<?page no="0"?> Theresa Varney Kennedy Françoise Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie An Annotated Critical Edition Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen BIBLIO 17 <?page no="1"?> Françoise Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie <?page no="2"?> BIBLIO 17 Volume 177 · 2008 Suppléments aux Papers on French Seventeenth Century Literature Collection fondée par Wolfgang Leiner Directeur: Rainer Zaiser <?page no="3"?> Theresa Varney Kennedy Françoise Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie An Annotated Critical Edition Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen <?page no="4"?> © 2008 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG P. O. Box 2567 · D-72015 Tübingen Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. 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Fratzke, Kirchentellinsfurt Gesamtherstellung: Gruner Druck, Erlangen Printed in Germany ISSN 1434-6397 ISBN 978-3-8233-6416-0 Information bibliographique de la Deutsche Nationalbibliothek La Deutsche Nationalbibliothek a répertorié cette publication dans la Deutsche Nationalbibliografie ; les données bibliographiques détaillées peuvent être consultées sur Internet à l’adresse <http: / / dnb.d-nb.de>. <?page no="5"?> Contents Introduction: Françoise Pascal, “fille lyonnoise” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Biography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Career . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17 Performances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 The cercle précieux . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Paris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28 Reception of plays . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 The patois lyonnais . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Sources . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 The Roman hagiography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Romanesque influences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Theatrical influences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 The 17 th century martyr play . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46 The 17 th century tragicomedy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Action . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Character types . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Themes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Spectacularity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 73 Rhétorique amoureuse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 A tragic ending? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 17 th century gallantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 The theme of tender friendship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 Between tender frienship and gallantry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 The “Carte de Tendre” in Agathonphile martyr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 Un galimatias: gallant rhetoric & Christian rhetoric. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 The female martyr in 17 th century drama . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 La Serre’s Saint Catherine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Corneille’s Théodore . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117 La Vallée’s Saint Susanne. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Pascal’s Triphine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 122 <?page no="6"?> 6 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 Marriage in 17 th century France . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Marriage in 17 th century literature . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 128 Pascal’s treatment of marriage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 The Edition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Dedicatory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 Avis au lecteur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146 Acte Premier . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Acte Deuxième . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Acte Troisième . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176 Acte Quatrième . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 Acte Cinquième . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216 References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 232 <?page no="7"?> Acknowledgements This book is dedicated to my family and to my husband, Kevin, who have been a constant source of encouragement. I would also like to thank my mentor, Dr. Hervé-Thomas Campangne, for introducing me to the world of 17 th century literature and for his advice and guidance in this project. I am also indebted to my friend and colleague, Dr. Zennia Hancock, and to University of Maryland faculty members Dr. Andrea Frisch, Dr. Carol Mossman, Dr. Karen Nelson, and Dr. Isabelle Gournay, whose help in editing this edition has been invaluable. Theresa Varney Kennedy Baylor University (Waco, Texas) May 2008 <?page no="9"?> Introduction: Francoise Pascal, “fille lyonnoise” The theater is defined by Alain Viala as a selective prism which allows us to see each century’s concept of reality and how the collective ideas, attitudes, and debates change and evolve from one period or from one society to the next. 1 Yet, the representation of 17 th century life that appears through this prism is distorted if it is limited to a male-dominated point of view. Often college seminars in French theater are restricted to the study of such playwrights as Corneille, Molière, and Racine, the works and prefaces of the great theoreticians d’Aubignac and La Mesnardière, and the numerous debates between the irréguliers and the réguliers in regards to the rules for the theater during the first half of the 17 th century. These are of course necessary for our understanding of how French theater established itself and evolved. However, until recent years, the few female authors from that period have been excluded from our literary canon, and their dramatic works forgotten. How does the female playwright’s contributions to 17 th century theater change what we see through Viala’s alleged “selective prism”? Feminist thought is based on the “assumption that women have experienced life differently from men and that this difference is worth studying” (Jordan 1). Influenced by this idea, historians and researchers today are allowing the voices of women writers whose talents have been long overshadowed by those of their male contemporaries to be heard, some for the first time. Their writings reflect both their thoughts on the society in which they lived as well as the strategies they used to gain access to the world of literature. As the first 17 th century female playwright to have her plays performed publicly, 2 the voice of Françoise Pascal rises above those of her female counterparts. Pascal would pave the way for other successful female playwrights who emerged in the latter years of the 17 th century like Madame de Villedieu whose tragedies were performed at the Hôtel de Bourgogne and Versailles, and Catherine Bernard who had two of her tragedies performed at the Comédie 1 See the introduction in Alain Viala, Le théâtre en France des origines à nos jours (Paris: PUF, 1997). 2 See Perry Gethner’s introduction to Pascal’s comic play in The Lunatic Lover and other plays by French Women of the 17th and 18th centuries (Portsmouth: Heinemann, 1994) 3. <?page no="10"?> 10 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” Française. 3 The authorship and performance of her tragicomedies marks an extraordinary female act of self-affirmation for the 17 th century, a period marked by a distaste for female authors in general. Chapelain, member of the French Academy, admits his hatred for “les femmes autrices” in a letter to Balzac” (1: 505). According to Grenaille, author of L’Honnête fille, a female should never make writing her vocation. He writes that “la bien-séance ne permettait pas à une honnête fille de reduire en pratique les connaissances qu’elle pouvait avoir en matière de poésie” (3: 223). Pascal struggled to receive recognition for her publications at a time when la comédie was the genre “par excellence” normally reserved for male writers. 4 Since all writers were expected to adhere to models of Antiquity, and most women were not well enough educated to be familiar with the themes of Aristotle and with the plays of Antiquity, her authorship was questioned by her critics, especially since she published without the support of a male friend who had already established himself in the literary world as an homme de lettres. Most of the 17th century female playwrights who enjoyed some measure of success admitted that they received support from their male mentors: Marie-Catherine Desjardins from L’Abbé d’Aubignac, Catherine Bernard from Fontenelle; and in her preface to Arrie et Petus, Mlle Barbier tells us that Boursault inspired her to write, and that Pellegrin collaborated with her on her plays. 5 Thus, in the case of Pascal, who attempted to publish without the guidance of a “paternal” literary mentor, we see the theater itself as a chauvinistic institution whose exigencies make it virtually impossible for her to be on an equal footing as her male counterparts. Furthermore, Pascal faced the growing influence of the Académie Française and the rules for the theater that were reinforced by such writers as Boileau and Chaplain, key spokespersons for the réguliers who were winning the debate that had begun in the 16 th century. Having come from a modest provincial background, Pascal expresses the difficulties she faced in having to educate herself in the rules for the theater through reading books, since she 3 Madame de Villedieu’s tragicomedy Manlius was performed in 1662 at the Hôtel de Bourgogne and her tragedy Nitétis was also performed there a year later in 1663. Le Favori, tragi-comédie, her most successful play was performed at Versailles in 1665. Laodamie, reine d’Epire and Brutus, Catherine Bernard’s tragedies were both performed at the Comédie Française; the first in 1689 and the latter in 1690. See Cecilia Beach, French Women Playwrights before the Twentienth Century: a checklist (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1994). 4 In the 17th century the term comédie alluded to all dramatic mediums; the tragicomedy, the tragedy, and comedy. 5 On Mlle Barbier see her preface to Arrie et Petus in Gethner, The Lunatic Lover 214-16. <?page no="11"?> Introduction: Francoise Pascal, “fille lyonnoise” 11 had no access to higher education. Most women did not attempt to write for the stage because of the strict rules of composition: “Women felt less free to express themselves in the dramatic medium, to which, especially in the case of the tragedy, a number of stringent rules were recognized to apply, than in other much more loosely defined genres like the novel” (Gibson 190). Despite these obstacles, Pascal was the most prolific female writer of plays for her time, producing three farces and three full-length tragicomedies. Pascal’s modest provincial background is yet another obstacle she faced as a writer. For the most part female writers represented the upper class, since they were the few who received the benefits of a proper education in the classics. It was unusual for female writers who were not of the elite class to participate in literary exercises. Even Du Boscq suggests in le Nouveau Recueil de lettres des dames de ce temps (1635) that it is perhaps only aristocratic women who should attempt to write: Je ne veux pas dire pour cela, qu’elles soient incapables des Ars, qu’elles n’en puissent penetrer tous les secrets: mais elles ne doivent pas chercher une Sagesse contraire à celle de leur sexe, ny posseder des vertus qui ne sont point en usage. Puis que la Renommée ne depend pas de notre opinion, il la faut chercher en celle des autres. Peut-estre, qui si plusieurs Dames de qualité entreprenoient d’escrire, elles en feroient recevoir la coutume: mais sans cela, celles qui commencent, sont plus en danger d’estre moquées, que d’estre imitées. (185-186) The “dames de qualité” who were poetesses only occasionally wrote, and most attempted only minor genres like madrigals, rondeaux, enigmas, or other œuvres galantes. Many of their works circulated in manuscript form in the literary Salons, and rarely were they published. Pascal, who published her own book of poetry, Diverses poësies (1657), precedes such authors as Marie- Catherine Desjardins, who would publish her Recueil de poésies in 1662 and Mlle Certain who would publish her Nouvelles Poésies in 1665. Unlike Pascal, female 17 th novelists who decided to publish often avoided unwanted criticism and protected their reputations by using a pseudonym. The novel was still considered an inferior genre which was felt to wield a particularly dangerous influence over female readers. Madeleine de Scudéry for example, chose to publish her novels under the name of her brother in order to maintain her reputation in aristocratic circles. And later, Madame de Lafayette would choose to publish her novel La Princesse de Clèves anonymously. Erica Harth points out that female authors who refused to sign their own works were “working their way around the code of gender and class…. They protected themselves from the dangers of writing and often forged new identities for themselves as writers, but at the price of exchanging authority <?page no="12"?> 12 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” for secrecy” (26). In contrast to her aristocratic counterparts, it is perhaps Pascal’s bourgeois origins which allow her the freedom to claim her work as her own. While drama remained off-limits for most female writers, Pascal and a few other female playwrights gained access to the world of theater through the Christian martyr play genre in the mid-17 th century. Christian drama was one genre in which women were welcome to participate since women’s status in the religious domain had already been enhanced by the mystic movement. Mysticism, which began to attract more and more women followers in the 17 th century, maintained that women are more privileged receivers of God’s word since their weakness, powerlessness, and lack of education makes them more open to spirituality (Godineau 113). Furthermore, since the very same characteristics associated with Christ: humility, passivity, and modesty were encouraged in 17 th century female behavior, women were considered ideal teachers of Christianity as well. Despite some misogynist attitudes, the Catholic Church was able to make use of passionate women eager to serve the Church in its reform. Numerous institutes were created and run by aristocratic women with the objective of teaching Christian doctrine to young girls. 6 In addition to using the talents of women during this time of reformation, the Catholic Church profited from the theater, which supplied another means for moral instruction through its outpouring of plays based on Biblical themes and hagiographies. It is not surprising then that women, who had been given such an authoritative voice in the spiritual realm, would choose to assert themselves in the literary domain of theater through the religious martyr play. It is significant that the first female playwrights to publish plays in the 17 th century chose not only religious topics, but legends depicting female martyrs. 7 In 1650 there were two tragedies published by women; one entitled Les Jumeaux martyrs, by La Comtesse de Saint-Balmon, and the other entitled Les Chastes martyrs, by Marthe Cosnard. Just five years 6 See Ian Maclean, Woman Triumphant: Feminism in French literature 1610-1652 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977) 122. “It is not necessary to list here the many orders founded for or by women under such directors as St. Francis of Sales, Vincent de Paul, and Coton between 1590 and 1650. They form part of the religious Renaissance marked also by a resurgence of mysticism in the Church, in which sphere also women played a preponderant role.” 7 See Beach. Madame Dorothée de Croy is the only 17th century female playwright who composed and published a play prior to 1650. Her tragicomedy, Cinnatus et Camma, published in 1637, is taken from a mythological source. It is not known as to whether or not this play was performed or not. Additionally, it is believed that Jacqueline Pascal, the sister of Blaise Pascal, who wrote poetry as well as a book of regulations for novices at Port-Royal, wrote a five act play which was performed privately in 1636, but never published. <?page no="13"?> Introduction: Francoise Pascal, “fille lyonnoise” 13 later, in 1655, Pascal published a tragicomedy, Agathonphile martyr, based on Jean-Pierre Camus’s novel Agathonphile, ou les martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargiryppe, Triphyne, et leurs Associez (Paris: Claude Chappelet, 1621), from which Cosnard’s tragedy had also been inspired. And in 1663, a tragedy entitled, L’illustre philosophe ou l’histoire de sainct Catherine d’Alexandrie was written by an unknown nun who went by the name of La Chapelle. 8 Pascal is of particular interest to us as modern readers since her experiences place her under the umbrella of both the history of Women’s Studies and of the French language. As a provincial female playwright whose experiences and vision diverged from those of her male counterparts, Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr, which met with much criticism, is a “transgressive” work, revealing an almost intentional effort to break with literary convention. First, in spite of the French Academy’s attempts to suppress provincial dialects, Pascal defends the use of her “expression lyonnaise.” Secondly, Pascal modifies the conventions of the martyr play and uses this revision to give a new role to the female martyr protagonist. Furthermore, this minor genre gives Pascal a vehicle for subtle criticism of the social order, and more specifically, the patriarchal system. Thus, Pascal’s “female provincial writing” goes against the grain of the institution of theater which is attempting to regulate and unify literary production. Through the study of her work, I believe that we can gain a greater perspective regarding the female artist’s struggles to comply with traditional theatrical models, which often advocate patriarchal ideals, particularly in terms of female characterization. A re-reading of Pascal’s work will permit us to see how her vision of the society in which she lives diverges from that of her male counterparts. Credit is due to those who have already made contributions to bring Pascal’s creative works to light. Her plays have been commented and summarized by both Henry Lancaster in his four part work A History of French Dramatic Literature in the Seventeenth Century and by Fernand Baldensperger in the third volume of his work Etudes d’histoire littéraire which also contains an in-depth biography of the female playwright. Paul Scott includes a reading of Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr in his dissertation The Martyr-figure in French theatre 1596-1675. More recent research has been conducted by Perry Gethner who edited, published, and commented Pascal’s one act play L’amoureux extravagant in his first anthology of plays written by French women of the 17 th and 18 th centuries, and translated it for the English edition as The Lu- 8 For a complete summary and analysis of this play see Paul Scott, “Saint Catherine in Seventeenth-Century French Tragedy,” Female Saints and Sinners: Saintes et Mondaines (France: 1450-1650), ed. J. Britnell et al., (Durham: Durham Modern Language Series, 2002) 39-58. <?page no="14"?> 14 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” natic Lover. 9 In his preface to the play, he underlines that Pascal is different from her female contemporaries since she views her work as more than just a “literary exercise” (5). For Pascal, theatricality and the “stage worthiness” of her plays is of utmost importance. He also points out that Pascal’s main interest in the construction of her plot is the entertainment of her spectators. Thus in L’amoureux extravagant, she reduces the love intrigue in order to highlight the crazy antics of the obsessed lover and the two unruly servants. Furthermore, in his analysis of this comic play, he places the emphasis on how Pascal imitates Corneille’s comedies through the courtly manners and speech of her characters and observes that even their names resemble those of his characters. Although much of Gethner’s research has focused on Pascal’s one-act comic plays, he has also analyzed one of her full-length plays entitled Endymion, tragi-comedie, based on the French novel by Jean Ogier de Gombaud (published in 1624 and reprinted in 1626), the only one of her tragicomedies that has been republished since the 17 th century. This work appears in Gethner’s second anthology of plays by French women of the 17 th and 18 th centuries which he situates within the genre of the “pièce à machine created in reaction to the grandioso Italian opera.” 10 In his introduction to the tragedy, Gethner underlines Pascal’s tendency to follow the trendsetters in the world of theater. He again identifies Corneille as the innovator whose Andromède (performed in 1650) would inspire other playwrights from Moliere to Pascal herself to make contributions to this new subgenre. Going beyond Pascal’s contributions to the theater, Deborah Steinberger’s research focuses on her epistolary novel Le Commerce du Parnasse, published in 1669. Steinberger’s critical edition of this work has shown how Pascal was an innovative writer, her work an original creation comprised of letters and poems written by not one voice, but many different voices functioning as a novel. The fact that Pascal herself appears as a central character in the novel, having inserted her own personal letters into it, distinguishes her work from other recueil d’oeuvres mêlées. Alluding to Janet Altman, who underlines the fact that the letters and memoirs of Mme de Lafayette, Mme de Sablé, Mme de Maintenon, and Mlle de Scudéry were first published posthumously by editors in the 19 th century, Steinberger finds that Pascal’s epistolary novel constitutes “une prise de position féministe avant la lettre; l’affirmation de son statut d’auteur, la publication de ses lettres sous son propre nom, étaient 9 See Perry Gethner, Les Femmes dramaturges en France (1650-1750): Pièces choisies, (Paris: Papers on French Seventeenth Century Literature, 1993) and Gethner, The Lunatic Lover. 10 See Perry Gethner, Femmes dramaturges en France, 1650-1750: Pièces choisies. Tome II (Tübingen: Narr, 2002). <?page no="15"?> Introduction: Francoise Pascal, “fille lyonnoise” 15 exceptionnelles pour son époque” (xvi). Furthermore, she notes that this novel enriches our understanding of preciosity and the gallant discourse found in the Salon. In the letters exchanged between Tersandre and Philis, who represents Pascal herself, Steinberger finds that her letters are characterized by a pure simple tone, while he exploits the lieux communs associated with gallantry. “Mlle Pascal souligne l’insincérité de son correspondant Tersandre, et elle s’en prend aux lieux communs du discours galant” (xi). For Steinberger, this novel is thus a reaction against contemporary gallantry. The final letter in the novel, a letter written to her sister in which she talks about her daily life in Paris marks a “retour à la réalité” as well as a refusal of gallantry and frivolous living. For Steinberger, the conclusion of the novel expresses the triumph of feminine virtue over unbridled passion, a theme that she notes will be treated in La Princesse de Clèves later on in 1678. I have chosen to add to this corpus an annotated critical edition of Pascal’s tragicomedy Agathonphile martyr, published in 1655. Inspired by the popularity of the novel in the second half of the 17 th century, I feel that Agathonphile martyr marks an important contribution to the theater in terms of genre and female characterization. With Agathonphile martyr, Pascal offers a hybrid tragicomic martyr play which is highly influenced by the new littérature galante. In my analysis, I will primarily focus on how her play marks a problematic merging of two genres - the romanesque tragicomedy, whose objective is clearly to entertain, and the martyr play, a genre whose goals have traditionally been moral edification. Whereas Steinberger observes Pascal’s condemnation of gallantry through the virtuous Philis in her later work Le Commerce du Parnasse, Agathonphile martyr is a celebration of the power of true love which can be perfected through a spiritual union. Pascal’s play presents a world that appeals to the mondains, glorifying both spirituality and love, characterized by a mixture of tones and the juxtaposition of rhétorique amoureuse with Christian discourse. I believe that this unique work, written at the very end of the Counter Reformation merits our attention as a transitional piece that witnesses the importance that the société lyonnaise continued to place on religious drama as a moralizing tool, yet also reveals the influence of the growing société mondaine and their passion for entertainment and distraction. With her hybrid play, Pascal appeals to both of these agendas in her attempts to combine two contradictory themes - that of sainthood, or the pursuit of spirituality, and that of gallantry, or the pursuit of passionate love. In terms of female characterization, while Gethner has shown how Pascal’s later works demonstrate her willingness to follow theatrical trends set by Corneille, Pascal’s female martyr Triphine is a rejection of his lifeless <?page no="16"?> 16 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” female martyr Théodore “qui n’a ni jambes ni bras,” 11 (who has neither legs nor arms) having been made emotionally handicapped by her religious zeal. Triphine, on the other hand, does not feel compelled to choose between her love for Agathon and her love for God. In contrast to the traditional female martyr, Triphine is an independent thinker who speaks her heart, proclaiming the virtues of “constant” love. Therefore she is both a martyr for Christ as well as a martyr for love. Furthermore, my interpretation of Pascal’s female heroine opposes Paul Scott’s claim that Pascal successfully steers her play “away from the question of resistance” (153). I believe that Agathonphile martyr is a politically charged play in that it leads a subtle campaign against the contractual marriage, or the mariage de convenance, very much in line with the point of view many of the précieux held concerning this institution. I will argue that Triphine is executed not only because of her conversion to Christianity, but also because of her refusal to respect the patriarchal code through the rejection of an arranged marriage and her decision to pursue the desires of her own heart. Thus in opposition to the traditional martyr play which primarily questions tyranny or the abuse of royal power, Agathonphile martyr seems to question the authority of the patriarchal system, and more specifically, a father’s right to decide his daughter’s destiny. It is both the public affirmation of her faith in God as well as her vow of constant love which gives her voice the authority to rise above that of her father’s. Biography In order to understand better the obstacles that this female playwright faced in attempting to have her plays performed and published, her biographical information is an appropriate point of departure. 12 Pascal was born in Lyon 11 In the Examen of the 1660 edition of Théodore, Corneille states “A le bien examiner s’il y a quelques caractères vigoureux et animés, comme ceux de Placide et de Marcelle, il y en a de traînants, qui ne peuvent avoir grand charme ni grand feu sur le théâtre. Celui de Théodore est entièrement froid: elle n’a aucun passion qui l’agite; et, là même où son zèle pour Dieu, qui occupe toute son âme, devrait éclater le plus, c’est à dire dans sa contestation avec Didyme pour le martyre, je lui ai donné si peu de chaleur, que cette scène bien que très courte, ne laisse pas d’ennuyer. Aussi, pour en parler sainement, une vierge et martyre sur un théâtre, n’est autre chose qu’un terme qui n’a ni jambes ni bras, et par conséquent point d’action.” 12 For bibliographic information on Françoise Pascal see Fernand Baldensperger, “Françoise Pascal, fille lyonnaise,” Etudes d’histoire littéraire, vol. 3 (Paris: Droz, 1939) 1-31 and Deborah Steinberger, introduction, Le Commerce du Parnasse, by Françoise Pascal. (Exeter: U of Exeter Press, 2001) v-xx. <?page no="17"?> Career 17 in 1632 near la Croix-Rousse to Séraphin Pascal and Marguerite Tollot, parents of modest means. She was baptized the 18 th of February in her parish, Notre-Dame de la Platière. At the time of his daughter’s birth, Séraphin Pascal served as a customs commissioner, but in 1644, he obtained a more privileged position as a guard for the Governor of Lyon, the Maréchal de Villeroy. In his biography, Baldensperger attributes Pascal’s excellent education to her family’s relationship with the Archbishop, Camille de Neufville, who was the brother of the Governor. Her excellent education may also be attributed to her family’s connections with the Villeroys, 13 who employed Pascal as a “domestique,” according to the “clef” of the Dictionnaire des précieuses written by Antoine de Somaize. Steinberger suggests that her high level of education may have even qualified her to fulfill the role of governess (v). Her hypothesis is supported by Furetière’s definition of domestique in 17 th century France, a term which is used to refer to multiple functions within a large household: DOMESTIQUE, adj. m. & f. Qui est d’une maison, sous un même chef de famille. En ce sens il se prend pour femme, enfans, hostes, parens & valets. Career Pascal was a prolific writer of plays. Agathonphile martyr, tragicomedy (1655), published when she was 23, was followed by two other five-act plays; Endymion, tragicomédie à machines (1657) and Sésotris (1661), a tragicomedy based on the novel Le Grand Cyrus by Mlle de Scudéry. 14 Pascal also wrote three one act “comic plays.” L’Amoureux Extravagant and L’Amoureuse vaine et ridicule were both included in a short volume of secular poetry entitled 13 “Francoise Pascal dut sans doute à cette famille de recevoir une instruction exceptionnelle.” Dictionnaire des Lettres Françaises, ed. Georges Grente (Paris: Fayard, 1954). 14 It is quite possible that Pascal published other tragicomedies. The Bibliothèque dramatique de Soleinne attributes La Mort du Grand et Veritable Cyrus (Chez Jean Montenat, 1655) to Francoise Pascal: “Ne faut-il pas attribuer cette tragi-comédie à Mlle. Françoise Pascal? ” (v. 1: 1281). In addition, Deborah Steinberger’s research at the Municiple Archives in Lyon (Document BB217, folio 439), revealed that in 1662, Francoise Pascal was awarded a cash prize for a tragicomedy, La Constance Victorieuse, that she had dedicated to the City Magistrates of Lyon. This play has not been recorded in any bibliographies or documents and according to Steinberger (Introduction ix) it is likely that the play was performed but unfortunately never published. <?page no="18"?> 18 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” Diverses Poésies published in 1657. Le Vieillard Amoureux was published later in 1664. There is little documentation about the actual performances of Pascal’s plays, but at least one of them is known to have been well-received in Lyon according to Somaize, who refers to Pascal using her pseudonyme précieux “Palimène”: “Palimène est une vieille précieuse. Elle fait fort bien les vers. L’on a représenté aux jeux du Cirque une pièce qu’elle a composée, et qui a esté trouvée fort belle” (273). Unless he is referring to one of her earlier plays, it is possible that the play to which Somaize alludes is Pascal’s Sésotris, since she herself speaks of the universal applause that she received during the public presentation of the play in the preface to this work. Pascal’s comic play Le Vieillard Amoureux also appears to have been quite successful since it was presented in Lyon in 1662 and in Paris at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in 1663. 15 Besides the information on the performance of Le Vieillard Amoureux at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in Paris, there is very little known about where or by whom Agathonphile martyr, or any of her other plays were performed. As for the jeux du cirque in Lyon, where at least one of her plays was known to have been staged, researchers disagree as to which space is indicated by this expression. In order to shed some light on where Agathonphile martyr may have been staged, I would now like to briefly summarize what we know about Lyon’s rich theatrical traditions. Performances Although it is unknown whether or not Pascal worked with Molière, her career must have greatly benefited from his presence in Lyon from 1652-1658. 16 Baldensperger reminds us that l’Illustre Théâtre was traveling through Lyon during the time that Pascal’s plays were being performed and he suggests that it may have acted in one of them (4). Could Pascal be describing Molière’s troupe in this sonnet “Fait à la comédie” found in Diverses Poësies? (1657) Si je vois ces objets si brillants à mes yeux, J’en admire l’éclat avec un doux silence, Quand d’autres spectateurs avec violence Par leurs bruits indiscrets troublent ces Demi-dieux, Toutefois mes regards ne sont rien que pour eux, Bien que mon sentiment accuse d’insolence 15 For dates see S. Wilma Deierkauf-Holsboer, Le Théâtre de l’Hôtel de Bourgogne, vol. 2 (Paris: Nizet, 1968-70) 109-10. 16 For more specific dates on Molière’s travels and performances in Lyon, see Claude Brouchoud, Les Origines du théâtre de Lyon (Lyon: N, Scheuring, 1865). <?page no="19"?> Career 19 Ces esprits importuns, qui n’ont pas connaissance De ce qu’ils veulent voir en ces aimables lieux. Mais enfin, si mes yeux contemplent ces merveilles, Je sens d’autres plaisirs pendant que mes oreilles Font suspendre mes sens à leurs divins propos. Quand je les vois agir avec tant de grâce, Il semble que je sois immobile à ma place, Et si je ne les vois, je n’ai point de repos. In this poem, Pascal reveals what it was like to attend the theater in Lyon in the 17 th century. Unlike going to the theater today, the plays were usually performed in front of noisy boisterous crowds. It would have taken a talented playwright and actor such as Molière to cast a spell over them. Before the arrival of Molière’s Illustre Théâtre, there were already numerous troupes of comedians called troupes de campagne, including those from Italy, that were performing regularly in Lyon. The theater had been very much appreciated in Lyon for a long time and seemed to be a tradition that was enjoyed by all social classes. 17 Thus we can confirm that Pascal’s modest social status did not keep her from attending theatrical performances. The foires brought in thousands of tourist spectators to Lyon four times a year. Many of them stayed in the quartier du change. During the theatrical season, comedians and bateleurs swarmed the streets of Lyon. However, even by the time of Molière’s arrival in December of 1652, there were still no fixed public theaters in Lyon. The comedians performed in various jeux de paumes (tennis courts). Normally, shows began at 5 o’clock and lasted until 9 o’clock. The repertoire consisted of tragedy, farce, and ballet. These various genres were usually interpreted by the same actors and actresses. 18 One of the best known jeux de paume, still standing in 1861 situated on rue de l’Angile in the quartier Saint Paul, was most likely where Molière’s Illustre Théâtre performed much of its repertoire. 19 Paul Saint-Olive, who saw the building in question in 1817, describes it as such: “La maison comportait deux corps de bâtiment, en équerre, séparés par une cour: le principal, en façade sur le quai de Bondy, où portait le numéro 17; le logis du fond, prenant jour sur la rue de l’Angile. C’est au deuxième étage de ce second bâtiment que se trouvait la salle du jeu de paume” (Bleton 8). If indeed Claude Basset’s 17 Brouchoud, Les Origines 11. “Le goût des spectacles s’y était en effet depuis longtemps répandu dans toutes les classes de la société.” 18 For a history on the theater in Lyon see Brouchoud and also Auguste Bleton, “Molière à Lyon,” Public Lecture, Livre d’Or du Deuxième Centenaire de l’Académie des Sciences, Belles-Lettres et Arts de Lyon (Lyon, 1900). 19 For more information on the jeux de paume see Brouchoud 35-6 and Bleton 8. <?page no="20"?> 20 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” tragedy Irène was performed in this jeu de paume, as the historian Chorier conjectures, 20 then one might suggest that Pascal’s play in question was performed in the same place since the Dictionnaire designates the theater where both of their plays were performed as the jeux du cirque. The etymology of the expression jeux du cirque, however, would seem to support Gethner’s hypothesis that the play mentioned in the Dictionnaire was performed in the Amphithéâtre des trois gaules (The Lunatic Lover 8). This structure, still visible today in the hills of Croix-Rousse in Lyon, was built in 19 AD by the Romans for public spectacles. To support this hypothesis, one may turn to the first edition of the Dictionnaire de L’Académie Française, published in 1694, which defines the jeux du cirque as such: Cirque. subst. m. Carriere, lieu où se faisoient les jeux publics, particulierement les courses de chevaux & de chariots. Les Jeux du Cirque. remporter le prix aux Jeux du Cirque. As mentioned earlier, one might logically conclude that the play mentioned in the Dictionnaire is Sésotris (1661), since the dates of publication are close. 21 However, the fact that Pascal had already published five of her six plays, including Agathonphile martyr, by the time the Grand Dictionnaire des précieuses was written would allow us to make other conjectures. Would it not have been desirable for Pascal or Claude Basset, for that matter, to stage their martyr plays at the site where the first Christian community in Gaul suffered persecution and martyrdom for its faith? Although the idea is romantic, my findings, as well those of other researchers do not support this hypothesis. First of all, the jeux du cirque may not be limited to one specific space: Les jeux du Cirque qui, dans le Dictionnaire, désignent le théâtre, concernent probablement aussi bien les locaux de hasard et les jeux de paume où les troupes de campagne italiennes et françaises - des Gelosi à l’Illustre Théâtre - donnaient leurs représentations, que la salle de spectacle adjacente à l’hôtel des gouverneurs. Cette société distinguée ne pouvait en effet manquer d’avoir accès à ce théâtre, dont la tribune communiquait directement avec les appartements des Villeroy. Rien n’empêche d’admettre que non seulement l’Irène de Basset, mais telle pièce de Françoise Pascal ait eu la faveur d’être jouée ici. (Baldensperger 266) Given Pascal’s close relationship with the Villeroy family, Baldensperger proposes here that the play in question may have been performed in the Hôtel des gouverneurs, where the Archbishop Camille de Neufville resided. Often plays were performed in this theater in order to raise money for the poor and 20 See Brouchoud 35. 21 According to Gethner, the play in question is Sésotris. See The Lunatic Lover 8. <?page no="21"?> Career 21 sick hospitalized in the Hôtel Dieu in Lyon. Molière’s troop played at least twice for these benefits during the 1655-1656 season. 22 This theater, built by Nicolas de Villeroy, was apparently privately owned by the governor. Mlle de Montpensier describes the same theater in her Mémoires: “Nous étions dans une tribune où l’on entrait par chez M. le maréchal de Villeroy (éd. Chéruel, t. III, p. 328)…. On dansa sur un grand théâtre fort bien éclairé” (317). Pascal’s tragicomédie à machines, Endymion would have required an elaborate theater such as this with its more complicated décor which included a flying chariot. Pascal’s dedicatory epistle to the Prévôt des marchands and the échevins of Lyon included in the 1655 edition of Agathonphile martyr would support the hypothesis that her play was indeed performed in the theater adjacent to the apartments of the governor. One possible indication of her presence in this space is her usage of the demonstrative “ce” to refer to what she calls a “palais illustre” which denotates neither a jeu de paume nor an amphitheâtre: Augustes Magistrats, merveilles des Mortels, Dont les rares vertus meritent des Autels, Ce n’est pas sans raison que ce Palais Illustre Est nommé le sejour des miracles divins… The word “sejour” or “residence” in the final line again references the “illustre palais” to which she refers in the beginning of her dedicatory: Escoutez donc, MESSIEURS, ces Amants Trop heureux, Et souffrez qu’ils vous disent les desseins Amoureux Qui ont bruslé leurs cœurs d’une flamme Divine. Ils viennent à vos yeux sans sortir du tombeau, Vous verrez Agathon, & sa chere Triphine Se presenter à vous dans un sejour si beau. Taken more figuratively, the language used here could appeal to the visual senses of her readers or spectators (“écouter,” “voir,” and “se présenter”) as simply a rhetorical technique meant to “set the mood.” Pascal presents her role as a dramaturge in a way that evokes Alcandre’s role as magician and metteur-en-scène in Corneille’s L’Illusion comique, who makes the subjects of the play appear before the spectators’ very eyes. Despite the evidence that we have examined here, we cannot be completely sure as to where or whether or not Agathonphile martyr was performed. 22 For more information on this subject, see Brouchoud 18-19. <?page no="22"?> 22 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” However, if we were to make a conjecture, Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr would have most likely been performed in the theater built in the Hôtel des gouverneurs since she had a known connection to the governor. Whilst Pascal’s success was undoubtedly related to her involvement with this royal family, equally influential in her career is her association with the précieux both in as well as outside of Lyon, a topic to which I now turn. The cercle précieux Pascal, of modest origins, would have naturally gained access to the literary world via her association with the elite précieuses and précieux. These circles of men and women sought to distinguish themselves from that which was common or banal. Somaize defines préciosité as such: “Les lois des précieuses consistent en l’observance exacte des modes, en l’attache indispensable de la nouveauté, en la nécessité d’avoir un alcôviste particulier, ou du moins d’en recevoir plusieurs, en celle de tenir ruelle, ce qui peut passer pour la principale.” 