Huw Grange 202 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.8357/ VOX-2018-008 French didactic works in medieval Italy The case of the Dyalogue du pere et du filz Huw Grange 1 (Jesus College, Oxford) Huw Grange https: / / orcid.org/ 0000-0002-3791-1321 Résumé: Dans cet article, nous éclairons la transmission dans l’Italie médiévale d’œuvres didactiques en français, en retraçant le destin du Dyalogue du pere et du filz. En tant qu’introduction à la doctrine chrétienne sous forme de questions et réponses, le Dyalogue connut un certain succès au Moyen Âge tardif: le texte est préservé, en totalité ou en partie, par plus de 30 manuscrits médiévaux. Nous insistons sur trois d’entre eux: d’une part, Paris B.N.f.fr. 726, dont l’origine italienne est reconnue depuis longtemps; d’autre part, Lyon B.D.L. Mss&R 43, dont l’origine italienne est proposée ici pour la première fois; et, en dernier lieu, un fragment que l’on croyait disparu, redécouvert récemment aux Archives nationales (AB/ XIX/ 1730 Haute-Garonne pièce 14). Pour chacun de ces témoins, les éléments paléographiques, linguistiques et décoratifs qui plaident en faveur d’une localisation italienne sont présentés. Leur place dans la tradition manuscrite du Dyalogue est également établie dans la mesure du possible. Enfin, notre discussion du fragment redécouvert s’accompagne d’une description matérielle, ainsi que d’une transcription du texte. Keywords: Didacticism, Theology, Pastoralia, French, Italy, Dialogue, Fragment 1. Introduction For Dante, the language of oïl lent itself to a variety of literary genres: «Biblia cum Troianorum Romanorumque gestibus compilata et Arturi regis ambages pulcerrime et quamplures alie ystorie ac doctrine» (DVE: 22). If the production and circulation of French-language works on the Penisola in the later Middle Ages has received considerable attention, especially in recent years, not all of the genres listed by Dante have been studied to the same extent. The last decade has seen several major collaborative research projects trace the fortunes of those «histories of Troy and Rome» and «beautiful tales of King Arthur» as they were transmitted in French in Italy 2 . The same 1 With thanks to the Leverhulme Trust for making this research possible. 2 In 2002 Keith Busby remarked that, «If the earliest significant codicological activity in medieval Francophonia is in the northwestern reaches … there is a remarkable late flowering far to the Southeast [i.e. Italy] which generally goes unnoticed in histories of literature» (2: 596). Building on work by scholars such as Roberto Benedetti (e.g. 1990), Fabrizio Cigni (e.g. 2013), Geneviève Hasenohr (e.g. 1995), Fabio Zinelli (e.g. 2007, 2015), recent projects that have drawn attention to this late 202 218 008 French didactic works in medieval Italy 203 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.2357/ VOX-2018-008 cannot be said, or at least not to the same degree, of «compilations from the Bible» and «doctrine». Yet to judge by the number of copies of (for example) compilations of Biblical material, the Livre de Sydrac or the Somme le roi listed in medieval inventories, religious and didactic works in French were hardly absent from the great aristocratic libraries of northern Italy 3 . The present article is an attempt to redress the balance partially by considering the transmission of the Old French Dyalogue du pere et du filz in medieval Italy. It will focus on three manuscripts that preserve the Dyalogue whole or in part: one whose Italian origin has long been recognized (Paris B.N.f.fr. 726); another for which an Italian origin will be posited here for the first time (Lyon B.D.L. Mss&R 43); and a third, a fragment thought to have been lost, but recently rediscovered in the Archives nationales (Paris A.N. AB/ XIX/ 1730 Haute-Garonne pièce 14). 2. The Dyalogue du pere et du filz: From France to Italy The Old French work known in the Middle Ages as the Dyalogue du pere et du filz (among other titles) was composed in northern France some time before 1267, the date of the earliest extant manuscript 4 . Like a number of other instructional works composed in French during the period of renewed pastoral vigour that followed the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, the Dyalogue provides a basic introduction to Christian doctrine, covering such topics as the Trinity, the nature of sin, the Sacraments, and Judgment Day. Like the Elucidarium and its vernacular offshoots, it imparts learning in a question-and-answer format, in this case taking the form of 38 questions posed by a son and answered by his father 5 . The success of the Dyalogue was widespread and long-lived. By the end of the 13 th century sections of it had been interpolated into flowering include the French of Italy project (http: / / fit-ace-frenchofitaly-medieval.azurewebsites.net), the Medieval francophone literary cultures outside France project (www.medievalfrancophone.ac.uk), and the Values of French project (www.tvof.ac.uk). 3 For the Gonzaga library, see Braghirolli 1880 (no. 1-5, 8, 14, 18; for recent identification of extant manuscripts, see Veneziale 2017); for the Estense library, see Cappelli 1889 (no. 196, 199, 204, 205, 215, 217, 230); for the Savoy library, see Edmunds 1972 (no. 20, 94); and for the Visconti/ Sforza library, see Pellegrin 1955 (no. A.227, 229, 239, 301, 308-09, 313-15, 404, 675, 775, 815, 919; for later inventories, see Albertini Ottolenghi 1991). Four copies of Sydrac are listed in the 1426 Visconti inventory alone (Pellegrin 1955: no. A.239, 314, 775, 919). 