination 99 fronting 273 full inversion/ subject-verb inversion 274 full verb (fv) 43, 88 general abstract noun 136, 158, 231 genitive (noun, Gen.) 53 gerund/ gerundival/ gerundial clause 179 grammatical subject (S gr ) 289 head (h) 38 headed phrase 36 hypotaxis 242 independent clause 110 indicator of apposition (ind appos) 233 indirect object (O i ) 25 indirect question 127 infinitive marker (inf mark) 83, 199 -ing-participle clause (-ing-part cl) 180 interpolated coordination 257 interrogative adverb (int adv) 133 interrogative determiner (int det) 132 interrogative pronoun (int pron) 132 main verb (mv) 43 358 Index <?page no="359"?> marginal modal auxiliary (marg mod aux) 92 marginal preposition (marg prep) 73 modal auxiliary verb (mod aux) 43, 88 modal idiom (mod id) 93 multiple sentence 110 multi-word verb 99 negation (neg) 83 negative particle (neg part) 83 nominal bare infinitive clause (nom bare inf cl) 207 nominal clause 114 nominal -ed-participle clause (nom -ed-part cl) 194 nominal -ing-participle clause (nom -ing-part cl) 184 nominal relative clause (nom rel cl) 148 nominal that-clause (nom that-cl) 135 nominal to-infinitive clause (nom to-inf cl) 201 nominal verbless clause (nom vless cl) 210 nominal wh-clause (nom wh-cl) 129 non-defining/ non-restrictive relative clause (non-def rel cl) 139 non-finite clause 112, 179 non-headed phrase 37 notional subject (S not ) 181, 289 noun phrase (NP) 37 numeral (num) 79 object complement (C O ) 25 overt subject 181 parataxis 242 partial inversion/ subject-operator inversion 276 participle 61 peripheral adjective 61 phrasal apposition 225 phrasal-prepositional verb (phr-prep v) 104 phrasal verb (phr v) 100 phrase 36, 107 postdeterminer 69 postmodifier (postmod) 39 postponed object (O post ) → extraposed object/ postponed object (O post ) postponed subject (S post ) 283, → ex‐ traposed subject/ postponed subject (S post ) postpositive/ postposed adjective 62, 147, 170 predeterminer 69 premodifier (premod) 39 preposition (prep) 45, 72 prepositional adverb (prep adv) 100 prepositional complement (prepC) 45 prepositional object (O prep ) 32, 102 prepositional phrase (PP) 45 prepositional verb (prep v) 101 primary verb (pv) 43, 96 pronoun (pron) 66 prop/ dummy it 68 proper noun (pn) 58 pseudo-cleft sentence 281 quasi-coordinator 246 raised object 218 relative adverb (rel adv) 79, 145 relative determiner (rel det) 146 relative pronoun (rel pron) 67, 140 rheme 272 359 Index <?page no="360"?> scene-setting effect 273 segregatory meaning 246 semi-auxiliary verb (semi aux) 93 semi-coordinator 246 sentence 110 sentential relative clause (sent rel cl) 156 seven basic sentence patterns 29 shift strategy 267 simple sentence 110 simple subordinator 75 stranded preposition 144 subject (S) 25 subject complement (C S ) 25 subject marker (subj mark) 203 subject-operator inversion 276 subject-verb inversion 274 subordinate clause 111 subordination (sub) 113 subordinator/ subordinating conjunction (sub conj) 74, 114 syndetic coordination 244 that-clause (that-cl) 135 theme 272 to-infinitive clause (to-inf cl) 199 transitivity 31 valency 31 verb (V) 25 verbal idiom 99 verbless clause (vless cl) 112, 210 verb phrase (VP) 42 wh-clause (wh-cl) 126 wh-element 132 wh-interrogative clause 126 word of unique function 83 yes-no interrogative clause 127 zero relative pronoun (zero rel pron) 143 zero-valency 68 360 Index <?page no="361"?> BUCHTIPP Christian Mair English Linguistics An Introduction 4., aktualisierte und überarbeitete Auflage 2022, 282 Seiten €[D] 19,99 ISBN 978-3-8233-8448-9 eISBN 978-3-8233-9448-8 „English Linguistics“ is a compact and easy-to-use introduction to English linguistics which is tailored to the needs of students of English at German, Austrian and Swiss universities, contains graded exercises to motivate students to carry out independent research, and bridges the gap between 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Bachelor-wissen „English Linguistics“ goes beyond the usual introduction in offering accompanying web resources which provide additional material and multi-media illustration. The new edition includes current theoretical approaches in the fields of sociolinguistics and World Englishes. Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG \ Dischingerweg 5 \ 72070 Tübingen \ Germany Tel. +49 (0)7071 97 97 0 \ Fax +49 (0)7071 97 97 11 \ info@narr.de \ www.narr.de <?page no="362"?> ,! 7ID8C5-cfgfff! ISBN 978-3-8252-5655-5 This collection of pivotal issues about syntactic analysis bridges the gap between two extremes: Quirk et al.’s classic, yet voluminous standard grammar (CGEL) and slim booklets with sample solutions. Written for students and teachers alike, this textbook introduces basic concepts, deepens preexisting knowledge, prepares students for various exam contexts and provides hands-on teaching material. Each chapter offers theoretical explanations, which are immediately illustrated by numerous complete sample analyses of sentences taken both from the CGEL as well as from more recent British and American news articles. The final part of this textbook offers a comprehensive practice section for selfstudy using sentences which are divided into three levels of difficulty and come with model solutions. Sprachwissenschaft | Linguistik Anglistik This is a utb volume from Narr Francke Attempto Verlag. utb is a cooperation of publishing houses with one common goal: to publish textbooks and learning media for successful studies. utb.de Scan this QR-Code for further information.