23 If they could not dress or behave like other people, they also distinguished themselves linguistically from others as well, avoiding the use of common words to describe ordinary things. 24 Préciosité is most often associated with the 17 th century salons hosted by women. In the second half of the 17 th century, the number of salons in Paris and in the various provinces multiplied. The most famous salon of the 17 th century was the Hôtel de Rambouillet in Paris. However, not all of the salons were held in hotels. Some of the précieuses who hosted salons would receive their guests in a ruelle which was literally the space in between the wall and the bed of the hostess’ bedchamber. Whether in Paris or in provincial cities, most of the salons had similar practices. All of the précieux had noms romanesques. For instance, Mme de Rambouillet went by the name “Arthénice,” just as Pascal was called “Palimène.” Their activities consisted of parlor games, masked balls, “devinettes,” debates on the concept of love or linguistic controversies, or enigmas such as this one published in Pascal’s Diverses Poésies, which may have been written to entertain the cercle précieux in Lyon: 23 See the definition of “loix” in Antoine Bandeau de Somaize, Le Dictionnaire des précieuses, ed. Charles-Louis Livet, vol. 1 (1856; Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1972) 119. 24 For example, we know that they created their own rhétorique précieuse referring to a mirror as a “conseiller de la beauté” and to furniture as “les commodities de la conversation.” <?page no="23"?> Career 23 Rigoureux ennemis, quel mal vous fait ma vie? Que ne me laissez-vous jouir de la clarté? En me tenant toujours dans la captivité, Faut-il s’étonner si je vous porte envie? Agréable printemps, que je serais ravie, Si je pouvais paraître en toute sûreté, Pour aller tous les jours contempler ta beauté, Et la douceur des champs, sans être poursuivie? Quand ces fiers meurtriers se soûlent de plaisirs, La crainte de la mort vient borner mes désirs, Et m’oblige à languir dans l’horreur des ténèbres: Mais est-il rien d’égal au malheur qui me suit? Sortant de ma prison je rencontre la nuit: Ainsi ces libertés me sont encore funèbres. La Chauve-souris qui se plaint de la rigeur Des oiseaux. In this poem the subject of the poem, “la chauve-souris,” or “bat,” is left out until the very end so that the Salonnières have ample time to guess what it could be. Its synonyms “rigoureux ennemis” and “fiers meurtriers” provide the reader or the listener with clues from which they can decipher the riddle. Although the increase in the number of women who wrote in the 17 th century is undoubtedly attributed to the development of the vie mondaine, as Timmermans attests, most précieuses did not attempt to write professionally: “Peut-être est-ce même la principale victoire de la préciosité que d’avoir favorisé à la fois l’accès à l’écriture d’un nombre grandissant de femmes et la reconnaissance de la légimité pour elles d’écrire (en amateur, il est vrai) et de publier (en observant, surtout grâce à l’anonymat, toute la modestie exigée des femmes en général et des femmes de qualité en particulier)” (179). While it would seem that many précieuses viewed writing as a pastime rather than a profession, Pascal was able to profit from her contacts within the cercle précieux in order to publish and have her works performed. At the tender age of 13, Pascal had already began exchanging secular verses with one of the best-known court poets and bels esprits of the first half of the 17 th century, Isaac de Benserade. 25 Often compared to his rival Voiture, 25 Isaac de Benserade, Poésies de Monsieur de Benserade publiées par Octave Uzanne (Geneve: Slatkine reprints, 1967) 46-52. See “Vers de Mademoiselle Pascal, pour une Dame de ses amies, sous le nom d’Amarante, amoureuse de Thyrsis” and “Réponse aux vers précédens, par Monsieur de Benserade.” <?page no="24"?> 24 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” Benserade was known for his pièces galantes; stances, sonnets, chansons, madrigals, rondeaux and ballets. He was however, also drawn to the theater. His career was launched with the performance of his Cléopâtre in 1636, which made a great impression on the Cardinal de Richelieu who awarded him a pension of huit cent livres. After his death Benserade still managed to live off pensions paid to him by Anne d’Autriche and other women at Court. Later, he came under the protection of Mazarin who greatly appreciated his poetry. And of course, it wasn’t long before the poet won the admiration of the young King Louis XIV, who asked him to write poems on his behalf for courtly women such as Mme de Hautefort, Mlle de La Vallière, and la Montespan. As Uzanne states in his preface Poésies de Monsieur de Benserade, Benserade was the “coqueluche des précieuses” of his time and suggests that he inspired the portrait of La Bruyère’s Théobalde, “l’engouement des Philamintes et des Bélises” in the chapter De la Société et de la Conversation (xvi-xvii). As a well-established court poet, Benserade frequented the Hôtel de Rambouillet hosted by Catherine de Vivonne, who received other important figures and aristocrats in her chambre bleue, including The Duke of Enghien, The Duke of Rochefoucauld, the Duke of Montausier, Voiture, Georges de Scudéry and his sister Madeleine, Sarasin, Godeau, Corneille, and Madame de Sévigné. Benserade, in his response to Pascal’s stances, which she had written on behalf of a lady by the name of “Amarante” in love with “Thyrsis,” 26 expresses his admiration of her poetry and appears to be quite flattered: Que vos vers sont ardens, que leur pompe est brillante, Et qu’ils sont radoucis! Il n’en faut point douter, vous êtes l’Amarante, Et je suis le Thyrsis. (50) By all appearances, “Amarante” had hired Pascal to write the poem on her behalf. Benserade however suggests that Pascal herself is this “Amarante” and that it is she who declares her love to him! Whether or not his hypothesis is true, he nevertheless is impressed by her ability to write poetry at such a young age: Qu’une fille à treize ans d’amour soûpire et pleure, C’est souvent un défaut; Mais pour une qui fait des vers de si bonne heure, C’est vivre comme il faut. (52) While Pascal, or “Palimène” as she was so called, drew creative inspiration from such renowned poets as Benserade, she must have benefited both 26 Thyrsis was a shepherd in Virgil’s seventh Eclogue who lost a singing match against Corydon. Amarante, a kind of flowering herb, is most likely a pseudonym précieux. <?page no="25"?> Career 25 financially and professionally from her association with the members of the cercle précieux of Lyon as well. The cercle précieux in the city of Lyon, or the city of Milet as described by Somaize in the Dictionnaire, is a continuation of the rich and diverse literary and artistic culture that had been created there in the 16 th century. As an important cultural center and place of commerce, 16 th century Lyon more resembled Renaissance Italy than France. Lyon had served as a provisional capital for the King and his court during the wars with Italy. It was the arrival of François I and his sister Queen Margaret, in particular, who truly transformed Lyon into a literary and cultural center, attracting many writers and philosophers who graced her court with their presence. Inspired by the roman “cortigiana” female intellectuals and artists were encouraged to develop their talents rather than keep them hidden. Female poets Louise Labé and Pernette du Guillet, following in the footsteps of their teacher Maurice Scève, were celebrated women of Lyon. Moreover, society in Lyon was progressive in that social classes and sexes tended to blend together. As an industrial center, specializing in the production of silk, Lyon’s bourgeois artisans were the key figures of the town, and even by the 17 th century there were still very few aristocrats living there. Therefore, Pascal was born into a city that not only boasted of rich literary traditions, but also one which did not see it as unusual for women or for middle class citizens to play an important role. This tradition carried on well into the 17 th century with the société précieuse de Lyon which Kleinclausz describes as an “openminded” group of lyonnais intellectuals and creative types. 27 In the preface to his Dictionnaire, Somaize gives a portrait of all of the members of the cercle précieux, who were the most distinguished citizens of Lyon. Members of this society included Mme de Bullioud-Fétan, daughter of a Treasurer of France and daughter of the advisor to the Parliament of Dombes; Mlle Seignoret, daughter of a negotiator, who practiced art; Mlle Manlich, from a Protestant family of librarians; and Mlle Bernon, married to a magistrate. Some of the male members include “Palerme,” poet and advisor to the King of the Sénéchausée; “Gueston,” Head of the Trésor public; and Thélys en Beaujolais, treasurer of the city of Lyon, otherwise known as “Téliodante,” who wrote a satirical play called le Tombeau des dames de Milet, 27 “Les réunions mondaines groupent, à la promenade de Bellecour ou dans les maisons de campagne des magistrats et des riches négociants, ceux et celles - car la place tenue par les femmes est considérable - qui ont le souci et le goût de la culture désintéressée; les petits genres de la poésie, sonnets, rondeaux, madrigaux, sont fort à la mode. Cette société cultivée traduit un mouvement ‘d’effort intellectuel, d’affinement social et d’émancipation féminine’ et se montre très large d’esprit et très tolérante, admet des protestants et des religieuses comme Mme Chevry, grande prieure de l’abbaye de Saint-Pierre et poétesse” 110. <?page no="26"?> 26 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” which unfortunately has been misplaced; and the lawyer Claude Basset, who also wrote a martyr play entitled Irène, tragédie on the subject of Mahomet II and Irène, who is executed by decapitation. 28 With the exception of Agathonphile martyr, dedicated to the city fathers of Lyon, two out of the three of Pascal’s plays that include dedications are addressed to women of the Villeroy family who are also members of the cercle précieux: Endymion to Mademoiselle de Villeroy, and Sesotris to Marquise de la Baume, the niece of the Maréchal de Villeroy, and one of the most illustrious members of this society. Surely Pascal’s career was encouraged and perhaps financially supported by the elite Villeroy family. The members of the cercle précieux, including Pascal herself, seem to surround themselves with this political dynasty: “Il n’est pas surprenant qu’autour de ce familiers ou clients de la puissante dynastie, nous trouvions d’autres membres, au moins intermittants, de la société précieuse qui se rattachent au gouverneur de Lyon et à son lieutenant” (Baldensperger, “La Société précieuse” 248). Undoubtedly Pascal must have written her first five-act theatrical production with the tastes of her fellow précieux in mind. According to Somaize, le monde précieux in Lyon was one “où il se passe le plus de galanteries” (1: 247). The précieux of Milet who frequented the jeux du cirque and were engaged in gallantry were most interested in amorous adventures. For example, Coriane “quoy qu’elle ait soixante et dix ans passez, l’âge ne luy a point encore fait perdre l’inclination qu’elle a toujours eue pour la galanterie…. Cette femme aime plus que jamais tous les divertissements; elle ne perd aucun des jeux du cirque” (1: 253-4). Philidian est “un des plus galands hommes de ce siècle, qui, ayant despencé une grande partie de son bien auprès des dames a esté contraint d’aller à Clusium pour éviter la persécution de ses créanciers” (1: 272). According to Somaize, one play performed by actors and actresses at the jeux du cirque recounted his amorous adventures in Turin. In this cercle précieux, the most galant characters were found among the most spiritual. Cirois (Mlle Chevry) est “grande prieure de l’abbaye royale de Saint-Pierre de Lyon” (Baldensperger, “La Société précieuse” 262). Moreover, Deliand is a nun who profits from her association with other précieux in order to convert Huguenots: “Divers Canariens et Islandois luy ont sacrifié leur liberté; mais elle a tousjours si bien sçeu menager le pouvoir qu’elle avoit sur eux qu’elle a eu assez de credit pour faire changer de religion à un gentilhomme canarien nommé Vilianus” (Somaize 1: 262). 28 See Bleton 24. “Claude Basset, avocat, secrétaire de l’Archevêché et, plus tard échevin, avait écrit une tragédie: Irène…. Molière aurait rempli, dans la pièce de Basset, le rôle de Mahomet II.” <?page no="27"?> Career 27 The portrait of Deliande reminds us of the importance of religious theater during the time of the Catholic Reformation. Even after the Parisian Parliament had banned the sacred mystères in 1548, religious theater resurged again, at least in provincial towns during the 16 th and 17 th centuries in response to the religious wars. Martyr plays were used by Catholic poets as religious propaganda. Given the important role that religious theater played during the Catholic Reformation, and her relationship with the Archbishop, it is not surprising that Pascal began her career with a religious martyr play. As the historian André Steyert notes, in 1650 there were still 180 protestant families or individual heads of families, plus 49 women or widows who resisted Catholicism (2: 306). Among the members of the cercle précieux, there were at least two Protestants; Mlle Seignoret mentioned above, and Mlle Manlich, whose mother was “sans doute protestante [et] un peu rigide” (Baldensperger, “La Société précieuse” 257-8). As we shall see in our analysis of the play, Pascal went to great lengths to create a martyr play that would please those who believed in the instructional benefits of theater as well as the mondains, who were more interested in amorous intrigue. It may very well be that the cercle précieux helped Pascal to edit her work or at least gave her feedback on her manuscripts since, according to Somaize, the society women of Milet (Lyon) loved to read and to discuss literature: “Elles aiment souvent mieux s’entretenir avec les livres qu’avec une infinité d’ignorants dont la conversation est très ennuyeuse” (1: 256). Concerning Coriolane, Somaize writes, “les malheurs qui lui sont arrivés l’ayant contrainte de s’entretenir avec les livres, comme elle a beaucoup d’esprit et qu’elle conçoit aisément ce qu’elle lit, elle est depuis peu devenue une des plus savantes pretieuses de Milet” (1: 260). Delianide “lit beaucoup, connaît tous les beaux endroits des meilleurs livres, et elle les a même souvent avant que les autres en aient ouï parler…” (1: 263). Martane “parle juste, connoist tous les beaux endroits d’un livre, les cite mesme quand elle se trouve avec des gens qui en sçavant juger” (1: 270). And Palamedonte “a tous les romans et toutes les pièces galantes qui se sont imprimées de son temps; elle les a mesme devant tous les autres, et dès que l’on veut voir ou que l’on recherche quelque chose de nouveau à Milet, l’on ne manque jamais de le trouver dans sa bibliotheque” (1: 272). While most of the précieuses were prolific readers, it would seem that Pascal was the most prolific writer. Her sonnets and other pièces galantes in addition to her plays, would have indeed made her a valuable member of the cercle précieux in Lyon. Her decision to leave her native city behind for a career in Paris is a mystery, and one which I will now examine. <?page no="28"?> 28 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” Paris Pascal suddenly moved to Paris for unknown reasons sometime after 1667. It appears that she made a very simple living in the capital supporting herself by painting and writing poetry. A letter to her sister describes her day-to-day activities: Vous voulez savoir, ma chère Soeur, ce que je fais depuis que je me suis mise en mon particulier; c’est à dire, que vous voulez que je vous apprenne si le ménage s’accorde bien avec mes occupations de la peinture & de la Poësie. Je crois que vous devez fort en douter, puisque vous savez qu’à Lyon je ne me mêlais guère de l’œconomie de la maison, & que vous en aviez toute la conduite. Je vous dirai pourtant qu’il me semble que je suis devenuë un peu ménagère, & que je partage assez mes soins entre mes ouvrages ordinaires & ceux de commander à une servante…. L’on m’a fait present d’une chatte qui est la plus belle beste de Paris, & d’un perroquet qui ne fait tout le jour que crier, & l’on peut dire que c’est toute sa science, puis qu’il ne parle point, & que je crois qu’il ne parlera jamais: & moy qui crains fort le bruit je m’en déferay sans doute bientost…. Voilà tout ce que j’ay à vous dire sur le sujet de mon nouveau ménage: à l’avenir je vous donnneray avis de ce qui m’arrivera de plus remarquable. 29 Pascal’s move to the capital city marks a dramatic shift in her repertoire from secular to sacred genres. Steinberger notes that “La dramaturge enthousiaste qui dans ses vers de jeunesse décrit les comédiens comme des ‘demi-dieux’ devient vers 1670 une dame dévote qui rejette cette frivolité pour se consacrer à la poésie religieuse” (viii). In 1670, she began publishing books of religious poetry to be set to music, such as ‘Cantiques spirituels’ and ‘Chansons de Noël.’ Appearing in the numerous editions of her books are the poems Les Réflexions de la Madeleine dans le temps de sa pénitence (1674) and Les Entretiens de la Vierge et de Saint Jean l’Evangéliste sur la vie et la mort du Sauveur (1680). One of her religious poems, which had been put to music by M. de Montailly, Choir Director of the Hôtel de Guise, was printed in the Mercure Galant in February of 1688. Furthermore, her close relationships with the ecclesiastics, l’Abbé de la Chaise, l’Abbé de Busseaux and Férdinand de Neufville, évêque de Chartres are reflected in the dedications of all of her religious works published in Paris. In addition to writing, Pascal dabbled in painting as well, since it is known that she painted the portrait of at least one ecclesiastic, le Père Le Boux, évêque de Périgueux. The last years of Pascal’s life in Paris are shrouded in mystery. The dates of her death are unknown but she does appear in Vertron’s Catalogue des Dames 29 Françoise Pascal, Le Commerce du Parnasse (Paris: Barbin, 1669) 103-6. See also Deborah Steinberger’s critical edition of this text. <?page no="29"?> Reception of plays 29 vivantes illustres, published in 1698. It appears as if she never married since her name appears in his publication preceded by the title “Mlle.” At that time she would have been 66 years old. Steinberger’s subtle allusion to the connection between Pascal’s newfound spirituality in Paris and the lifestyle of that of a femme dévote may be heading in the right direction. It was not unusual during the Counter Reformation for the Church to use the talents of devoted celibate women in its efforts to rebuild itself (Maclean 122). Furthermore, the femme dévote did not necessarily have to remain within the convent walls to play such roles. Elisja Schülte van Kessel in l’Histoire des femmes en Occident, discusses the growing number of “semi-religieuses” in 17 th century France, celibate women who devoted their lives to doing work for the Catholic Church without formally taking the veil. 30 Reception of plays If Pascal did devote the later years of her life to more spiritual pursuits, what made her leave the world of theater in Lyon behind? One of her sonnets, “Sur une tristesse,” published in Diverses Poësies, reveals not only the author’s passion for the arts, but also her pain at the thought of having to withdraw from them: Mon ame, sçais-tu bien qui te rend inquiette? Connois-tu le sujet de l’ennuy qui te suit, Et t’accable le jour aussi bien que la nuict, En te faisant tenir la Tristesse Secrette? Banissons s’il se peut cette langeur müette Et cherchons desormais le repos qui nous fuit, Et suitant le chagrin qui toujours nous poursuit, Demeurons s’il se peut dans une douce asiette. 30 Natalie Zemon Davis et al., eds., Histoire des Femmes en Occident, vol. 3 (Paris: Plon, 1991) 146. “Un des aspects les plus inattenus de cette «vulgarisation» de la vie religieuse fut l’augmentation fantastique du nombre de femmes dévotes. Les efforts pour contenir cet accroissment cherchaient avant tout à éliminer un phénomène précis, le mode de vie semi-religieux de celles et de ceux qui se vouaient à Dieu sans prononcer de vœux solonnels et qui par conséquent n’appartenaient pas au clergé. Or ce mode de vie était pratiqué par des femmes telles les recluses béguines, pinzocchere, sœurs de la vie commune, Béatas tertiares et autres. Aux yeux de leurs défenseurs, c’étaient elles qui représentaient les véritables religieuses, celles qui comme les vierges du christianisme primitif, ne faisaient aucune promesse formelle, mais vivaient leur dévotion de façon existentielle et quotidienne.” <?page no="30"?> 30 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” Si rien ne peut causer les ennuis que tu sens, Pourquoy ne cherches-tu des plaisirs innocens, Sans te plonger ainsy dans le melancholie? Pourquoy mesprises-tu tes tableaux & tes vers? Si tu quittes ainsy tous ces travaux divers, Ta tristesse à la fin passera pour folie. What could these “ennuis” or this “chagrin” be? Criticism would certainly have been reason enough for her to look at her own work with “mépris” and consider an easier lifestyle. The struggle to achieve and maintain a solid reputation as a writer, especially in the domain of French theater, would have been a bitter one for a woman. Her sudden migration to Paris may have had something to do with the negative feedback she received by critics and the insinuations that her work was not her own. 31 Indeed her prefaces reveal a difficult struggle between herself and her critics who seemingly accused her of having male collaborators. In her preface to Endymion she rebuffs these apparent accusations by claiming that if her work had truly been written by a man, then the flaws would have been less apparent. “Ces vers ne sauraient être sortis d’un grand genie…. un homme est capable de produire, quelque chose de plus fort….” It is ironic that Pascal felt obliged to draw attention to the fallibilities of her sex in order to claim her work as her own. She reacts much in the same way in the preface to Agathonphile martyr, drawing attention to the flaws and inferiority of her verse, stating that her sex and inexperience keep her from writing anything of great quality: Je ne te donne pas cette pièce, comme chose rare, et où toutes les règles de la Poésie de ce temps soient observées: Mon sexe, le peu d’expérience que j’ai dans cet Art, et la bassesse de mon esprit, ne me permettent pas d’avoir des pensées si hautes, et si relevées que ces Apollons, qui y réussissent si bien tous le jours, se composant avec leurs merveilleux ouvrages des Couronnes d’immortalité…. At first glance, it would seem logical to assume that her only objective in making these self-deprecatory remarks was to claim authorship of her plays. However, further examination of her style reveals the fact that she may be playing on the “affected modesty” topos - a rhetorical device that dates back 31 See Baldensperger 24. “Pour quelle raison une Lyonnaise aussi déterminee a-t-elle tourné le dos à sa ville natale pour s’en aller à Paris? Ses parents n’ont pas quitté Lyon; bon nombre de ses amis, anciens membres de la société précieuse…. En revanche, maintes allusions semblent mettre en cause, pour la défendre ou l’attaquer, son mérite d’originalité, et ce sont là des insinuations pénibles pour une débutante, même si elle a suivi la mode de son temps.” <?page no="31"?> Reception of plays 31 to Antiquity. Cicero believed that an orator should demonstrate his own humbleness or inferiority in order to draw his listeners or readers closer to him and to gain a sympathetic ear (Curtius 83). However, this topos, when expressed by a 17 th century female writer, reveals another strategy. Women writers who could not have profited from a secondary or higher education, ran the risk of becoming an object of ridicule when they expressed a desire to cultivate their minds or to print their own creative works. Women such as Pascal who attempted to publish under their real names, used such stratagems “to ensure that the dictates of modesty were not violated” (Gibson 168). Therefore, it may not be that Pascal is necessarily trying to gain a sympathetic ear as much as she is attempting to escape becoming a mockery. 32 In her preface to Endymion, Pascal indicates that critics also attacked her use of provincialisms and condemned her for not strictly adhering to the rules as established by the French Academy: En effet je connais bien qu’il y a dans ma poésie des dictions provinciales, et des expressions qui ne sont pas bien dans la pureté de la Langue, mais comme c’est un peché d’origine dont je ne suis coûpable que parce que je suis Lyonnaise, et que la bienséance de mon sexe, ne m’a pas permis de voir l’Académie que sur quelques livres dont les Règles nous instruisent biens moins par les yeux que par les oreilles…. In defense of her art, here she boldly reminds her readers that women do not have the same rights to a formal education and that if her grammar is imperfect, it only reflects the limitations placed on her sex. Furthermore, in the same spirit as Montaigne, who seemed to defend the use of his own dialect despite its imperfections, 33 in this passage Pascal also exhibits pride 32 See Myriam Maître, Les précieuses: naissance des femmes de lettres en France au XVII e siecle (Paris, Champion, 1997) who arrives at a similar conclusion in the case of Pascal. 33 Michel de Montaigne, “De la Presumption,” Essais, éd. M. Rat, vol. 2 (Paris: Editions Garnier Frères, 1962) 39. “Mon langage françois est altéré, et en la prononciation et ailleurs, par la barberie de mon creu; je ne vis jamais homme des contrées de deçà qui ne sentit bien evidemment son ramage et qui ne blessast les oreilles pures françoises. Si n’est-ce pas pour estre fort entendu en mon Perigordin, car je n’a qui ne sentit bien evidemment son ramage et qui ne blessast les oreilles pures françoises. Si n’est-ce pas pour estre fort entendu en mon Perigordin, car je n’en ay non plus d’usage que de l’Alemand; et ne m’en chaut guere. C’est un langage, comme sont autour de moy, d’une bande et d’autre, le Poitevin, Xaintongeois, Angoumoisin, Lymosin, Auvergnat…. Il y a bien au-dessus de nous, vers les montaignes, un Gascon que je treuve singulierement beau, sec, bref, signifiant, et à la verité un langage masle et militaire plus qu’autre que j’entende; autant nerveux, puissant et pertinant, comme le François est gratieus, delicat, et abondant.” <?page no="32"?> 32 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” in her native lyonnais dialect. For Pascal, her dialect is part of her cultural identity and should not be regarded as a “flaw” of her poetry. In the light of these criticisms, it becomes necessary to examine the influence of this dialect in Agathonphile martyr. The patois lyonnais The patois lyonnais is a dialect which developed over time and reflects the rich multi-cultural roots of the city of Lyon. 34 The dialect itself “is a mix of altered Latin spoken by the common people and Celtic formed by the common language of the gallo-roman provinces; influenced as well by the German spoken by the inhabitants to the East, retaining a more notable influence by the Celtic dialect spoken in the west and the north of Gaul.” 35 It was this kind of dialect that the French Academy was attempting to stifle in the 17 th century, in order to unify the French language. Villefranche notes that although standard French and patois were very similar, the capital considered patois lyonnais as an inferior dialect and squelched it in the end: Il est évident toutefois que, à partir de leur formation, l’influence réciproque des deux langues ne saurait être comparée. La langue lyonnaise n’a presque rien prêté à celle de la capitale, et celle-ci lui a donné ou imposé beaucoup. La seconde était respectée et fixée; la première, déconsidérée et marchant à l’aventure, gravitait vers l’autre et s’en rapprochait autant qu’elle le pouvait, si bien qu’elles auraient fini par se confondre dans quelques siècles, si la grande dame, par ses écoles obligatoires, ses régiments et ses chemins de fer, n’eût abrégé la vie de la pauvre vagabonde. (92) The dialect however must have remained somewhat intact even into the next century since Etienne Molard published the Dictionnaire grammatical du mauvais langage ou recueil des expressions usilées en France, et notamment à Lyon as late as 1803. In his avertissement he expresses his desire to purge Lyon of its imperfect elocution which does not complement its successful silk industry. 34 For more in-depth analysis of the dialect’s features consult D.F. Monin, Etude sur la genèse des patois et en particulier du roman ou patois lyonnais (Paris: Dumoulin, quai des Augustins, 1873); Jaques-Melchior Villefranche, Essai de grammaire du patois lyonnais (Marseille: Laffitte Reprints, 1978); Chaon Grattepierre, Le littré du Gourguillon (Lyon: Editions Lyonnaises d’Art et d’histoire, 2003); Clair Tisseur, Dictionnaire etymologique du patois lyonnais (Genève: Slatkine, 1970); and Anne Marie Vurpas, Le Parler lyonnais (Paris: Rivages, 1993). 35 See Monin 16. “C’est donc du patois, ou du mélange du latin altéré, parlé par le peuple (bassa latinitas), et du celte, que s’est formé le parler vulgaire des provinces gallo-romaines; mélangé, il est vrai, de locutions allemandes, pour les peuplades de l’est; mais retenant un bien plus grand nombre de locutions celtiques, pour les peuples de l’ouest et du nord de la Gaule.” <?page no="33"?> Reception of plays 33 Although most of the play is written in standard French, our “fille lyonnoise” has left traces of her dialect embedded in her verses. Some of the “grammatical errors” she makes are quite possibly linked to interference from her dialect. For example, in patois lyonnais, the second person singular of the subjunctive tense has no -s. Thus, often Pascal neglects to add an -s in expressions such as “que tu m’aime” or “que tu périsse” (1.2.260). Furthermore one finds another example of “interference” in her use of the relative pronoun qui, which in patois becomes “qu” in front of a vowel becoming indistinguishable from que; “tu ne sçais ce qu’il est arrivez” (1.4.597) and “Dis-moy donc promptement ce qu’il est arrivé” (1.4.606). We also find several expressions associated with the “parler lyonnais” such as barquot, meaning “little boat” (3.6.1990) and the verb “connaître” (to know) which is used in the place of “voir” (to see) (3.5.1763). There are also a number of provincialisms and archaic expressions embedded in the dialogues and monologues. For instance, Euple exclaims in Act 3, Scene 4 “Ma sœur, il est certain que je vas l’obtenir” (1593). Furthermore, in Act 2, Scene 2, Polydore says of Triphine “Je fus ravy des traits de sa face divine” (694). Vaugelas strictly forbids the use of face “quand il signifie visage” (60). Additionally, Pascal uses possible in place of peut-estre throughout the play. For example, in Act 1, Scene 2, Agathon says “Mais quoy! ce cher Albin est possible endormy” (516). Concerning this particular usage, Vaugelas states that poets “ne feront pas mal de s’en abstenir” (149). We know that Agathonphile martyr attracted a lot of attention from skeptics and critics alike since the playwright states in the preface to Endymion, “Mon cher lecteur, puisque mon Agathonphile, s’etait autant acquis de censeurs, que d’incredules; je ne sais ce que je dois attendre d’Endymion. Je sais bien que tu y trouveras moins de fautes, qu’au premier….” These “fautes” to which she refers may indeed allude to her provincialisms and grammatical errors. Lancaster affirms that Pascal’s play “is antiquated in grammar and in prosody.” 36 Pascal’s obvious affection for her own dialect stated in her preface and the use of her expression lyonnaise which we examined above may have been enough to rile up some of the critics given the French Academy’s strong 36 See Henry Carrington Lancaster, A History of French Dramatic Literature in the Seventeenth Century: The period of Molière, 1652-1672, pt. 3 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1929; repr. New York: Gordonian Press, 1966) 159-60. “In Act I, Scene III she uses the verb périr as a transitive verb, in Act II, Scene 5, the pronoun subject is omitted with m’estonne, In Act III scene I, que is used for ce que in “je ne sçay qu’il désire.” Also according to Lancaster “there are several examples of hiatus and of mute e after an accented vowel and before a consonant; in the latter case the e is sometimes not counted as a syllable. In I, 1, a half-line is inserted without forming part of a couplet….” <?page no="34"?> 34 Introduction: Francoise Pascal “fille lyonnoise” position in regards to “incorrect usage.” But can this be the only issue which feuled the fire? I will maintain that there are other matters related to the play’s composition which also must have provoked the critics and “incrédules.” After all, Pascal specifically underlines in the preface to Agathonphile martyr that she does not respect the rules for the theater: “Je ne te donne pas cette pièce, comme chose rare, et où toutes les règles de la Poésie de ce temps soient observées.” Thus, these “fautes” for which Agathonphile martyr was criticized may also allude to its transgression in terms of composition. In the following analysis I will bring to light the play’s departure from traditional literary models, particularly in terms of genre and characterization. Since the discussion of the play centers around genre, and the classification of genre is dependant upon the sources from which the subject is derived, I will now examine those from which Agathonphile martyr is inspired. <?page no="35"?> Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Sources In contrast to the majority of martyr plays, Agathonphile martyr is classified as a tragicomedy as opposed to a tragedy. While most authors of martyr plays take their religious inventio from history, Pascal draws inspiration largely from fictional sources. Although the similarities are not always easily detected, Pascal’s play borrows elements of characterization and plot from Jean-Pierre Camus’s novel Agathonphile, ou les martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargyrippe, Triphyne, et leurs Associez. Additionally, we shall see that Pascal is inspired by other 17 th century dramatic works such as Marthe Cosnard’s play La Tragédie des chastes martyrs and Corneille’s Polyeucte. The Roman hagiography The Roman archives indicate that on July the 5 th , the Sicilians, Agathon and Tryphine were martyred along with Philippe Argyrio, their spiritual mentor. 37 Concerning Tryphine and Agathon, there are few other details given. Furthermore, there is some doubt concerning the sex of Tryphine according to the Benedictines in that “Tryphine” could have easily been mistaken for “Tryphon.” 38 In the case of Phillipe Argyrio, there is much more historical information. The Roman martyrology indicates that on May 12 Saint Philip was sent to the Island of Sicilie by the Pope where he converted the majority of the inhabitants to Christianity. 39 In his Notes on the Martyrology, the author Baronius mentions yet another source which outlines the adventures of Saint Philip’s life. This manuscript, conserved in the Vatican, was written by 37 Note that “Tryphine” is spelled “Triphine” in Pascal’s play. 38 Vies des Saints et des bienheureux selon l’ordre du calendrier: avec l’historique des fêtes par les Bénédictins de Paris, vol. 7 (Paris: Librairie Letouzey et Ané, 1949) 108-109. 39 Text given by Baronius in Martyrologium romanum, vol. 5 (Rome: Coloniae Agrippinaie 1603) 233. “In Sicilia, Sancti Philippi Argyrionis, qui a Romano Pontifice ad eam insulam missus, magnam illius partem ad Christum convertit….” <?page no="36"?> 36 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie a monk named Eusebius, a companion of Saint Philip who summarizes his friend’s life accomplishments as such: Philippe was born in Thrace to a Syrian named Théodose and a Roman named Augia. He set out for Rome and miraculously survived a shipwreck with help from Saint Peter. He presented himself to the Pope whose benediction gave him the power to speak in Latin. The Pope sent him to Argyrium in Sicily in the hills of Etna. There Philippe lived in a cave to fight against the demons who were provoking volcanic eruptions. With the help of a book of exorcisms, given to him by the Pope, he was able to chase away the evil spirits living among the inhabitants. He healed the sick, raised the dead, and after a long satisfying career, he died peacefully at the age of 63. 40 Since Pascal’s play is based solely on the adventures of Agathon and Tryphine, and there is so little information on them, we can conclude that the hagiography could not have been Pascal’s major source of inspiration for the construction of her plot. It thus becomes necessary to turn towards other sources of inspiration for the play. I will first examine the relationship between Pascal’s play and Camus’s novel. Romanesque influences Jean-Pierre Camus was one of the most prolific authors between 1620 and 1648. His work, which consists largely of short stories and novels, is known for its moralist intention, revealing the dangers of passion, folly, and illicit love. It is François de Sales, with the publication of his Introduction à la vie dévote (1609) written with both men and women in mind, who would exerce a powerful influence over Camus as well as other religious writers who wrote for women readers. 41 Accoring to Camus himself, this spiritual leader was the one who encouraged him to write his “anti-novels”: Camus says of de Sales “Nostre bienheureux Père … me donna comme de la part de Dieu la commission d’escrire des histoires dévotes.” 42 Specifically targeting les mondains and women, these histoires dévotes are meant to be morally and spiritually edifying rather than simply entertaining. Camus seemed to use the love story as a hook to attract his readers while at the same time making an attempt to 40 Summary in Pierre Sage, introduction, Agathonphile, ou les martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargiryppe, Tryphine et leurs Associez, by Jean-Pierre Camus. (Genève: Librairie Droz, 1951) xxxii. 41 See Maclean 121-22 who mentions P. Philippe d’Angoumois, Camus, and Du Boscq. 42 See Jean-Pierre Camus, “L’Esprit de Saint François de Sales,” Œuvres complètes de Saint François de Sales, vol. 2 (Paris: J.P. Migne, 1861) 1074. <?page no="37"?> Sources 37 direct their minds to more spiritual thoughts: “C’est par Agathonphile que l’évêque romancier a cru avoir approché le plus près du haut dessein qu’il s’était proposé en entrant dans la carrière littéraire: porter les hommes au Bien par la délectation, c’est-à-dire par la peinture irrésistiblement séduisante du Bel Amour. Les lecteurs, en abordant ces pages, ne penseront qu’à suivre les aventures de deux amants. C’est par où ils seront attirés dans le piège tendu par l’apôtre: ils entreront peu à peu dans le royaume de la divine vérité” (Sage xxii). Camus’ female heroines echo the idea proposed by de Sales in his writings that the woman is also able to obtain heroism and sainthood. Like Deucalie in his novel Agathonphile, most of his novels feature female heroines as the principal protagonists who serve as models of devotion. 43 The comparisons between Camus’s novel and Pascal’s play are not immediately drawn. For one, Camus sets the action during the time of Diocletian on the authority of an anonymous work entitled L’Armeüre des Fidèles. 44 Pascal on the other hand, sets the action during the time of Emperor Decius for reasons which will be explained shortly. Furthermore, Pascal and Camus do not highlight the same protagonists in their respective works. Camus, in contrast to Pascal, all but ignores the role played by the female saint, Tryphine in the Roman martyrology. I shall begin with the preface of Camus’ novel in which he explains the origins of his work’s title: Je l’appelle Agathonphile pour deux raisons. La première parce que c’est l’histoire d’Agathon et de Phillipe Argyrio, ce mot estant composé de l’un des noms et du commencement de l’autre…. Mais la seconde raison, qui est la principale, c’est parce que, ayant inséré en cette Histoire beaucoup de préceptes qui appartiennent à l’Art de bien, vertueusement, sainctement, honnestement, justement et religieusement Aymer, quel plus juste tiltre luy devois-je donner que celuy de l’Amour du Bien, ce que sonne le mot d’Agathonphile? (891-2) 43 For example, in his novel Accident pitoyable de nos jours cause d’une vocation religieuse (1626), Pétronille, who is called to a life of religious service dies before she is able to realize her calling and inspires her lover to enter the monastery. 44 See the eloge in Camus, Agathonphile 852. “Un livre latin qui a pour tiltre L’Armeüre des Fidèles faict un ramas d’histoires des combats que les Chrestiens ont eus, tant contre les Juifs et contre les Payens et infidèles que contre les errans, schismatiques et hérétiques; et là le supplice de nos Martyrs est à peu près récité selon que je le rapporte au dernier Livre de cette Histoire; ce qui faict naistre ces différens qui se trouveront quant au temps avec le Martyrologe et Baronius: mais tant y a qu’il est très-constant qu’ils ont tous enduré sous Dioclétian et en Sicile; de la forme de la Martyrologe n’en dict rien, ny Baronius mesmes … ouy bien mon autheur Anonyme, lequel, peut-estre, auroit veu ce manuscrit duquel fait mention Baronius en ses Notes sur le Martyrologe, parlant de Philippe Argyrio.” <?page no="38"?> 38 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Camus explains that his primary inspiration for the title of his book “Agathonphile” is the kind of good and saintly principles he hopes to bring out in his novel. “Agathon” is a Greek term found in the New Testament of the Bible in Romans 8: 28 and Philippians 1: 6 which means literally “that which is good.” The combined word “Agathonphile” then literally translates as “lover of that which is good.” Secondly, Camus says here that he named his novel as such since he is telling the story of Agathon and Phillipe Argyrio, to whom Camus refers to as “Philargyrippe.” 