4 The work in question was called Dialogue du pere et du filz by Meyer 1899, Dialogue du père et du fils by Jeanroy 1900, and C’est dou pere by Langlois 1928. The name employed here reflects titles given in witnesses of the earliest recension of the text: «Dyalogus patris et filii in gallico» (Paris B.A. 2059 = P 1 ), «Dialogue del piere e del fiz» (Paris B.N.f.fr. 13342 = P 8 , and Paris B.N.f.fr. 25408 = P 10 ), and «Dyalogus inter patrem et filium» (Soissons B.M. 224 = So). The sigla are my own. For the date of P 10 , see the colophon on f. 106v o . 5 The classic study of the Elucidarium in Latin and French is Lefèvre 1954. Lefèvre’s suggestion (p. 327) that the Elucidarium constituted a direct source for the Dyalogue, however, is chal- Huw Grange 204 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.8357/ VOX-2018-008 the most widely circulating Old French Lucidaire, and also into the Bible en françois traditionally attributed to Roger d’Argenteuil 6 . In the early 14 th century, moreover, it was reworked for inclusion in the compendium of pious works known as the Legiloque 7 . The text survives today, whole or in part, in more than 30 manuscripts. One copy of the Bible en françois is known to have travelled from France to Italy during the Middle Ages: Paris B.S.G. 1654 was made in Paris in the 1320s, but seems to have been housed in an ecclesiastical institution in Genoa shortly thereafter (Rouse/ Rouse 2013: 232). There is also a late-14 th -century copy of the Legiloque recension of the Dyalogue in Italy today (Vatican B.A.V.Reg.lat. 1668), but it is likely that it arrived some time later (with Christina of Sweden). It was the first recension of the Dyalogue, as we shall see, that took a firmer hold on the Penisola. The earliest surviving copy of the Dyalogue made in Italy is Paris B.N.f.fr. 726 (P 4 ), a product of the final two decades of the 13 th century 8 . This volume, which, in addition to the Dyalogue, preserves the Faits des Romains and Brunetto Latini’s Livre du tresor, was once thought to have been made in Naples (Degenhart/ Schmitt 1980: 190). On the basis of the flourished initials that adorn P 4 , however, Marie-Thérèse Gousset 1988 argued, provoking some controversy, that not only was this manuscript Genoese, but so, too, was the entire output of this supposedly «Neapolitan» atelier. Scholars have since bolstered Gousset’s hypothesis, uncovering the role played by Pisan prisoners in Genoese manuscript-production in the wake of the Battle of Meloria of 1284, and the links between this prolific atelier and the Dominicans of Genoa 9 . One of the scribes of P 4 may well have been the Pisan prisoner Nerius Sanpantis, copyist of the Legenda aurea in Milan B.A. M 76 Sup. (Cigni 2013: 116). It is not known for whom Sanpantis, or any of his fellow copyists, was writing in the case of P 4 , but the high quality of the artwork suggests that this was a particularly important commission. The volume seems to have been in France by the early 15 th century, when Pietro Sacco da Verona, librarian to the Duke of Berry from 1415 and Parisian bookseller in the 1420s, added his name (at the base of f. 2r o , 5r o , 6r o and 8r o ), and perhaps also the date 1420 (on f. 199v o ) (Avril et al. 1984: 37-38). He may well have brought the manuscript with him from Italy. A second manuscript, Lyon B.D.L. Mss&R 43 (Ly), which, in addition to the Dyalogue, preserves extracts from the Gospels, the Book of Proverbs and a Roman des autorités (all in French), has been recorded as a Picard production in scholarship (Hoogvliet 2013: 294). There are, however, persuasive grounds for considering it a product of early 14 th -century Italy. The text was written in a rotunda featuring a with lenged by Türk 2000: 173-78. The most thorough description of the Dyalogue is by Langlois 1928: 47-65. An edition of the earliest recension of the text is currently in preparation. 6 See Türk 2000 for an edition of Lucidaire I, Moe 1977 on the Bible, and Grange 2017 on the relationship between the Dyalogue and the Bible. 7 On the Legiloque manuscripts and their links to Marie de Bretagne, Countess of Saint-Pol, see Rouse/ Rouse 2010. 8 Black and white reproduction available at https: / / gallica.bnf.fr/ ark: / 12148/ btv1b9060558w. 9 See, for example, Cigni 2010, Fabbri 2012, Zinelli 2015, Fabbri 2016. French didactic works in medieval Italy 205 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.2357/ VOX-2018-008 an open upper lobe, c caudata, uncial d with a near-horizontal shaft (alongside occasional examples of half-uncial d), h with a limb resting on the baseline (and subject to fusion), and trailing s in final position. The scribe made use of the Italian abbreviations d’ and q with a bar through the descender, and the tironian nota is invariably uncrossed. The orthography also bears an evident Italian influence, for example in the use of c caudata, (sanç for sanz, f. 79v o ; çustice for justice, f. 87v o ; and çascun, f. 90r o ) and x (pax for pas, f. 70r o ; exprové, f. 74r o ; raixon, f. 79r o ; and dextre, f. 82v o ), in the lack of word-initial epenthesis (spavantoient, f. 75v o ; and scripture, f. 76r o ), and in Italianate forms such as che (for que, f. 78r o ) and maniera (f. 82v o ). The decoration of Ly also points to northern Italy. At least two artists were responsible for the flourished initials adorning the text. The one responsible for the neater work decorating the Gospels and Dyalogue invariably added half-leaf motifs within and outside the letter, spirals immediately above and below the letter, and marginal elongations ending with foliate or floral motifs. His work bears some similarity to that of Milanese artists of the early to mid-14 th century (Avril/ Gousset 2005: 29-41; cf. esp. Paris B.N.f.lat. 