45 However, Camus leaves Tryphine out of the title of his play, having combined the names “Agathon” and “Philipe” to form “Agathonphile.” Camus’ explanation of the title’s significance reveals his lack of interest in the female protagonist. Since Philargyrippe’s story constitutes the major part of his novel, 46 it is rather curious that Pascal chose to keep the same title despite the fact that he never appears as a character in her play. As her Triphine plays a principal role in the play, one would think that it may have been more appropriate to call the play Agathon et Triphine. However, it may have been done intentionally by the author in order to profit from the novel’s success. Pierre Sage maintains that Jean-Pierre Camus’ novels attracted a large public (iv). The subsequent editions of his novel Agathonphile, originally published in 1621, vouch for its popularity. 47 We know that its renown reached beyond the borders of France since Camus mentions that it was translated into Italian. 48 Being that this play was Pascal’s first dramatic effort, it was not an unwise decision to keep the original title of a novel that drew so much attention. In spite of these differences between Pascal’s play and Camus’s novel, there are some similarities in characterization and plot which are not evident, but undeniably present. For instance, it is possible to draw a parallel between Agathon and Triphines’ relationship in the play with that of Philargyrippe and Deucalie in Philargyrippe’s story. The main hero, Philargyrippe, in Camus’ novel plays a similar role to that of Pascal’s hero, Agathon. For 45 See Camus 851. Camus combined Phillipe Argyrio’s first and last names to form the name of his character in the novel. 46 Camus’s novel is written in the style of a mise-en-abîme, in that the reader hears Philargyrippe’s story as it is related to Agathon and Tryphine. Philargyrippe’s story is framed by the shipwreck and imprisonment of the three Christians on the island of Sicile and their martyrdom at the end. Thus Agathon and Triphine actually say very little. 47 Agathonphile ou le martyrs siciliens, Agathon, Philargiryppe, Triphyne, et leurs associez was originally published in 1621 in Paris Chez Claude Chappelet. Later editions appeared in 1623, 1638, and 1641. An abridged version appeared later on in 1712 under the title Agathon et Tryphine. 48 In Les Eclaircissemens de Meliton, vol. 1 (Paris: S.I., 1635) 64, Camus says that the translation had been published with “l’aveu de l’Inquisition.” <?page no="39"?> Sources 39 example, Philargyrippe manages to convert Deucalie to Christianity and she gives up her false gods as she knows it is the only way to be forever united in their love. In the same way, Pascal’s Agathon manages to convert his beloved Triphine. Similar to Camus, the playwright emphasizes the deep spiritual love that exists between Triphine and Agathon. Triphine believes that in order to have a complete relationship with Agathon, she must also love his God. In the fourth scene of Act 2 she makes a vow to herself and to God to only worship him and to reject the Roman pagan gods; the religion of her father and of her people: TRIPHINE. Mais neantmoins, mon cœur l’ayme si constamment, Que je ne puis, sinon que d’estre toute sienne, Et le suivre partout, & me faire Chrestienne: Je veux d’oresnavant abhorer les faux Dieux, Et veux dès maintenant qu’ils me soient odieux…. Triphine’s vow is similar to that of Deucalie in Camus’ novel, who gives up her idols for the God of Philargyrippe in order to be eternally bonded with him: “Je suis vostre, me dict-elle, ô Philargyrippe, mais je dy entièrement vostre et de cœur et d’ame et au temps et en l’éternité; et pour estre plus absolument à vous, je veux estre aussi de vostre creance, le Dieu des Chrestiens est grand, je me donne volontiers à luy…” (6). Agathon and Triphine are united by the bonds of passionate love as well as the bonds of Christian love - the kind of love that Jean-Pierre Camus sought to bring out in his “anti-novel.” For Camus, marriage is sacred and the idea that God is always the third party in a marriage is greatly emphasized in his writings. “C’est ce Dieu tres-unique en essence, dont la troisiesme Personne unissant éternellement les deux autres d’une affection infinie, est appellée Amour; c’est une vive source de cette amoureuse flame, une charité incomprehensible et une onction spirituelle, le doigt de la droitte de Dieu et Dieu elle-mesme. C’est ce Dieu qui a tout faict par Amour, pour Amour, en l’Amour et d’Amour…” (Camus 117). A specific event in the life of De Sales which may have directly inspired Camus’s novel and Act 1 of Pascal’s play is recounted in Trochu’s biography of de Sales. One day, De Sales, who was studying at Padua, was invited to visit a “docteur juris-consulte” by three “condisciples libertins.” They brought him to the apartments of a prostitute and under false pretenses, left him with her. He reportedly “repoussa avec rudesse cette fille éhontée, lui cracha à la face et sortit” (156). Camus’s novel takes its theme from this true story since much of Philargyrippe’s account focuses on the attempts of Deucalie’s cousin, Nérée, to seduce Philargyrippe and to lead him away from God and his career as an Ecclesiastic. Although she plays a minor role in the play, it is obvious that Pascal’s Irenée, who tries to seduce her step son Agathon in the first act <?page no="40"?> 40 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie of the play, is inspired by Camus’s Néree. (Notice how similar the names are if one removes the “i” in “Irenée”). In one particular scene Philargyrippe discusses how he had to run from Nérée, leaving behind his cloak, much in the same way that Agathon had to flee from his step mother who then threatened to take vengeance on him for having rejected her advances: “Une fois que je m’en voulus aller, je luy pensay quitter mon habit entre les mains; mais c’estoit une robe, que je ne pouvois abandonner qu’avec indecence.” When Philargyrippe tries to tell her that her attempts are only in vain, Nérée tries to physically keep him from escaping: “Avec cette derniere parole, je me voulus retirer; mais cette harpie m’empoigna si serré, que j’eus de la peine à me desprendre de ses griffes, et si je ne me fusse rudement secoüé, à peine eusse-je sorty de ses mains … et jugeant avec les plus sages, qu’aux termes où j’estois, la fuitte m’estoit plus avantageuse que la résistance…” (Camus 73). Furthermore, Nérée reacts to his escape much in the same way that Irenée does in that she conjures up demons to help her punish Philargyrippe. “Tu t’en vas donc, infidele, tu te retires de moy… mais sçaches que mon amour se changeant en rage, cette rage en fureur et cette fureur en une hayne implacable … et j’appelle toutes les furies pour m’ayder en la vengeance que je projette contre toy” (Camus 73-4). This scene evokes Act 1 in Françoise Pascal’s play in that Irenée as well calls upon the demons to help her take revenge on Agathon: IRENEE. Helas! Je vay mourir, ce perfide me quitte, O Ciel, que dois-je faire, où dois-je recourir? Demons, sortez d’Enfer, venez me secourir; Sortez, noires fureurs de vos rivages sombres, Venez à mon secours, quittez ces tristes ombres, Punissez cét ingrat, que je n’ay pû toucher (1.1) The similarity of both of these monologues to that of Médée in Pierre Corneille’s Médée (1635) is striking. Médée also calls upon the demons to help her take vengeance on her unfaithful lover, Jason: MEDEE. Et vous, troupe sçavante en mille barberies, Filles de l’Acheron, Pestes, Larves, Furies, Noires Sœurs, si jamais nostre commerce estroit Sur vous et vos serpents me donna quelque droit, Sortés de vos cachots avec les mesmes flames Et les mesmes tourmens dont vous gesnés les ames. Laissez-les quelque temps reposer dans leurs fers, Pour mieux agir pour moy faites tresve aux Enfers, Et m’apportés du fonds des antres de Megere La mort de ma rivale et celle de son pere…. (1.3) <?page no="41"?> Sources 41 Yet another scene that Pascal possibly borrows from Camus, is that in which Nérée frames Philargyrippe by attempting to make it look as if he had tried to kill her with a knife. As a result of her treachery, Philargyrippe is exiled. A similarly desperate act is committed by Irenée in Pascal’s version, although the knife has been replaced by a sword. Irenée takes her weapon to Agathon’s room with the intentions of murdering him with it if he does not yield to her passions: IRENEE. Il vaut mieux le perir, que te perir toy-mesme, S’il refuse les dons de ton amour extrême, S’il méprise mes feux, qu’il les aye en horreur, Mon amour à l’instant se va mettre en fureur, Et je m’en vay chercher un fer pour cét office. (1.2) Unsurprisingly, Agathon is horrified by her advances and manages to flee from her before she can harm him. To avenge herself, she tells her husband Sabin, that Agathon tried to kill her because she would not sleep with him: IRENEE. Hélas! C’est que tantost j’estois dans cette chambre, Lors que cét insolent m’est venue surprendre, Les yeux remplis de feux, & ce fer dans la main, Qu’il m’alloit, disoit-il, plonger dedans le sein, Si tu ne veux, dit-il, contenter mon envie, Il faudra que ce fer triomphe de ta vie…. (1.2) Both of these works draw inspiration from older narratives as well. The temptation scenes evoke the Biblical story of Potiphar’s wife found in Genesis 3: 9 in which Joseph, son of Israel, is working for Potiphar, an Egyptian whose wife tries to seduce him. He runs away from her leaving his cloak in her clutches. Having been rejected, she takes revenge by telling her husband that he tried to take advantage of her and he has Joseph imprisoned. 49 Another source which may have inspired Camus’s novel and Pascal’s play is l’Histoire éthiopique translated by Amyot, and published in Lyon in 1589. In his novel, Theagène and Chariclée meet a priest named Calasiris 49 See in particular chapter three “The Egyption Background of the Joseph Story” in Shalom Goldman, The Wiles of Women The Wiles of Men (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995). The author suggests that “the Bible’s is only one telling of the story that appears in the scriptures and folklore of many peoples” and that “the text of one of these stories, the Ancient Egyptian “Tale of Two Brothers,” may antedate the text of the Bible” (xii). He makes this claim based on the fact that there are many Ancient Egyptian cultural elements such as dress and eating habits which pervade the Biblical version and serve as background for the cultural barriers between the Hebrews and Egyptians in the story. <?page no="42"?> 42 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie who becomes their confidant and mentor, and who plays a role similar to that of Philargyrippe in Camus’s novel. Agathon’s situation is similar to that of Amyot’s Gnémon, who in the novel is solicited by Demeneté, the second wife of his father Aristipus. Like Philargyrippe in Camus’s novel and Agathon in Pascal’s play, Gnémon is accused of rape by this evil woman and her servant, who supports her attempts to seduce him. As a result, he is exiled to an island in Aegina, just as Philargyrippe is exiled in Camus’s novel. Nérée’s servant, Lucinde, in Camus’s novel plays a similar role as the accomplice. As noted by Philargyrippe, she plays along with Nérée’s ruses: Il falloit bien que cette Lucinde fust faicte au badinage et qu’elle fust complice des mauvais desseins de sa maistresse, puisque aux exclamations de Nérée et au ton aigne et poignant de ma voix, que j’employois en mes remonstrances et fortes et hautes, elle ne fit jamais aucun semblant de rien entendre…. (73) In Pascal’s play Céliane plays the role of the step mother’s “talking mirror.” However, unlike Demeneté’s servant in Amyot’s novel who pushes her mistress to act on her passions (as will Phèdre’s servant in Racine’s tragedy Phèdre) or Camus’s Nérée who does not dare confront her mistress, Céliane condemns her mistress’s passion for Agathon, and promptly leaves her when she cannot convince her to abandon her evil project. Theatrical influences Another female playwright wrote a play inspired by Camus’s novel five years before the publication of Pascal’s play; Marthe Cosnard’s Les chastes martirs, tragédie chrestienne appeared in 1650 most likely without ever having been performed. However, she did manage to attract the attention of Pierre Corneille who writes a glowing tribute to her accomplishments included in the preface to her play. She also is mentioned in Jean de la Forge’s Cercle des femmes sçavantes alongside Pascal. Unlike Pascal, Cosnard openly admits that Camus’s novel was the source for her inspiration. It is quite possible that Pascal was familiar with this play as it appeared to have had some success, having been produced twice in one year by two different publishers. Additionally, since there were so few women playwrights in the 17 th century, it would not be unfair to suggest that Pascal may have made a special effort to keep abreast of her female colleagues’ literary endeavors. Moreover, there are many plot elements that are strikingly familiar to several found in Pascal’s play. Similar to the beginning of Camus’s novel, Cosnard begins the first scene of her play in Sicily, where Agathon and Tryphine have been shipwrecked <?page no="43"?> Sources 43 along with their spiritual mentor “Philargirippe” after having fled persecution in Rome. 50 What is significant about this martyr play is that the author does not depict the Christians as having a “death wish.” 51 Similarly, in Pascal’s version, Agathon and Triphine flee their oppressor, Triphine’s father, by stealing away in a boat to avoid having to face their aggressor and die for their beliefs. In the second scene of Act 1 of Cosnard’s tragedy, Pompone, the governor of Syracuse, the capital of Sicily, arrives upon the scene with his confidant, Acante. Pompone immediately falls in love with Tryphine, who is betrothed to Agathon, but is posing as his sister. In the following scene, Pompone’s wife Elize expresses her lust for Agathon in much the same way that Agathon’s mother-in-law in Pascal’s play reveals her passion for Agathon: ELIZE. Agathon est l’objet qui m’enflamme (1.5) Elize’s suivante’s reaction to her mistress’s unbridled passions is similar to that of Irenée’s servant. She warns her mistress about the consequences of her actions, but she is only ordered to be silent. She does not take the same initiative that Pascal’s servant character does when she decides she must abandon her mistress entirely. In Act 2, Pompone attempts to coerce Tryphine into becoming his mistress but she rejects his advances, resulting in his desire for vengeance. Thus by the end of the play, all of the Christians have been imprisoned. In Act 4, Porphire, the préfet de la mer, formally announces the Emperor’s decree for their execution. Just as in Pascal’s play, Tryphine converts her brother Euple (a character who also appears in Pascal’s play) to Christianity who then expresses his desire for martyrdom. The fifth act is similar in structure to that of Pascal’s final act which is characterized by a series of conversions. One character after the next converts to Christianity until there are few left to carry out the execution. Those who previously persecuted the Christians are now inspired by their steadfast faith and dispute as to who will be the first to be martyred. AGATHON. Je finis le premier, tenez, voila ma teste. PHILARGYRIPPE. Genereux Agathon, la mienne est toute preste. AGATHON. Vous me verrez mourir, faites ce digne effort. 50 This would appear to be a spelling error on Cosard’s part. In Camus’s novel his name is spelled “Philargyrippe.” Note that Cosnard, like Camus, spells the female heroine’s name as “Tryphine.” 51 Paul Scott says of Cosnard’s play that “there is the explicit recognition that Christians could be anything than completely submissive to torture, or steadfast to their religious beliefs.” See The Martyr-figure in French theatre 1596-1675, diss., U of Durham, 2001, 133. <?page no="44"?> 44 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie TRYPHINE. Sans estre mon Bourreau, vous me donnez la mort… Helas permettez moy de mourir la premiere. AGATHON. Que vous estes ingratte! TRYPHINE. Et vous sourd à ma voix. (5.5) Although the tone is more serious in Pascal’s play, Triphine and Agathon still argue about who is more deserving of execution: TRIPHINE. Que je sois exposée Au plus cruels tourmens qu’on pourroit m’inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l’on peut m’apprester N’auront jamais pouvoir d’esbranler ma constance: Mais s’il me faut mourir, espargner l’innocence, Sauvez mon Agathon puis que pour m’obeyr Il s’est mis aux hazards. AGATHON. Daignerez vous m’ouyr Non divine beauté, c’est me faire un injure Que de parler ainsi, car enfin je vous jure Que si l’on me vouloit exempter de la mort, Et qu’on vous fist mourir que l’on me fist ce tort De vouloir m’empescher. (5.2) Another similarity found in the final scene of the play resides in the treatment of Elize, who after trying to seduce Agathon earlier in the first act, decides to convert to Christianity in the end. Similarly, in Pascal’s version, Irenée, who tries to seduce Agathon also converts to Christianity in the final act thereby redeeming herself for her clandestine passions. Pascal’s martyr play owes at least one element to one of the most wellknown, successful martyr plays of the 17 th century - Corneille’s Polyeucte (1643). It is possible that Pascal’s character Cévère, Triphine’s would-be husband, is inspired by Corneille’s Sévère, who like in Pascal’s play, is the favorite of the Emperor Decius. However, these two plays differ in terms of theme. As opposed to the early sacred plays of the Medieval and Renaissance periods, Polyeucte is highly secularized. In his introduction to Polyeucte, Patrick Dandrey alludes to the fact that Polyeucte is not as much about dying for Christ as it is about two star-crossed lovers: S’il provoque l’admiration, Polyeucte ne suscite guère la crainte et à peine la pitié. En revanche, son acte fomente autour de lui des situations pathétiques qui, si elles ne l’entament pas, déchirent ses proches et émeuvent en vous les passions tragiques… De fait, dès la création de l’œuvre, les amours immolées de Pauline et Sévère semblent avoir touché le spectateur plus que le martyre du héros. (17) <?page no="45"?> Sources 45 Pascal’s martyr play, on the other hand, which is much influenced by Camus’s anti-novel, attempts to combine romance with spirituality. 52 While neither Sévère nor Pauline are Christians, Agathon and Triphine’s relationship is based on a mutual love for God as well as a constant love for one another. Agathonphile martyr also diverges from Polyeucte in its rejection of the Cornelian hero. Audiences in the second half of the 17 th century had grown bored with the perfect hero. Lancaster states that the “Fronde had a profound effect on the production of French plays…. Fewer tragedies were produced after the civil war broke out than tragi-comedies or comedies…. The tragedy is a heroic type of play in which devotion to certain principles is taken for granted” (699). During the “post-Fronde” period, audiences could no longer relate to the concept of “blind adherence” to authorities. Whether or not a sacred play could feature a Aristotelian “mediocre” hero as a martyr was a debate in the 17 th century when it made its comeback on the stage. 53 Corneille defends his “flawless Christian hero” in the Examen of the 1660 edition of Polyeucte: Ceux qui veulent arrêter nos héros dans une “médiocre bonté” où quelques interprètes d’Aristote bornent leur vertu, ne trouveront pas ici leur compte, puisque celle de Polyeucte va jusqu’à la sainteté, et n’a aucun mélange de faiblesse. J’en ai déjà parlé ailleurs; et pour confirmer ce que j’en ai dit par quelques autorités, j’ajouterai ici que Minturnus, dans son Traité du Poète, agite cette question, ‘si la Passion de Jésus-Christ et le martyres des saints doivent être exclus du théâtre, à cause qu’ils passent cete médiocre bonté’, et résout en ma faveur. (41-2) In terms of her depiction of saints, Pascal rejects Corneille’s model and adheres to that of Aristotle’s “mediocre hero.” Neither Agathon nor Triphine are perfect models of sainthood. Both Agathon and Triphine flee sainthood until the very end of the play. Throughout the scenes of Agathonphile 52 For a counter argument see Scott 154-5. “Apart from this final wave of conversions, the part played by Christianity in the play is minimal. The execution of the couple is not directly related to their faith, but to the fact that they will not renounce their love. Death becomes the only viable option. With the lack of martyrdom, Pascal has effectively emptied her martyr-play of subversive elements and highlighted the romantic aspects.” 53 “Mediocre” in the sense “moyenne.” According to Aristotle, (Poetics, 7.2), in order to move the spectator to fear and pity, the tragic hero must be “the sort of person who is not outstanding in moral excellence or justice; on the other hand, the change to bad fortune which he undergoes is not due to any moral defect or depravity, but to an error of some kind.” See Poetics (London: Penguin Books, 1996) 21. <?page no="46"?> 46 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie martyr, Triphine and Agathon make spoken promises directly to God which seem hypocritical in the light of their actions. For example in Act 4, Scene 1 as Agathon and Triphine are about to steal away from the palace by boat, Agathon says “Remettons notre sort au grand Dieu” which seems ironic since they have neglected to pray for guidance and have taken their destiny into their own hands. Triphine writes a suicide note to convince her father that she has taken her own life, when in fact she has eloped with Agathon. However, the Catholic Church views suicide as an abomination and therefore having staged her own death is without a doubt contrary to saintly conduct. To conclude, Pascal’s play appears to draw largely from Camus’s novel in terms of theme and characterization. She also borrows elements from his plot, particularly in Act 1. Some characters such as Euple and Cévère have been taken from other plays, but that which remains is of her own imagination. Since there are few hagiographic details indicated in the Roman martyrology about the lives or persons of Tryphine and Agathon, Pascal has very few constraints, leaving her free to create a romanesque account. Contrary to most accounts of the lives of Saints whose authors are limited to the noble genre of the tragedy in order to adhere to the authority of the hagiography, Pascal is free to experiment with the tragicomedy genre. However, Pascal’s effort to combine elements of the romanesque tragicomedy with the martyr play further exacerbates the issue of mixed genres in the17 th century. It would seem that Pascal’s experiment, situated at the dawn of the querelle de la moralité du théâtre (1660-1670), 54 would have become fuel for the fire. The 17 th century martyr play Pascal’s hybrid play combines two genres - the romanesque tragicomedy, associated with entertainment, and the martyr play, associated with moral edification and religious instruction. Loukovitch affirms the impossibility of the existence of a tragi-comic sacred play in the second half of the century because of the mixture of tones: “Il est important donc, pour que la tragédie religieuse fût possible et viable, que la tragédie conformément aux principes d’Aristote, se débarrassât du comique et de la fiction romanesque…. Les genres mixtes se perdent à partir de 1640” (153). Pascal’s hybrid play, although truly unique, is then directly opposed to 17 th century standards. 54 For more information on the querelle, see Laurent Thirouin, L’Aveuglement salutaire: le réquisition contre le théâtre dans la France classique (Paris: Champion, 1997) 15-20. <?page no="47"?> The 17 th century martyr play 47 In order to relate Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr to the 17 th century martyr play, it becomes necessary to explore the genre’s evolution leading up to the querelle and the reasons for its eventual extinction. The martyr play’s roots stem from the Middle Ages when theater was directly linked to the liturgy. Sacred dramas were often performed in the Church for religious holidays such as the Passion for Easter or the Mystère de la Nativité for Christmas for instructional purposes. The genres were limited to mystères which were stories directly taken from the Bible, miracles, depicting the Saints lives, or morality plays, which were allegorical plays with moral lessons. It is the use of compartments to represent various places such as heaven and hell which would inspire the 17 th century classicists to enforce the unity of place. In 1548, the Paris parliament banned the performaces of the mystères in all of France following the performances of the Confrères de la Passion which it denounced for having profaned the religious themes by intermixing comic acts. Thus began the separation of the Church and the Theater, and with it an eruption of anti-theatrical sentiment on the part of theologians which would be echoed in the 1640s when the religious tragedy was born. 55 During the Renaissance the sacred genres had reemerged as a response to the Reformation, at least in private theaters or on the provincial stages. Protestant authors and Catholic writers alike both contributed to this new repertoire of plays. For example, Jean de la Taille’s Biblically based play Saül le furieux (1572), rivals those of the Catholic poet Garnier, who produced Les Juives in 1582. Three types of plays predominated; the tragedies bibliques, like la Taille’s; the tragédies évangéliques whose origins stem from the mystère genre; and the tragédie hagiographique recounting the lives of the Saints. 56 Note that after the poets had already established the distinction between comedy and tragedy, comedy had been completely eradicated from the sacred plays. With the theatrical contributions of the Jesuit College, these sacred genres continued to flourish even into the 17 th century. College professors composed religious plays on Biblical subjects in Latin for their students to perform for special occasions. Biblical stories and the Roman hagiographies supplied endless sources for the continuation of the sacred genre, which was still intended as a didactic tool. De Reyff points to the emergence of the heroic Christian hero type during the period which would define the martyr 55 For a history of the Christian tragedy see Simone de Reyff, L’Eglise et le théâtre (Paris: Cerf, 1998); K. Loukovitch, L’évolution de la tragédie religieuse en France (Paris: Droz, 1933); and John S Street, French Sacred Drama from Beze to Corneille (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1983). 56 See the présentation in Rotrou, Le Véritable Saint Genest, ed. Emmanuelle Hénin et al (Paris: Flammarion, 1999) 161. <?page no="48"?> 48 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie play of the 1640s: “Dans cette généreuse mouvance s’élabore progressivement un type d’humanité héroïque dont la réalisation ultime s’accomplit que dans l’accueil des valeurs chrétiennes. Une des incarnations notables de ce climat dominé par une idéologie conquérante est ce que l’on appelle la « piece à martyre » célébrant la bravoure qui conduit le chrétien authentique a defier les puissances de ce monde … pour la cause de son Dieu” (50-1). The publication of Pascal’s tragicomedy Agathonphile martyr comes 20 years after a renewal in popularity of the sacred play and its reemergence on the public stage. John Street maintains that after a long repose, the sacred plays returned to the Parisian theaters in the late 1630s: “As soon as the professional actors were shown that a sacred play could yield a profit in Paris, they adopted the national custom of performing them and the plays were speedily written and printed satisfying this new demand” (168). The martyr play became very popular in 1643 with Corneille’s Polyeucte, Desfontaine’s Saint Eustache, Puget de la Serre’s Saint Catherine, and Du Ryer’s Esther. Desfontaine’s L’Illustre Comédien in 1644 would evoke a response on the part of Rotrou who would write Le Veritable Saint Genest in the following year. These classical sacred plays however had evolved significantly from the mystères given that most were no longer meant for doctrinal instruction. Often the mere insertion of a martyr or saint into the plot was enough to express the spiritual significance of the play while interest tended to center on love or politics rather than the saint’s decision to take a stand for his or her beliefs. Scott, in his article, “The Martyr Figure as Transgressor in Seventeenth- Century French Theater,” links the genre’s resurgence to the development of a “disenchantment of contemporary modes of authority” during the Fronde in 1648-53, a time of great political and religious upheaval in France (64). During the Regency after the death of Louis XIII, civil war had broken out and the French people were very unhappy with Mazarin’s policies. As in Corneille’s Polyeucte and Rotrou’s Veritable Saint Genest, two of the most well known and most successful martyr plays, the central conflict, “involves disobedience at the highest level, that of a subject to his or her (God-given) ruler, and it is this clash with authority that merits the martyr’s claim to transgress” (63). This is clearly one manner in which Agathonphile martyr is differentiated from the traditional martyr play, since the central conflict takes place between father and daughter, directly questioning the forced marriage and the daughter’s right to disobey the patriarch, a topic that we will address in the last section of the analysis. Although the martyr play was successful in the 1640s, it failed to survive the querelle de la moralité du théâtre (1660-1670), which came about in reaction to some 17 th century authors who attempted to combine pleasure with moral instruction. For example in the preface to his tragedy Esther, Du Ryer <?page no="49"?> The 17 th century martyr play 49 states: “Ainsi on rejoindra l’utilité au plaisir et l’instruction au divertissement, ainsi les ennemis de nos Muses deviendront les amants, et le theatre, suspect à ceux qui ne le connaissent pas, deviendra pour tout le monde la plus agréable école où l’on puisse apprendre la vertu.” For the very same reasons that the mystères were banned by the Paris Parliament, theoreticians and theologians alike reproach the sacred tragedy for the lack of respect that is paid to its sacred sources by mixing apocryphal legends and pagan mythology and by adding comic elements to tantalize and entertain spectators. D’Aubignac, in the Pratique du theatre, which he began writing at the height of the religious tragedy, expresses his belief that the sacred genres should not be performed for the general public: Pour être adaptée à la scène, l’histoire sacrée devra bien souvent ceder aux enjolivements, quand ce n’est aux galanteries qui ne pourront qu’en corrompre le message, pour la plus grande satisfaction des incrédules. Qu’on abandonne par conséquent ce repertoire aux dramaturges scolaires dont les œuvres, protegées par le latin, s’addressent à un public choisi qui aborde le théâtre «avec une disposition convenable à des entretiens de pieté [plutôt] que pour y trouver quelque divertissement. 57 For such moralists as Varet, in “L’Avis touchant la comédie,” poets who attempted to write Christian tragedies were constructing true “temples of Venus: ” Ceux qui ont voulu rendre chrétienne la Comédie, en y mêlant les actions des Saints et des Saintes, ont fait à peu près comme Pompée, lequel au rapport du Tertullien, voyant que les censeurs romains avaient fait abattre plusieurs fois les théâtres, parce qu’ils corrompaient les mœurs du peuple, et voulant empêcher qu’ils ne détruisissent celui qu’il avait fait élever dans Rome, y fit bâtir un temple qu’il dédia à Vénus, et appela cet édifice, non pas le théâtre, mais le Temple de Vénus, “et c’est ainsi, dit Tertullien, qu’en donnant ce titre spécieux à cet ouvrage, qui ne méritait que d’être condamné, il éluda par cette superstition les règlements que les censeurs eussent pu faire, pour le faire abattre.” 58 The Prince de Conti in the Traité de la comédie et des spectacles (1667) written at the height of the querelle criticized such martyr plays as Polyeucte for its celebration of the “profane”: Mais en verité, y a-t-il rien de plus delicat & de plus passionné que ce qu’il y a de prophane? Y a-t-il personne qui ne soit mille fois plus touché de l’affliction de Severe lors qu’il trouve Pauline 57 Quoted in De Reyff 66. 58 See Alexandre Louis Varet, De l’education chrestienne des enfans (A Bruxelles, Chez Francois Foppens, 1669) 288. The citation of Tertullien is taken from chapter 10 (n.6) of De Spectaculis. <?page no="50"?> 50 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie mariée, que du martyre de Polieucte? Il ne faut qu’un peu de bonne foy, pour tomber d’accord de ce que je dis; aussi Dieu n’a pas choisi le theatre pour y faire esclater la gloire de ses Martyrs…” (36). Since the spectator is less moved by Polyeucte’s martyrdom than Severe’s heartache, Conti demonstrates that religious comedy deemphasizes spirituality and refutes the idea that there can be any convergence at all between religion and theater. Similarly Antoine Godeau writes in his sonnet “sur la comédie”: …pour changer leurs mœurs et régler leur raison, Les Chrétiens ont l’Eglise, et non pas le théâtre. 59 Boileau, in Art poétique, agrees with the moralists that the theater and the church should not mingle: Chez nos dévots aïeux le théâtre abhorré Fut longtemps dans la France un plaisir ignoré De pèlerins, dit-on, une troupe grossière En public à Paris y monta la première Et sottement zélée en sa simplicité Joua les Saints, la Vierge et Dieu, par piété. Le savoir, à la fin dissipant l’ignorance. On chassa ces docteurs prêchant sans mission. (chant III v. 97-100) For Boileau, who alludes to the failure of the mystères, it is impossible to “play the Saints” without blaspheming against them. Therefore, the stage and the church cannot be one. The querelle was also in part fueled by the new demands of Classicism marked by the beginning of Louis XIV’s reign. For instance, in the attempts to bring together Christian doctrine and the theater, the unity of action is often neglected. Since the medieval mystères were written to teach religious doctrine to the spectators, it was not unusual for the characters even in the 16 th and 17 th centuries to go into a long drawn-out sermon that was not directly tied to the plot. This of course would conflict with the unity of action. Jean de la Taille underlines this problem in Discours de la tragédie: “Et si c’est un sujet qui appartienne aux lettres divines, qu’il n’y ait point un tas de discours de théologie, comme choses qui dérogent au vrai sujet, et qui seraient mieux séantes à un prêche.” 60 Another problem with regards to classicism is the mixture of reality and the merveilleux, which the theoreticians would criticize in the religious tragedy. To represent Biblical and hagiographic stories on stage, the truth is 59 See Antoine Godeau, Poésies chrestiennes (Paris: Pierre Le Petit, 1654) 60 See Jean de la Taille, Discours de la tragédie, éd. Elliot Forsyth (Paris: Société des textes français modernes, 1968) 7. <?page no="51"?> The 17 th century martyr play 51 preferable to the “truthlike.” However, this is contrary to classicism which is founded on verisimilitude. Thus the representation of miracles on stage does not contribute to psychological realism. Furthermore, the Christian martyr play does not facilitate the process of catharsis. In order to inspire terror in the spectator, the tragedy must end with the hero’s destruction. 61 If the Christian death is a passage to happiness and eternal joy, the ending is not really tragic then, and the spectator cannot be moved to tears. Most of the ideas expressed by the moralists and the theoreticians in the querelle surround the concept of mimesis, or the Aristotelian concept of the representation of nature, and the character’s interpretation of the saint. In 17 th century theater, that which imitates should be an exact representation of the imitation itself. First, the Christian martyr cannot be properly represented on stage since he is characterized by silence and modesty while the heroes and heroines on stage must voice their thoughts and emotions to the spectators: “Le silence, la patience, la modération, la sagesse, la pauvreté, la pénitence ne sont pas des vertus dont la représentation puisse divertir des spectateurs; et surtout on n’y entend jamais parler de l’humilité, ni de la souffrance des injures. Ce serait un étrange personnage de Comédie qu’un Religieux modeste et silencieux…” (Nicole 64). Thus for Nicole, rhetoric and Christianity appear to be incompatible. How can words properly express the miracle that takes place inside the hearts and minds of the pagans whose eyes are opened by the divine spirit before the moment in which they utter their desire to convert and to serve God? The spoken word is performative in religious theater. The characters must express what is happening to them on stage and to say what they feel so that their transformations are revealed to the audience. This is a criticism that theoricians like Nicole used to fuel their attacks on the theater in his Traité de la comédie: [Pour Nicole], les caractéristiques d’un héros théâtral sont incompatibles avec les vertus chrétiennes, qui sont de nature essentiellement non spectaculaires. Le vrai héros Chrétien est un héros impossible, qui contredit à toutes les normes de représentation de l’héroïsme. La sainteté est à la limite imperceptible. L’humilité, quand elle est pleinement réalisée tend à l’effacement de la personne.” (Thirouin, l’Aveuglement Salutaire 87) The true Saint cannot be like an actor in that he expresses himself through silence allowing the holy spirit to work within him. This conflict of perfor- 61 See Aristotle’s Poetics 7.2. “It follows that a well-formed plot will be simple rather than (as some people say) double, and that it must involve a change not to good fortune from bad fortune, but (on the contrary) from good fortune to bad fortune….” <?page no="52"?> 52 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie mative speech versus inner spirituality persists throughout the martyr genre since we as spectators can only perceive of the miracles that have taken place inside the hearts of the pagan characters after they utter the words “Je suis Chrétien.” Secondly, the Saint on stage should conduct him or herself as the Saint in legend. However, the utter simplicity of the Christian hero who does not demonstrate any hesitation towards his duties is problematic in the context of classicism. In the tragedy, the hero is defined by his ability to overcome the incertitudes which plague his mind, but the idea of spiritual perfection does not conform to Aristotle’s definition of the hero who should be neither too perfect nor too detestable. For in terms of character, Aristotle maintains that they should not be depicted void of any flaws in order to inspire both pity and fear in the spectator: “In the same way the poet who is imitating people who are irascible or lazy or who have other traits of character of that sort should portray them as having these characteristics, but also as decent people. For example, Homer portrayed Achilles as “both a good man and a paradigm of obstinacy” (8.1). The Aristotelian hero is mediocre, or neither good nor bad: “We are left therefore, with the person intermediate between these. This is the sort of person who is not outstanding in moral excellence or justice; on the other hand, the change to bad fortune which he undergoes is not due to any moral defect or depravity, but to an error of some kind” (7.2). The Christian martyr who is however, irreproachable, greatly inhibits the process of catharsis, or the purging of the passions which inspires both fear and pity in the spectator. Traditionally, it is the hero’s passions which cause him to falter in his decision-making. And it is the passions which engender the action in the 17 th century tragedy. 62 For Nicole, in the Traité de la comédie, who underlines the incompatibility of Christianity and the theater, a character who exhibits Christian virtue is not compatible with the evil human passions that he or she is normally expected to demonstrate on stage: “Il est vrai que la Comédie est presque toujours une représentation de passions vicieuses, que la plupart des vertus chrétiennes sont incapables de paraître sur le théâtre” (64). The true Christian martyr, whose eyes are always turned towards heaven, is incapable of romantic love - the most influential passion and most dangerous passion according to Nicole: “Comme la passion de l’amour est la plus forte impression que le péché aut faite dans nos âmes, ainsi qu’il paraît assez par les désordres horribles qu’elle produit dans le monde, il n’y a rien de plus dangereux que de l’exiter, de la nourrir, et de détruire ce qui la retient” (38). For Nicole, the representation of a Christian 62 See especially chapter seven in Georges Forester, Passions Tragiques et règles classiques: Essai sur la tragédie française (Paris: PUF, 2003). <?page no="53"?> The 17 th century martyr play 53 Saint on stage would have a tendency to stagnate the action, since it is only his love for God which motivates him. As Thirouin states, to write for the theater is “to choose a certain system of representation” which finds itself “in complete contradiction with evangelical values” (Aveuglement salutaire 88). Corneille’s unsuccessful Christian tragedy Théodore vierge et martyr (performed in 1645-1646, and published in 1646) would prove to be an excellent example of this concept. In his efforts to create a verisimilar female saint, Corneille must neglect Théodore’s “human” features which would allow his spectators to sympathize with her. Indeed, Corneille himself seems to agree with this judgment since he states in the Examen of the 1660 edition of the play: A le bien examiner s’il y a quelques caractères vigoureux et animés, comme ceux de Placide et de Marcelle, il y en a de traînants, qui ne peuvent avoir grand charme ni grand feu sur le théâtre. Celui de Théodore est entièrement froid: elle n’a aucun passion qui l’agite; et, là même où son zèle pour Dieu, qui occupe toute son âme, devrait éclater le plus, c’est à dire dans sa contestation avec Didyme pour le martyre, je lui ai donné si peu de chaleur, que cette scène bien que très courte, ne laisse pas d’ennuyer. Aussi, pour en parler sainement, une vierge et martyre sur un théâtre, n’est autre chose qu’un terme qui n’a ni jambes ni bras, et par conséquent point d’action. Corneille’s Théodore corresponds with a certain female martyr type, to which Pascal’s more passionate heroine, Saint Triphine, directly opposes, as we shall observe later. In conclusion, it is clear that by the time Pascal writes Agathonphile martyr, the 17 th century Christian tragedy is already a failing genre. While poets in the 40s only treated religious themes in the noble tragic genre, it was not unusual for Christian tragedies to exhibit a mixture of tones when the tragicomedy was still influential and the religious drama had just reentered the scene. For example, Le Véritable Saint Genest despite the title of “tragedy” borrows more than just one element that belongs to the realm of comedies. The entire first act resembles the comédie au château with the upcoming nuptials and entertainment provided for the guests. However, Pascal’s attempt to combine the martyr play with the romanesque tragicomedy (a genre that had already began to drop off after 1652) is original. In the following section we will discuss whether or not Pascal’s play is a return to the tragicomedy of the 30s, or truly just a case of “naming” it as such. <?page no="54"?> 54 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie The 17 th century tragicomedy Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie appears in the second half of the 17 th century, well after the golden age of the tragicomedy of the 30s and 40s. 63 As we shall see her play does indeed illustrate some of the trademark characteristics of the romanesque tragicomedy of the 30s, but I will show that Pascal’s play marks a transformation of the genre in the second half of the 17 th century. First, the standard happy ending, which remains an essential characteristic of the tragicomedy throughout the 30s and the 40s, is altered in Agathonphile martyr featuring saintly heroes, who in the end, must suffer martyrdom for their beliefs. Furthermore, Pascal’s capricious dispositio which reverses the masculine/ feminine active/ passive polarization violates not only the bienséances but also the traditional actantial schemas associated with the tragicomedy’s action. Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr is better understood in relation to the debates concerning the tragicomedy that began in 1628. I will now highlight the basic history of the tragicomedy’s birth before moving on to a discussion of its inherent traits as they are seen in Pascal’s play. After 1628, when Jean de Schélandre, in the Preface to Tyr et Sidon, demonstrated the superiority of modern tragic-comedy over tragedy, the tragicomedy started to gain in popularity as a genre. Forestier notes in Passions tragiques et règles classiques that six years of debate between the irréguliers and the réguliers followed his manifesto of irregularity. Tied up in all of this was the famous querelle des anciens et des modernes since the tragicomedy became a tool used by modernists to wage war against the humanists or those who believed that all poetry including theater should be based on the imitation of the Ancients. The tragicomedy was established as a legitimate genre in reaction to a budding classicism, or what the irréguliers saw as esthetic tyranny. Fournel writes: La tragi-comédie fut comme un asile légal ouvert à ceux que gênaient les lois naissantes, une sorte de compromis politique avec les actes d’indiscipline qu’on ne pouvait empêcher et auxquels on voulait du moins enlever prudemment les apparences de la révolte…. Elle fut introduite par le 63 According to Lancaster in the “List of Extant Plays” there are only 32 tragicomedies produced from 1652 to the end of the century. Each year the number of tragicomedies decreases. In 1652, 54, and 55 there are four tragicomedies; in 1656 there are three; in 1657 there are two tragicomedies; in 1658 there are four tragicomedies; in 1659 there is one; in 1660 there are three; in 1662 there is one; in 1663 there are two; in 1664 there is one; in 1665 there is one, in 1668 there is one, in 1670 there is one; in 1672 there is one; and the last is produced in 1687. <?page no="55"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 55 besoin de variété, et le désir de tirer d’un grand nombre de sujets curieux qui se dérobaient aux classifications exclusives. 64 Mareschal, Scudéry, Ogier and other irréguliers expressed a more hedonistic view towards theater in that they believed moral instruction and strict adherence to the unities were not important since pleasure is achieved through variety. Ogier criticizes the modernists for their view that the unities must be strictly adhered to in order for the spectator to find the performance agreeable. The irréguliers often referred to the practices of the Ancient writers in order to prove the validity of their arguments. Here Ogier underlines the needlessness of the unities of time and action: Prévoyant bien que la variété des événements est nécessaire pour rendre la représentation agréable, ils [les Anciens] font échoir en un même jour quantité d’accidents et de rencontres qui probablement ne peuvent être arrivés en si peu d’espace. 65 Taking the argument one step further in 1630, the preface of Mareschal’s tragicomedy, L’Allemande Généreuse states that the goal of theater should be entertainment and that strict adherence to the unities of time and place greatly inhibits the poet’s capacity to recount a legend as it actually occurred in history: Toutefois, quelque plainte qu’elle fasse, je ne saurais me repentir d’un péché que je trouve raisonnable et n’ai pas voulu me restreindre à ces étroites bornes ni du lieu, ni du temps, ni de l’action qui sont les trois points principaux que regardent les règles des Anciens…. Si l’on ne trouve que ces fautes dans mes deux Poèmes, je n’en rougirai point puisque ce sont des vices agréables quand ils sont dans un bon ordre et qu’ils ne jettent point un sujet dedans la confusion. Et c’est, à mon avis, ce qu’ont voulu éviter les Anciens par tant de règles; mais ils se sont montrés encore plus sévères que subtils, employant cette rigeur contre eux-mêmes qui souvent, de peur de rendre un sujet confus, le mettent à la gene…. Je traite dans ces Vers une Histoire aussi véritable qu’elle est belle et glorieuse, et n’ai pas voulu laisser à la conscience seule des témoins, qui vivent encore et la savent, la plus agréable partie des effets que la sévérité des règles m’eût obligé de couper. 66 64 Cited in Hélène Baby, La tragi-comédie de Corneille à Quinault (Paris: Klincksieck, 2001) 19. 65 See the Préface à Jean de Schélandre, Tyr et Sidon in Giovanni Dotoli, Le Temps des Préfaces: Le Débat Théâtral en France de Hardy à la querelle du Cid (Paris: Klincksieck, 1996) 182-3. 66 See the Préface à André Mareschal, La Généreuse allemande in Dotoli 218-19. <?page no="56"?> 56 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie For the irréguliers, the rules place unnecessary restrictions on the poet, forcing him to rewrite history and ignore reality for an imitation of reality. Contrary to the irréguliers, the réguliers like Chapelain, defended the three unities and their necessity for maintaining verisimilitude. He argues in the Lettre sur la règle des vingt-quatre heures that pleasure can only be achieved through strict adherence to the rules: Car il n’y a rien de si certain que la production du plaisir, comme de toutes choses, se fait par l’ordre et par la vraisemblance, que les sages Anciens l’ont bâtie sur les mêmes maximes que celles que l’on prétendrait détruire à présent, et que s’il y pouvait avoir [un plaisir] dans la confusion et dans l’affaiblissement du Théâtre, ce serait un plaisir extrêmement rustique et du tout incapable de toucher les esprits nés à la politesse et à la civilité. 67 Unlike the irréguliers, the Anciens take mimesis and catharsis very seriously. In the same letter, Chapelain stresses the responsibility that poets have as moralists in the world of Theater: Ensuite, comme je tombe d’accord avec vous que le but principal de toute représentation scénique est d’émouvoir l’âme du Spectateur par la force et l’évidence avec laquelle les diverses passions sont exprimées sur le Théâtre, et de la purger par ce moyen des mauvaises habitudes qui la pourraient faire tomber dans les mêmes inconvénients que ces passions tirent après soi, je ne saurais avouer aussi que cette énergie se puisse produire sur le théâtre si elle n’est accompangée et soutenue de la vraisemblance…. 68 The spectator must be fooled into believing that what he is observing is actually occurring before his very eyes in order for this “purging” to cleanse him of his immoral instincts. He must forget that what he is seeing is merely an imitation of reality. This is why the réguliers emphasize the unity of 24 hours. As Dotoli reminds us, to go beyond that limit is to lessen the spectator’s capacity to believe that the action is really taking place: “Il est aussi malaisé de s’imaginer que l’on soit demeuré vingt-quatre heures à un spectacle auquel l’on n’a été que trois heures au plus, que de penser qu’une histoire de dix ans se soit passée durant une séance de ces mêmes trois heures” (231). If the spectator is not deeply affected by the actions of the characters, catharsis will not take place. Therefore, for Chapelain, the rules not only create a pleasurable experience for the spectator, but also allow for optimum moral edification. Throughout the history of literary criticism, theoreticians have not been able to define the tragicomedy without contradicting themselves. It was not 67 See the Lettre sur la règle des vingt-quatre heures in Dotoli 233. 68 See Dotoli 229. <?page no="57"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 57 always recognized as a genre in itself. Some have called it simply a mixture of comedy and tragedy while others have been so bold as to call it a tragedy with a happy ending. However it cannot be denied that certain patterns do somewhat define its basic traits. Some of the characteristics of the tragicomedy, most often inspired by the romanesque, included a happy ending, a true mélange of comic and tragic tones (already announcing the 19 th century romantic drama), a story line only loosely based on a historical event, a mix of characters borrowed from tragedy and comedy, loose adherence to the unities of time, place, and action, a more complex plot, and a focus on psychological conflicts. During the period between 1628 and 1634, the tragicomedy pulled ahead of the tragedy in France with the publication of 50 tragicomedies versus only 16 comedies and 10 tragedies. In between 1635 and 1640, the tragicomedy began losing ground with the publication of 47 tragedies. 69 Many of these may be mutations of the tragicomedy. 70 This hypothesis would be supported by Corneille’s decision to change Le Cid from tragi-comédie to tragédie for the 1644 edition. Moreover, as Baby suggests, it would not be unfounded to assume that many of the tragicomedies were absorbed by the tragedies, becoming tragédies à fin heureuse. If the tragedy could have a happy ending, it became very easy for the critics to question the necessity of the tragicomedy. If the tragedy absorbed the happy ending, then only the mélange de tons is left to distinguish one genre from the other. By the 1640s the poème composé was falling quickly out of favor as dispositio became more and more vigorously scrutinized by the theoreticians: “La priorité est donnée à l’action sur le sujet, donc à promotion de la dispositio aux dépens de l’inventio” (Baby 82). It is Corneille who influenced its metamorphosis in the attempts to make a poème composé into a poème simple even while having a romanesque subject. The very first comédie héroique appears in 1650 with Corneille’s Don Sanche d’Aragon. Many contemporary critics have assumed that the comédie héroique and the tragi-comédie are one and the same since the comédie héroique absorbs the happy ending of the tragicomedy, but they are in fact quite different in terms of dispositio. As opposed to the traditional tragi-comédie, the comédie héroique is characterized by a simple love plot having kings and queens as primary players. 69 See Lancaster’s list of extant plays: from 1610-1634, pt. 1, vol. 2: 760-763; from 1635-1651, pt. 2, vol. 2: 777-781. 70 See Baby 66. “Ces bouleversements ne sont pas simple affaire d’appellation, mais traduisent des mutations qui touchent les notions de comique et de tragique, mutations dont le genre tragi-comique est directement affecté.” <?page no="58"?> 58 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Despite the growing distaste for mixed genres, between 1652 and 1658 the tragicomedy still “remained quite popular” with the publication of 18 tragicomedies by such authors as Boisrobert, Quinault and Montauban. 71 Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr marks a significant mutation of the genre being the only tragicomedy with a tragic ending. Out of all of the tragicomedies included in Baby’s corpus of plays studied, 96% of them end happily, so Pascal’s contribution to the late tragicomedy is a rare exception indeed. 72 Despite her unusual ending, many of the traditional tragi-comic aspects of the 30s are present in her play. We shall now explore these trademark characteristics as well as those which render her play a truly unique hybrid form. Action Although the tragicomedy is defined by its “irregularity” the central plot from one play to the next does not change drastically. The same formulas are used systematically. For example, tragicomedies are never concerned with the destiny of one single character. Instead they always feature one or more couples who struggle to maintain their relationship(s) in the face of opposition. Agathonphile martyr corresponds to the most popular tragicomedy type; that of the tragi-comédie des amours contrariées. 73 Triphine and Agathon seek to preserve their love in spite of a tyrant father and a lustful step mother who attempt to tear them apart. Pascal however, diverges from the traditional tragicomedy by reversing the actantial schema associated with the couple in the tragicomedy, placing the female heroine in the active position and the male in the passive position. 74 According to the social order of the tragi-comic universe, the hero is normally placed in the position of subject while the heroine is placed in the position of object. It is quite often Eros who inspires the hero to pursue the heroine for himself. The lovers always encounter an opponent which is represented by a character such as the tyrant father, or an abstract idea such 71 For more details see Lancaster pt. 4, vol 2: 132. 72 Only six tragicomedies in her entire corpus have a tragic ending: Alidor et Oronte, Cinnatus et Camma, Les Galantes vertueuses, Léandre et Héron, Le Grand Timoléon, and Orizelle. 73 See Roger Guichemerre, La tragi-comédie (Paris: PUF, 1981) 52-3. “Une autre forme de tragi-comédie, sans doute la plus fréquente, qu’on pourrait appeler la tragicomédie des amours contrariées, au lieu d’éparpiller l’action en une succession d’épisodes variées, se limite à l’obstacle majeur qui s’oppose au bonheur d’un couple d’amants…. Ici, l’accent est mis sur les amants et sur leurs réactions devant les persécutions dont ils sont l’objet. 74 See Anne Ubersfeld’s actantial model for the traditional love plot in Reading Theater (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999) 39. <?page no="59"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 59 as society itself. Traditionally, the couple also has friends or confidants who help them in their quest. In Agathonphile martyr however, the female heroine, Triphine, pursues the male hero, Agathon. She is the first to declare her love for him and it is only because of her insistence that Agathon agrees to disregard their differences in social rank. Her major opponent is represented by her father who expects her to marry Cévère, a more suitable match in terms of wealth and status. Albin is Agathon’s friend and confidant. The actantial schema as seen in Agathonphile martyr is illustrated as such: S: Eros R: Triphine herself Sj: Triphine O: Agathon H: Albin Op: Triphon, Triphine’s father Fig. 1. In Agathonphile martyr the unity of action is made complex due to the numerous digressions that have very little to do with the primary or central plot (quite typical of the tragicomedy of the 1630s). 75 Here we find all of the basic ingredients found in a roman d’aventures: a shipwreck, the separation and reunion of the lovers, their capture, rivals, a false death, and a lustful woman who falls in love with the hero. With this succession of events, it becomes almost impossible to respect the unities, which is why after 1634, playwrights attempted to unify the action by making the secondary plots dependant upon the action in the central plot. For example, in Le Cid, the Infante, who is in love with Rodrigue, can only hope to win him over if Rodrigue and Chimène fail to remain steadfast in their love in the face of all of the obstacles they encounter (Guichemerre 94). Agathonphile martyr’s whimsical plot, however, remains close to its romanesque sources. At a moment in which dispositio is expected to be simple, Pascal’s romanesque inventio poses a problem in terms of the unity of action. For instance, although highly 75 See Guichemerre 90-1. “Le goût du public des années 1630 pour les intrigues complexes, mouvementées, riches en événements imprévus, comme celles qu’il trouvait dans les romans d’aventures contemporains. Aussi, les dramaturges vontils, dans leurs tragi-comédies, multiplier les peripéties et rebondissements, a moins qu’ils n’entrecroisent ou ne fassent se succéder plusieurs intrigues.” <?page no="60"?> 60 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie entertaining, the whole first act would most likely have seemed superfluous in the eyes of the defenders of régularité. Irenée’s seduction of her step son has no affect on the outcome of events. If anything, it only forces Agathon to flee which sets the action in motion. Irenée, who is so determined to avenge herself after she is rejected by Agathon, disappears altogether until the very last act when she converts to Christianity. Another love triangle unrelated to the central conflict is found in Act 1, Scene 4. Albin, Agathon’s friend with whom he has taken shelter, recounts his amorous adventures to Agathon. His lover Irys refuses to see him and he suspects that she has been spending time with a new lover. After hearing his story, Agathon suggests that if she were really being unfaithful to Albin, he would be able to see it in her eyes. But she acts as if nothing has changed. In Agathon’s opinion, she has a distant relative staying with her. Later in the fifth scene of Act 3, this gallant tale comes to its conclusion when Albin expresses his happiness to Agathon whose theory proves to be correct; Irys was only entertaining a cousin. Their relationship does not depend on the survival of that of Agathon’s and Triphine’s. It is simply a digression, inserted to entertain the spectators and take their minds off the seriousness of Agathon’s situation. Agathonphile martyr, like the tragicomedy of the 30s, passes from the closed space of the palace to the open space of the forest making the unity of place impossible to respect as well. The tragicomedy attempts to depict the whole world within the confines of the stage: “Les lieux clos de la tragi-comédie, comme la chambre, le temple, le jardin et la prison, jouxtent les lieux d’ouverture que sont les rivages maritimes, les forêts, les îles ou les déserts. L’action de presque toutes les tragi-comédies se déroule sur les rivages maritimes, ou du moins passe par l’élément liquide, fleuve, or mer” (Baby 234). In the politically driven tragicomedy, each space represents a different type of order: “The palace is the seat of government and law” while the “forest episodes reveal a world of total anarchy and unbridled sensuality and restrained criminality” (Gethner, “Seventeenth Century French Tragicomedy” 179). The river, more specifically the Tiber in Agathonphile martyr, is the frontier between these two diverse spaces. Triphine and Agathon’s flight to the Tiber River at the beginning of Act 4 marks the rupture in the action between the controlled space of the palace and the open space of the forest which opens itself up to unexpected encounters. Pascal attempts to suppress geographical names in order to appear as though her characters are not covering vast amounts of territory. Although Pascal indicates at the beginning of the play that all action takes place in Rome and its surrounding areas, the Roman legend indicates that Triphine and Agathon are martyred in Sicile after they are shipwrecked there. In the <?page no="61"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 61 play however, Triphine and Agathon find themselves in an anonymous wooded area. So, in appearance Pascal adheres to the unity of place, but only by neglecting to precisely situate the region where the last act takes place. 76 This problem is a witness to the difficulties in adapting a novel for a stage production. The vast amount of territory covered in the play makes the unity of time impossible to respect as well. Pascal seems to imitate Corneille, who in his Trois discours du poème dramatique (1660), would propose a rule of 36 hours. In Agathonphile martyr, we are given no indication as to what time it is until Scene 4 of Act 1 when Agathon arrives at his friend Albin’s house after fleeing from his step mother. We learn that it is well into the evening hour since his friend is so surprised to see him “at such a late hour.” Therefore, his step mother must have tried to seduce him after he had already turned in for the night. Pascal has already exceeded her 24 hour limit at only the beginning of Act 4 when Agathon arrives at midnight the next night to steal away with Triphine. After this, they lose each other in the shipwreck, are reunited, and found by their search party. We know that it must be well into the next day by the time the Christians are led away to be executed because Triphon comments on what a “funeste journée” it has been. Character Types The number of characters on stage from varying social milieus that appear in the tragicomedy is a spectacle in itself. Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr features at least thirteen characters who appear on stage, not including characters that play an invisible role such as the Emperor or the peasants who nurse Triphine back to health after the shipwreck. In Agathonphile martyr, there is certainly a wide range of social classes represented; from servants to peasants to powerful Government officials. This aspect of the tragicomedy corresponds with one of the primary traits of the baroque style; a union of contrasts: “Un des plus anciens lieux communs littéraires, celui du <<monde comme théâtre>>, de Démocrite (o kosmos skène) et Sénèque (quomodo fabula sic vita) à Shakespeare (All the world’s a stage), a été diffusé par l’humanisme … avant de devenir le grand thème baroque…. Le succès … du Théâtre du Monde de Pierre Boaistuau suggère que la société baroque s’y est elle-même reconnue: comme un drame dont la beauté est faite de contrastes et de tensions, un jeu soumis à la fortune qui élève et précipite, une inégalité de conditons qui s’oublie et s’exalte dans le spectacle” (Gibert 64). 76 Gethner finds that Pascal uses this same technique in Endymion. See Les Femmes dramaturges en France. Tome II. <?page no="62"?> 62 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie In Agathonphile martyr, much of the oppostion encountered by the lovers is created by the character type of the rival. Most often he plays the role of the unrequited lover, who in his unhappiness, tries to tear apart the couple in love. 77 In Agathonphile martyr, it is the father who plays the role of the primary opponent. As in other character roles of this type, it is unequal class status that motivates his actions. For example, in Sylvie by Mairet, the King of Sicily tries to separate his son, the prince Thélame, and a peasant girl with whom he has fallen in love, by attempting to have her killed. And in Laure persécutée by Rotrou, the King, whose son is in love with Laure, attempts to convince him that she has been unfaithful so that he will agree to marry a Polish Princess. In L’Heureux Naufrage by Rotrou, which has a plot similar to that of Agathonphile martyr, a young girl, whose father is the King of Epire, learns that her father has arranged for her to marry the King of Thrace and runs away with her lover. In most tragicomedies that feature a happy ending, this conflict is resolved in a similar manner; the obstacle is simply removed. At the very end of the play the hero or heroine learns that he or she is of noble birth, and the happy couple is free to wed. In very rare cases the father is forced to play the “bad guy” in the last scene of the play. Agathonphile martyr is highly unusual having a father who has his own daughter put to death because she will not cede to his demands and agree to an arranged marriage. In one of Rotrou’s lesser-known tragicomedies entitled Célie, we do find a similar situation in which Euphraste, who believes his daughter has dishonored him, murders her in cold blood. As in Agathonphile martyr, her death is not staged, for the bienséances would not permit such a shocking act. The difference between Triphon and Euphraste is that the latter can be pitied, since he finds out later that he has been mistaken about her intentions. Cévère, another rival in Agathonphile martyr, works together with the father to separate the lovers. In this actantial schema, the father wants to obtain Triphine for Cévère, the subject. Triphine, the object of this exchange also plays the role of the opponent, since she directly opposes the match while Agathon, who would normally play the role of the opponent, shirks his role and attempts to convince her to go along with the arranged marriage. Agathon plays the role of the helper, whom she eventually convinces to help her escape: 77 Baby 110. “Le rival toujours en position actantielle d’opposant, a pour fonction actorielle d’aimer sans réciprocité et de ruiner le couple. Son procès consiste à attaquer de quelque manière que ce soit, la relation amoureuse des héros.” <?page no="63"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 63 S: Triphon R: Cévère himself Sj: Cévère O: Triphine H: Agathon Op: Triphine, herself Fig. 2. The rival Cévère constitutes a weak rival since he never really poses a threat to Agathon. Although his status and wealth make him more of an eligible bachelor than Agathon, his old age certainly does not contribute to his desirability. Like Arnolphe in L’Ecole des femmes, this characteristic becomes his tragic flaw. Despite the undesirability of his old age, which he himself comments on frequently, he pursues Triphine with vehemence. Cévère corresponds to the comic type of the vieillard amoureux who is fully explored in Pascal’s one act farce Le Vieillard Amoureux in which an old man who, rather than marrying off his daugher because he does not want to pay for her wedding, pursues a wife for himself! Cévère is tragic as well as comical in that he is aware of his own shortcomings. He makes comments about his old age or Triphine’s youth throughout the play: “Ouy, mais je m’imagine comme elle est si jeune” (2.6); “Mais le peu d’assurance à mon cœur amoureux, qu’une jeune beauté puisse ainsi se soumettre sous cette dure loy” (2.6); “Car mon amour me presse d’aller voir aujourdhuy cette belle Maistresse, que mes longes années font tort à mes amours! ” (2.6); and “Quoy, ce jeune Agathon estoit-il plus que moy? Encor qu’il soit bien fait, & que je sois fort d’âge” (5.2). Cévère becomes vengeful however, in the last act of the play when he learns that Triphine prefers Agathon to him, and his ego turns him into a furious tyrant. He swears to kill him right in front of Triphine to make her pay for the pain she has caused him: CEVERE. Moy-mesme je le feray, si je le peux tenir, Je le veux immoler aux yeux de son Amante, C’est ainsi qu’il faudra que mon cœur se contente, Puis que cette inhumaine a voulu mespriser Mon amour (5.1) In the second scene of Act 2, we meet yet another suitor named Polydore who also wants to marry her. 78 Agathon, who would normally play the 78 Not to be confused with the name “Polyphile” which means literally “One who loves many.” See the portrait of “Polyphile, L’amant de plusieurs dames” in Charles <?page no="64"?> 64 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie role of the opponent, finds himself also in the position of the helper when Polydore asks him to speak to Triphine on his behalf. However, as Triphine clearly does not think highly of him, his passion poses no threat to Agathon, who he asks to speak to Triphine on his behalf. Triphine mocks him at the beginning of Act 3 when Agathon tells her that Polydore is in love with her. Agathon fills the role of the false confidant when they agree to pretend that she is interested in him so that they can have a good laugh about it. Later Agathon informs Polydore that Triphine is engaged to marry a powerful Senator. Completely unaware of Agathon and Tryphine’s flight or their feelings towards one another, by the time he resolves to no longer pursue her in the third scene of Act 4, he has become an object of ridicule - the comic relief from the seriousness of the matters at hand. His is a character role meant to incite laughter - un amour fou or un amour ridicule. This comic interlude is not part of the central plot since Polydore has little or no effect on the outcome of events. Polydore does not really pose a threat to Agathon, the opponent. He simply disappears before he can make trouble for the lovers. A character type similar to Polydore appears in Pascal’s one act play l’Amour Extravagant. Philon, a poet, is in love with Cloris, who is already spoken for by Tyrsis. Although he has no chance of winning her heart, he sits writing amorous poetry to her making her and the other characters laugh. In the end, Cliton, a valet, swindles a substantial amount of money out of him by convincing him that the object of his affection is dead and that he can retrieve her from the underworld if he would only agree to pay him. In the end, the fool learns that it has all been a joke. Cliton, the valet, now has enough money to marry Dorinde, Cloris’ maid. Like the fanfaron, he makes the spectators laugh as well as the characters. Although these types of comic character roles are what define a tragicomedy, they are unusual in sacred drama because they distract the spectator, pulling his or her attention away from the religious content. Fulfilling the role of rival alongside the tyrant father and the vieillard amoureux are other opponents which would include other family members Sorel’s Œuvres diverses (Paris: Par la Compagnie des libraires, Au Palais, 1663) 89. Polydore or Polydorus, in English, is most likely a reference to one of three characters featured in Greek mythology. Polydorus is the son of Cadmus and Harmonia, and father of Labdacus by his wife Nycteis, daughter of Nycteus. Another account of Polydorus found in Hecuba recounted by Euripides identifies him as a Trojan, and King Priam’s son who was killed by King Polymestor during the war. In Homer’s Illiad, Polydore is also a Trojan and the son of Priam, but he is killed during the war by Achilles. <?page no="65"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 65 who naturally support the decision of the parent. 79 Triphine’s brother Euple fulfills that particular character role since he attempts to convince her to go along with the marriage that their father has arranged for her. In Act 3, Scene 4 he tells his sister to dry her tears and submit to their father’s will: “Tachez de diverter cet excès de douleur, tachez de vous résoudre aux vouloirs de mon Père.” In the tragicomedy, the servants and confidants, who would normally play a very passive role, also fulfill the function of rival since they express opinions which oppose those of their mistresses. For example, in Corneille’s Illusion Comique, Isabelle’s servant Lise rises above her social station by attempting to control Clindor’s destiny. Since Clindor is interested in her mistress Isabelle, and Lise is his only intermediary, Corneille gives her the role of metteur-en-scène. Lise takes revenge on Clindor with whom she is in love, by having him emprisoned. It is only when she falls in love with the jailor that she allows him his freedom. Contrary to Lise who opposes her mistress because of her jealousy, Pascal’s Céliane opposes her mistress because of her self-righteousness. Céliane not only abandons her mistress but then also chooses to act as an informant to Agathon’s friends in order to warn them of his predicament. It is not surprising that Pascal would give her servant such a noble character in that she herself served as a domestic in the home of the Villeroy family. That Céliane is instilled with such superior morals and the audacity to stand up to her mistress represents a departure from the traditional theatrical servant role. Pascal’s rebellious servant Céliane is perhaps also influenced by Molière’s comedies and farces featuring insubordinate servants who often demonstrated more wit and wisdom than their masters evoking the theme of the “fête des fous” or the “monde à l’envers” 80 in which master and servant exchange roles. This violation of the code of bienséances often invited criticism. His first successful comedy, L’Etourdi (The Bungler) which Pascal would have most likely seen, was first performed in Lyon in 1655 (the same year 79 Baby 111. “Comme le rival, l’acteur parental se trouve souvent incarné par plusieurs personnages qui ont la même fonction d’opposant. Il peut s’agir de la mère, du frère, de l’oncle ou d’un tuteur dont dépendent héros et héroines.” 80 See Claude Gaignebet, Le carnaval: essais de mythologie populaire (Paris: Payot, 1979). The “monde à l’envers” is in reference to the “fête des fous” which was celebrated in medieval times beginning just after Christmas and ending with Mardi Gras. Often these festivities took place in the Church, and were organized by the Priests, deacons, and choir boys. On the “Day of the Innocents” there occurred a reversal of the hierarchy in which the choir boys would chase the priests from their places of honor. On the “Day of Saint-Etienne” they would elect their own bishop, who usually had the least authority in the Church. <?page no="66"?> 66 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie that Agathonphile martyr was published) by his troupe l’Illustre Théâtre. This play, which is said to have boosted Molière’s career, features a cunning valet named Mascarille who helps his master Lélie try to win the heart of the girl he loves whose name is Célie. While Mascarille plans ruse after ruse in the interests of his master, Lélie manages to stupidly blunder each and every one of them unintentionally. In the end, they are finally reunited by a stroke of good fortune much to the relief of the frustrated valet. Unlike Molière’s servants and valets who demonstrate their superior wit and wisdom, Pascal’s servant demonstrates her moral superiority. Moreover, although Molière’s servants often express their utter disgust with their masters, they never abandon them. Céliane however, is so disgusted by her mistress’s attempts to seduce her step son, that she leaves her permanently. Could this perhaps have evoked laughter from her audience? CELIANE. Hé bien, Madame, hé bien, Je n’en parleray plus, si je n’avance rien, Mais adieu, je vous quitte. IRENEE. Et quoy, tu m’abandonne? Est-ce là le secours que j’ay de ta personne? Ingrate Céliane, ne m’abandonne pas, Quoy, tu voudrois ainsi me causer le trépas? Hélas! Escoutes-moy, ne t’enfuys pas si viste. CELIANE. Non, non, j’ay trop d’horreur d’ouyr ce que vous dites. (1.1) Triphine’s would-be confidant, Caristée, whose loyalties remain more so with Triphon than with her mistress Triphine, also fulfills the role of opponent. Caristée tries to convince her to accept her father’s decision: “Madame, au nom des Dieux soyez plus raisonnable, & contentez Triphon, recevez cét Espoux, & quoy, s’il est âgé, c’est le meilleur pour vous…” (3.4). Caristée’s attitude towards the arranged marriage makes it impossible for Triphine to confide in her and she thus escapes from the palace in Act 4 unbeknownst to her. Themes The contrast in social class, one of the major conflicts behind the central plot in Agathonphile martyr, is another obstacle that the couples often encounter in the tragicomic world. According to Guichemerre, the frequency of this theme would indicate that this was an issue at the heart of 17 th century society (151). The resistance or conflict of interests is embodied in the father - since the Sovereign figure is not present in this play. In the tragicomedy, it is quite often the father who acts contrary to the wishes of his children, which provides the necessary resistance or conflict of interests. Triphon is a powerful Roman Senator whose daughter, Triphine, is in love with Agathon, <?page no="67"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 67 a Roman gentilhomme. Triphine realizes that the social and economic disparity between them poses an obstacle to their relationship: TRIPHINE. Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil, Son merveilleux esprit qui n’a rien de pareil: Ses belles qualitez suppleent à la fortune, Qui la fait moins que moy, c’est ce qui m’importune; C’est le plus grand obstacle à mon contentement, Mais neantmoins mon cœur l’ayme si constamment. (2.4) Even Agathon realizes that Polydore’s hopes of winning her heart are in vain since she is a member of the royal family, encumbered with numerous wealthy suitors and admirers: Agathon: Que ton espoir est vain, tu ne sçais pas encore, Si Triphine est d’humeur à souffrir des Amants, Cette aymable Beauté, qu’on voit à tous moments, Aymée & recherchée de toute la Noblesse Des plus digne Seigneurs qui font gloire sans cesse. (2.5) When Triphine proposes that they pursue a romantic relationship, Agathon is flattered, but hesitates to transgress their social markers: AGATHON. Ha! Madame, c’est trop, vostre bonté m’accable, Helas, vous sçavez bien que j’en suis incapable, Non, Madame, c’est trop, non, c’est trop, je ne puis, Songez ce que vous estes, et moy ce que je suis; Songez que je ne suis qu’un simple Gentil-homme. (3.1) And finally, in Act 4, when Cevere, a powerful Senator, finds out that Triphine has chosen Agathon over him, he is not only completely flabbergasted and offended, but becomes angry and seeks to punish the young couple for their insolence. TRIPHON. Ce jeune audacieux, enfin je vous le nomme, C’est le fils de Sabin, un simple Gentil-homme. CEVERE. Quoy, j’avois un rival, se faut-il estonner Du refus qu’elle a fait: mais quoy s’abandonner A ce petit garçon qu’elle estoit aveuglée Que son affection me semble desreglée, Imprudente Triphine. (4.4) In most tragicomedies, this issue would be resolved by a sudden twist of fate in which the hero or heroine learns that he or she is truly of equal status, allowing the couple to marry. However, in this case, there is no scene of reconnaissance. Triphine poses an economical threat to her family and indirectly to the State in choosing a husband-to-be who is beneath her station. Since <?page no="68"?> 68 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie he is not royalty, Agathon would have nothing of value to contribute to the family’s wealth and status. Pascal seems to propose a religious treatment of this theme. In Christianity, love knows no boundaries. “Tout commence avec Jesus de Nazareth. En matière du rapports sociaux, il ne faisait pas de distinction” (Duby and Perrot 142). Riches and Christianity are incompatible according to Jesus himself: “Then Jesus looked and said to his disciples, “How hard it is for those who have riches to enter the Kingdom of God! ” (Mark 10.23) This concept is echoed by Pascal herself in the Grande Bible renouvellée: “Donnez-moy, doux Jesus, le mépris des richesses et faites que mon cœur aime la pauvreté” (155). It is significant that Triphine loses all of her riches and finery in the shipwreck since they would separate her from God and keep her from entering the heavenly realm - a world in which the heroine and hero will never be separated by the existence of a social hierarchy. For in the heavenly realm, there are no social markers. This concept stems from Paul’s words in Galations 3: 27-8: “For all of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ. There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Jesus Christ.” The theme of vengeance, so prevalent in most tragicomedies of the 1630s, is also present in Agathonphile martyr. 81 However, in the context of a religious martyr play, Pascal is able to introduce the concept of forgiveness. Irenée, who has fallen in love with her own step son, in Act 1, Scene 2 has decided that she will use her sword to murder Agathon if he rejects her amorous advances. IRENE. Mais, quoy, c’est trop souffrir, il te faut donc vanger, Suis ton premier dessein, garde bien de changer, Il vaut mieux le perir, que te perir toy-mesme, S’il refuse les dons de ton amour extrême, S’il méprise mes feux, qu’il les aye en horreur, Mon amour à l’instant se va mettre en fureur, Et je m’en vay chercher un fer pour cét office. Elle prend un fer, & cherche Agathon. Il faudra que tu m’ayme, ou bien que tu perisse. It is true that jealous women who are rejected by men or betrayed, will normally seek vengeance in the tragicomedy. They strike out not only against their rivals, but also against the men who rejected them. For instance, in Le Prince Déguisé, by Scudéry, Mélanire, whose affections are not returned by the gardener, spies on him while he is talking amorously with the Princess 81 See E.C. Forsythe, La tragédie française, de Jodelle a Corneille (1563-1640); le theme de la vengeance (Paris: Nizet, 1962) for a complete study on this theme. <?page no="69"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 69 Argénie. To get revenge, she goes to the Queen to tell her what she observed. However, it is rare that a female character would take up the sword (often seen as a phallic symbol of masculine strength) with the intentions of burying it in her lover’s breast. For example, in Corneille’s Le Cid, Chimène acknowledges her impotence in refusing to take Don Rodrigue’s sword to avenge her father: XIMENA. Despite the love that I- For all my burning rage - am tortured by, I’ll do all within my power to satisfy My father’s honor. Yet despite the hard Demands of justice, deep within my heart I pray I lack the power to punish you. (3.4) Since Agathon is able to escape from her, Irenée is forced to avenge herself in a more indirect manner. She decides to tell her husband, Sabin, that his own son tried to rape and kill her, knowing that Sabin will not let his crime go unpunished. However, it is not until the final scene of the play when Sabin finally has the chance to avenge his wife for the crimes committed against her. Instead of allowing her husbad to kill him, however, Irenée reminds him that he must allow the authorities to determine his fate: IRENEE. N’en faites pas, Sabin, vous-mesme la Justice, Il faut un’autre main pour faire cét office. (5.2) Since Richelieu had made the duel illegal in order to reinforce the King’s authority, this kind of political progaganda is not at all unusual in plays of the classical period which tend to discourage acts of private vengeance and encourage submission to authorities in all judicial matters. 