4895). If the Italian origin of Ly seems likely on the basis of palaeographical, orthographical and art historical grounds, it is not known when or how the volume arrived in France. What is certain, however, is that it entered the library of the Collège of Tournon in the years after this institution was gutted by fire in 1714. The stamp of the Collège is clearly visible on the opening folio. There are two further copies of the Dyalogue with Italian connections that can nonetheless be ascribed to the oïl-speaking zone in terms of their production. The first, the anthology manuscript Paris B.N.f.fr. 12581 (P 7 ), bears the date 1284 on f. 229v o at the end of the Tresor, and it is plausible that this refers to the year in which this text was copied 10 . The contents of the volume, which includes a list of the fairs of Champagne and numerous songs by Thibaut de Champagne, may point to Champenois production (Barbieri 2006). At some point in the 14 th century, the volume was in the hands of an Italian who added a series of marginal notes in his native tongue. He seems to have been particularly interested in the Tresor and the Lucidaire. The other volume that needs to be considered here, Florence B.R. 2756 (Fl), preserves the Lucidaire and Terre de promission, with the Dyalogue sandwiched between them. Fl has tended to be dated to c. 1300 (Giannini 2006: 121). Determining the place of production, however, has proven more problematic: Nixon 1993: 59, for example, suggests that the decoration is indicative «of a southern or Italian provenance»; Giannini 2006: 123, on the other hand, localizes production to the north-east of the oïl zone on the basis of the hand and scripta, describing the decoration as «una tipologia ornamentale di estesa frequentazione negli scriptoria francesi della seconda metà del sec. XIII e dei primi decenni del successivo». It is perhaps useful here to distinguish between the large decorated initials that open the three principal works making up the volume - which seem to point towards France, as Giannini suggests 10 Colour reproduction available at https: / / gallica.bnf.fr/ ark: / 12148/ btv1b53000323h. Huw Grange 206 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.8357/ VOX-2018-008 - and the smaller plain initials that were added less carefully (and indeed often erroneously). The latter bear a close resemblance to the unflourished initials added to manuscripts produced by the Genoa-Pisa workshop (cf. forms of M and T in Paris B.N.f.fr. 9685 and B.N.nouv.acq.fr. 9603). In the 16 th century a member of the Andrevet family (which had links with the Savoyard court 11 ) added a family motto in both French and Italian to Fl. The presence of the inscription on both f. 70v o and 71r o confirms that by this stage the volume was already bound with two folios (f. 71-72) on which sonnets in Florentine and Italianized extracts from Arnaut de Carcasses’s Novas del papagay and Chrétien’s Cligès had been copied (Giannini 2006: 125). Fl was probably in Italy by the 16 th century, then, but the possibility that it arrived somewhat earlier cannot be ruled out. Even if they were relatively early arrivals in Italy, however, neither P 7 nor Fl can have been the direct source for the text in either P 4 or Ly (or, at least, not the only one). The text of P 7 is marred by a series of textual lacunae that it shares with the later productions Paris B.A. 2071 (P 2 ) and B.N.f.fr. 461 (P 3 ). The most extensive of these is the omission of the entire answer to Q.23, and the question and a large part of the answer to Q.24. Q.23 and 24, however, are present in their complete form in Ly P 4 . As for Fl, the most notable omissions are the Latin quotations: the space left for the rubricator to insert them was left blank. In Ly P 4 , however, the Latin text has been supplied as per other witnesses of the Dyalogue. Fl P 7 may not provide the material link between France and Italy for the Dyalogue, but there is one final witness to peruse for clues. And it is to this fragment, now in the Archives nationales in Paris, that we now turn. 3. AB/ XIX/ 1730 Haute-Garonne pièce 14 (J) At the turn of the 20 th century, this fragment was in the hands of Alfred Jeanroy, one of several pieces handed to him by Félix Pasquier, departmental archivist for the Haute-Garonne. In the first of two articles devoted to this material (1899), Jeanroy identified two of the folios as late-13 th -century fragments of the Old French Crusade Cycle 12 . And in the second (1900), he discussed six folios of the later 14 th century that preserved part of an ascetic treatise 13 and an account of the death of Jeanne d’Alençon in 1292, as well as a bifolium he dated to the 14 th century preserving part of the Dya- 11 Philibert Andrevet III, for example, who married in 1507, was Seigneur de Corsant and «Conseiller & Chambellan» to Charles, duke of Savoy (Aubert de La Chesnaye Des Bois 1863s./ 1: 495). 12 These preserve text from Les enfances Godefroi and La Chanson d’Antioche. See Mickel 1999, v. 668-96, 720-45a, 760s. (additional laisse in Paris B.N.f.fr. 786)-767, 788-817; and Nelson 2003, v. 1418a-55, 1470-505, 1517a-47, and 1561-92. 