82 Therefore, Sabin listens to his wife and gives his son a chance to defend himself against the crime of which he has been accused. However, when Agathon accuses Irenée of lying, she has a change of heart and admits to her licentious behavior: IRENEE. Non, non, ne cachons rien, Non, il est innocent, & moy je suis coulpable; Enfin, de quel tourment ne suis-je pas capable? Ce fut moy, que bruslée par des charmes si doux, Me laissant emporter à ses aymables coups. (5.2) Illustrating exemplary Christian conduct, Agathon is quick to forgive her: 82 See for example Act 2, Scene 1 in Corneille’s Le Cid where Don Arias tries to encourage the Count to allow the King to settle his dispute with Don Diegue: DON ARIAS. Then let your great heart yield to the King’s command; He is deeply moved, and should you anger him, He might bring down upon you all his power. <?page no="70"?> 70 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie AGATHON. Madame, levez-vous, Quoy, je pourrois souffrir de vous voir à genoux? Non, non, je vous pardonne. (5.2) Contrasing with these Christian themes found in Agathonphile martyr, are the themes of youth and beauty. Agathon and Triphine correspond to the traditional couple featured in the tragicomedy. Always described as being young and beautiful, they are logically the most well-suited for each other. Euple describes their mutual attraction for one another: EUPLE. Quand ils ont reconnus l’un & l’autre leurs charmes L’innocence à l’amour a rendues les armes, Triphine est toute belle, Agathon tout parfait. (4.4) Even Triphon admits that Agathon is handsome: TRIPHON. Il est vray qu’il n’est que trop bien fait. (4.4) Similarly, Polydore emphasizes Triphine’s beauty in his monologue: POLYDORE. Qui ne seroit charmé de ses divins regards? Qui peuvent allumer des feux de toutes parts, Au moment que je vis cette belle Triphine, Je fus ravy des traits de sa face divine. (2.2) The characters speak often not only of Agathon’s attractiveness but also of his wit and eloquence. For instance, Polydore is admiring of Agathon’s fine qualities that have won him the respect of a noble household: POLYDORE. Te peux-tu pas servir de ce jeune Agathon, Qu’on favorise tant au Palais de Triphon? Autant par sa beauté, comme par son addresse, Et par son bel esprit, & par sa gentilesse. (2.2) Triphine is also enamored of both Agathon’s physical traits and intelligence: TRIPHINE. Cét aymable Agathon possede tant d’appas, Et des traits si charmants, que pour ne l’aymer pas, Il faut estre insensible, Il n’est rien qui le seconde, Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil, Son merveilleux esprit qui n’a pas rien de pareil (2.4) The originality of Pascal’s treatment of this theme is her emphasis on the idea that eloquence is just as important as beauty in a woman. Here Agathon admires Triphine’s ability to express herself in addition to her beauty: AGATHON. Je me crois seulement son indigne subject, Encor que je ne puis souffrir tant de merveilles, Sans en estre charmé, mes yeux & mes oreilles Sont ravis à l’aspect d’une telle beauté (2.5) <?page no="71"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 71 In Act 5 of the play Agathon celebrates Triphine’s beauty, but also her mouth which serves as an instrument of love: Agathon. Il n’est que trop certain, mon Amante est perdüe, Sans espoir que jamais elle me soit rendüe; Ha perfide élément, jaloux de nos beaux feux, Tu trompes donc ainsi les chastes amoureux? Puisque mon beau Soleil s’est éclypsé dans l’onde, Je ne souhaitte plus de vivre dans le monde, Où sont donc ces beaux yeux tout remplis de clarté, Ces beaux astres d’amour qui m’avoient enchanté? Cette bouche où l’amour faisoit son plus beau Temple, Ne vous verray-je plus, merveille sans exemple, Belle bouche, c’est vous que par vos doux accents M’aviez nommé l’objet de vos feux innocents (5.1) Note Agathon’s use of the metaphor “beau Soleil” to describe Triphine’s great beauty and describes her eyes as “beautiful stars of love” or “beaux astres d’amour.” Her “belle bouche” or “beautiful mouth” is what she uses to declare her love for him. This verse is highly reminiscent of Benserade’s sonnet which praises the mouth of his lover who is beautiful and well-spoken: Bouche vermeille au doux sourire, Bouche au parler délicieux. Bouche qu’on ne sçauroit décrire, Bouche d’un tour si gracieux. The importance female eloquence is echoed in Pascal’s poem “La Belle Stupide,” published in Diverses Poësies, in which she makes fun of women who focus too much on their appearance rather than on their speech: La nature est digne de blâme, D’avoir embelli votre corps De tous les plus rares trésors Sans avoir enrichi votre âme. Cette inégalité nous épouvante tous; Cependant vos défauts vous les croyez des charmes. Mais ils ne font rendre les armes Qu’à des stupides comme vous. Dès que vos beautés sans pareille Eclatent de tous les côtés, Et tiennent les yeux arrêtés, Vos discours choquent les oreilles. Vous plaisez beaucoup mieux quand vous ne dites rien. <?page no="72"?> 72 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie The “Belle Stupide’s” tendancy to “choquer” or “to shock” the “oreilles” (ears) of her admirers with her lack of eloquence is in direct opposition with Triphine, the ideal galante, who is able to “charm” the ears of her admirers with her refined speech. In Agathonphile martyr, the lovers’ beauty and youth become fatal flaws since it is these qualities which draw the rival’s attention. The fact that Irenée is married to Agathon’s father does not stop her from lusting after him: CELIANE. Madame, au nom des Dieux, esteignez cette flâme, Qui vous feroit passer à jamais pour infame, Le fils de vostre Espoux! IRENEE. C’est en vain que je veux Esteindre le brasier de mon cœur amoureux, Je ne puis resister à de si fortes armes, Sçais-tu pas qu’Agathon possede tant de charmes… CELIANE. Il est vray qu’il est beau, que ses charmes sont doux, Mais vous. IRENEE. Que me dis-tu? Je ne suis pas sa mere. CELIANE. Mais ne sçavez-vous pas que Sabin est son pere? (1.1) Cévère’s old age makes the prospect of a young and beautiful wife all the more tempting: CEVERE. Hé bien, Monsieur, allez, car mon amour me presse D’aller voir aujourd’hui cette belle Maistresse, Que mes longues années font tort à mes amours! Puis-je bien esperer de me voir quelques jours Possesseur d’un objet le plus parfait du monde? Une jeune beauté, qui n’a point de seconde (2.6) In order to discourage him from pursuing her, Triphine considers disfiguring herself, a tactic heroines must resort to from time to time in the tragicomedy: 83 TRIPHINE. A quoy bon conserver mes beautez pour Cevere, Non, chere Caristée, je voudrois au contraire Me rendre bien hideuse, afin qu’il eut horreur: Ha! Fatale beauté. (3.4) Caristée of course discourages her from taking such rash action. But Agathon encourages her to profit from her looks, a suggestion which is surprising in the context of a Christian martyr play. He suggests that she marry the old 83 In Célidée, by Rayssiguier, Calirie disfigures herself with a diamond to keep Alidor from making advances. <?page no="73"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 73 Senator whose heart will grow weaker and more feeble at the sight of her beauty. His inevitable death will allow her to live out the rest of her days as she wishes. AGATHON. Madame croyez-moi, calmez cette tristesse, Vous voyez que Cévère est chargé de vieillesse, Et qu’il ne pourra pas faire ici long séjour, La mort lui ravira la lumière du jour, Ne pouvant pas souffrir que cet Epoux avare Soit longtemps possesseur d’une beauté si rare: Il mourra tout comblé de ses félicités, Ne pouvant supporter l’éclat de votre beauté, Son cœur déjà tout faible, et ses longues années, Par une prompte mort s’en vont être bornées, Alors vous serez libre, et pourrez disposer Mieux de vos volontés. (3.6) This kind of trickery is certainly not consistent with the way a saint should conduct him or herself! Spectacularity The motifs of insanity, sleep, and unconsciousness, often exploited in the traditional tragicomedy for their “spectacular” qualities as well as their abilitiy to illustrate the various spiritual states are all found in Agathonphile martyr. Let us first examine the motif of sleep as it is seen in the play. The scene in the play in which Irenée observes Agathon while sleeping has little or no effect on the central conflict. It is inserted at the beginning of the play to grab the spectator’s attention. The spectator knows that the sleeper can wake up at any moment and that his immobility/ silence will be transformed into action/ words. 84 The spectator awaits Agathon’s reaction to Irenée’s violently amorous gestures having been forewarned by Celiane in Act 1, Scene 1 of his likely aversion to his step mother’s advances. Sleep permits voyeurism, amorous gestures, and sometimes even acts of violence as we see in Act 1, Scene 2 in which Irenée relishes the thought of burying her sword in Agathon’s chest if he will not return her kiss. This scene is similar to Act 2, Scene 2 in Rotrou’s L’hypocondriaque, ou, le mort amoureux, tragi-comédie (1631) when Lysidor, who is in love with Cléonice, steals a kiss from her while she is sleeping. His voyeurism, like 84 See Baby 241. “La représentation du sommeil sur la scène implique en effet au travers du personnage endormi, la présence d’un personnage visible mais absent, qu’un brusque réveil peut animer d’un instant à l’autre.” <?page no="74"?> 74 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Irenée’s, turns into violence when his advances are rejected. Like her, he attempts to justify his criminal intentions by the suffering that Clénice’s charms has caused him: LYSIDOR. Ha! C’est trop discourir, il faut ame de souche, Que la force aujourd’hui les consacre à ma bouche! Inutiles respects, autheurs de mon tourment, Si je vous suis encore, je souffre justement. Son cœur est trop injuste et cette ingrate amorce Qui me charme l’esprit authorise la force. (2.2) In the same “seduction scene” discussed above in Agathonphile martyr, we also find the tragi-comic motif of insanity exploited by the author. In Act 1, Scene 2, we see that Irenée’s passion has driven her to the point of schizophrenia. She seems to be engaged in an internal debate with her other more dangerous “self” who convinces her amorous less aggressive “self” to seek revenge in the case that her advances are rejected by Agathon: IRENEE. A quoy te resous-tu, malheureuse Irenée? N’es-tu pas sous le Ciel, la plus infortunée? Mais quoy, c’est trop souffrir, il te faut donc vanger Suis ton premier dessein, garde bien de changer, Il vaut mieux le perir, que te perir toy-mesme. The antanaclase on the word “périr” describes her somewhat delicate state of mind brought on by her passion which has slowly driven her mad. Her more psychotic self would rather kill Agathon than drown in the sorrows of an unrequited love. Her “two selves” take up a sword on her way to Agathon’s bedchambers prepared to kill him if necessary: IRENEE. Suis, allons maintenant, suivons notre dessein… Ne perdons point courage, allons dedans sa chambre, Entrons tout doucement, afin de le surprendre, Mais, Dieux, cachons ce fer, qui le peut alarmer…. (2.2) The use of the first-person plural for the verbs “aller, perdre, suivre, and entrer” emphasizes her multiple personality. The sight of her sleeping victim gives her lucidity of mind and Irenée becomes a spectator of her own insanity, or criminal behavior, dropping her weapons as her “fury” subsides: IRENEE. Criminelle Irenée, quitte, quitte ces armes, Mais quel est mon transport, & mon ravissement, Elles me sont glissées, mais insensiblement, Elles me sont tombées sans m’en estre apperceuë… Vos douceurs ont chassé la fureur de mon cœur (2.2) <?page no="75"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 75 In Agathonphile martyr, the author also utilizes the motif of fainting - imitating the passage from life to death. In Act 3, Scene 2, Triphine’s fainting foreshadows her own death when her father vows that he will marry her to Cévère against her will: TRIPHON. Il faut que l’Hymenée s’accomplisse demain, Resolvez-vous bien-tost, car quoy qu’il en avienne J’ay donné ma parole, il faut que je la tienne. TRIPHINE. Ouy bien, si je ne meurs. TRIPHON. Ha! vous ne mourrez pas. TRIPHINE. Si mon rigoreux sort ne me le permet pas… TRIPHINE. Hélas! Je n’en puis plus. CARISTEE. O Dieux, elle se pasme! Soutenez-la, Seigneur. EUPLE. Ha, ma sœur…. Triphine’s physical reaction is one of shock. The loss of consciousness permits her lifeless body to be in full view of the spectators - in a state which leaves her spirit somewhere between presence and absence. Her fainting, which is symbolic of her future death in this scene, is symptomatic not only of the tragicomedy, but also of baroque literature in general: Si l’inspiration funèbre marque l’art et la littérature baroques, si le traditionnel reproche de <<mauvais goût>> est en partie motivé par un certain étalage de crânes, de tibias, et de squelettes, si la mort est volontiers mise en speactacle, c’est sans doute qu’à l’époque elle est réellement spectaculaire… Mais la violence indéniable des calamités n’explique pas tout; leur place en littérature relève aussi d’<<un certain goût pour la mort>> manifesté par quelques caractères spécifiquement <<baroques>>: emphase et théâtralisation; fascination pour la mort en action, agonies et martyres…. (Gibert 85) The theme of love is perhaps the most spectacular in Agathonphile martyr since the spectator witnesses the development of the love between Agathon and Triphine. This is typical of the “pre-classic” tragicomedy: Si, dans le pièces, plus “classiques”, représentant une “crise”, l’amour existe déjà entre les protagonistes, quand l’action commence - citons Laure persécutée, Edouard, Cariste, Théodore-, beaucoup de tragi-comédies des années 1630, qui aiment à raconter une histoire ab ovo, nous font assister à la naissance de l’amour (Guichemerre 56). In the second act of Agathonphile martyr, Triphine realizes that her feelings for Agathon are no longer those of a friend: <?page no="76"?> 76 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie TRIPHINE. Ha! que j’ay de soucis du depuis le moment Que l’Amour me fit voir Agathon si charmant: Je l’ay plus regardé avec cette innocence Dont je le regardois dans nostre jeune enfance, Un certain feu nouveau commence à m’emflâmer. (2.4) The ring therefore becomes a preuve d’amour, or the visible proof of their true affections towards one another when their love is finally declared in front of the spectators. 85 In Act 3, Scene 1, Triphine presents Agathon with a ring, proof of her eternal love for him: TRIPHINE. Mon frere, c’est assez, je vous donne ma foy, En fin, je suis à vous, soyez donc tout à moy, Et soyez bien secret, gardez qu’on nous soupçonne, Recevant cét anneau que Triphine vous donne. Triphine’s gage d’amour seals her fate which she utters just before the presentation of the ring: “Je vous dis que la mort seulement n’auroit pas le pouvoir de rompre mon serment” (2.1). The ring, given as a promise of her undying love, foreshadows her own death since their love will be rejected in a society that privileges the mariage de convenance. Rhétorique amoureuse Agathonphile martyr is a spectacular play which appeals to the eye as well as to the ear. While the theater of the 1630s often represents realistic and crude images of physical violence, such images begin to disappear after 1636. It is through rhetoric, and more specifically rhétorique amoureuse, inspired by d’Urfé’s pastoral novel and the poésie amoureuse of the 16 th century, that playwrights will attempt to stimulate the imagination and the emotions of the spectators in the tragicomedy: C’est en effet une véritable rhétorique passionnelle, si l’on peut dire, qu’utilisent les auteurs de tragi-comédies, rhétorique qui exprime les sentiments exaltés des personnages et cherche à faire partager au public 85 See Baby 217. “Lorsqu’il soutient le discours de l’amour ou celui de l’amitié, l’objet prend la valeur d’un gage: garantie matérielle du sentiment, il le concrétise apparaissant, comme des gages de la parole amoureuse le bracelet, des cheveux, la bague, le mouchoir, l’écharpe, la lettre écrite avec du sang, et comme gages d’amitié ou de bonne foi, les bijoux. Dans tous ces exemples, l’objet équivaut au support matériel du sentiment exprimé. Il peut donc réconforter les amants et les conforter dans leur passion car les amoureux ne peuvent douter de la matérialité de l’objetgage; le signifiant tangible de l’amour prouve la réalité du sentiment amoureux, et constitue la promesse de l’union à venir.” <?page no="77"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 77 leurs ardeurs, leurs violences, leurs douleurs. Ce langage qui ne craint ni l’outrance ni la surcharge pour mieux entraîner ou émouvoir l’auditoire, emploie avec prédiliction un certain nombre de tropes et de figures de style - métaphores, hyperboles, antithèses -, tandis que reviennent constamment quelques formes d’écriture théâtrale - monologues douloureux et stances lyriques; tirades passionnées où abondent apostrophes, interrogations oratoires, anaphores et répétitions amplificatrices; duos pathétiques ou stichomyties haletantes. (Guichemerre 198) For instance, one finds the use of interrogation and répétition throughout the play. Largely used in the deliberative discourse, interrogation is used to convey the speaker’s passion, who attempts to persuade his or her interlocuteur, taking an opposite position in a matter. Here, in Act 1, Scene 1 through the repetition of the inversion of the verbs “croire” and “savoir” Céliane tries to convince Irenée that her step son will not return her feelings: CELIANE. Mais ne sçavez-vous pas que Sabin est son pere? Encor il est Chrestien, Croyez-vous que les Dieux N’ayent pas en horreur cét amour odieux? Croyez-vous qu’un garçon si prudent & si sage, Qui ne regarde pas une femme au visage, Aye d’amour pour vous…. We find more repetition of interrogative words in Act 1, Scene 4 where Albin tells Agathon that he has just seen his lover with another man and that he is prepared to fight him in a duel. Agathon attempts to convince Albin that he may be jumping to conclusions about the infidelity of his lover. Here he repeats the verb “croire” to persuade Albin that his lover is not acting like a woman “caught in the act”: AGATHON. Ha, quel esprit jaloux, Dieu que tu t’imagine, Crois-tu bien qu’elle osast faire si bonne mine A ce nouvel Amant, encore devant toy? Crois que cela n’est pas, je t’engage ma foy. We find an instance of the anaphore, or the repetition of the interrogative “quand” at the beginning of Polydore’s monologue in Act 2, Scene 2 which he uses to express his impatience to reveal his love to Triphine: POLYDORE. Quand découvriras-tu le feu qui te devore? Quand approcheras-tu cette aymable beauté, Quand en oseras-tu prendre la liberté? In Agathonphile martyr, as well as in other tragicomedies of the 30s, we find short passages called stances which are constructed in another meter besides <?page no="78"?> 78 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie alexandrin. 86 This lyrical poetic style is more or less attributed to the influence of the pastoral (Baby 221). Act 4, Scene 1 marks a rupture in meter from alexandrin to octosyllables. In this scene, which is strikingly romantic, a mournful Agathon attempts to find solace in nature. According to Hilgar, the forme plate or the alexandrin, is normally spoken within the confines of the palace or the prison while the stances, are uttered in open spaces offered by nature - the fields, the forests, and rivers: “Objet clos, la forme singulière se développe volontiers dans le lieu fermé de la prison, du temple, ou de la chambre. Mais forme ouverte, elle se développe “en plein air’ dans les forêts, sur les rivages, et les déserts… l’extérieur vaut l’intérieur: la souffrance morale trouve des recours extérieurs” (234). In an apostrophe, a figure in which “un homme étant extraordinairement ému, se tourne de tous côtés, il s’addresse au ciel, à la terre, aux rochers, aux forêts, aux choses insensibles…. Il ne fait aucun discernement dans cette émotion; il cherche du secours de tous côtés: il s’en prend à toutes choses…” (Lamy 212). Agathon expresses his desire for death to come and take him so great is his suffering for his lost love. In his madness, he senses that the wind, the echos, and the brook are responding to his torment. Lost in his emotions, Agathon directly addresses the Echo: STANCES J’entends le zephyr qui souspire, Comme de mon tourment surpris, Les Echos respondent à mes cris, Mais le sort ne fait que s’en rire: Escoute, impitoyable sort Ce petit ruisseau qui murmure, Chaque chose fait un effort Pour guerir le mal que j’endure: Mais Echo respond-moy, console mes douleurs, Dis moy qu’il m’adviendra apres tant de mal’heurs (5.1) The monologue in stances allows the hero to exteriorize that which is interior. His emotions become a perceptible object. He expresses his love, his hopes, his disillusionment, and his regrets. Agathon refers to his passion for Triphine as a sickness for which death is the only cure, or “guérison.” Triphine’s “fausse mort” engenders suicidal tendencies in our hero. Not only does he call upon the flora to help in his despair, but he also addresses the fauna. He invites the tigers, lions, and wild animals to put an end to his 86 For a complete analysis of this stylistic feature see Marie-France Hilgar, La Mode des Stances dans le Théâtre Tragique français (Paris: Nizet, 1974) and also Hélène Baby, La tragi-comédie de Corneille à Quinault (Paris: Klincksieck, 2001) 220-2. <?page no="79"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 79 grief. He asks the Echo to tell him what his destiny is after having suffered a separation from the object of his love. La mort, & pourquoy ne vient-elle, Quand je la souhaitte si fort? Je ne demande que la mort, Mais quoy, ma peine est immortelle, Tygres, Lyons, fiers animaux, Venez à moy, je vous en prie, Si vous mettez fin à mes maux, Je beniray vostre furie: Mais que feray je encor pour mon plus grand bonheur, Respond-moy, cher Echo, contente mon humeur. (5.1) As in Rodrigue’s famous monologue in Le Cid, the internal dialogue is deliberative - signaling an immediate decision to be made. In the third stance, Agathon asks the echo whether he should expect to live or to die: “Dis moy, que dois-je attendre, ou la vie, ou la mort? ” He answers his own question in the last stance where he resolves to “mourir sans mourir” or to die without dying. The use of the antanaclase on the verb “mourir” emphasizes the inextricable link between life and passion: Helas, cher Echo que je meure, Je le voudrois, & ne peux pas, Tu dis bien, mais tu ne sçais pas, Le destin veut que je demeure, Et que je meure sans mourir, Qu’éternellement je languisse, Et toujours me plaindre & souffrir. Sans que mon tourment se finisse, Tes discours innocents ne font rien esperer, Et tout ce que tu dis me fait desesperer. Stances are poetic - meant to be a pause in the action. However, the interruption that occurs in the action when Triphine arrives unexpectedly is mirrored in the versification itself which returns to its regular meter. In addition to the stances, one will not fail to observe themes inspired by Petrarchan images, popular in pièces galantes of the day, which appear throughout Agathonphile martyr; the cruel lady whose eyes shoot fiery darts and pierce the heart of her lover and the consuming fire of passion. While these figures are often used to describe the female object of desire, in Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr, this code is often reversed and it is the female who describes the male’s physical beauty. For example, the sun is a figure typically used to describe a woman’s beauty in Rotrou’s plays. In Rotrou’s <?page no="80"?> 80 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie L’Hypocondriaque in Act 5, Scene 1, Cloridan who goes to Hell to search for his lost Perside, begs Cléonice to find his “beau soleil.” And in Céliane Act 1, Scene 2, Pamphile, who offended his lover Nise because he did not recognize her in cognito, addresses her as such: PAMPHILE. Cher soleil que j’adore, Tu ne peux être éteint, puisque je brûle encore. Triphine in Agathonphile martyr however, compares the male hero Agathon to a sun whose physical and intellectual perfection makes him an object of adoration to be worshipped by all: TRIPHINE. Il faut estre insensible, Il n’est rien dans le monde De plus parfait que luy, ny rien qui le seconde, Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil, Son merveilleux esprit qui n’a rien de pareil (2.4) Throughout Agathonphile martyr, the metaphors that express the mal d’amour, are not only used by the heroes, but also by the heroines to describe their violent passions. 87 The metaphor, defined by Lamy as “nom que l’on transporte de la chose dont ils sont le nom propre, pour les appliquer à des choses qu’ils ne signifient qu’indirèctement” (165) is used in amorous discourse as an exaggerated expression of one’s sentiments for another. From the very first scene of the play the use of the words “flamme”, mon cœur embrasé, brasier, and feu” as metaphors for Irenée’s lustful desires for her husband’s son Agathon are exploited by the author. The flame and its synonyms symbolize “la toute puissante emprise de l’amour sur l’âme” (Pelous 81). Like Phèdre who would later seek to “extinguish” the burning flame of passion in her heart, Irenée suffers from her unquenched passion and begs her servant Celiane to act as her confidante: IRENEE. Que ma flamme est contrainte, & qu’il m’est mal-aisé De cacher les ardeurs de mon cœur embrasé: Ce divin Agathon qui cause mon martyre A si bien dans mon ame étably son Empyre. Que je brûle pour luy depuis le premier jour Que je consideray ce prodige d’Amour: Je n’ay jamais osé luy découvrir ma flâme, J’ay gardé si long-temps ce brasier dans mon ame (1.1) Irenée “burns” for Agathon and hopes that her passionate words will fall on sympathetic ears. She insists that it cannot be her own fault that she burns 87 See Gisèle Mathieu-Castellani, La rhétorique des passions (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 2000) 175. “Non naturelles, les passions sont des maladies de l’âme… l’amour lui-même est une maladie.” <?page no="81"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 81 with passion for her husband’s own son by hyperbolizing or exaggerating his great effect of the women of Rome: “Sçais-tu pas que dans Rome mille jeunes beautés brûlent pour ce jeune homme? ” (1.1) Her servant Céliane however, will not hear of it and demands that she “extinguish” this raging fire when her Mistress asks her what she should do about this “feu si violent.” CELIANE. Ha! Madame, estouffez ce brasier aveuglant; Madame, au nom des Dieux, esteignez cette flamme (1.1) Irenée insists upon her utter helplessness to rise above her own weakness stating that “Plus je veux éteindre et tant plus il s’allume.” Additionally, she refers to her passion as “sickness” to convince Céliane of the graveness of her situation: “Tu ne connais pas bien quelle est ma maladie.” In Polydore’s monologue in the second scene of Act 2 in which he expresses his love for Triphine, we find the same metaphorical figures. Polydore, like Irenée speaks of the passion that “burns” in his heart and “devours” him like a wildfire: POLYDORE. Jamais je n’ay tant veu de beauté, ny de charmes, Ny l’amour n’a jamais allumé tant de flâmes Dans le cœur d’un Amant, comme il a dans le mien: Mais ne pourrois-je pas trouver quelque moyen D’aborder cette Belle, Amoureux Polydore, Quand découvriras-tu le feu qui te devore? He as well speaks of his passion like a “sickness” for which he must find a cure: POLYDORE. Et faites-luy sçavoir que mon mal est extrême: Mais, que dis-je insensé, que j’ay peu de raison, Que de vouloir ainsi chercher ma guerison, Ne peux-je pas trouver quelque meilleur remede Pour soulager un peu le mal qui me possede (2.2) Triphine expresses her love for Agathon in similar terms in her monologue in Act 2, Scene 4. Her love for Agathon burns like a flame: TRIPHINE. Un certain feu nouveau commence à m’emflâmer, Avec tant de douceur, il me fait presumer, Que mon cœur est atteint d’une flamme amoureuse…. The violence of love is often expressed through such petrarchan figures as arrows and darts that pierce that heart of the lover. In Polydore’s monologue in the second scene of Act 2 in which he expresses his love for Triphine, we find the same kind of Petrarchan metaphorical figures. He describes the “wounds” <?page no="82"?> 82 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie that have been made by the eyes of his beautiful lover and the “fire” that is ignited by her every glance: POLYDORE. Qui m’a fait dans le cœur cette playe nouvelle? Quoy, ne seroit-ce point les yeux de cette belle? Qui ne seroit charmé de ses divins regards? Qui peuvent allumer des feux de toutes parts…. Agathon’s monologue exploits similar imagery in Act 2, Scene 5 in which he speaks of the power of Triphine’s “regard” to set his heart aflame. The fire from her eyes enters his heart and enslaves him: AGATHON. Encor que je ne puis souffrir tant de merveilles, Sans en estre charmé, mes yeux & mes oreilles Sont ravis à l’aspect d’une telle beauté, Ses discours seulement ostent la liberté, Les moindres de ses traits peuvent brusler les âmes Insensibles à l’amour, & luy rendre les armes: Un seul de ses regards enchaisne tous les cœurs; De ses admirateurs, ces aymables vainqueurs, Lancent de si beaux feux, que j’ay beau m’en deffendre Il faut que malgré moy mon cœur s’y laisse prendre…. As in the previous example we have seen, it is traditionally the female who is the object of the male gaze in Petrarchan poetry. It is she whose eyes shoot fiery darts lighting the heart of her lover on fire. However, in this case it is the female who is consumed with fiery passion upon gazing at the object of her desire. Triphine describes how Agathon’s charms have pierced her heart: TRIPHINE. Malgré ma resistance, amour est mon vainqueur, Il a tant decoché de fleches dans mon cœur, Que la derniere en fin a fait une blesseure, Que malgré mes efforts il faut qu’elle y demeure. (2.4) Irenée also falls victim to the Agathon’s regard. In this passage, Agathon is the object of desire, and the victim of voyeurism: IRENEE. Mais ô Ciel, parlons bas, le voila qui sommeille, Il est dessus son lict, cette douce merveille, Il dort, ce bel object, il ferme ses beaux yeux, Dont les premiers regards me mirent toute en feux; Doucement, mon amour, n’esclate pas encore, Ne romp pas le sommeil de celuy que j’adore: Crois-tu bien que ce fer, que dans mes mains j’ay pris, Execute le coup que j’avois entrepris? Non, non, j’ay trop d’amour, & suis trop pitoyable, <?page no="83"?> The 17 th century tragicomedy 83 Pour deffaire si tost un object tant aymable! Ha! qu’il est ravissant, Dieux que d’attraits nouveaux! Qui ne voudroit brusler pour des charmes si beaux? Je me sens consumer par des nouvelles flammes…. (1.2) Agathon is clearly placed in a vulnerable passive position and furthermore, the adjectives that describe his traits are those that might be used to describe a female: une douce merveille, aux beaux yeux, charmant, ravissant, etc, etc… While Louise Labé, in which Pascal was most likely to have found inspiration, was the first to reverse the petrarchan code in her poetry, Pascal may have been the first to implement this practice in the genre of the tragicomedy. 88 Another figure related to Petrarchism found in Agathonphile martyr is love personified. When Agathon finally awakens to discover his step mother by his bedside, he endeavors to leave but finds himself pinned down. Irenée, in the attempt to seduce him, enters into a gallant debate with him on the topic of love, in which she inquires as to whether or not he can resist Love’s flames: IRENEE. Amour ne sera-il jamais vostre vainqueur, Le verra-on jamais entrer dans vostre cœur? Quoy, vivrez-vous tousjours dans cette indifférence? Ne voulez-vous donner jamais point d’esperence? Se peut-il que l’amour vous aye fait si beau, Sans vous faire sentir l’ardeur de son flambeau? (2.2) After Agathon embarrassingly asks that she refrain from entering into such “discourse”, she repeats her original question: “Crois-tu bien que l’amour jamais ne te surmonte? Ton cœur resiste en vain, crois-tu d’en eschapper? ” Agathon responds with the sentence or maxim stating that “Those who believe they can (escape love) deceive themselves”: Agathon: Ceux-là qui le croiroient, se pourroient bien se tromper, Quoy, n’ay-je pas un cœur sensible comme un autre? (1.2) Irenée, playing off of his response that he has a sensitive heart just like any other states that she has never seen one as “hard.” The oxymoron, or the union of contrasting terms in one word, is also a trope favored in petrarchism since it expresses the duality of sentiments brought upon by the Lady’s cruel rejection. In the second scene of Act 1, Agathon’s handsome traits force Irenée’s more violent self to abandon her arms and to return to her more amorous self: 88 See for example sonnets II and III in Louise Labé, Œuvres Poétiques (Paris: Gallimard, 1983). <?page no="84"?> 84 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie IRENEE. Criminelle Irenée, quitte, quitte ces armes, Mais quel est mon transport, & mon ravissement, Elles me sont glissées, mais insensiblement, Elles me sont tombées sans m’en estre apperceuë. Ha! célèstes attraits vous m’avez donc vaincuë, Vos douceurs ont chassé la fureur de mon cœur, Ouy, je vous rends les armes, adorable vainqueur…. Note the oxymoron “adorable vainqueur” which Irenée uses to describe Agathon’s ability to render her defenseless. At the end of the scene when Agathon finally manages to escape her clutches, Irenée in her utter despair cries out that she will take revenge upon this “bel inhumain.” This oxymoron accurately describes the duality of her feelings for Agathon who seems both charming and cold at the same time contrasting with the constant fiery passion which “burns” in her heart. Pascal’s exploitation of these petrarchan images and ornaments associated with the discours galant would have pleased her associates in the cercle précieux. Furthermore, the reversal of the petrarchan code is in line with the lifestyle of the mondaines in the second half of the 17 th century in Lyon, who were not at all contrary to the idea of pursuing male lovers. One has only to peruse the portraits found in the Grand Dictionnaire des précieuses to find anecdotes about précieuses in Lyon who took drastic measures to win the hearts of men such as Coriolane, who went as far as to give a love potion to the object of her affections. Despite the gallant tone of Agathonphile martyr, the ending seems to bring us back to a more spiritual focus, which would have satisfied those seeking moral instruction. A tragic ending? While tragicomedies typically end happily with the removal of the obstacle, Pascal’s play ends unhappily with the deaths of not only the hero and the heroine, but also of all the other characters who convert to Christianity. Could it be that the “perspective chrétienne supprime le malheur et la souffrance? ” (Fischer 36). In Christianity, if anyone dies in the name of Christ, he or she will be rewarded in heaven. “Blessed are those who are persecuted for righteousness’ sake, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven” (Mat 5: 10). From this point of view, Pascal was perhaps right to classify her play as a tragicomedy since the Christian death is a passage to eternal bliss and happiness. *** With the exception of the problematic tragic ending, Pascal’s tragicomedy does in fact resemble the tragicomedy of the 30s. The poème composé is how- <?page no="85"?> 17 th century gallantry 85 ever quite rare in the 1650s at a moment in theater when the poème simple is becoming an important determining factor in a play’s success. Corneille’s Polyeucte sets the bar very high since his work is the first poème simple with a Christian subject. Clearly the 1650s represents a transition period in theater that marks the beginning of the end for both the religious tragedy and the tragicomedy. The tragicomedy begins to disappear after 1652, and the Christian tragedy will not be far behind it after the querelle de la moralité du théâtre. Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr is a curious mélange of these two genres - having both a religious inventio and an irregular romanesque dispositio reminiscent of the tragicomedy of the 30s. Pascal’s decision to return to the romanesque tragicomedy highlighting the adventures of two lovers may be explained by the gaining popularity of the novel in the second half of the century and the influence of Scudéry’s “Carte de Tendre” so appreciated by the société mondaine published in 1654 just one year before Pascal’s play was published. The influence of this work in Agathonphile martyr may also explain the reversal of the male and female roles in the actantial schemas that we observed in the analysis. The female inclination posed a threat to the stability of social hierarchy particularly with the “Carte de Tendre” because it developed the idea that women can follow their own hearts, rejecting the concept of an arranged marriage, a subject that will be addressed in more detail later on. 89 17 th century gallantry Like Pascal’s other tragicomedies, Agathonphile martyr is a witness to the growing popularity and appreciation of the contemporary novel, which was becoming more cherished within the aristocratic circles, specifically in the Salons primarily among female readers in the second half of the 17 th century. 90 Madeleine de Scudéry, a grande précieuse, had just published her 10 volume work Artamène ou le Grand Cyrus in 1649-53 and the first installement of her novel Clélie, histoire romaine which first appeared in 1654, just one year before Pascal published her first play. A symptom of the new littérature galante, various allegorical maps of love appeared throughout fictional works in the 89 For a detailed account of this argument see Joan DeJean, Tender Geographies (NY: Columbia U Press, 1991) 86-93. 90 Maurice Lever states in Le roman français au XVII e siècle (Paris: PUF, 1981) that women were the greatest consumers of the French novel during that time period. “Est-il besoin de dire après cela que les liseurs de romans-ou pour mieux dire, les liseuses, car se sont les femmes qui en font la plus grande consommation-se recrutent principalement dans la riche noblesse de Paris et de province” (14). <?page no="86"?> 86 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie second half of the 17 th century. L’Abbé d’Aubignac’s Nouvelle Histoire du temps ou Relation veritable du Royaume de Coquetterie, had first appeared in 1654 just before “La Carte de Tendre.” “La Carte de Tendre,” published in the first volume of Mlle de Scudery’s Clélie, distinguishes itself from its predessesor since it was used in real life before it made its literary debut. Invented in Mlle de Scudery’s Salon on the rue de Beauce where her vistors came on Saturdays, it has been proven that the context for the creation of the map is the relationship that developed between Mlle de Scudery and Pelisson. 91 More importantly, it is the first of such allegorical maps to explore the realm of “tender friendship,” a concept which would pervade the literary scene for the remainder of the century. With Agathonphile martyr, Pascal targets the société mondaine particularly through her exploitation of both the themes and language emphasized in Mlle de Scudéry’s “Carte de Tendre.” The concept of tendresse which defines the relationship between Clélie and Aronce in the novel is echoed in the initial relationship between Agathon and Triphine. However, Pascal’s effort to enlist the notion of inclination associated with the “Carte de Tendre” affects in particular the female protagonist in her play. Triphine’s bold declaration of love marks a rejection of the traditional female character role and an embracement of the new system of courtship favored by the young court of Louis XIV, and imitated by the mondains in Lyon. Furthermore, the blending of Christian rhetoric with gallant rhetoric found in Agathonphile martyr allows Pascal to juxtapose two divergent themes - spirituality and romance. The theme of tender friendship Agathonphile martyr corresponds thematically to the theme of “tender friendship.” In Mlle de Scudery’s novel Clélie, “tender friendship” is described as a noble, intimate but platonic relationship that requires the same amount of devotion that lovers would give to one another: “Mais pour bien définir la tendresse, je pense pouvoir dire que c’est une certaine sensibilité du cœur, qui ne se trouve presque jamais souverainement, qu’en des personnes qui ont l’âme noble, les inclinations vertueuses, et l’esprit bien tourné, et fait que lorsqu’elles ont de l’amitié, elles l’ont sincère, et ardente …” (1: 118). Aronce, in love with Clélie, defines tendresse as the foundation of true love which opposes a relationship based on physical attraction: “Puisque vous me le permettez Madame, dit alors Aronce, je dirai hardiment que la tendresse 91 See Chapter 1 in James S Munro, Mademoiselle de Scudéry and the Carte de Tendre (Durham: Univ. of Durham, 1986). <?page no="87"?