13 Now identified as the Miroir des dames, a French rendering of the Speculum dominarum made for Jeanne d’Évreux. French didactic works in medieval Italy 207 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.2357/ VOX-2018-008 logue and homiletic material attributed to Maurice de Sully. It is the latter fragment, of course, that primarily concerns us here. The six folios featuring ascetic material were the subject of a 1927 article by Suzanne Solente (who was unaware of Jeanroy’s earlier pieces). By this stage they were in Paris: the Archives de la Haute-Garonne, like all departmental archives in France, had been instructed in 1925 to send the fragments of medieval manuscripts it held to the Archives nationales (Rinoldi 2015). Thanks to a signature of Charles V spotted by Charles Samaran, Solente was able to determine that the six folios had once belonged to a manuscript in the library of the Louvre. Shortly after her article was published, these fragments (no doubt thanks to their recently revealed royal connection) were transferred to the Bibliothèque nationale, where they now bear the shelf-mark nouv. acq.fr. 23285 (Omont 1928: 293-94). Since Jeanroy’s articles, the whereabouts of the bifolium featuring the Dyalogue have been listed in scholarship as unknown (Robson 1952: 67). Like Paris B.N.nouv. acq.fr. 23285, however, this fragment was sent to the Archives nationales in 1926; unlike nouv.acq.fr. 23285, it has remained there to this day, where it now bears the shelf-mark AB/ XIX/ 1730 Haute-Garonne pièce 14 (J). 3.1 Physical description J is a single bifolium of fine-quality parchment. In its present state, the first folio measures approximately 323 x 222 mm. The text was written in two columns of 34 lines each, with the ruled area measuring 223 x 159 mm on the first folio. Even after trimming, then, the margins of the bifolium are wide. As Jeanroy 1900: 98 noted, in the 17 th century the recto sides of J were numbered 200 and 204 in ink in the upper right corners. This suggests, curiously enough, that there were three folios separating the two extant folios at the time of foliation (assuming the numbering was done correctly). The text on f. 200v o ends just before the end of the Dyalogue; f. 204r o a opens part-way through Maurice de Sully’s commentary on the Pater noster, which is followed by the first few lines of the New Year’s Day sermon at the base of f. 204v o b. If the Pater noster commentary was originally preceded in J by the Synodal Sermon and the commentary on the Creed (Homilies i and ii in Robson 1952), these would have taken up between three and four times as many lines as the 136 of f. 204 (to judge by other manuscripts). Together with the final few lines of the Dyalogue, which must have followed f. 200, Homilies i and ii could not have fitted on only three folios, but would have comfortably filled four. It seems plausible, then, that the manuscript had suffered material damage by the time it was foliated in the 17 th century. The script of J is more interesting than Jeanroy’s pithy description («l’écriture, du commencement du XIV e siècle, très soignée», 1900: 97) would suggest. The roundness of the bows and the lack of forked ascenders are more indicative of rotunda than of northern textualis. The only form of a, moreover, features a large lower lobe, with Huw Grange 208 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.8357/ VOX-2018-008 the upper lobe left open. The shaft of uncial d is generally close to horizontal. Roundr is found not only after letters with a convex bow to the right, but also after a, e, i and u, and the majuscule form of r appears in final position (f. 204r o b). A rounded form of 3-shaped z occurs in final position. Also indicative of southern production are the «Italian» abbreviations d’ (for de) and q with a stroke through the descender (for qui) 14 . The script bears considerable northern influence, however. There is no sign of Rücken-g, the limb of h extends below the baseline, i-ticks are prevalent, v is frequently used (alongside u) in initial position, as is w. The tironian nota is always crossed. These northern features, however, need not preclude southern production. In its particular combination of northern and southern traits, the script here closely resembles that of the sole scribe of Paris B.N.f.fr. 9760, an Italian production of the second quarter of the 14 th century 15 . Linguistic analysis of the scripta contributes little to our attempt to localize J’s production. A few traits point towards the north-eastern or eastern part of the oïl zone. We might note, for example, the use of w in forms of vouloir (welent on f. 200r o a, wet on f. 200v o b), the single case of lo as the accusative singular form of the masculine article (f. 200r o a, corrected to le), the contraction of maismement to maiement (f. 204r o b), and the form perrochiens (f. 200r o a) 16 . The evidence provided by the decorative elements of J is also ambiguous. Red ink was used for tituli and for highlighting majuscules. The only other decoration consists of eight pen-flourished initials. The letters themselves, two lines in height, are alternately red and blue. Flourishing was added - «assez gracieusement» in Jeanroy’s opinion (1900: 97) - in a contrasting colour (purple and red). It generally comprises two spirals interior to the initial, a vertical line of encircled dots to the left of the initial, and plain tendrils extending into the margin. Though this decorative schema is prevalent in northern French productions, simple interior spirals feature in flourished initials painted in several regions of Italy (cf. Avril/ Gousset 1984: no. 30, 154, 186; Avril/ Gousset 2005: no. 6, and Avril/ Gousset 2012: no. 17, 29, 96, 119, 125). The use of purple as a contrasting colour would be consistent with a more southerly production 17 . Besides the 17 th -century foliation, the post-medieval additions to J include traces of accounts in the upper right margin of f. 204r o (partially trimmed), hastily executed and scarcely legible text in the upper margin of f. 204v o , and the following text, upside-down, at the base of f. 204v o : «Cayer d’obligation et consenties par les tenenciers de la jurisdiction de Biron pour fait de reconoissances et d’arpente». As Jeanroy 1899, 1900 observed, notes present on the fragments he received from Pasquier indicate that 14 See Derolez 2003: 103-11. I am grateful to Fabio Zinelli for confirming the Italian aspect of the script. 15 Colour reproduction available at https: / / gallica.bnf.fr/ ark: / 12148/ btv1b1059055f. 16 The use of lo could also be attributed to Italian influence. On maiement as a feature of Picard and Walloon, see Goosse 1965: cxiv N1. The examples of perrochien (and perroche) given in Gdf., Dict. (10/ 280-81) and the FEW (7/ 658-59) are predominantly Picard or Burgundian. 17 Thanks to Claudia Rabel, Patricia Stirnemann and Fabio Zinelli for their assistance in localizing the decoration. French didactic works in medieval Italy 209 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.2357/ VOX-2018-008 in the later 18 th century they were used as document wrappers by the royal notary Pierre Vergnes. On the basis of a note on f. 6v o of Paris B.N.nouv.acq.fr. 23285, which asserts sitting and burial rights in «l’eglize de saint Advit, acordés en fauveur de moy, Vergnes, notaire royal, par l’euvesque d’Agen», Jeanroy 1900: 97 linked Pierre Vergnes to the village of Saint-Avit today in the Marmande arrondissement. With its reference to Biron, however, the title added to J gives some pause for thought. The church mentioned in nouv.acq.fr. 23285 could plausibly be the one near Lacapelle- Biron dedicated to St Avit, also in the diocese of Agen, and in proximity to the prestigious Château de Biron. How J and its fellow fragments came to be used as document wrappers in the Agenais, however, remains something of a mystery. 3.2 Textual relations: The «Dyalogue» Folio 200 of J preserves part of the answer to Q.37 of the Dyalogue («Should I obey temporal authority in defiance of God or reason? ») and the question and most of the answer to Q.38 («Should I abandon my parents when I marry? »). The presence of these two questions immediately precludes affiliation to the Bible en françois (both versions of which omit Q.37-38) or to the Legiloque (which lacks Q.38). J is a witness of the first recension of the Dyalogue, of which 14 other witnesses have come down to us, whole or in part 18 . There are two noteworthy omissions to the text of the Dyalogue that are unique to J. The quotations from Ezechiel 34 in Q.37 lack the attribution to Ezechiel (f. 200r o a). And in Q.38 the justification for honouring both wife and parents is absent: J reads «Mais qui puet, il doit de droit a els et a sa feme bien faire» (f. 200v o b), omitting «quar cil feroit mallement le commandement Dieu qui les lairoit vivre honteusement et a mesaise» (P 1 f. 129r o ). It is unlikely, then, that J itself served as the source for any of the other surviving witnesses. J has common errors with a family of six first recension manuscripts (Fl Ly P 2 P 3 P 4 P 7 ). We note, for example: - «Ego ipse requiram gregem meum ne pascant ultra semet ipsos» (f. 200r o a) - omission following «meum» of «de manu pastorum, et cessare faciam, ne ultra pascant gregem» (P 1 f. 128r o ); - «Vir non habet potestatem sui corporis, sed mulier; et sic mulier non habet potestatem sui corporis, sed vir» (f. 200v o a) - inversion of «vir» and «mulier» (word order confirmed by translation, cf. P 1 f. 128v o ); - «et por ce que c’est li plus haus et li plus dignes que l’en doit honorer son pere et sa mere» (f. 200v o a) - cf. «Le premier de ces .vii., pour ce qu’il est plus haut et plus digne, si est qu’on doit honnourer son pere et sa mere» (P 1 f. 128v o ); 18 Besides Fl Ly P 1 P 2 P 3 P 4 P 7 P 8 P 10 So (already mentioned), these are Cambridge E.C. I.4.31 (E), Oxford B.L. Fairfax 24 (O), Paris B.N.f.fr. 1036 (P 5 ), and B.N.f.fr. 24432 (P 9 ). P 2 P 3 interpolate the complete Dyalogue into the abridged Bible, O (fragmentary) interpolates the complete Dyalogue into the unabridged Bible, and E (ed. Hunt 2010: 24-69) preserves Q.1-13, 21, 23 and 34 in an abridged form. Huw Grange 210 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.8357/ VOX-2018-008 - «Deus non querit donum suorum parentum» (f. 200v o b) - «suorum» (also in P 5 P 9 ) for «de fame» (P 1 f. 129r o ). There is one case, however, of a reading in J that appears to be closer to the rest of the first recension tradition (P 1 P 5 P 8 P 9 P 10 So) than to Fl etc.: J: «[si est plus assailli] dou dyable qu’uns autres, por ce qu’il seit bien, se il a le pastour, il avra les brebis» (f. 200r o a); P 7 : «dou deable qu’uns autres, por ce qu’il fait bien, quar il se puisse, se il a le pastor, qu’il avoit des berbiz» (f. 359r o ); Fl (also Ly P 2 P 3 P 4 ): «du diable qu’uns autres, pour çou qu’il fait bien qu’il se pense, se il a le pastour, il avera des berbis» (f. 57v o ); P 1 (also P 5 P 8 P 9 P 10 So): «qu’un autre, quar le diable l’asaut plus pour ce qu’il set bien, s’il a le pastour, qu’il avra des brebis» (f. 127v o -128r o ). We cannot conclude from this single instance, however, that J occupies an intermediate position between two branches. It is not inconceivable that the J scribe (or a predecessor) corrected an erroneous exemplar here. Indeed, it is noteworthy that, in common with Fl Ly P 2 P 3 P 4 , J omits the conjunction «que» following «seit/ fait bien». There is scope for greater precision concerning J’s affiliations within the group Fl Ly P 2 P 3 P 4 P 7 . J preserves a version of Q.38 that is truncated to form a conclusion to the Dyalogue as a whole. After explaining that God does not appreciate almsgiving that leaves one’s parents in abject poverty, the Father introduces a paragraph on the importance of serving one’s