> 17 th century gallantry 87 est une qualité encore plus nécessaire à l’amour, qu’à l’amitié … mais pour l’amour; Madame, qui est presque toujours incompatible avec la raison … elle a absolument besoin de tendresse pour l’empêcher d’être brutale, grossière et inconsidérée…” (1: 119). In the 17 th century, the concept of tendre amitié inspired by Scudery’s “Carte de Tendre” is closely associated with the literary and social phenomenon of preciosité. The précieuses sought to replace the dangerous pursuit of passion with the gentle “safer” pleasures of friendship: Non contentes de réduire l’amour à l’ombre de lui-même, elles voudraient encore en supprimer le nom. Si les Précieuses songent à retirer du monde c’est qu’elles n’acceptent pas les risques auxquels une femme y est exposée et qu’elles souhaitent vivre à leur maniere en goûtant à l’abri des passions, les plaisirs calmes de l’amitié… Les Précieuses ont de nombreuses attaches du côté du Tendre. (Pelous 340) Although the term préciosité was not widely used until the 17 th century, its origins date back to the literature of the Middle Ages. The term précieux was first used in the 12 th century, in le Voyage de Charlemagne en Orient to describe jewels (Lathuillère 1: 16). It was not associated with being “prudish” until the 14 th and 15 th centuries. For example, Eustache Deschamps (1346-1407), in a ballad, curses the précieuse who swould reject the pursuit of love: …vielle contagieuse, Voulez vous donc gouverner la contré, En beguinant a faire la precieuse, Pour empescher toute vie amoureuse? Ardoir puist l’en femme de tel merrien! 92 The term précieuse in the 1650s, could be used in a complimentary manner or in a pejorative manner. Furetière affirms this ambiguity: Précieuse est aussi une épithète qu’on donnoit autrefois à des filles de grand mérite et de grande vertu, qui sçavoient bien le monde, et la langue: mais parce que d’autres ont affecté, et outré leurs manières, cela a décrié le nom, et on les a appellées fausses Précieuses, ou Précieuses ridicules: Molière en a fait une Comédie, et de Pures un Roman, pour faire sentir le faux mérite des Précieuses. Originally, préciosité was used to designate a woman who was virtuous, beautiful, chaste, wise, honest, civil, well-spoken, well-read. However, with the popularity of Molière’s play Les Précieuses ridicules and other satires, the substansitives précieuse and préciosité had become somewhat pejorative by 92 E. Deschamps, Œuvres complètes, t. VI, pp. 234-235, Balade MCCXXXI, v. 22-26. <?page no="88"?> 88 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie the end of the century, designating women who were overly prudish, or who rejected marriage. 93 Both préciosité and the code tendre preach rejection of amorous love and marriage which was believed only to lead to enslavement of women. Pascal herself, who never married, and her aristocratic and bourgeois associates featured in the Grande Dictionnaire seemed to resent the fact that they were made to marry for the sake of convenience. Similarly, marriage is deemphasized in the “Pays du Tendre” where erotic love is masked by the more spiritual concept of platonic love - or friendship. It is a land “from which sexuality, marriage, and love have been banned” (Orenstein 55). “Pure love” can only be attained by following the itinerary outlined in the “Carte de Tendre.” This civil country of “Tender” enforces very strict rules of conduct for each sex. The “perfect” male lover must practice three very difficult virtues: constance, discretion, and submission. L’amour tendre forces him to practice both silence and obedience, characteristics which are traditionally associated with the female. While the notion of inclination gives the female the right to choose the suitor to whom she will give her heart, the code tendre imposes on the woman the task of indifference. She must resist and ignore as long as possible the advances and amorous declarations of her lover. The female is placed in a position of empowerment so long as she holds her lover at bay. Therefore the mastering of the code tendre is clearly associated with feminist ideals. The code tendre, has its roots in la fin’amour which developed in the provincial courts of the 12 th and 13 th centuries in France. This notion is emphasized in secular literature including lyric poetry sung by the troubadours and the longer chivalric romances, such as the famous Arthurian tales (1160-1190) written by Chrétien de Troyes recounting the adventures of Lancelot and Guinevere, and the tragic love story of Tristan and Isolt written by Béroul and Thomas in which love is the sole motivating force behind the hero’s actions. A code of love is established through these works including the Roman de la Rose written by Guillaume de Lorris. This model code of love found in literature mirrored that found in real life between the men and women of the courtly society, and is naturally a reaction against the conventional marriage and justifies inevitable relationships between unmarried men and women. There are basically four main ideas which defined the code of love in the 12 th century; 1) if one were in love, one would be sick with love 93 For a more detailed analysis of this term see Myriam Maître, Les Précieuses: naissance des femmes de lettres en France au XVII e siècle (Paris: Champion, 1999) particularly the chapter “La question des termes.” Also see René Bray, La Préciosité et les précieux (Paris: Nizet, 1960). <?page no="89"?> 17 th century gallantry 89 thinking only of one’s love day and night without sleeping or eating; 2) one’s love is always a secret love; 3) true love cannot exist in a marriage which is a contractual love or a political move; and 4) one’s lady is highly respected and esteemed. Therefore, true love became inaccessible - an ideality. It was this concept which inspired gallant debates among courtly men and women. In these debates, the ability to express one’s ideas on love became an art form to the point where sentiment became second to eloquence. Therefore gallantry became associated with the art of speaking love rather than the true feelings themselves. This code of love was recycled in the 14 th and 15 th centuries with Platonism and Petrarchism. Petrarchism is inspired by Italian poet Petrarch, (1304-1374) who is the “dernier et le plus sublime représentant” of courtly love, according to Festugière. 94 His Canzoniere, (1342) renewed the concepts of courtly love and platonic love inspired by Plato. These Italian sonnets, the first of their kind in Italy, featured the central protagonist Laura, who inspired feelings of frustrated love in her lover both before and after her death. The author exploited both metaphor and oxymoron to express his bittersweet torment. The concept of Platonism was developed in the Académie platonicienne de Florence by Marsile Ficin who wrote Commentary on the Banquet of Platon (1469 and 1475). For Ficin, true love is inspired by the lover’s soul, body, and voice. Her intelligence, appearance and the sound of her voice are what attract as opposed to the grotesque - physical touch and scent. Platonism opposes courtly love in which the subject is always seeking a physical connection with his Lady: “L’Amant courtois veut enlever la Dame à la brutalité grossière d’un lien conjugal imposé; il la place à un degré idéal d’honneur et de beauté, il fait d’elle une méditation nécessaire de son ascèse esthétique et spirituelle; mais il ne perd jamais de vue son but: obtenir l’union des corps” (Charpentier Preface 10). Inspired by her beauty, the lover is able to reach a more spiritual level through conversation and the exchange of ideas: “L’Amant élit sa Dame pour avoir auprès d’elle, par elle, accès à une Beauté, premier dégré d’une ascèse spirituelle qui doit le mener, selon un parcours platonicien bien connu, à la contemplation du Beau en soi, des Idées” (Charpentier 11). The concept of platonism actualized in courtly society as well as in literature dictated a specific code of conduct for men and women, as in courtly love. Women did not initiate but they controlled the outcome of the relationship, punishing their lovers by inflicting silence upon them. The 94 Quoted in Francoise Charpentier, preface, Œuvres Poétiques, by Louise Labé (Paris: Gallimard, 1983) 10. <?page no="90"?> 90 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie poetry itself was embedded with violent antithesis and metaphors expressing the lover’s conflict between body and soul. These ideas would inspire the first “French Petrarch,” Ronsard, in his Amours de Cassandre (1552) and Les Sonnets pour Hélène in which the same variations on the image of fire are used to describe the narrator’s amorous frustration and the lady’s inaccessibility. Other imitators including Scève and Louise Labé would follow suit. The pétrarquistes described the lady as always perfect in her beauty. Her eyes are stars, her hair is gold, and her eyes are flowers. The lover always falls in love with her at first sight but she remains statuesque and almost always is described as the bel inhumain. Maurice Scève remained particularly imitative of Petrarch’s style. For example, in “En sa beauté gît ma mort et ma vie” we find almost all of the same petrarchan formulas; the personification of the soul or l’âme, the lady whose eyes shoot fiery arrows into the eyes of her beholder, and the antithesis to show the double aspect of her dangerous charms which both enslave him and set him free: Libre vivais en l’Avril de mon âge, De cure exempt sous celle adolescence, Où l’œil, encor non expert de dommage, Se vit surpris de la douce présence Qui par sa haute, et divine excellence M’étonna l’Ame, et le sens tellement, Que de ses yeux l’archer tout bellement Ma liberté lui a toute asservie; Et des ce jour continuellement En sa beauté gît ma mort et ma vie. (Délie 1544) From the poetry of Petrarch, to that of the pétrarquistes in the 16 th century, to that of the auteurs mondains of the 17 th century, the same images have been exploited. Let us look briefly at an extract from the poem “L’Amour sous sa loy” by Vincent Voiture, (1597-1648) a précieux who frequented the Chambre bleue: A tous ses martyrs L’Amour donne en leurs maux de secrets plaisirs; Je cheris ma douleur, Et dedans mon malheur, Je suis amoureux, Et le Ciel ne voit point d’Amant plus heureux. Les yeux qui m’ont pris, Payeroient tous mes maux avec un soûris, Tous leurs traits me sont doux, Mesme dans leur courroux, Je suis amoureux, Et le Ciel ne voit point d’Amant plus heureux. <?page no="91"?> 17 th century gallantry 91 Note that he like Scève, exploits the very same antithetical figures to express the duality of emotions felt by the narrator. Love personified gives him pleasure through pain (L’Amour donne en leurs maux de secrets plaisirs). He as well uses the old familiar theme of the lady’s eyes who shoot arrows (traits). But even in their fury (courroux) he still feels love. As we observed earlier, Pascal exploits the very same figures throughout Agathonphile martyr. After the 1650s, there are two schools of thought concerning the code of love which often conflict. While Mlle de Scudéry and other précieuses hold fast to the “itinéraire courtois,” emphasizing pure platonic love, the new littérature gallante reflecting the joyous royal celebrations, parties, and amorous affairs of the court of young Louis XIV seeks immediate pleasure. In Thomas Corneille’s Amour à la mode (1651) translated into English as The amorous gallant, Oronte affirms the new art of love: CLITON. But, is not Love, Sir a controling heat, (For I’m a Scholar since I serv’d Lyset A frying in the Frost, freezing in Fire, Which storms the Brain, and Fetters the Desire To one alone; Pleading, tho Incommode? ORONTE. It was of old, but now ‘tis out of Mode. (4.1) Even the société précieuse cannot help but give into the temptation of gallantry to a certain extent: For example, Charles Sorel, in his “Mascarade d’Amour” tells how a young widow named Amaranthe surrounds herself with young people to form an order of prude and beautiful précieuses who having entirely renounced coquetry, do not believe that it is forbidden for them to indulge in the practice of gallantry, “provided that it is less physical than spiritual” (Œuvres Diverses 59). Between tender friendship and gallantry Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr is a reflection of both tendresse and gallantry. Agathon and Triphine’s initial relationship is comparable to the fraternallike bond between Clélie and Aronce which ensures a platonic relationship between them. Raised together by Clélie’s father, they naturally call each other brother and sister: “Clélie, qui savait combien son père aimait Aronce, le reçut avec autant de témoignages d’amitié que s’il eût été son frère; aussi Clélius avait-il voulu qu’elle l’appelât ainsi, et qu’Aronce la nommât sa sœur” (1: 106). Similarly, the platonic love expressed by Agathon and Triphine in their dialogues when they refer to one another as “frère” and “sœur” corresponds well with the principles of amour tendre, echoing those of courtly love from the 12 th century which deemphasize physical desire and celebrate platonic love existing outside the bonds of marriage. <?page no="92"?> 92 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Since “tender friendship” places the females having admirable qualities in the position of power, Agathon finds himself in the position of subject. Like Aronce in Clélie, Agathon seems to embrace his role as the amant parfait exhibiting a surprising timidity towards the object of his affection. “By contrast heroic lovers tend to refuse to make any kind of demands of the woman; they are reluctant to do or say anything that might imply that they have any kind of rights over her or she any obligation to them. It is for this reason that heroic lovers typically are the complete reverse of the assertive, preferring when circumstances permit to suffer in silence rather than declare themselves, asking nothing in return for their love” (Munro 70). Both Agathon and Aronce, amants parfaits, are prepared to suffer in silence. In Agathonphile martyr, Agathon declares himself Triphine’s slave: “Je me crois seulement son indigne sujet” (2.5). For the tendre amant, to admit his unworthiness is his starting point: “Pour un amant tendre, avouer son indignité est un point de départ obligé; après quoi il devra attendre beaucoup du hasard ou d’une possible faiblesse de celle qu’il aime très peu de ses mérites personnels. Paralysé par la crainte de déplaire, l’amant est contraint à une longue et silencieuse expectative” (Pelous 42). Aronce expresses his hesitancy to pursue Clélie: “Il comprit si bien que cette amour lui donnerait beaucoup de peine, qu’il fut très affligé dès qu’il sentit qu’il en avait; car encore qu’il fût fort estimé de Clélie, et que Sulpice et Clélius l’aimassent tendrement, il ne jugeait pas qu’il pût jamais être heureux. En effet, il savait qu’elle était la passion de Clélius pour Rome, et il n’ignorait pas qu’il ne savait point qu’elle était sa naissance, et qu’il semblerait avoir de la présomption, s’il tournait les yeux vers Clélie” (1: 111). In the same way, Agathon expresses his unworthiness towards Triphine and his hesitancy to leave the protective confines of a platonic relationship: AGATHON. Madame, c’est assez, non, non, n’en dites plus, Je me jette à vos pieds tout honteux & confus, En fin, je vous consacre un’amour eternelle, Mais ne banissons point cét amour fraternelle, Ce nom de frere encor vous continuerez, Dont vostre belle bouche a tousjours m’honoré Nous pourrons sous ce nom vivre tousjours ensemble, Sans qu’on sçache jamais que l’amour nous assemble. (3.1) Guided solely by her female inclination, Triphine embodies the nouvelle galanterie by refusing to follow the arduous itinerary of Tender. Just as L’Abbé Cotin in his Œuvres galants (1663) confirms that “c’est aujourd’hui la mode que les femmes fassent les avances” (244), Triphine initiates an amorous relationship between herself and Agathon, rejecting her role of “playing hard to get.” The nouvelle galanterie disregards the code of conduct recommended <?page no="93"?> 17 th century gallantry 93 by the code tendre including the tradition of the cruel Lady whose role is to reject her lover’s advances in order to keep him in a position of disempowerment. In contrast to Clélie, who is content to remain within the confines of tendresse, Triphine is impatient to escape to a place where she and Agathon can love without constraint. She begs Agathon to take her away and to demonstrate his abilities as a “real lover”: TRIPHINE. Ha! s’il est véritable Que vostre amour soit tel, soyez donc secourable A celle qui ne vit que pour vous seulement, Faites voir que vous estes un veritable Amant. (3.6) Agathon finally gives into her demands, recognizing her as the more capable lover: AGATHON. C’est trop, en fin, c’est trop, Meurs Agathon de honte, De souffrir qu’une fille en amour te surmonte, Ceste aymable beauté t’ayme si constamment, Qu’elle fait aujourdhuy l’office d’un Amant. (3.6) Here, Agathon seems to acknowledge that it is their romantic relationship which must take precedence. Furthermore, dropping the “e” at the end of the word “Amant,” he seems to own up to his own shortcomings as her lover. The River Tiber, the water route by which Triphine and Agathon escape, is a river which becomes the symbol of love for Clélie and her friends during the course of a long discussion on tendresse en amour later on in the novel. As we examined earlier, Aronce feels that tendresse is more important in love than in frienship since without it, love is vulgar and selfish. Herminius echos this theme, “likening love to the River Tiber, which, he says, receives the waters of forty-two tributaries; if it merely consisted of the waters of its source, it would be nothing more than a paltry stream. In the same way, he argues, love in its proper sense, that of the attraction between the sexes, would be by itself a very little thing, shallow and quickly dried up; it only becomes a broad majestic river when joined by “tout ce qui est nécessaire aux grandes et belles amitiez” (5. 323f). Thus the Tiber River in the play symbolizes Agathon’s and Triphine’s passage from tendresse en amitié to tendresse en amour. Nurtured by a long platonic friendship, Agathon and Triphine are ready to preceed to the unexplored land of love. Triphine and Agathon’s flight to unknown territory recalls the region located north of Tender, which in Clélie, is a land representing passionate, sensual love. Clélie explains that that it is dangerous for a woman to venture outside of “tender friendship”: “la rivière d’inclination se jette dans une mer qu’elle appelle la mer dangereuse, parce qu’il est assez dangereux à une femme d’aller un peu au-delà des dernières bornes de l’amitié; et elle fait <?page no="94"?> 94 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie ensuite qu’au delà de cette mer, c’est ce que nous appelons Terres inconnues, parce qu’en effet nous ne savons point ce qu’il y a…” (1: 184). To leave Tender and to venture into unknown lands is dangerous for a woman because in matters of love and marriage she has little power. While the female can rule in the land of Tender, the land of passions is unpredictable. Triphine and Agathons’ hasty retreat results in the shipwreck of their vessel on the Tiber River, perhaps symbolizing the impossibility of their unity. The conclusion of their amourous adventures marks a rejection of the solutions found in d’Urfé’s l’Astrée in which the lovers are able to be whisked away to some far away magical land to live in blissful happiness. With this conclusion of their amorous adventure, Pascal underlines the irreconcilability of idealistic romantic love with a gallant society, in which true love cannot be realized. Agathon and Triphine, unable to find perfection in love on earth, are only able to find it in death. Pascal’s ending may suggest that true love can only be found in God, or in the heavenly realm. The “Carte de Tendre” in Agathonphile martyr The map of Tender is echoed in Pascal’s Agathonphile martyr through the language spoken by the characters. Mlle de Scudéry’s map is often compared to a board game of love in which the objective is to get from “new friendship” Fig. 3. “La Carte de Tendre,” illustration, Madeleine de Scudéry, Clélie, histoire romaine (1654). Paris, B.N.F <?page no="95"?> 17 th century gallantry 95 to “tender friendship.” Clélie, the female protagonist, draws the map (see Fig. 3) upon the request of her male suitors who would like to know the way to her heart. One can reach Tender, or Clelie’s heart, via three routes. To reach Tendresur-Estime, one would follow the route of Esteem: “En effet vous voyez que de Nouvelle Amitié on passe à un lieu qu’elle appelle Grand Esprit, parce que c’est ce qui commence ordinairement l’estime; ensuite vous voyez ces agréables villages de jolis Vers, de Billet Galant et de Billet Doux, qui sont les opérations les plus ordinaires du grand esprit dans les commencements d’une amitié. Ensuite, pour faire un plus grand progrès dans cette route, vous voyez Sincérité, Grand Cœur, Probité, Générosité, Respect, Exactitude et Bonté, qui est tout contre Tendre, pour faire connaître qu’il ne peut y avoir de véritable estime sans bonté, et qu’on ne peut arriver à Tendre de ce côté-là sans avoir cette précieuse qualité” (Clélie 1. 183). Furetière defines esteem as “la bonne ou mauvaise opinion qu’on a de la valeur, du merite d’une personne, ou d’une chose.” The term esteem is used in Act 2, Scene 2 of the play where Polydore, in love with Triphine, reveals his plan to ask Agathon, who is respected in her household, to speak to her on his behalf: POLYDORE. Il s’est acquis l’estime, & d’Euple, & de sa sœur, Mesme leurs amitiez, En fin j’en suis trop seur, Je m’en vay le prier qu’il parle de ma flâme A cet aymable objet…. In this context however, the use of this word is ironic, since we know that Agathon is a false confidant. If Polydore knew of Agathon’s true intentions, he certainly would not have confided in him or considered him as a person of great esteem. Grand cœur is also a concept which is referred to in Agathonphile martyr. According to Furetière the term grand is used “en choses spirituelles & morales” and he lists several examples: “un grand esprit, une grande ame, un grand cœur…” In Clélie, grand cœur refers to a “nobility” of heart. In Agathonphile martyr however, this term is used to describe a person of higher rank. Agathon evokes this characteristic when he learns that Triphine has captured the hearts of more “worthy” suitors in Act 3, Scene 6: AGATHON. Hé quoy, l’on vous marie? Ha fortune cruelle! Je sçavois bien, ma sœur, que vous estiez trop belle Pour demeurer long-temps à captiver les cœurs Des plus grands de la terre…. Although Triphine has already admitted her admiration of Agathon’s qualities, Agathon still exhibits feelings of unworthiness vis-à-vis these “grands.” <?page no="96"?> 96 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Génerosité, also a stop along the way to Tendre-sur-Esteem, seems to be more in line with the 16 th century definition given in the Robert Electronique since one of the most important aspects of “tender friendship” is the capacity to forgive one’s friend of his flaws: Générosité: - 3. (1564). Spécialt. Sentiment d’humanité qui porte à se montrer bienveillant, charitable, à pardonner les injures, les fautes, à épargner un ennemi... - Bienveillance, bonté, clémence (cit. 4), indulgence, magnanimité. Générosité d’une âme éprise d’équité (cit. 9), révoltée par l’injustice, accessible à la pitié (- Calamité, cit. 3). Avoir la générosité de ne pas abuser de sa victoire. Il en a parlé sans générosité. - 4. (1677). Cour. Disposition à donner plus qu’on n’est tenu de le faire. - Bienfaisance, largesse, libéralité, magnificence, munificence. La générosité des donateurs. Faire preuve de générosité. Rivaliser de générosité (- Factice, cit. 8). Il l’a récompensé avec générosité. Génerosité in Agathonphile martyr is used by Agathon in its adjectival form to describe Triphine’s heart when she declares her love for him: AGATHON. O Dieu, dois-je respondre, ou bien me dois-je taire? En quel degré de gloire, ô cœur trop genereux Vos bontez veulent rendre un pauvre malheureux! (3.1) In making reference to Triphine’s cœur généreux Agathon emphasizes her willingness to overlook his poverty. For here as well in the very next line he underlines her “goodness” or her bontez which Furetière associates with Christian morality: “se dit de la vertu, & particulierement de la charité, de la douceur, des mœurs, de l’inclination à assister son prochain.” Agathon expresses the fact that his social status makes him undeserving of Triphine’s indulgent heart, or her “goodness”: AGATHON. Ha! Madame, c’est trop, vostre bonté m’accable, Helas, vous sçavez bien qu ej’en suis incapable, Non, Madame, c’est trop, non, c’est trop, je ne puis, Songez que ne ne suis qu’un simple Gentil-homme. (3.1) And finally, respect found along the way to Tendre-sur-Esteem is defined by Furetière as considération or égard and notes “il ne faut jamais perdre le respect devant les Dames” or “leur manquer de respect.” In Act 1, Scene 2, Agathon expresses his lack of respect for his step mother who attempts to seduce him: AGATHON. Ha! Madame, Que pourriez-vous juger de mon peu de respect? In this case, it is Irenée who breaks the rules by making incestuous advances. Agathon’s demonstration of a lack of respect for his step mother is only natural. <?page no="97"?> 17 th century gallantry 97 Clélie explains that Tendre-sur-Inclination, which is reached via the route of inclination, is the fastest flowing river and the surest way to reach her heart: “Cependant comme elle a presupposé que la tendresse qui nait par inclination, n’a besoin de rien autre chose pour etre ce qu’elle est, Clélie, comme vous le voyez Madame, n’a mis nul village, le long des bords de cette riviere, qui va si vite, qu’on n’a que faire de logement le long de ses rives, pour aller de Nouvelle Amitié à Tendre” (1. 183). Inclination is defined in the Robert Electronique as: Inclination. (Mil. XVI e ). Littér. (Cour. dans la langue class.). Mouvement qui porte à aimer qqn. - Affection (cit. 2), amitié, amour, sympathie. Inclination aveugle d’un père pour certains de ses enfants (- Effet, cit. 2). Se prendre d’une tendre, d’une vive inclination pour qqn. - Spécialt. Fait de se sentir attiré sentimentalement par qqn. Inclination amoureuse. In Act 3, Scene 1, Triphine reveals Agathon as the object of her affections: TRIPHINE. Ouy, mon frere, je veux dire que c’est moy-mesme, Qui vous ay fait l’object de mon affection, Et qu’on ne peut changer mon inclination…. The difference between Triphine’s inclination and that of Clélie’s is that the former is declared and the latter is stifled. Eventually Triphine openly declares her love while Clélie does not dare violate the rules of the game. In the land of Tender, inclinations are not voiced. If the suitor does not make the right choices, it is possible for him to make a wrong turn and end up in the Lake of Indifference, or into Forgetfulness, Luke Warmth, or Negligence. In the 17 th century, indifférence is defined in the Robert Electronique as: Indifférence: - 3. (Déb. XVII e ). Absence d’intérêt à l’égard d’un être, des hommes. - Froideur. L’indifférence que lui a montrée, témoignée son entourage l’a profondément déçu. L’indifférence des enfants à l’égard des adultes (cit. 6). Artiste, novateur qui bataille (cit. 2) au milieu de l’indifférence générale. - Inattention. In Act 1, Scene 2, Irenée uses this term to describe Agathon’s coldness towards her: IRENEE. Amour ne sera-il jamais vostre vainqueur, Le verra-on jamais entrer dans vostre cœur? Quoy, vivrez-vous tousjours dans cette indifference? In the land of Tender, it is always the female who acts indifferent. In this context, the roles are reversed. It is Agathon who acts indifferent towards the female suitor. However, the fact that he does not demonstrate any affection <?page no="98"?> 98 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie towards his step mother should not be surprising! In Act 1, Scene 4, the term indifference is used again. Albin, Agathon’s friend and confidant, describes his lover’s coldness towards him, now that she has found a new suitor: ALBIN. Que je l’ay veu heureux à ce meschant rival: Elle se sousrioit, voyant ma contenance, Me regardant tousjours avec indifference; In this instance however, Albin’s perception of his lover’s conduct will prove to be incorrect, illustrating that love is sometimes deceiving. Indiscretion, another stumbling block in the land of Tender, is defined by Furetière as “imprudence.” Pascal’s use of this term in Agathonphile martyr suggests that discretion is just as important in friendships between males. Agathon, who knows that Albin will not betray him, feels that he can share with him the secrets of his heart: AGATHON. Albin, je te diray Le secret de mon cœur, mais au moins prens bien garde De trahir ALBIN. Ne crains point pour ce qui te regarde, J’aymerois mieux mourir que trahir ton secret, Car je t’honore trop. AGATHON. Je te crois trop discret… (3.5) La perfidie, also to be avoided in “tender friendship” is defined by Furetère as a “manque de foy, de parole, trahison.” Irenée, after having been rejected by her son in law, vents her anger and frustration in Act 1, Scene 2: IRENEE. Helas! Je vay mourir, ce perfide me quitte In this case however, Irenée’s reaction is of course unwarranted, especially since it is she who will betray him by telling her husband that he tried to kill her. Irenée is unworthy of Agathon’s frienship. To reach Tendre-sur-Reconnaissance, one would follow the route of Reconnaissance: Après cela, Madame, il faut, s’il vous plaît, retourner à Nouvelle Amitié, pour voir par quelle route on va de là à Tendre sur Reconnaissance. Voyez donc, je vous prie, comment il faut aller d’abord de Nouvelle Amitié à Complaisance, ensuite à ce petit village qui se nomme Soumission, et qui en touche un autre fort agréable, qui s’appelle Petits Soins. Voyez, dis-je, que de là il faut passer par Assiduité, pour faire entendre que ce n’est pas assez d’avoir durant quelques jours tous ces petits soins obligeants, qui donnent tant de reconnaissance, si on ne les a assidûment. Ensuite vous voyez qu’il faut passer à un autre village qui s’appelle Empressement et <?page no="99"?> 17 th century gallantry 99 ne faire pas comme certaines gens tranquilles, qui ne se hâtent pas d’un moment, quelque prière qu’on leur fasse, et qui sont incapables d’avoir cet empressement qui oblige quelquefois si fort. Après cela, vous voyez qu’il faut passer à Grands Services, et que, pour marquer qu’il y a peu de gens qui en rendent de tels, ce village est plus petit que les autres. Ensuite il faut passer à Sensibilité, pour faire connaître qu’il faut sentir jusqu’aux plus petites douleurs de ceux qu’on aime. Après, il faut, pour arriver à Tendre, passer par Tendresse, car l’amitié attire l’amitié. Ensuite, il faut aller à Obéissance, n’y ayant presque rien qui engage plus le cœur de ceux à qui on obéit, que de le faire aveuglément; et pour arriver enfin où l’on veut aller, il faut passer à Constante Amitié, qui est sans doute le chemin le plus sûr, pour arriver à Tendre sur Reconnaissance. (Clélie 1. 183-4) Of all of these stops along the way to Tendre sur Reconnaissance, the only three which are referred to in Agathonphile martyr are tendresse, obéissance, and constance. Tendresse is defined by Furetière as such: TENDRESSE. f. f. Sensibilité du cœur & de l’ame. La delicatesse du siecle a renfermé ce mot dans l’amour & dans l’amitié. Les amans ne parlent que de tendresse de cœur, soit en prose, soit en vers; & même ce mot signifie le plus souvent amour; & quand on dit, J’ay de la tendresse pour vous, c’est à dire, J’ay beaucoup d’amour. In the seduction scene, Irenée expresses the love and affection that she has in her heart for her step son: IRENEE. Etre si circonspect Pour moy qui vous cheris avec tant de tendresse… (1. 2) Of course, here, her use of the term tendresse is exploitive since she only seeks a physical relationship with Agathon. As in the world of “tender friendship” invented by Mlle de Scudéry, sensibilité can be applied to friendships between women as well. Sensibilité, used both in the affirmative and the negative forms in Agathonphile martyr is described by Furetière as a figurative expression used “en parlant de l’émotion de l’ame & des passions…. Cette femme a l’ame tendre & sensible: ce qui se dit tant de l’amour, que de la compassion, & de la reconnaissance.” In Act 3, Scene 4, Triphine’s suivante, Caristée, tries to convince Triphine that she has her best interests at heart by encouraging her to accept Cévère’s marriage proposal. Here she vainly tries to show her compassion for Triphine, despite the fact that she does not agree with her plan of action: CARISTEE. Pleust aux Dieux, visiez-vous dans mon interieur, Ou plutost vissiez-vous dans le fonds de mon cœur, Combien il est sensible au tourment qui vous presse <?page no="100"?> 100 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Triphine, however, is unconvinced by her display of emotions: TRIPHINE. Cét excés de tendresse Flatte bien peu mes maux, puisque tu daigne bien Me presser For Triphine, Caristée’s words are empty. A true “tender friend” must be able to feel everything that his or her friend is feeling. Caristée, however, attempts to bend Triphine’s will to her own. In Act 1, Scene 2, Irenée has convinced herself that Agathon’s tender heart will cede to her advances once he learns of the passion that has tormented her for so long: IRENEE. Mais aymable Agathon, seroit-il bien possible; Qu’avec tant de douceur vous fussiez insensible A l’excés de mon mal lorsque vous le sçaurez? When Agathon refuses to give into her lustful demands, she asks him if he believes his heart can escape from Love. Agathon’s witty response signifies that while his heart is capable of sensibilité it is not inspired by Irenée’s declarations of love: AGATHON. Ceux-là qui le croiroient, se pourroient bien tromper, Quoy, n’ay-je pas un cœur sensible comme un autre? Sensibilité is also used in its negative forms in Agathonphile martyr. In Act 3, Scene 4, Triphine laments the fact that her brother Euple and others do not seem to sympathize with her horror at the idea of having to marry the old Senator, Cévère: TRIPHINE. Escoutez moy, de grace, Puis que c’est donc en vain que je verse des pleurs Et que personne n’est sensible à mes douleurs, Il faut donc Triphine also accuses Agathon of having an “insensitive heart” when his hesitations prevent him from responding to her declaration of love: TRIPHINE. Ha, cruel Agathon, ô cœur trop insensible! In Polydore’s monologue in Act 4, Scene 3 where he learns of Triphine’s arranged marriage, sensibilité takes on the meaning of “extreme” which is used to modify the word “malheur” or “unfortunate event”: POLYDORE. De ce funeste hymen, il me fit ressentir Un deplaisir si grand, qu’il me fut impossible D’apprendre sans regret un malheur si sensible <?page no="101"?> 17 th century gallantry 101 Obéissance, which is defined by Furetière as “soûmission aux volontés d’autruy,” in the context of tendresse describes the male lover’s attitude of humility he must show towards the object of his affection. Agathon, who has agreed to speak to her on the behalf of Polydore, demonstrates his submission to Triphine’s will when she begs him to never speak of Polydore ever again with whom she is not in love: AGATHON. Madame, j’obeys à vos commandements. (3.1) Furetière defines constance as “la plus belle qualité qu’on demande à un amant.” In Agathonphile martyr, constance is used most often to describe one’s fidelity in love. For example, Polydore, having little success in his amorous pursuits, bemoans the fact that despite his “constancy” he has not won the heart of Triphine: POLYDORE. Jamais je n’ay cessé de souspirer pour elle: Hé quoy, sera-il dit, qu’entre les amoureux Je sois le plus constant & le plus malheureux? (4.3) Triphine first uses the term in its adverbial form in Act 2, Scene 4: TRIPHINE. Mais neantmoins mon cœur l’ayme si constamment…. And again in Act 3, Scene 1 when she becomes impatient with Agathon’s hesitancy: TRIPHINE. Hé quoy, pourriez-vous douter de ma constance? Vous en verrez l’effect par ma perseverance. Further in the last scene of Act 3, Agathon commends her “constancy” in her love for him: AGATHON. Ceste aymable beauté ayme si constamment…. In Act 3, Scene 4, Triphine reaffirms her desire to demonstrate her “constant love” to Agathon: TRIPHINE. Ouy, je veux qu’Agathon connoisse ma constance…. Later, constance is used in its adverbial form by Agathon to describe Triphine’s faithfulness and perseverance in her love for him: AGATHON. Ceste aymable beauté t’ayme si constamment, Qu’elle fait aujourdhuy l’office d’un Amant. (3.6) We have seen in the examples above how the word “constance” inspired by the “Carte de Tendre” is used most often by Triphine to describe her unwavering love for Agathon. However, in the context of a religious drama, this term, as well as other language associated with littérature galante becomes problematic since it allows for divergent interpretations of the characters’ lines. <?page no="102"?> 102 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Un galimatias: gallant rhetoric and Christian rhetoric In Agathonphile martyr, gallant rhetoric is often juxtaposed with Christian rhetoric, emphasizing the cooexistance of two contrasting themes - spirituality and romantic love. For instance, Furetière’s definition of the term “constance” in the context of religion sharply contrasts with his definition of this term in the context of love: CONSTANCE. f. f. Force d’esprit qui entretient toujours l’ame dans une même assiette, en une même fermeté quelque ébranlement que souffre le corps par la douleur, l’affliction, la necessité, ou autre causes semblables. La constance des Stoïques leur empêchoit d’avoüer que la douleur fust un mal. La constance des Martyrs est ce qui a augmenté la Religion Chrétienne. In the very last scene of the play, after Triphine confesses her conversion to Christianity, one cannot be sure whether she is referring to her constant love for Agathon or her constant love for God: TRIPHINE. Que je sois exposée Aux plus cruels tourments qu’on pourroit m’inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l’on peut m’apprester N’auront jamais pouvoir d’esbranler ma constance. (5.2) Other clichés associated with gallantry create a similar effect. For example, in a prayer spoken directly to God, Agathon speaks of Triphine’s religious fervor in the same way that he speaks of his passion for her: AGATHON. Grand Dieu qui commandez par dessus l’Univers, Qui me voyez courir dans ces affreux deserts, Permets qui celle-là pour qui mon cœur souspire Puisse me recevoir dans ton celeste Empire, Car cette chère Sœur m’avoit donné sa foy, Qu’elle ne connaissoit point d’autre Dieu que toy. C’est pourquoy, mon Seigneur, je crois que sa bell’ame Qui n’a jamais bruslé que d’une Saincte flâme, Doit estre maintenant au rang des bien-heureux. (5.1) In this case the metaphor of the flame often used by Agathon to describe his love for Triphine, is being used to describe Triphine’s spiritual love for God. Furetière confirms these conflicting usages of the term “flamme”: FLAMME. Subst. fem. On dit figurément, la flamme de l’amour; & se dit premierement de l’amour divin. une flamme celeste. Seigneur, que je brusle de vos flammes. The same term is used by Pascal in her dedication of the play to describe the “burning hearts” of the two protagonists: <?page no="103"?> 17 th century gallantry 103 Escoutez donc, MESSIEURS, ces Amants trop heureux, Et souffrez qu’ils vous disent les desseins amoureux Qui ont bruslé leurs cœurs d’une flamme divine. The word “divine” used to modify the word “flamme” does not clarify as to whether or not she is referring to their love for God or their love for eachother. Furetière gives two definitions for the adjective “divine”: DIVIN,INE. adj. Qui est, ou qui vient de Dieu. Les trois personnes divines ne font qu’un seul Dieu. DIVIN, se dit figurément de tout ce qui est excellent, extraordinaire, & qui semble estre au dessus de la force de la nature, ou de la capacité des hommes … Une beauté divine. Thus, we can interpret Pascal’s verses in two ways: one, their hearts burn with a love which comes from God or two, their hearts burn with a love that is extraordinary or superior to all other love. The word “divine,” used in gallant poetry to describe a woman who is extraordinarily beautiful, is found several times in the play. For example in the last scene of the play, Agathon refers to Triphine directly as “Divine beauté.” Furthermore Agathon refers to her hands as “divins” in Act 3, Scene 1 when she gives him the ring as a token of her affection for him. The term “martyr” is often used in its poetic sense, rather than in a religious sense in Agathonphile martyr. Furetière defines the term in each context: MARTYR, YRE. subst. masc. & fem. Celuy qui souffre des peines, des supplices, & même la mort pour la deffense de Jesus-Christ & de son Eglise, pour rendre témoignage de la verité de son Evangile. MARTYR, se dit poëtiquement & frequemment de la souffrance des amans. Il luy a conté son martyre sous un nom emprunté. Ayez pitié de mon martyre. For instance, when Agathon learns that Triphine plans to reject Polydore’s proposal of marriage, Agathon refers to his “martyre” in the poetic sense: AGATHON. Mais Polydore, encor que luy pourray-je dire? Où pourra-il aller soulager son martyre? Irenée also uses this term in its figurative sense to refer to her unrequited love for Agathon: IRENEE. Ce divin Agathon qui cause mon martyre A si bien dans mon ame étably son Empyre. (1.1) <?page no="104"?