community with the words «Desormais te dirai la soume et la fin de ceste oevre» (f. 200v o b). This aligns J with Fl Ly P 4 P 7 . The text of P 2 and P 3 has already deviated from the Dyalogue by this point. Within the group Fl Ly P 4 P 7 , there is some reason to believe that J is most closely related to Ly P 4 . The placement of paragraph divisions and tituli in these three witnesses is identical (and the wording of the rubric in J is identical to that given in Ly). At a superficial level, moreover, the language of J closely resembles that of Ly P 4 . Note, for example: J: «Et li saint home qui a entendre noz font l’Escripture distrent en lor escrit qu’il covient porter a els honor et seignorie en toutez chosez, et trover et doner ce que mestier lor est, honorablement selonc son pooir» (f. 200v o b); Ly (also P 4 ): «Et li saint home qui attendre (a.] a entendre P 4 ) nos font l’Escripture (l’E.] lescriptures P 4 ) distrent en lor escrit qu’il covient porter a auz honor et segnorie en toute chouses (t. ch.] touz P 4 ), et trover et doner ce que mestier lor est, honorablement selon lor poir» (f. 90r o - 90v o ); P 7 (also Fl P 2 P 3 ): «Et li saint home qui entendre nos font les Escriptures distrent en lor escriz qu’il covient porter a eus honor et seignorie en touz, et trover et doner ce que mestiers lor est, honorablement selonc lor pooirs» (f. 360r o ); P 1 (etc.): «Et les sains hommes qui nous font entendre les Escriptures distrent en lours escris (l. e.] lor escrit P 5 P 9 So) qu’il couvient .ii. coses: porter leur honnour et signourie en tous poins, et trouver leur çou que mestier leur est (e.] sera P 5 P 9 )» (f. 128v o ). French didactic works in medieval Italy 211 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.2357/ VOX-2018-008 In the absence of common errors that aren’t shared with Fl P 7 , however, the relationship between J and Ly P 4 cannot be determined conclusively. 3.3 Textual relations: The homilies Further support for the affiliation between J and Ly comes from the commentary on the Pater noster. This is the only one of the homilies attributed to Maurice de Sully that was copied in Ly, where it immediately follows the Dyalogue (f. 90v o -93r o ). The text of the Pater noster commentary in J and Ly has lacunae and errors in common that do not feature in any of the ten other witnesses consulted 19 : - «qui sont en ciel devant lui obeïssant a lui, et font parfaitement sa volenté et son commandement. Mais en terre a moult de cels qui sont el ciel devant Dieu obeïssant a lui, et font parfaitement sa volenté et son commandement. Et moult en i a de cels qui font» (f. 204r o a) - dittography on «qui sont/ font»; - «quar se le cuer» (f. 204r o b) - «cuer» for «cors»; - «se elle n’est enseignie si com elle doit. Mais se l’ame est bien enseignie» (f. 204r o b) - omission after «elle doit» of «si va li cors e l’ame el feu»; - «Voirement soit faite ta volenté en terre, si com elle est en ciel. Voirement noz pardones tu nos meffais» (f. 204v o b) - omission after «en ciel» of «Voirement nos dones tu nostre pain de cascun jor hui» (eyeskip). Other readings shared by J and Ly that are not present in any of the other witnesses consulted include: - «celestes anime» (f. 204r o a) - for «electorum anime»; - «rainable amende» (J f. 204r o b) / «droit resnable» (Ly) - for «droit avenable»; - «Si le vendroit miex taire que Dieu proier ne apeler» (f. 204r o b) - «ne apeler» absent elsewhere. 4. Conclusion If we limit our studies of the production and circulation of French literature in medieval Italy to single-work codices preserving monumental works like the prose Tristan or the Histoire ancienne, we risk forgetting that the same audiences enjoyed the whole range of genres listed by Dante in the De vulgari eloquentia. Medieval library inventories reveal as much. But two of the volumes examined here also serve as a reminder: Paris B.N.f.fr. 726 (P 4 ), which preserves the Faits des Romains and the Tresor 19 Cambrai B.M. 256, Cambridge T.C. O.2.29, Oxford B.L. Ashmole 1280, Oxford B.L. Douce 270, Paris B.N.f.fr. 187, B.N.f.fr. 1822, B.N.f.fr. 6447, B.N.f.fr. 13315, B.N.f.fr. 24862, Poitiers B.M. 97. Huw Grange 212 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.8357/ VOX-2018-008 alongside the Dyalogue, and Lyon B.D.L. Mss&R 43 (Ly), with its particular combination of devotional material and Classical maxims. The third witness of the Dyalogue discussed here, Paris A.N. AB/ XIX/ 1730 Haute-Garonne pièce 14 (J), once belonged to a manuscript whose production can be localized to Italy and dated to the first half of the 14 th century. It was not the source for Ly P 4 , but it could plausibly have been a relatively faithful copy of their ancestor. This would be one explanation for the French influence evident in its hand and scripta.If we knew what preceded the Dyalogue and the sermons in J, we might be able to match it with one of the volumes listed in the medieval library inventories. Given medieval Italian audiences’ broad tastes in French literature, however, and the wide range of works the Dyalogue might have been paired with, there is, unfortunately, little chance of that. Appendix: The text of the Dyalogue and homiletic material in J The text of J is transcribed below, using the following conventions. Rubricated text appears in small capitals and expansions of abbreviations in italics. Deleted letters are wrapped in angle brackets (<…>), additions in square brackets ([…]), and decorated initials in curly brackets ({…}). A solidus marks a line break in the manuscript. [Dyalogue Q.37] [f. 200r o a] dou dyable que vns autres . por/ ce quil seit bien se il a le pastour/ il aura les brebis . quar len dist que/ qui a le vilain si a le buef . & quant/ li diables puet metre haine en/ tre le prestre et les perrochiens ./ dont a il tout gaaignie . quar il/ bee a tuer lun par lautre . Et por ce/ dient tels ia . Je ne lairai pas ma/ meschine se li prestres ne lait la/ soe . et por quoi ne feroie ie mal <o>/ quant li prestres le fait . Cest aussi/ grant folie que qui diroit . por quoi/ ne me occiroie ie come li prestres ./ dont nai ie aussi bon coutel et si/ trenchant com il . Mais bien sache/ li prestres quil a a respondre de soi/ et de ses brebis . et quil doit metre/ por els garder sa uie dou cors si co/ me dist leuangile . Bonus pastor/ animam suam ponit pro ouibus/ suis . Mais li prestre qui or sont/ tels ia nont cure de ce . quil ne quie/ rent des brebis que le lait & la lain-/ ne . et li len prennent l<o>[e] sorplus sil/ welent . quar de plus ne sentreme-/ tent il . ains pensent de mengier/ et de boire . et il deussent entendre/ a paistre lor brebis . Mais il sera .i./ ior que diex contera a els del escot/ si com dist li prophetes . Ego ipse re-/ quiram gregem meum ne pascant/ ultra semet ipsos . et alibi idem . Ve . pastoribus israel qui pascebant semetipsos ./ [f. 200r o b] encore dist li peres./ {L}i preudons/ qui a sa feme et ses enfans &/ ses serians il en respondra a dieu . &/ sache bien que il ne doit pas defou-/ ler ses serians ne maistroier fors/ par raison . ainz se doit penser que/ il sont si frere . quar aussi sont il/ fil dieu ou miex par auenture . Il doit/ ses enfans aprendre et chastoier/ et enseignier coment il doiuent/ viure honestement et loiaument/ et netement selonc die tot auant ./ et puis selonc le siecle . et chastoi-/ er quil ne dient foles paroles et/ quil ne facent males enfances . et/ sache bien que se il sont mal enseig/ nie par sa defaute il le comparra do-/ French didactic works in medieval Italy 213 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.2357/ VOX-2018-008 lereusement . Il doit sa feme tenir/ selonc ce que elle est . et que elle doit/ estre . La feme ne fu pas faite de/ la teste del home ne des pies . Mais/ dou coste . Cest a dire quil ne la doit/ pas faire dame par desus lui . ne ne/ la doit pas defouler com sa baiesse ./ ainz la doit tenir com sa compaigne ./ quar si com dist lescripture . Elle/ fu faite por aidier a lome . et elle/ le doit obeir et aidier de tout son/ pooir . et cele aide proprement por/ quoi elle fu faite ce fu por faire en-/ fans . quar sanz feme ne les puet ho-/ me faire . por ce le di ie que home doit/ gesir a sa feme por auoir enfans/ quil norrisse . non pas au siecle . mais/ [f. 200v o a] a dieu . Encore idoit il gesir por au/ tre chose . por ce quelle ne face folie par/ sa defaute . quar il iauroit grant pe-/ chie . et por cest pechie comanda sains/ pols et dist . Vxori uir debitum reddat ./ et uxor viro . vir non habet potesta-/ tem sui corporis . sed mulier . Et sic/ mulier non habet potestatem sui cor-/ poris . sed vir . Cest a dire li maris si/ doit rendre a la feme de ceste cho-/ se ce quil doit . et la feme au mari ./ quar lome na pas ci endroit la seigno-/ rie de son cors mais la feme . ne la fe-/ me dou sien . mais lome . et por ce/ di ie que cil fait pechie qui en escondist/ lautre . Mais por ce ne doiuent il/ pas viure luxurieusement . ains/ se doiuent refrener . et bien sache/ chascuns que sil assamblent par luxu-/ re il font pechie . mais tant ia quil/ est pardonables por la raison dou ma-/ riage . Encore te di ie que cil ou celes/ qui ont pere et mere sachent quil/ lor doiuent de droite dete par le coman-/ dement de dieu trouer honorable-/ ment et souffissanment ce que mes-/ tier lor est a lor pooir . quar quant diex/ dona sa loi il comanda .x. commande-/ mens . dont li .iij. apartienent a lamor/ de dieu . et li .vij. alamor de son prois-/ me . et por ce que cest li plus haus et li/ plus dignes que len doit honorer son/ pere et sa mere . Et li saint home qui a/ entendre noz font lescripture dis-/ [f. 200v o b]trent en lor escrit quil couient/ porter a els honor et seignorie en/ toutez chosez . et trouer et doner/ ce que mestier lor est honorablement/ selonc son pooir. [Dyalogue Q.38] dist li fils ./ {U}Ous mauez dit que quant home/ prent feme quil doit laissier/ son pere et sa mere por sa feme . dist/ li peres . {T}V nas pas bien/ entendu . ainz te dis que quant/ diex assambla adam et eue . il dist/ que por ce lairoit home son pere & sa/ mere . et sanz faille qui seroit me-/ nez asi grant besoing quil couenist/ aforce laissier son pere et sa mere/ ou sa feme . il les deuroit laissier por/ sa feme . Mais qui puet il doit de droit/ a els et a sa feme bien faire . Or poez/ dont ueoir que diex wet que len lor face/ bien . Et sains ambroises nous en dist ./ Deus non querit donum suorum paren-/ tum . Cest a dire que diex na cure que/ hons li face don ne aumosne de ce/ dont son pere et sa mere aient me-/ saises . Des or mais te dirai la sou/ me et la fin de ceste oeure . & saches/ que vn home de quelque mestier que/ il soit doit si seruir la uile ou il de-/ meure de son mestier que len nen ait/ souffraites . ou soit de pain ou soit/ de vin . ou de coudre . ou de taillier ./ ou de quelque mestier que ce soit . aus-/ si com iex 20 de la teste ne uoit pas por/ soi seulement ce quil uoit . Mais por/ [Homily] [f. 204r o a] si com elle est faite en ciel . Seignor/ en ciel est faite sa uolente parfaite/ ment . quia archangeli . angeli . principatus . potestates virtutes ./ dominationes . troni . cherubin . sera-/ phin . 