> 104 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Note that she as well refers to Agathon as “divine” not in a spiritual sense, but in reference to his handsome features. *** In conclusion, Pascal’s play attempts to combine elements of the romanesque tragicomedy with the Christian tragedy. We have seen how the rhetoric in particular is altered by this fusion of genres. In Agathonphile martyr, the secular world and the heavenly realm are juxtaposed in the way that the language spoken by both pagan and Christian characters, painted with the metaphors, hyperboles, and romantic imagery favored by the gallants spills over from amorous speech into sacred discourse. Nicole, in his Traité de la comédie (1667) emphasizes the incompatability between Christianity and the language of the passions: “le langage des passions, c’est à dire l’art de les exprimer et de les faire paraître d’une manière agréable…. Plusieurs personnes étouffent de mauvais desseins, parce qu’ils manquent d’adresse pour s’en ouvrir” (xi). Therefore, for Nicole, the language of love that is spoken on stage is taken in by the spectator who absorbs it and uses it for his own immoral purposes. Pascal, on the other hand, demonstrates that the language of love can be an authentic expression of one’s passion for Christ as well as for those who share that common bond. If gallantry “n’est autre chose qu’un commerce d’esprit, où le cœur & les sens ne doivent prendre aucune part” (Trotti de la Chétardie 101-102), Triphine and Agathon have broken all of the rules of the game having found true spiritual love rooted in their tendre amitié and their love for God. From this point of view, the deaths of the young lovers, who sacrifice any or all possibility of consummating their love, symbolizes a spiritual ascention. Pascal underlines the irreconcilability of true spiritual love with a gallant society. Agathon and Triphine, unable to realize their pure and perfect love in the world, may only find it in the heavenly realm. Through this spiritual theme, this play written towards the end of the Catholic Reformation is a witness to the importance that the lyonnais continued to place on instructional drama, yet reinforced by the rhétorique gallant, this play witnesses at the same time the growing influence of the société mondaine and the desire to be not only entertained, but seduced. Pascal’s world is thus a reconciliation of both the secular realm and the spiritual realm. In the next portion of our study I will demonstrate how Pascal’s Triphine, who embodies these two contrasting spheres, diverges from the traditional female martyr who must deny passion in order to pursue her spiritual objectives. Triphine represents a new and improved female martyr heroine whose more “human” character traits allow the spectator to identify with her. <?page no="105"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 105 The female martyr in 17 th century drama In legends and sacred dramas recounting the stories of brave Christian martyrs, it is often the female characters who are most celebrated. For example, even today most Lyonnais would be proud to recount the story of Blandina, the first female Christian who was martyred in France in 177 AD in the Amphithéâtre des trois Gaules. According to the legend recounted by Eusebius, a mob scene in the streets ended in public interrogation by the tribune and town magistrates. After the Christians confessed their faith, they were taken to prison until the Legate of Lugdonensis arrived and gave the order to have them executed. All were driven to the Amphitheatre des Trois Gaules and delivered to ferocious beasts. Approximately forty Christians were beheaded and tortured in the public amphitheater on the hill of Croix-Rousse. Those martyred included Bishop Pothinus, Doctor Attalus, the Deacon Sanctus of Vienna, and a female slave named Blandina, who appears to have suffered longer and more horribly than the others, according to the letter previously mentioned which was originally translated by the Abbé Pourrat. 95 After having been tortured and burned, Blandine’s ashes were thrown into the waters of the Rhone River. Her courageous death would inspire thousands of Christians to follow her example: “Ce que les persécuteurs de Blandine n’avaient pas prévu, c’est que ces cendres, allaient, comme la semence enfouie dans le sillon, assurer la moisson future d’une foi profonde et parer la douce France, fille aînée de l’église, de ces émouvantes et merveilleuses cathédrales, témoins sublimes de cette foi qui, de siècle en siècle deviendrait de plus en plus nécessaire aux hommes pour croire en leur éternité” (Bideau 32). Should it be so unusual that the Lyonnais would still remember Blandina today while the other martyrs that were executed that tragic day are forgotten? The point that I make here is that while the martyr is perhaps the religious icon “par excellence” of the Counter Reformation, the image of the female martyr is even more so. Most often in religious drama the spectator is more emotionally moved by the female martyr than the male martyr because she is known to be physically weaker. “Her passion, being more pathetic, is 95 “Parmi les martyrs promis au supplice, il y avait une esclave de seize ans, Blandine, frêle et maladive…. Après avoir été présentée dans l’arène, Blandine fut attachée à un poteau, tandis qu’autour d’elles d’autres chrétiens étaient simplement égorgés, s’ils étaient citoyens romains ou déchiquetés par les bêtes après avoir été brûlés un peu partout sur le corps. Mais, ô miracle, aucun fauve ne se jeta sur Blandine pour la dévorer…. Ramenée dans sa prison, elle n’y resta que peu de temps et elle fut à nouveau conduite dans l’arène lors de ces fameuses Fêtes Augustales qui venaient de commencer.” (Bideau 31-2) <?page no="106"?> 106 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie supposed to have greater audience appeal” (McInerney 50). Perhaps this idea explains why the latter half of the 17 th century, a period marked by newfound religious fervor, seems to highlight a substantial number of martyr plays featuring female martyrs, including Agathonphile martyr. 96 The fascination held for the female martyr is undoubtedly linked to the idea that through her faith in God, she is able to transcend her physical weakness, exhibiting characteristics which are traditionally associated with masculinity. In the preface to Richard Allestrée’s The ladies calling (1673), the author notes “How many women do we read of in the Gospel, who in all the duties of assiduous attendance on Christ, liberalities of love and respect, may even in zeal and courage, surpassed even the apostles themselves? …. The Martyrologies are full of Female sufferers of all ages and conditions who by the fervor of their Zeal had overcome the timorousness of their Nature, and wearied the cruelty of their Persecutors.” The Christian female voice is empowered through the freedoms given to her by her faith in the authority of spiritual equality - the notion that men and women are the same in the eyes of God. This concept stems from Paul’s words in Galations 3: 27-8 who became very influential in Christian doctrine as early as the first century: “For all of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ. There is neither Jew nor Greek, slave nor free, male nor female, for you are all one in Jesus Christ.” These verses suggest that “becoming a Christian somehow elided one’s other social markers” (Castelli 30). For the sake of my hypothesis, it is important to distinguish religion as an institution from Christianity. Although the Church has historically been seen as a misogynist institution, contrastingly Christianity in its purest essence has always suggested that one’s gender is immaterial. To be “in Christ” is to be primarily subject to the laws of God. Mysticism, which had been revived in 12 th century Europe, was one religious practice which did not recognize gender differences. The objective of mysticism was a “spiritual union with Christ, which could be reached by ascetic practices, suffering and mortification of the flesh, meditation, and openness to the revelatory experience” (Lerner 67). This discourse maintains that God prefers to speak through women, whose weakness and lack of education makes them privileged receivers of the word. Godineau cites some of the most well-known female mystics in 17 th century; Antoinette Bourignon, Claudine Moine, Armelle Nicole, Marie des Vallées, Marie Martin, Catherine 96 Indegonde by Montauban (1654); Natalie ou la Generosité Chrestienne by Montgaudier (1654); La Forte Romaine by M. Vallée (1654); Le Martyre de Sainte Ursule by Yvernaud (1655); Agathonphile martyr by Pascal (1655); Sainte Suzanne martyre by M. Vallée (1656); La Pucelle by Chapelain (1656); Dorothée ou la victorieuse martire by Rampale (1658); Saincte Dorothée by N. de la Ville (1658) and Sainte Ursale by N. de la Ville (1658). <?page no="107"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 107 de Bar, Barbe Acarie, Marie de Valence, Jeanne de Chantal, Marie Rousseau, and Mme Guyon (113). François de Sales, bishop of Geneva and Roman Catholic saint (b1567-d1622), is perhaps one of the first religious fathers in France to acknowledge femme dévotes in his religious writings. In the preface to his Introduction to the devout life, written for both men and women alike who seek to live a spiritual life, he specifically addresses Philothea which “signifies a soul loving, or in love with God” (35). Thus, for de Sales, when addressing the soul, there is no distinction between genders. He believed that the strength of a Christian woman should not be underestimated: Women were not incidentally included in this democratic spirituality. Woman, no less than man, enjoys the favour of having been made in the image of God: the honour is done equally to both sexes; their virtues are equal; to each of them is offered an equal reward…. I would not want woman to say: I am frail, my condition is weak. 97 We might conclude then that in the 17 th century, the religious realm is perhaps the only space in which behavioral codes for women are suspended. The female martyr in 17 th century drama naturally violates the rules of bienséances by demonstrating courage that goes beyond expectations for female conduct. In Le martyre de Sainte Catherine, by La Serre (Paris 1642), Corneille’s Théodore (Paris 1646), and La Vallée’s La Forte Romain en vers françois (1654-1655), the female martyr’s spiritual authority gives her the right to transgress sexual boundaries. My analysis of Pascal’s female martyr demonstrates that compared to other virgin female martyr protagonists whose religious fervor makes them seem almost inhuman, Triphine’s refusal to choose between passion and Godly duty makes her a more believable character. Despite her appeal, the female martyr poses a problem in 17 th century classical theater because she does not correspond to the rules for female characterization. Aristotle had set forth a specific model that playwrights were to respect when depicting females on stage in Poetics where he explicitly states that “it is possible for the character to be courageous, but this to be an inappropriate way for a woman to display courage or cleverness” (24). La Mesnardière, in La Poétique, echos his ideas, advising playwrights to respect specific rules in regards to female characterization. He explains that a poet should never present a valiant femme forte or educated woman in creative works. On the contrary, a woman should always be depicted as gentle, passive, and modest. A strong heroine contradicts the principles of verisimilitude as this type of woman does not correspond to the public’s vision of reality: 97 Quoted in Elizabeth Rapley, “The Dévotes: women and church in seventeenthcentury France,” McGill-Queen’s Studies in the History of Religion, vol. 4 (Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1990) 37. <?page no="108"?> 108 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Pour la propriété des mœurs, le poète doit considérer qu’il ne faut jamais introduire sans necessité absolue, ni une fille vaillante, ni une femme savante, ni un valet judicieux. Car encore que ces parties se rencontrent quelquefois en ce sexe, et dans ce métier, il est néanmoins veritable qu’il y a peu de Sapphons, encore aussi peu d’Amazones, et fort peu de sages valets; et qu’ainsi de mettre au Théâtre ces trois espèces de personnes avec ces nobles conditions, c’est chocquer directement la vraisemblance ordinaire. (137) The characteristics that define both the 17 th century female character and the 17 th century female are derived from the “natural law” in the writings of Aristotle whose philosophy is based on a division between “male” and “female” principles. While the male is inclined to be “active” the female is more inclined to exhibit “passive” behavior. In Generation of Animals, Aristotle states on the defectiveness of woman: “Now a boy is like a woman in form, and the woman is as it were an impotent male, for it is through a certain incapacity that the female is female, being incapable of concocting the nutriment in its last stage into semen … owing to the coldness of her nature.” And on the concept of passivity: “It follows [her passivitiy] that what the female would contribute to the semen of the male would not be semen but material for the semen to work upon.” 98 Adhering to Aristotle’s theories, early modern intellectuals and philosophers believed that beings were composed of different humors that determined their physical and mental capacities. While man was characterized by “warm” and “dry” humors, demonstrating great courage and strength, woman was composed of “cold” and “humid” humors leading to instability, weakness, and deceitfulness (Godineau 10). Le Sieur de Vaux writes in 1629 in La Madeleine au désert regarding women, “Remarque le trouble de mille diverses passions qui l’agitent, la foiblesse du sexe, son inconstance, et son infidelité n’oublie pas ses tromperies, ses malices ses cruautez…” (105-7). In keeping with these stereotypes, women are often explicitly depicted as frail in many dramas of the 17 th century (Maclean 184). For instance, the female protagonists in the most celebrated martyr plays, Corneille’s Pauline in Polyeucte (1642) and Rotrou’s Marcelle in Le Véritable Saint Genest (1645), play the role of the weakest link. Corneille’s Pauline is eventually won over by her Christian husband Polyeucte, but she falters in her decision to convert. It is only at the very end of the play, upon seeing her husband’s execution, 98 See Generation of Animals, I, 20, 728aI, 729aI, in The Complete Works of Aristotle: The Revised Oxford Translation, ed. Jonathan Barnes, Bollingen Series LXXI (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979) 73-96. <?page no="109"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 109 that she embraces Christianity. She expresses her own frailty of heart when she says “Je suis femme et je sais ma faiblesse” (Polyeucte 1.4). Pauline’s speech conforms to the model she is expected to emulate as a female character. Similarly, Marcelle the actress in Rotrou’s Le Véritable Saint Genest, demonstrates her own frailty. In Act 3, in the role of Natalie, she boldly proclaims her desire to follow in the footsteps of the virgin martyrs that have gone before her: NATALIE. En cette illustre ardeur mille m’ont dévancée; D’obstacles infinis mille ont su triompher, Cécile des tranchants, Prisque des dents de fer, Fauste des plombs bouillants, Diphé de sa noblesse, Agathe de son sexe, Agnès de sa jeunesse, Tècle de son amant, et toutes du trépas; Et je répugnerais à marcher sur leurs pas…. (3.7) However, she falls short of the courage she expresses in her monologue when Genest, who has been imprisoned after converting to Christianity on stage, invites her to join him in death. Her unwillingness to make such a self-sacrifice inspires Genest to cry out against the weakness of womankind: “O faible cœur de femme! ” (5.2) By accenting female stereotypes such as weakness and instability, the playwright respects the rules of characterization, permitting only the male protagonist to play the role of the hero. As we have seen, in the most celebrated martyr plays, the female protagonists seem to fit the molds to which they are expected to conform. In theater, the more virile female martyrs like Saint Catherine, however, transcend Aristotle’s law and reverse the male-female aggressive-passive strong-weak polarities. The image of the female martyr denotes non-adherence to the rules of bienséances in that she rises above her station and becomes more heroic than the male figure, in spite of her “natural weaknesses.” 99 As in the topsy-turvy monde à l’envers of the tragicomedy where few rules apply and servants disguise themselves as masters and vice versa, female martyrs are transgressors. Rules concerning “unity of tone” in which a character must exhibit the speech and behavior that reflect her social class are not respected by the female martyr. She abandons the character traits normally associated with her sex for those associated with the male figure. Although her physical traits remain feminine, she exhibits a behavior usually associated with male 99 See Furetière who defines woman as “plus foible que le masle.” Foiblesse refers to both mental and physical shortcomings. <?page no="110"?> 110 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie characters. 100 She is an androgynous figure or a fusion of opposites: “The heroic woman is not only free of all the unworthy attributes of womankind, nor simply possessed of masculine virtues; she also retains the qualities associated with the frailty of women (beauty, gentleness, clemency, compassion), thus forming an antithesis of woman in moral attributes, and a fusion of man and woman in her entirety, superior to one and the other sex…” (Maclean 249). The female martyr is unafraid to speak the doctrine of the Lord or rebel against the silence inflicted upon her sex. She uses her voice as an instrument of power, allowing those around her to witness her faith. Maud Burnett McInerney shows in her article, “Rhetoric, Power, and Integrity in the Passion of the Virgin Martyr” that the virgin martyr’s weakness becomes strength, and feminine discourse “defined as deceptive … since the days of Eve, becomes truthful, eloquent, possessed of the power both to inspire and to threaten” (50). Her words are threatening to the male patriarch. The only way to contain her or to silence her is to force marriage upon her or kill her if necessary. Significantly, these characteristics appear in 17 th century theatrical works as well as in paintings of the same period. In Figure 4, Saint Catherine has been painted by Diego de Borgraf in the classical style. According to hagiographic texts, Catherine was beheaded in 305 in Alexandria, Egypt for her faith. Born into the nobility, she was taught science and oratory. She was then converted to Christianity after she received a vision. When she was 18, during the persecution by Maximus, she offered to debate with the pagan philosophers. Many were converted by her teachings, and were eventually martyred. Maximus had her scourged and imprisoned. The Empress and the leader of the army who were curious went to see her in prison and were also converted and martyred. Maximus ordered her body to be tortured and broken on the wheel, but she destroyed it by touching it. After she was finally executed, her body was taken away by the angels. Borgraf’s painting brings out many of the elements found in the legend of this Saint as well as many of the characteristics of the virgin female martyr we discussed above. In the background of the painting, we see Catherine kneeling with her arms outspread as the torture wheel splinters into pieces. In the forefront of the painting, the broken wheel at her feet symbolizes God’s victory over evil and corruption through her. The rich, royal blue color of her gown and her gold jewelry illustrates her nobility. The artist emphasizes her beauty and her purity through the white palor of her skin and the delicateness of her hands. 100 See Paul Scott, “The Martyr-Figure as Transgressor in Seventeenth-Century French Theatre,” Les Lieux Interdits: Transgressions and French Literature, ed. L. Duffy et al (Tudor Hull: Hull University Press, 1998) 77. <?page no="111"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 111 Her lips are slightly parted as though she continues to speak the word of God - represented by her sword. Her eyes are turned toward heaven, seeking relief and the passage to heaven, as the angels come to bring her a wreath of roses, perhaps symbolizing her innocence and youth. Her delicate hand is raised to receive the gift. Fig. 4. Diego de Borgraf, Saint Catherine of Alexandria (1656) Denver Art Museum Saint Theodora has also inspired artists in the 17 th century. In the illustration of Saint Theodora in Figure 5, done by Italian master, Bernardino Capitelli, many elements of the hagiographic elements are depicted as well. The legend of Saints Theodora and Didymus (d. 304) is based on a 4 th century acta and the second book of Saint Ambrose of Milan’s Vierges (Liber de exhortatione virginitatis). Both were martyred during the reigns of Roman Emperors Diocletian and Maximianus. The prefect of Alexandria, Proculus, made aware of Theodora’s vow of celibacy called her before him. He reminded her that she <?page no="112"?> 112 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie was of noble Roman blood and since she was quite beautiful, could have her choice of husbands. She, in turn, reminded him of her vow. His responded by telling her that she would be taken to a brothel if she did not comply. Since she refused marriage, she was taken to a brothel. However, Didymus, a Christian soldier, came to save her. He made her exchange clothing with him so that she could escape. Didymus was then taken prisoner and brought to Proculus, who condemned him to death. Theodora joined him, and they were both beheaded. In the illustration below, Theodora is featured as she is most often in representations of her - wearing the clothing of Didymus. The fact that she is wearing men’s clothing underlines her androgynous character traits. Her masculine clothing does not diminish the beauty of her facial features and her youth - her golden hair, her long roman nose, and her rosebud lips. Her gaze is directed downward, perhaps suggesting her modesty or her pudeur. Fig. 5. engraving, Bernardino Capitelli, Saint Theodora (17 th cen) The Illustrated Bartsch. Vol. 45, Italian Masters of the Seventeenth Century <?page no="113"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 113 Yet, her beautiful hair, often a symbol of femininity, is partially covered. And she is also shown reading a book - perhaps the sacred scriptures, which demonstrates her desire to become more knowledgeable in the Christian doctrine. Furthermore, she appears to be instructing a young boy, which is not an occupation normally taken up by young woman. The halo above her head emphasizes her innocence and purity and announces her approaching martyrdom. Representations of some of these virile female martyr protagonists featured in martyr plays published between 1641 and 1655 are often similar, as shown by La Serre’s Saint Catherine, Corneille’s Théodore, and La Vallée’s Saint Susanne. In these plays featuring female virgin saints, the female heroines express an aversion to to romantic love and earthly passion, and inspire desire and lust in their adversaries because of their youth and beauty. Furthermore, their youth is emphasized in order to inspire admiration on the part of their spectators since they are able to demonstrate such fidelity and strength of character at an impressionable age. In all of these plays the female martyr heroines seem to express a death wish, or a desire to be with Christ which takes precedence over their marriages or love interests, if any. And finally, all of these female protagonists demonstrate great wisdom and knowledge of Christian doctrine. Some, such as Saint Catherine and Saint Susanne inspire male heroes to convert to Christianity. La Serre’s Saint Catherine Although La Serre’s tragedy Saint Catherine is not often studied today, his play enjoyed relative success after its first performance at the Hôtel de Bourgogne in 1641. It was first published in 1642 and performed again between 1642 and 1647. It was reprinted in 1647 and translated into Dutch. 101 In this dramatized version of the legend of Saint Catherine, which is one of at least five from the 17 th century, 102 the Empress is depicted as sympathetic to the suffering of the Christians who will be sacrificed to the Roman gods by 101 See the introduction to Jean Puget de La Serre, Sainte Catherine, tragédie (Paris, 1642) Centre de Recherches sur l’Histoire du Théâtre, ed. Judith Fischer, 5 Dec. 2005 <http: / / www.crht.org/ ? Biblioth%E8que+dramatique/ Le+Martyre+de+sainte+ Catherine>. 102 Les Tragédies et histoires sainctes de Jean Boissin de Gallardon (Lyon: Simon Rigaud, 1618) Arsenal: B.L.4 # 2645; E. Poytevin, Saincte Catherine tragédie (Paris: Mathurin Henault, 1619) Arsenal: B.L.4 #3610; Jean Puget de La Serre, Sainte Catherine tragédie (Paris: Sommaville & Courbé, 1643) BnF: Yf.382; Anon., Le Martyre de Ste Catherine tragédie (Caen: Eleazar Mangeant, 1649) Sorbonne: R.ra 414; [Soeur Marie] de la Chapelle, L’Illustre philosophe ou l’histoire de saincte Catherine d’Alexandrie,Tragédie (Autun: Blaise Simonnot, 1663) Arsenal: 8 # B.L.13880. <?page no="114"?> 114 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie the Emperor as an expression of gratitude for his success in the expansion of his Empire. The Emperor, impressed with Catherine’s beauty, offers her the crown if she will renounce Christianity but Catherine refuses to betray her conscious. They enter into a debate. The Empress, jealous of Catherine’s influence over the Emperor, visits her in her cell to interrogate her in order to determine her real intentions. Catherine succeeds in converting her to Christianity. In Act 4, the King who is troubled by Catherine’s beauty and power of persuasion, sends Lucius, the philosopher to debate with Catherine, but she succeeds in converting him as well. It is only after Catherine’s execution upon hearing the music of the angels that the Emperor decides to convert to Christianity as well. In comparison with the original legend, the supernatural element is greatly reduced and it is truly Catherine’s eloquence that convinces the others to convert - not the light from the angels or the miracles that occur in the legend such as the breaking of the wheel or the sudden deaths of 4000 pagan spectators. One by one, the Imperatrice and the Emperor’s philosophers succumb to her influence confessing their desire to be martyred along with Catherine. This pattern is repeated in Pascal’s play except it is more sudden and simultaneous in her case. With the exception of Triphine’s conversion, all of the others take place one after the other in the final scene of the play. In Sainte Catherine, the conversions are gradual. What is significant about Saint Catherine is that besides her companion Emilie, her family members are never mentioned. She does not seem to have a father or a brother to act as a patriarchal authority. This does of course give her more freedom to make her own choices. But as Fischer points out, this also sets her apart from more realistic protagonists who cannot avoid this obstacle: “Le fait qu’elle soit entièrement maîtresse d’elle-même et de son destin élimine d’une part les obstacles qui pourraient naître d’un désaccord entre le père et la fille et d’autre part contribue à donner à ce personnage une certaine irréalité” (8). Catherine’s fatal flaw, her beauty, plays an important role in the development of the action. The power and influence of her beauty over the Emperor is almost supernatural, although Catherine chooses not to abuse her natural gifts which she sees as fleeting and worthless: PORPHIRE. Mépriserez-vous encore cette grande beauté dont la Nature vous a pourveuë. CATHERINE. Ma beauté est un éclair qui ne luit que pour disparestre. (3.4) In a monologue at the end of the second Act, the Emperor reveals to what extent Catherine’s beauty influences his decisions: <?page no="115"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 115 L’EMPEREUR. il faut regner absolument si l’on veut porter la qualité de Souverain, les Sceptres et les coronnes ne relevent que d’eux-mesmes. Mais que dis-je? Cette inhumaine se rit de mes desseins, sçachant que le pouvoir des ses charmes s’estend beaucoup plus loin que celuy de mon authorité. Cette belle idolatre me persuade de le devenir; Car à mesure que le feu de la cholere embrase mon cœur, je sens que celuy de l’amour s’allume dans mon ame. Quel party doisje prendre? Fuiray je les sentiments de la Justice ou ceux de l’amour. Another traditional hagiographic detail encountered in this play is the theme of youth, a topos linked to epideictic discourse, which was used in classical rhetoric to emphasize the qualities and merits of an individual. Throughout the play La Serre underlines Catherine’s great faith and strength which exceeds all expectations, given her young age. For example, in Act 2, Scene 5, the Emperor hesitates to put her to death because of her young age, but Catherine protests: L’EMPEREUR. Et c’est elle-même (la raison) qui se declare vostre partie, puisqu’elle me contraint malgré les persuasions de vostre jeunesse, de punir vostre impieté. CATHERINE. Si vostre fureur a fait des Martyrs dans le berceau, ma jeunesse ne doit point arrester le cours de ces violences…. In the second scene of Act 4, the Emporer is still undecided, and claims that Catherine’s youth “blinds” her to reason: “Je voy bien que vostre desespoir l’emporte sur ma raison. J’ay compassion toutesfois de vostre jeunesse, vous estes aveugle aussi bien que moy….” In the fourth scene of the third Act, Porphire who is attempting to convince Catherine to abandon Christianity asks her to consider her youth or “jeunesse” to which Catherine replies “Elle vieillit à toute heure.” (She is continually aging) Yet another characteristic that defines Catherine, is her supernatural gifts of divination, a form of intelligence that betrays what is expected of her sex. In Act 4 she is able to predict Corvin’s eventual conversion and martyrdom: L’EMPEREUR. Le philosophe que j’ay envoyé querir vous instruira en ma presence, pour vous faire connoistre vostre erreur. CATHERINE. J’espere que luy-mesme confessera bien tost la sienne à vostre confusion & à son avantage, puis que les larmes de son repentir, & le sang de son martyre en éteignant les foudres du Ciel, luy en feront acquerir la gloire. (4.2) <?page no="116"?> 116 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie She also predicts Porphire’s conversion in the fourth scene of Act 3: PORPHIRE. Je crains que la cholere de l’Empereur n’éclate sur vostre teste. CATHERINE. Et j’espere que la Bonté de Dieu fera bien-tost coronner la vostre. PORPHIRE. (Il parle tout bas) Fuyons promptement, je sens ma foiblesse comme si mon cœur tenoit déjà son party…. Catherine’s “superhuman” eloquence allows her to convince all of the pagan characters to convert to Christianity. Like other female martyr heroines, Saint Catherine expresses a death wish, demonstrating absolute control over her mind and body, which is not in line with the 17 th century definition of a woman. She feels great happiness at the thought of dying for Christ and voices this desire to the Imperatrice in Act 3: CATHERINE. L’heure de notre retraite sonnera bientôt, Madame, mourons fidelles aujourd’huy, pour vivre eternellement heureuses. (3.5) God dwells within Catherine’s heart to the point where she seems emptied of all characteristics that would allow us to see her as human: “Sainte Catherine est présentée comme un personnage à la supériorité écrasante, parce qu’elle connaît la vérité de la religion chrétienne, qu’elle a surmonté avec un courage qui presque plus rien d’humain la crainte de la mort et toutes les passions terrestres” (Fischer 10). Even Catherine’s death is miraculous. In the last act of the play, as in the legend itself, Catherine manages to break the chains that bind her to the wheel that is being used to torture and stretch her body. When she is finally killed, her veins spill milk instead of blood and her body is carried up to Mount Sinai by the angels. Her only real moment of “weakness” is when she prays to God to give her protection and courage in Act 3: CATHERINE. Eschaufez ma volonté du feu de vostre amour, et animez mon courage de la force de vostre protection. However, even Jesus Christ himself revealed his own weakness when he prayed to God in the garden of Gethsemane on the Mount of Olives just before his crucifixion: “Father, if it is Your will, take this cup away from Me; nevertheless not My will, but Yours be done” (Nelson Study Bible, Luk. 22. 42). After that, the Angel of the Lord came and strengthened him. Just as he demonstrated, reliance on God rather than on “self” is proof of strength in one’s own faith. <?page no="117"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 117 Catherine is a stagnant character in that she does not hesitate in her faith nor resist punishment or torture. Therefore it is impossible for the spectator to feel pity or terror towards her. Laurent Thirouin in L’Aveuglement salutaire (1997) raises the same issue in regards to Corneille’s Théodore who is “une martyre toute d’une pièce, entièrement préoccupée de sa vocation religieuse, [et qui] n’a pas sa place dans le cadre d’une tragédie. Il faut que l’amour divin soit combattu par un attachement humain pour émouvoir le public.” 103 Corneille’s Théodore Théodore, vierge et martyre tragédie chrétienne (1646), Corneille’s less successful martyr-play, is specifically mentioned by d’Aubignac in his Pratique du Théâtre as an example of a subject that does not respect the rules of bienséances. He states that a plot that centers on the prostitution of a female martyr cannot be pleasing to an audience. As mentioned earlier, another reason for the failure of this play appears to be notably the female heroine’s “froideur.” In Corneille’s dramatic version of the legend of Théodore, Marcelle, the wife of Valens, governor of Antioch, wants Placide, the governor’s son, to marry her dying daughter Flavie in the hopes that they would still produce an heir to the throne. However, Placide is in love with Théodore, Princess of Antioch. Marcelle, whose daughter’s hand is rejected by Placide, seeks revenge when she finds out that the object of Placide’s affection is a Christian. Marcelle condems her to prostitution but Didyme saves her from her fate by helping her escape the brothel in disguise. After the death of her daughter, Marcelle becomes furious and executes both Didyme and Théodore who are more than happy to die for their religion. Marcelle is assassinated, and Placide, who holds her father accountable, commits suicide to punish him. At the end of the last act, the governor is left alone in his misery. Throughout the play, like Catherine, Théodore never shows any weakness in her faith in God and seems to revel in the thought of dying for her faith. In Act 2, Scene 2, Cléobule can come to speak with Théodore on his friend Placide’s behalf. Théodore expresses the joy she feels at the thought of her martyrdom: THEODORE. Et s’il me faut périr, dites-lui qu’avec joie Je cours à cette mort où son amour m’envoie, Et que, par un exemple assez rare à nommer, Je périrai pour lui, si je ne puis l’aimer. 103 Cited in Fischer 39. <?page no="118"?> 118 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Placide is unable to win her affections. In Act 3, Scene 3, Théodore remains unmoved by Placide’s attempts to seduce her with his words. She remains dedicated to her cause: THEODORE. Un obstacle éternel à vos désirs s’oppose. Chrétienne, et sous les lois d’un plus puissant époux…. Mais, seigneur, à ce mot ne soyez pas jaloux. Quelque haute splendeur que vous teniez de Rome, Il est plus grand que vous; mais ce n’est point un homme: C’est le Dieu des chrétiens, c’est le maître des rois, C’est lui qui tient ma foi, c’est lui dont j’ai fait choix…. Her only apparent flaw, would seemingly be her feelings for Didyme which she reveals ever so subtly to Cléobule in Act 2, Scene 2: THEODORE. Si cette fermeté dont elle est annoblie Par quelques traits d’amour pouvait être affaiblie, Mon cœur, plus incapable encor de vanité, Ne ferait point de choix que dans l’égalité; Et rendant aux grandeurs en respect légitime, J’honorerais Placide, et j’aimerais Didyme. These feelings do not seem to squelch her religious fervor however since in Act 5, Scene 6, Didyme and Théodore argue as to who will be the one to be martyred: THEODORE. Oui Didyme, il faut vivre et me laisser mourir; C’est à moi qu’on en veut, c’est à moi de périr. Rends, Didyme, rends-moi le seul bien où j’aspire C’est le droit de mourir, et l’honneur du martyre; A quel titre peux-tu me retenir mon bien? DIDYME. A quel droit voulez-vous vous emparer du mien? C’est à moi qu’appartient, quoique vous puissiez dire, Et le droit de mourir, et l’honneur du martyre. When Marcelle expresses her intention to avenge her daughter’s shame Théodore gloats to Didyme: THEODORE. J’ai donc enfin gagné, Didyme et tu le vois. L’arrêt est prononcé; c’est moi dont on fait choix Théodore and Marcelle represent two sides of a coin. Both female protagonists are incapable of allowing the feelings of others to dictate their actions. Théodore chooses death over love while Marcelle does not hesitate to kill to get what she wants. Neither of them is willing to accept a compromise. <?page no="119"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 119 La Vallée’s Saint Susanne La Forte romaine en vers françois, written by La Vallée first appeared without publishing information sometime between February 1654 and May 1655. 104 In 1656 the work was reissued by Rocolet in Paris under the title Saincte Suzanne martyre. Curiously enough, the entire play is divided into five “parties” with “entretiens” instead of five “acts” with “scenes.” 105 In the first entretien, Susanne converts Claude, a Roman senator and “parent” to Susanne, who seems to be in love with her. When he asks her what he must do to become a Christian, Susanne directs him to the priest of her church. Meanwhile, the Emperor Diocletian encourages his “gendre” who is still grieving the loss of his wife and the daugher to the Emperor, to pursue Susanne. In the second partie, Maxime, one of the Emperor’s favorites, tells Claude about his sovereign’s desire to marry Susanne to Maximian. The Senator assures him that Susanne will not accept such an arrangment since she is determined to remain a virgin. In the third partie, Susanne succeeds in converting Maxime to Christianity as well. The Emperor is angry when he learns that Susanne has converted both of his most dedicated men to Christianity. In the fourth partie all of the Christians are brought into be judged by the Emperor, Prevost and Roman officials. They are found guilty and condemned to be roasted alive and their ashes scattered in the river. After Susanne refuses to marry Maximian, she is executed along with the Emperor’s favorites in the final act. From the beginning to the very end of the play, Susanne expresses joy at the thought of dying for her Christian beliefs. In her soliloquy, in the deuxième partie, Susanne affirms that there is nothing on Earth that compares to the joys of the afterlife. To die for Christ is a small price to pay for the eternal glory and happiness which await her in the heavenly realm. Thus her only desire is to abandon this “sejour odieux” or this detestable life in order to gain access to the Kingdom of God where she will remain in the presence of God: SUSANNE. Et pour combler les siens d’une gloire supréme, Sa charité l’oblige a se donner soy-mesme. Tout ce que l’Univers possede de plus beau, Est moins qu’une étincelle au prix de ce flambeau; Flambeau, dont la lumiere en éclairant une ame, L’embrase de l’ardeur d’une divine flame, 104 See the Dictionnaire des lettres françaises (Paris: A. Fayard, 1951) 1241. 105 Lancaster states that “completely lacking in unity, the tragedy is little more than a series of homilies in verse.” See History vol. 3, 409. <?page no="120"?> 120 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Et luy faisant trouver ce séjour odieux, L’illumine au chemin qui nous conduit aux Cieux. C’est là, que la douceur se goûte sans meslange, Que la félicité n’est point sujette au change, Et qu’on a des plaisirs, dont la solidité, Ne sçauroit prendre fin, qu’avec l’Eternité. C’est là, charmant objet, que j’ay ferme esperance, De posseder bien-tost vostre auguste presence; Even in the very final entretien of the play in which Macedone describes Susanne’s execution, we learn that she dies with a smile on her face, bringing all of the spectators to tears. Like the other virgin martyrs we have explored including Théodore and Catherine, Susanne expresses an aversion to love or earthly passion because of her wishes to remain pure. In the very first entretien of the play between Claude and Susanne, Susanne squelches his efforts to seduce her: SUSANNE. J’ay de l’aversion pour les baisers d’un homme: Mon visage ne fut jamais touché d’aucun…. Furthermore, Susanne seems opposed to anything pleasurable that might distract her from her devotion to God: SUSANNE. Illustres dignités, grandeurs, mondaine pompe, De qui le faux éclat en nous charmant nous trompe; Delices, voluptés, abondance, plaisirs, Appas, qui nous perdés, en gaigant nos desirs, Funestes rejettons d’une fatale souche, Vos fruicts paroissent beaux; mais n’ont rien qui me Touche. (2.2) Like Catherine, Susanne’s great beauty, emphasized by the male protagonists throughout the play, is a force which contradicts her desire to remain pure and virginal, driving men to lust after her. She is referred to as “cette belle Chrestienne” by Diocletian in the second entretien of the second partie and a “soleil” by Maxime in the last entretien of the second partie. For Maximian who would like to make her his bride, her beauty is made even greater by her noble birth: MAXIMIAN. Ces belles qualitez, que la Nature donne, Sont des droits de naissance, acquis à la personne… Ses parents, apres nous, tiennent le premier rang. Et Rome n’en a point d’un plus illustre rang, En elle, la Nature a mis son industrie, Pour rendre les humains suspects d’idolatrie…. (2.3) <?page no="121"?