20 Perhaps with a macron above the e. Huw Grange 214 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.8357/ VOX-2018-008 patriarche . prophete . apostoli ./ martyres . confessores . uirgines ./ et omnes celestes anime qui sont/ en ciel deuant lui obeissent a lui . et/ font parfaitement sa uolente . et son/ comandement . Mais en terre a moult/ de cels qui sont el ciel deuant dieu obe-/ issant a lui & font parfaitement sa/ uolente et son commandement . et/ moult en ia de cels qui font les choses/ que diex ne uodroit mie . por ce prions/ noz et disons . Fiat uoluntas tua/ sicut in celo et in terra . cest autres-/ si come se noz disons par autres plui-/ sours paroles . Sire diex si come cil/ qui sont el ciel selonc la grandece/ del bien et de la grace que tu lor dones/ font ta uolente parfitement . ensi/ daignes tu que li home mortel la/ facent en terre selonc lor petit po-/ oir et selonc la grace que tu lor dones ./ Sire diex daigne que la facent lapos-/ toiles . archiepiscopi . episcopi . presbi-/ teri . et omnes ordinati sancte ecclesie ./ reges . principes . milites . viri . femi-/ ne . agricole . pusilli cum maioribus . la/ quarte petition ./ {P}anem nostrem coti/ dianum da nobis hodie . pain de/ chascun ior done noz hui . hons qui/ [f. 200r o b] est de .ij. natures de la nature cor-/ porel & de la nature esperituel a mes-/ tier de double pain . dou pain corpo-/ rel au cors . et dou pain esperituel a la-/ me . li pains a lame est sainte doctri-/ ne . & la predication des comandemens/ dieu . par quoi lame vit quant elle les/ met a oeure . li pains et la garisons/ au cors ce sauez vous bien que est . cele que/ rez uoz uolentiers . lune & lautre/ demandez a dieu si ferez sauoir . & plus/ le pain a lame que le pain au cors . quar/ se le cuer a ce que il wet & lame muert/ de fain . cest se elle nest enseignie si/ com elle doit . Mais se lame est bien/ enseignie et elle fait ce que elle doit/ si ira li cors ensamble en la gloire de/ dieu . La quinte petition ./ {D}imitte nobis debita nostra sicut/ et nos dimittimus debitori-/ bus nostris . Pardone noz nos mef-/ fais si com noz pardonons a cels qui/ meffait noz ont . Or poez oir que cil/ qui wet que diex li pardoinst ses pechiez/ et ses meffais . se il couient que il par-/ doinst a cels qui meffait li ont ./ Maiement se cil qui li a meffait li/ crie merci & li offre rainable amen-/ de . se lors ne li pardone por nient dist/ la pater noster . Quar il demande a dieu sa/ dampnation la ou il dist . dimitte/ nobis debita nostra sicut et nos dimit/ timus debitoribus nostris . Si le uendroit/ miex taire que dieu proier ne apeler ./ [f. 204v o a] que il ne wet autrui pardoner si com/ il deuroit . pardonez donques a au-/ trui maiement quant il uous crie/ merci . et il uoz offre droit raina-/ ble se vous uolez que diex uoz pardoint/ vos pechies . quar si com diex dist/ Mensura qua mensi fueritis reme-/ tientur . Selonc la mesure que voz me-/ surre a autrui . selonc cele mesure/ remesurra il a vous . La sexte peti/ cion ./ {E}T ne nos inducas/ in temptationem . cest ne/ sueffre que anemis noz tempte . ne que/ il noz maint a mal par temptation ./ li diables vait enuiron et tempte/ cest assaie la bone gent sauoir mon/ que il porra prendre . Il tempte les moins-/ nes et les chanoinnes . les hermites ./ les renclus . les homes les femes/ les riches . les poures por els trai-/ re a mal . quar lasche home & las-/ che feme sont tost trebuschie . Et li/ prodons et la prodefeme se deffen-/ dent vertueusement . Et por ce acci/ pient coronam quam promisit deus/ diligentibus se . la septime peticion ./ {L}ibera nos a malo . Deliure/ noz de mal . de quel mal : de/ mal del cors et de lame . de toz maus ./ dou mal de cest siecle . & dou mal del/ autre . dou mal que len apele pechie ./ dou mal qui est apelez painne a-/ men . cest a dire uoire . et afferme/ toutes chosez que noz demandons French didactic works in medieval Italy 215 Vox Romanica 77 (2018): 202-218 DOI 10.2357/ VOX-2018-008 a/ [f. 204v o b] dieu en la patre nostre . autant mon-/ te amen com se noz disons a da-/ mredieu . Sire diex voirement o/ troiez noz quanque noz voz auons/ demande en la patre nostre . Voire/ ment soit saintefiez li tiens nons ./ Voirement auieigne li tiens reg-/ nes . Voirement soit faite ta uolen/ te en terre si com elle est en ciel ./ Voirement noz pardones tu nos mef-/ fais si com noz pardonons a cels qui/ meffait noz ont . Voirement ne suef-/ fres tu que li dyables noz tempte a/ mal faire . Voirement nous deli-/ ure de mal . Pater libera nos a ma-/ lo . da nobis bonum corporis . da no-/ bis bonum anime . bonum in hoc/ seculo . bonum in futuro . bonum/ quod est iusticia . bonum quod est/ gloria amen . [Homily IV] Li sermon en la/ circoncision/ nostre seignor se/ lonc luques/ {P}Ostquam/ consummati/ sunt dies octo ut circum/ cideretur puer . vocatum est no/ men eius ihesus quod vocatum est/ ab angelo priusquam in utero conci/ peretur . Seignor icis iors si est/ li premiers iors de lan . que vous/ appelez an nuef . aicest ior soloient/ li mauuais crestien selonc la cos-/ tume de paienime sorceries . et par/ chermes enquerre . & par esperim(enter 21 )/ les auentures qui erent a venir ./ hui soloient il entendre as mal/ Bibliography Manuscripts Cambrai B.M. 256: Cambrai, Bibliothèque municipale, 256 Cambridge E.C. I.4.31: Cambridge, Emmanuel College, I.4.31 (E) Cambridge T.C. O.2.29: Cambridge, Trinity College, O.2.29 Florence B.R. 2756: Florence, Biblioteca Riccardiana, 2756 (Fl) Lyon B.D.L. Mss&R 43: Lyon, Bibliothèque Diderot, Mss&R 43 (15) (Ly) Milan B.A. M 76 Sup.: Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, M 76 Sup. Oxford B.L. Ashmole 1280: Oxford, Bodleian Libraries, Ashmole 1280 Oxford B.L. Douce 270: Oxford, Bodleian Libraries, Douce 270 Oxford B.L. Fairfax 24: Oxford, Bodleian Libraries, Fairfax 24 (O) Paris A.N. 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