> The female martyr in 17 th century drama 121 It is her beauty which causes Diocletian great inner turmoil as to whether or not he should follow through with her execution in the first entretien of the last partie: DIOCLETIAN. Mon esprit agité de mouvements étranges, A peine à se resoudre en de si grands mélanges, Si je dois pour les Dieux punir l’impieté; La Nature qui veut conserver sa beauté, De toute sa vigeur à ce dessein s’oppose…. At first, the Emperor does not condemn Susanne as he does Maxime and Claude. He still hopes that Maximian will be able to convince her to accept his marriage proposal. Like Catherine, Susanne sees her beauty as a stumbling block. DIOCLETIAN. Vostre beauté, ma fille, excuse vostre crime. Allons. SUSANNE. Ha! que j’aurois de funestes appas Si j’evitois par eux un semblable trepas (4.2) Similar to Catherine, Susanne demonstrates great wisdom of Christian doctrine and intelligence. Her privileged relationship with God gives her the authority to preach Christianity to Claude and and Maxime in order to convert them in the first entretien of the third partie. We can conclude that in the plays that we have examined featuring female martyrs from the period between 1642 and 1655, La Mesnardière’s rules for female characterization are not respected. In fact, some depict the female protagonists as having superior moral strength and often great intelligence as in the case of Catherine, and Susanne. The fact that these women have a priviledged relationship with God allows them to go beyond the traditional standards for feminine roles. Saint Catherine, Saint Théodore, and Saint Susanne are not subject to the rules of bienséances since they are empowered by a Godly force that does not have bend to the will of men. Saintly women who often exhibit supernatural forces are an exception to the rules of bienséances as they are considered to be the very image of an all-knowing and perfect God. Their desire to be martyred for their beliefs in God and to preserve their virginal purity gives them the right to resist unjust corrupt rulers. However, as Corneille indicates in his Examen of Théodore, the female martyr on stage, who demonstrates little passion towards anything other than her God “n’a ni jambes ni bras.” Most of the hagiographic female protagonists that we have examined here including Catherine and Susanne seem incapable of shedding a tear or exhibiting the slightest weakness. They are full of the spirit and seem joyous about the idea of suffering for Christ. In turn, it is almost impossible for the spectator to sympathize with them. <?page no="122"?> 122 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie They oppose the Aristotelian model in that they are able to inspire perhaps admiration from their readers and spectators, but incapable of inspiring pity. A virgin female martyr who remains humble, pious, and void of any emotion simply cannot be successful on stage. For Nicole, in order to be pleasing to the spectators, the hero or heroine, whether he or she is called to martyrdom or sainthood must manifest or express himself or herself in a galant manner: “Il faut que la dévotion de ces Saints de théâtre soit toujours un peu galante. C’est pourquoi la disposition au Martyre n’empêche pas la Théodore de M. de Corneille de parler en ces termes”: Si mon âme à mes sens était abandonné Et se laissait conduire à ces impressions Que forment en naissant les belles passions. 106 Corneille seeks to move the spectators to pity by allowing them to witness her inner struggle between divine love and romantic love. Théodore however resists galanterie. The love she harbors in her heart for Didyme is never declared and her conduct is not affected. But as we saw in the 1660 edition of his Examen, Corneille admits failure in having unsuccessfully attempted to combine the two irreconcilable worlds - that of sainthood and the tragedy. Pascal’s Triphine, however, represents the author’s attempt to give the female martyr heroine a much-needed makeover. Pascal’s Triphine In terms of character, Pascal’s female martyr Triphine fits the profile of a tragic Aristotelian heroine more so than the other female martyrs since she exhibits both negative and positive character traits. As for her negative traits, she has a tendency to flee from opposition as she does in Act 4 when she runs away with Agathon to avoid an arranged marriage. She knows that she must learn to trust God, yet she seems to have difficulty abandoning her wealth at first. For instance, when she runs away with Agathon, she insists on bringing her jewelry. Furthermore she is depicted as coquettish and slightly manipulative. For example, she lies to her father in her letter, telling him that she has committed suicide so that she can run away with Agathon. Moreover, she seems to enjoy making Polydore an object of ridicule in Act 2 when she proposes to Agathon that she pretend to be interested in him so that they can enjoy a good laugh about it behind his back. In comparison to the other hagiographic female martyrs, Triphne’s mischievous nature makes her a more believable and likeable character who best emulates what Aristotle 106 Nicole, Traité de la comédie et autres pièces d’un procès du théâtre 14. The citation comes from Théodore Act 2, Scene 2 v. 392-394. <?page no="123"?> Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda 123 had stipulated in terms of character development. Although in the end, she eventually embraces Christianity and is willing to suffer martyrdom, it is only after the shipwreck that she is able to recognize God’s influence in their lives and learns to trust in him. While Catherine’s faith is unwavering from the very beginning, Triphine has to slowly learn to trust in God before she is willing to accept Christianity. Furthermore, while the other female martyrs that we have examined are seemingly emptied of romantic sentiment, I contend that in the case of Triphine, it is also her love for Agathon that drives her actions, and not only her desire to be martyred. Even when she is arrested by her father and the search party, she confesses her love for Agathon before she confesses her conversion Christianity. Thus, the fact that she has become a Christian is certainly not the only reason for her father to punish her. It is also the fact that she has chosen Agathon as a husband which angers her father. The most striking feature of Triphine’s character in comparison to the other female martyr protagonists is the fact that that she must demonstrate courage by resisting the demands placed on her by her own father who tries to force her into an arranged marriage. Other female martyrs like Saint Catherine are pressured by unjust rulers to marry and renounce their faith in order to avoid execution. However, since the central figure of authority is represented by her father, Pascal seems to be explicitly questioning the authority of the patriarchal system and more specifically the institution of marriage rather than the abuse of royal power. Triphon, the heroine’s father, embodies the authority of the State. It is he who has been given full authority by the Emperor to make the final decision as to whether or not she will live or die in the final scene. The conflict between subject and state thus plays a secondary role to the one between father and daughter. This central theme is one that we will now examine in detail. Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda Triphine’s heroic defiance of the patriarchal system in Agathonphile martyr illustrates how Pascal may have used this genre as a medium through which she was able to voice her criticisms of the society in which she lived. As Wendy Gibson affirms, “throughout the 17 th century, plays led a subtle protest movement against acts of tyranny in sentimental matters, denouncing traffic in human liberty that passed for marriage, and in claiming the right to bestow love and select a partner without a third party interference” (49). In plays of this time period, heroines tried all kinds of ruses in order to have the husband of their choice, such as Lucinde in L’Amour Médecin who pre- <?page no="124"?> 124 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie tended to be deathly ill in order to trick her father into allowing her to marry her lover. Many female spectators must have identified with these female protagonists and perhaps that is the reason for their popularity as Gibson suggests. 107 However, even in these plays there were limits as to how far the ruse could be carried out: It was a brave or foolish girl who defied these formidable personages and risked physical violence or incarceration in a convent… Besides, marriage was the one sure way of escaping parental domination since almost everywhere it legally emancipated a girl from parental authority… The alternative to resignation threatened to place a girl in a frightening no man’s land outside the social and moral structures with which she was familiar. (51) Furthermore, in order to restore order and to preserve the bienséances in these plays, a favorable turn of events almost always allowed for the desired union to take place and for the family unit to resume its normal functionality. For example, in Molière’s L’Ecole des femmes, it is discovered in the very last scene of the play, much to Arnolphe’s chagrin, that Agnès is the long lost daugher of the well-to-do Enrique who had always intended for her to marry Horace. Thus the happy couple’s union is blessed and order is restored. With such intrigues “Readers and spectators could safely enjoy by proxy, all the thrills of revolt, but no one cared to contemplate the problematic situation of the girl whose rebellion definitely placed her outside the family, or the respectable social pale” (Gibson 51). The female martyr is particularly problematic when seen from this angle since the spiritual authority that is given to her through her faith in God and her desire to remain chaste places her in direct opposition to the patriarchal system. 108 The Scriptures themselves give the Christian woman the right to resist marriage if she chooses to remain a bride of Christ: Le droit de vivre est littéralement donné aux femmes par l’Evangile, et c’est dater de l’Evangile aussi que la femme devient une personne égal de l’homme, qu’on lui reconnaît le droit de décider elle-même do son existence, de choisir le genre de vie qu’elle entend mener, alors qu’auparavant 107 Gibson lists additional plays featuring female protagonits who attempt to escape arranged marriages employing various ruses; Desmarets de Saint Sorlin’s Mirame (4.4); Du Ryer’s Alcimedon (5.5); Mairet’s Silvanire, éd R. Otto (3.3); Molière’s Tartuffe (2.3); Rotrou’s L’Heureuse Constance (1.3) and Rotrou’s La Pèlerine Amoureuse (1.1 and 3.7). 108 See Cloke 49. “In the post-Constantinian period then, a girl wishing to dedicate herself to a religious life would need to have escaped the more peremptory manifestations of patria potestas and struggle against a social expectation tantamount to coercion and marriage.” <?page no="125"?> Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda 125 ce choix était fait par son père ou, au besoin, son frère. Il suffit pour en être convaincu de lire le récit des “passions” ou martyres de ces filles dont les noms peuplent notre liturgie la plus ancienne (Lucie, Agnès, Cécile, Anastasie) pour comprendre que le sort qui leur a été infligé venait en punition de ce qu’elles affirmaient leur volonté propre à l’encontre du vouloir paternel et des décisions prises à leur endroit. (Pernoud 171) In the case of Pascal’s Triphine, we have seen that it is not only her faith which motivates her actions. It is just as much her vow to remain faithful to Agathon that leads her to refuse the marriage her father has arranged for her. Thus, it is not only her spirituality that gives her the authority to usurp her father’s role as patriarch, but also her will to remain “constant” in her love. Her final act is an act of faith as well as an act of love. Herein lies the originality of Pascal’s play. Hence Agathonphile martyr is not a play about tyranny or religious intolerance. The real issue that this play examines is whether or not a father should have absolute control over his daughter’s right to follow her own heart. The play makes a political statement in proposing an alternate societal hierarchy; one in which women claim the right to make their own decisions about whom they will and will not marry. Marriage in 17 th century France In 17 th century society, marriage and politics went hand in hand. 109 Marriage was a political matter - not to be left up to the two individuals in question. The choice of husband or wife had definite repercussions for the family’s reputation, material welfare, and perpetuation of the family name. Thus marriage negotiations were almost always conducted by the families of the couple in question. Le Blanc in La Direction et la consolation des personnes mariées ou les moyens infaillibles de faire un mariage heureux, d’un qui seroit malheureux (1664) encourages young people to yield to the will of their parents: “Le meilleur conseil que je puisse vous donner est … de vous informer des 109 For more information regarding marriage in 17th century France see Sharon Kettering, French Society 1589-1715 (London: Pearson Ed, 2001). Also see Joan DeJean’s introduction to Against Marriage: The Correspondence of La Grande Mademoiselle (Chicago: U of Chicago Press, 2002) 3. DeJean describes marriage as a political affair: “In early modern Europe, the marriage of an aristocratic woman was always a thoroughly political matter: it was understood by all concerned that she was first and foremost a commodity. She belonged to her family, whose role it was to negotiate the exchange of her hand for whatever it needed most-money, social advancement, a military alliance. The higher her rank, the higher the stakes of these negotiations. And when great wealth and extensive property were added to the equation, such a marriage became truly an affair of state.” <?page no="126"?> 126 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie inclinations & de la volonté de vostre pere, de vostre mere, & de vos autres parens. Surtout, ne vous mes-alliez jamais, n’y pour ce qui concerne les biens, ny pour ce qui regarde la noblesse” (17-8). His final comment underlines the fact that 17 th century marriages were “endogamous, that is within a goup sharing the same religion, rank, geography and occupation” (Kettering 8). This was to ensure the wealth, property, and titles of the families in question or to perhaps allow them to advance in social status, acquiring new political power, connections, and influence. Echoing Le Blanc, de Villethierry in chapter six of La vie des gens mariez ou les obligations de ceux qui s’engagent dans le mariage (1694) voices the very same ideas concerning social status: “Que selon les Saints Peres il seroit à souhaiter qu’il y eût égalité, soit pour l’âge, pour les biens, & pour la naissance entre ceux qui contractent mariage.” Le Blanc even advises males not to marry a woman who is of higher status since she would be less inclined to be obedient, which is her duty: “Je vous conseille mesmes, de ne point viser plus haut que vostre portée. Car si vous avez une femme notablement plus noble, plus riche, & mesme plus belle & plus adroite que vous: vous estes dans un evident peril, qu’au lieu d’une femme qui vous obeïsse selon son devoir: vous n’en ayez une qui faste la maistresse & qui vous gourmande” (18). A woman who was honorable was taught to be submissive and obedient. Therefore, she hesitated to voice an opinion or her feelings during the negotiations of a marriage contract. Le Blanc confirms that it is this code of conduct which often causes the female to silence her inclinations and thus enter into an unhappy marriage: “Il est plus facile, mais plus perilleux, de faire consentir les filles à un Mariage desavantageux & desagreable. La crainte & la vergogne leur ferment le cœur & la bouche: & ne leur permettent pas d’expliquer leurs desirs ny leurs aversions” (19). Her parents could invite her to express her opinion, but this was not often the case, especially if their financial status depended upon the match. And she certainly could not offer an alternative choice. Richard Allestrée, in “The Ladies calling” (1673) affirms that: “Tis most agreeable to the Virgin Modesty, which should make Marriage an act rather of their obedience then their choice” (20). The rules of social bienseances did not allow young women to choose their own spouses especially if he represented a lower social class. A female who came from an elite class and whose family had the financial assets to arrange a marriage for her was obliged to accept their decision even if she did not have any particular attraction for her potential spouse. Le Blanc advises the young bride-to-be to conform to her parents’ wishes even if she has no particular inclination for the husband her parents have chosen for her: <?page no="127"?> Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda 127 Que si la demande de vos parens est raisonnable: & que vos amours soient volages, & malfondez: accommodez-vous à leur volonté: Et generalement parlant, c’est le meilleur, & ce que Dieu benit davantage: si l’aversion n’est point trop grande ou les defauts de celuy qu’on presente trop notables, & qui choquent trop puissamment vostre imagination. Ainsi Rebecca accepta Isaac, Lia & Rachel accepterent Jacob, & Sara prit pour mary le jeune Tobie…. (20-21) Alestrée emphasizes that it is the parents’ God-given right to oversee the marriage contract, and that one should not be led by one’s inclination, as love is unstable: And this is one of the highest injuries they can do their parents, who, have such a native Right in them, that ‘tis no less an Injustice than Disobedience to dispose themselves without them. This right of the parent is so undoubted, that we find God himself gives way to it, and will not suffer the most Holy pretence, no not that of a vow, to invade it, as we may see his own stating of the case Numb. 30. How will he then resent it, to have this so indespenible a Law violated upon the impulse of an impotent Passion, an amorous Inclination? (18-19) In Trotti de La Chétardie’s Instruction pour une jeune princesse, (1684) he encourages well-bred women of the court to stifle their inclinations and to allow their parents complete control of their destinies: C’est dans ces occasions, où il faut estre extrémement en garde. Les commencemens de l’amour ont quelque chose de si honneste entre deux personnes qui ont du mérite, il est si naturel d’aimer ce qui nous paroist aimable, quand on s’en croit aimé, & si la vertu ne s’y opposoit, il y auroit tant de justice de le faire qu’on ne sçauroit prendre trop de precautions contre une Passion, dont il est aussi difficile d’arrester le cours, qu’il est aisé de s’opposer à sa naissance. Le moyen de vous en garantir, c’est de couper chemin de bonne heure à ces sortes de commencemens d’en regarder la fuite avec frayeur, & de songer que vostre destinée dépend moins de vous, que de la volonté de ceux qui vous ont mis au monde. (31-2) Neither Le Blanc nor de Villethierry advise couples to marry for love. Infact, for Le Blanc, love is seen as a dangerous passion that disappears as quickly as it ignites: Il ne se faut point marier par phantaisie, mais par une meure deliberation…. L’Amour est un feu de paille qui s’allume dans un clin d’œil, qui éleve ses flâmes fort haut & qui a un si furieux embrasement, qu’il est capable de reduire en cendres les plus belles maisons, & les plus riches Palais. Neantmoins ce feu folet s’esteint facilement, & lors qu’on y pense le moins.” (14-16) <?page no="128"?> 128 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie De Villethierry discourages young people as well from being led “par le mouvement de leurs passions” (19) and reminds his readers that there are only two reasons for which a couple should marry - for procreation and to discourage sexual immorality: “Or l’Ecriture & les Saincts Peres nous apprennent qu’il y a deux fins pour lesquelles les hommes peuvent se porter au mariage: l’une pour entretenir la succession du genre-humain, & pour avoir des enfans qui benissent & qui servent le Seigneur; & l’autre pour mettre leur pureté à couvert, & pour arrêter l’impétuosité de leurs passions” (26-7). Marriage in 17 th century literature Any kind of subversive conduct by a protagonist who violated this code of conduct would have been considered a negative influence on female readers in seventeenth-century France. In theater, Triphine directly opposes her female counterparts Chimène and Pauline, whose sense of duty and honor forces them to stifle their passion. It is true that Scudéry, in “Observations sur le Cid” (1637), describes Chimène as a “fille dénaturée” and a “monstre” because of the love that she continued to harbor in her heart for Don Rodrigue, even after he murdered her father: “l’on y voit une fille desnaturee, ne parler que de ses follies, lors qu’elle ne doit parler que de son malheur; pleindre la perte de son Amant, lors qu’elle ne doit songer qu’a celle de son pere; aimer encor ce qu’elle doit abhorrer; souffrir en mesme temps, & mesme maison, ce meurtrier & ce pauvre corps; & pour achever son impieté, joindre sa main, à celle qui degoute encor du sang de son pere” (24). Corneille however, celebrates her honorable and virtuous attempts to ignore the promptings of her heart. Chimène does not “act” on her passion. Instead, she chooses to honor her father by “silencing” her heart. In the end we might conclude that she marries Don Rodrigue not by her own choice, but because the King commands it. Pauline in Polyeucte also abandons her own inclination for her father’s honor. In Act 1, Scene 3 she tells her maid how she left Sévère behind, guided by both reason and her sense of duty: PAULINE. Parmi ce grand amour que j’avais pour Sévère J’attendais un époux de la main de mon père. Toujours prête à le prendre, et jamais ma raison N’avoua de mes yeux l’aimable trahison… Et malgré des soupirs si doux, si favorables, Mon père et mon devoir étaient inexorables. Both Chimène and Pauline truly conform to the model of submission they are expected to emulate in a patriarchal society: <?page no="129"?> Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda 129 Dépendance et soumission tels sont les caractères, qu’impliquent l’idée de la féminité, telles sont les normes dont elle ne doit pas s’écarter. Se conformer à l’image typiquement féminine de faiblesse et de passivité, régler sa conduite sur les valeurs que l’homme a conçues telle et la tâche de la femme. (Fondi 70) In the world of the novel, the young Mlle de Chartres in La Princesse de Clèves is the model dutiful daughter who respects her Mother’s opinion of the Prince de Clèves so much that she would stifle her lack of inclination for him: “Mlle de Chartres répond qu’elle luy remarquoit les mesmes bonnes qualitez, qu’elle l’épouseroit mesme avec moins de répugnance qu’un autre, mais qu’elle n’avoit aucune inclination particuliere pour sa personne” (87). Valincour, in his Lettres, admits his surprise that Madame de Chartres would encourage her daugher to marry someone for whom she admitted having absolutely no inclination (133). However, his opinion contradicts his feelings stated previously on “love” in general and how a young woman, or a well-bred woman, should never be told of its pleasures for fear that she would seek to experience it for herself: “Mais il ne souvient de vous avoir ouï dire à vous-mesme, qu’il n’est rien de plus dangereux que d’exposer une fille à apprendre ce que l’amour a de doux; & à l’apprendre par la bouche d’une personne interessée, qui bien-loin de luy faire en mesme temps remarquer les malheurs qui suivent presque toûjours cette passion, n’a point de plus grand soin que de les luy cacher, & de luy en oster la connoissance. Le cœur se laisse séduire si aisément, par tout ce qui porte l’apparence du plaisir…” (123-4). Valincour’s opinion is reinforced by an elite society which does not see love as a basis for marriage, which is precisely why he marvels at the fact that M de Cleves loves his wife as her husband and her lover. The questioning of the institution of marriage during the 17 th century was discouraged in both real life and in the literary world. We find examples of historical female figures and literary female heroines who chose to reject marriage. The life of the “grande Mademoiselle” would prove to be an excellent example. The Duchess of Montpensier, daughter of Gaston d’Orléans, the brother of Louis XIII, began expressing her opinions about who she would and would not marry as early as 16 years of age despite Anne of Austria and Cardinal Mazarin’s concern about France’s international relations. She was heavily involved in the politics surrounding the Fronde in 1652 and was exiled from the court. After her return to Paris and the death of her Father, Louis the XIV ordered her to marry the King of Portugal but she refused and was exiled once again. 110 110 For information on the life of the Duchess of Montpensier see Joan Dejean, Against Marriage and Vincent J. Pitts, La Grande Mademoiselle at the Court of France: 1627-1693 (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000). <?page no="130"?> 130 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie In the realm of literature, Mlle de Scudéry was highly criticized and condemned by such members of the French Academy as Boileau for the feminocentric content in the “story of Sapho” found in the 10 th volume of Artemène. Sapho declares that marriage is “a long slavery” for women (10: 607) and that “in order to love each other forever with no loss of ardor, it is necessary never to marry” (10: 607). In the end, she and her lover depart for the land of the Sauromates, where the Amazons dwell. Scudéry’s rejection of the type of ending that traditionally characterized the novel would later inspire Lafayette’s Madame de Clèves to spend the rest of her life in a convent rather than remarry in La Princesse de Clèves. Her final actions become cause for debate in Valincour’s Lettres à Madame la Marquise. Valincour finds that her decision not to marry Nemours is a virtuous one, while a certain female acquaintance with whom the letter’s recipient is associated, finds the Princesse de Clèves to be “la prude la plus coquette, & la coquette la prus prude que l’on ait jamais veûë” for having rejected the Duke’s declaration of love (273). In Tender Geographies, De Jean underlines the fact that the readers of these novels would not have assumed that these departures from traditional plots had implications only for the literary heroines. To write about female heroines who sought an alternative to the institution of marriage during a time in which the Church and the State were both seeking to gain more control over its jurisdiction, was, as she states, “hardly an innocent gesture” (10-11). Pascal’s Triphine also violates codes of female conduct by refusing an arranged marriage and allowing her own inclination to guide her to her destiny. The concept of “following one’s own heart” or “inclination,” a concept from the “Carte de Tendre” discussed earlier, gave men and women lessons in gallantry and the game of courting. Clélie was attacked by Boileau who claimed her novel as an example of “la mauvaise morale” and that the heroes and heroines, who should have imitated the heroic soberness of the first Romans, “ne s’occupent qu’à tracer des Cartes Geographiques d’Amour, qu’à se proposer les uns aux autres des questions et des Enigmes galantes” (Dialogue 445). These criticisms perhaps masked a greater concern for the stability of the patriarchal system since the “Carte de Tendre” developed the idea that women can remain in control of their own destinies. Boileau expressed his distaste of such a system which emphasized what he would call “molesse” or a lack of masculine virility. DeJean suggests that Boileau’s condemnation of her novel may have been attributed to the idea that the “Carte de Tendre” encouraged “embourgeoisement” in which aristocrats would marry beneath their station permitting the enlargement of the bourgeoisie class (Tender Geographies 91). <?page no="131"?> Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda 131 Pascal’s treatment of marriage Pascal’s Triphine rejects the rules of decorum related to her social class by expressing her inclination for Agathon, who is not of royal blood, and violates the Roman law of patria potestas, signifying the power that a Roman father had over his children, by refusing to marry Cévère. In the sixth scene of Act 2, Triphon asserts his authority over his daughter: TRIPHON. Monsieur, asseurez-vous de ce que j’ay juré, & croyez que Triphine se soumettra toujours. CEVERE. Ouy, mais je m’imagine Que comme elle est si jeune. TRIPHON. Ha! Monsieur, croyez-moy, En fin, dès maintenant je vous donne sa foy, Quand bien elle en feroit un peu de resistance, Vous sçavez bien qu’un pere a beaucoup de puissance Sur l’esprit d’un enfant. CEVERE. Faites vostre pouvoir TRIPHON. Croyez que je sçauray la mettre à son devoir. The fact that Triphine’s father would force her to marry someone so much older than her makes him twice the tyrant! Despite Triphon’s assurance that he has nothing to fear and that his word is enough to ensure the bride’s cooperation, even Cévère who expresses some obvious insecurities regarding his age, questions the severity of the law and Triphine’s willingness to submit: CEVERE. S’il est aussi certain, comme elle m’est promise, Que je sois son Espoux, je seray trop heureux, Mais le peu d’asseurance à mon cœur amoureux, Qu’une jeune beauté puisse ainsi se soumettre Sous cette dure loy vous la pouvez promettre. (2.6) In this light, Triphon plays the role of the true tragic character in the play since he exaggerates his ability to control his daughter. His character flaw is his hubris or his excessive pride, which does not allow him to see his own daughter as anything other than his property or an object of exchange. In L’Ecole des femmes, Arnolphe is inhibited by the very same flaw. However, the comical irony is that the situation becomes entirely beyond his control when Agnes’ true identity is revealed in the end. It turns out that he is neither truly her father nor her guardian, and therefore has no power over her or her inheritance. Triphon, on the other hand, does have the power to exercice his influence over his dauthter’s destiny, but the tragic irony is that he cannot control her will. And in the end, the only way to bend her will to his is to kill her. Through Triphine’s active resistance to her father’s authority, <?page no="132"?> 132 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Pascal specifically addresses the problem of woman’s speech in the public sphere. It is Triphine’s outspokeness which challenges the rules of bienséances since “a woman’s modesty is directly tied to her silence, and a man’s control of her to the forfeit of her sexual and her speaking self” (Jordan 47). The refusal to remain silent is a sign of unchastity, which is a woman’s greatest value in traditional patriarchal society. A virtuous obedient daughter did not speak in public as this was considered to be a sign of unchastity. In the chapter “Of Modesty,” Allestrée states that a woman’s “look, her speech, her whole behavior should own an humble distrust of herself…. Indeed there is scarce anything that looks more indecent, then to see a young Maid too forward and confident in her talk…. Her tongue should indeed be like the imaginary music of the spheres, sweet and charming, but not to be heard at distance” and that “as Modesty prescribes the manner, so it do’s also the mesure of speaking; refrains all excessive talkativeness, a fault incident to none but the bold…. The ancient Romans thought it so much so, that they allowed not that Sex to speak publically” (6-8). First, Triphine directly violates the code of silence inflicted upon her by making public her opposition to a contractual marriage. In Act 3, Scene 2 Triphine rejects the marriage that her father has arranged for her with Senator Cévère, a favorite of Emperor Décie. When she does not have the right to speak, Triphine’s short, incomplete aposiopetic utterances are enough to anger her father: TRIPHON. Ce puissant Senateur, que l’Empire revere, Comme un autre Empereur, en fin le favory De l’Empereur Decie, il sera son Mary. TRIPHINE. N’est-ce pas ma pensée? ALPHONSE. (à Euple.) Helas! Elle souspire. TRIPHINE. Ha! Seigneur, permettez, TRIPHON. En fin, qu’allez-vous dire? Vous voudriez refuser Cévère? TRIPHINE. Un tel Espoux! TRIPHON. Quoy, vous ne le trouvez assez digne de vous? Il est d’aage, il est vray, mais ses rares vertus Pourroient faire blasmer ton injuste refus, Prepare-toy, ma fille, & demeure en ton lustre, Pour paroistre agreable à cet Espoux illustre. Secondly Triphine violates the code of conduct by speaking the desires of her heart and being the first to declare her love, normally a male privilege in 17 th century society. Du Boscq in The Accomplish’d woman discourages women from voicing their passions first. Here he alludes to Virgil’s Dido whose overt affections resulted in the departure of Aeneas: <?page no="133"?> Agathonphile martyr as political propaganda 133 Why was Dido so surpris’d at the departure of Aeneas? But because, instead of receiving him as a stranger, she let her affections upon him without knowing whether he had any for her, it was an imperfect contract, where the articles were sign’d but by one party. Let her example be a terror to the imprudent and teach them, when they love, not blindly to engage themselves too far, without knowing whether the obligation is reciprocal (233). Yet in the first scene of Act 3, Triphine declares her love and tells Agathon that she has chosen him for a future spouse: TRIPHINE. Ne me proposez point d’autre amour que le vostre, Je vous ayme, mon frere, & d’un amour si fort, Qu’il ne pourra jamais finir que par ma mort: En fin, soyez certain que Triphine vous ayme, Et qu’eternellement elle sera le mesme; Je fais vœux de n’aymer jamais autre que vous, Non, je n’auray jamais qu’Agathon pour Espoux. She then seals her words with a ring: TRIPHINE. Mon frere, c’est assez, je vous donne ma foy, En fin, je suis à vous, soyez donc tout à moy, Et soyez bien secret, gardez qu’on nous soupçonne, Recevant cét anneau que Triphine vous donne. Finally, she reaffirms that her spoken word or her “serments” are a binding contract, and that nothing will force her to go back on her word: TRIPHINE. Que cét amour si pur que je vous ay juré Ne finira jamais, il est trop veritable, Sçachez qu’à mes serments je suis inviolable, Et qu’avant que Triphine ayme un autre que vous La nature viendra à renverser sur nous, Et le Tybre plustost montera vers sa source, Ou plustost le Soleil arrestera sa source…. (3.6) Triphine’s speech becomes a “speech act” in that by pronouncing a vow of constant love to Agathon before God in conjunction with the act of giving him a ring, she betroths herself to Agathon. 111 Here she foreshadows her own death which will be inflicted upon her by her own father not only because 111 See J.L. Austin, How to do things with words (Cambridge: Harvard U Press, 1975). Austin explains the concept of a “performative utterance”: In some cases the “uttering of the sentence is, or is a part of, the doing of an action, which again would not normally be described as, or as ‘just,’ saying something” (3). <?page no="134"?> 134 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie of her decision to convert to Christianity, but also because of her own misconduct in pronouncing vows of marriage without the consent of her father. Since a daughter’s honor is dependant on her chastity and her willingness to submit to her family’s will for her, Triphine’s refusal to place her father’s honor above the desires of her heart threatens the stability of the patriarchal tradition. Finally, Triphine’s public defiance of her father leads directly to her containment. In the final scene of the play, Triphine publicly announces that she has promised herself to Agathon. Furthermore, she also makes it very clear that it was she who was the first to voice her passions: TRIPHINE. Je ne demande rien qu’un moment d’audience, Pour vous dire, Seigneur, que j’ay donné ma foy A ce cher Agathon, & vous dis que c’est moy, Qui suis cause de tout, ce fut par ma priere, Qu’il m’osta de ces lieux, & c’est moy la première, Qui descouvrit mes feux, luy disant, que jamais Je n’aymerois que luy. TRIPHON. Voila donc les effets, Mais enfin, dites donc TRIPHINE. Qu’autre que je suis sienne, Et qu’il est tout à moy, je suis encore Chrestienne. (5.2) Note that here, Triphine cuts off her father, demonstrating her complete disrespect of his authority. Her professed conversion to Christianity is meant to fuel the fire that is already raging. Although she admits that she has converted to Christianity, this is not enough reason for Triphon to send her to the Emperor. He offers to restore her honor if she marries Cévère: TRIPHON. Ma fille au nom des Dieux contente mon envie Tache de conserver ton honneur & ta vie, L’Empereur m’a donné pouvoir de vous perir, Il m’a dit en un mot de vous faire mourir, Sinon que si tu veux encore te soubmettre. Voilà Cevere prest. (5.2) Triphine vows that even the most cruel death will not shake her constancy: TRIPHINE. Que je sois exposée Aux plus cruels tourments qu’on pourroit m’inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l’on peut m’apprester N’auront jamais pouvoir d’esbranler ma constance. (5.2) As I suggested earlier, the word “constance” then is both in reference to her faith and to her love for Agathon. In the context of a religious play featuring <?page no="135"?> Conclusion 135 Historical figures who died for their religious beliefs, Pascal’s reading of Triphine may well have been seen as sacrilegious by critics such as Nicole, who condemned religious theater in particular for its secularization of the saints. As readers we may be less touched by her martyrdom, than the fact that she was willing to sacrifice her own life in order to remain eternally “constant” in her love for Agathon. Unlike Chimène and Pauline who silence their hearts to embrace their dutiful roles, Triphine openly declares her love in defiance of the patriarchal system. If femininity is synonymous with passivity then Triphine has overstepped her boundaries. Her masculine conduct is threatening to a society which has culturally constructed women to be passive and submissive in order to ensure the perpetuation of an elite social class. Her death then represents not only an act of faith, but also an act of resistance against an unfair law which would force her to marry for financial reasons rather than love. To conclude, Pascal’s condemnation of the marriage de convenance is in alignment with the mouvement précieux. Like Clélie who refuses to go beyond Tender because of the unknown dangers which lie above the region of platonic love, the précieux sought to avoid altogether the risky business of marriage. Triphine and Agathons’ deaths mark the incompatability of love and marriage in the 17 th century. The idealistic happy ending does not have its place in Pascal’s reality nor in what she attempts to show us through the “selective prism.” Pascal’s play demonstrates that in the 17 th century, the forced marriage is still an issue, particularly for women, and that it should not always be treated in a comic tone. Conclusion In my analysis I have shown how Pascal’s hybrid play represents a mutation of both the Christian tragedy and the romanesque tragicomedy in the second half of the 17 th century. Like the Christian tragedy, Pascal takes the subject of her play from a religious source. However, Agathonphile martyr diverges from other models since it questions the patriarchal system as opposed to tyrannical governments. Furthermore, Pascal’s heroine does not correspond to the traditional female heroine type since she is equally drawn to both romance and spirituality. I have also demonstrated that Pascal’s dramaturgy resembles that of the tragicomedy of the 30s with its complicated intrigue and loose adherence to the unities. However, as we have seen, the serious content of Agathonphile martyr compels Pascal to alter the traditional happy ending. Pascal’s poème composé with a tragic ending is a rarity in the second half of the 17 th century. <?page no="136"?> 136 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie We have also seen how Pascal enlists gallantry in her play, in which the female becomes more assertive in her actions, reversing the traditional actantial schemas found in the tragicomedy. Triphine, having chosen to follow her own inclination rejects the traditional mariage de convenance. Her boldness in matters of love is in keeping with the new littérature galante inspired by a utopie amoureuse which the elite sought to create in real life as well as in literature. Like many other précieuses of the 17 th century, Pascal advocates marriages of love and disdains marriages of convenience. It would seem that Triphine, Pascal’s transgressive female martyr, mirrors her own conduct as a female provincial playwright, ignoring that which society claims to be an unacceptable occupation for a female by publishing and supporting herself as a playwright. La vie mondaine offers Pascal a brief window of opportunity to access the world of theater where she is able to create a space for herself in which her writing is not a slave to the dominant literary models of her time, but a product of her own whimsicality. In Agathonphile martyr, Pascal blends passionate rhetoric with Christian rhetoric, creating a world that celebrates romance as well as spirituality. Here the secular realm and the sacred realm collide, illustrating her desire to cater to the varied interests of the cercle précieux in Lyon. However, the classical period of the 1660s, marked by the crowning of Louis XIV will interrupt her career. As classicism “takes center stage” it is the strict adherence to the unities and a simple dispositio that will determine a play’s success. It is not surprising that the querelle de la moralité du théâtre coincides with the reign of Louis XIV. We have seen how theoreticians and moralists alike attack the mixed genre in particular. After 1660, diversity will no longer be what constitutes pleasure for spectators. Louis XIV, the embodiment of classicism, and the model Patriarch, takes the throne signifying a return to normalcy, to regularity, and to reason. Pascal’s play, produced at the dawn of his reign will eventually pose a problem in a society which is quickly becoming less tolerant of female writers and their ideas. In 1660 with the construction of Versailles, the female-dominated literary world and salons disappear as life centers around Versailles and the Sun King: “Entre la mondanité et l’amour, qui a cessé d’être le plus merveilleux jeu de société jamais inventé, la rupture est consommée; ainsi s’achève la parenthèse galante. Parallèlement, le centre de gravité de la mondanité se déplace. Le grand projet monarchique qui prend corps à Versailles transforme peu à peu les divertissements en devoirs d’allégeance” (Pelous 11). As Louis XIV becomes more authorial, women writers, along with Pascal, retire to their cabinets. <?page no="137"?> The Edition 137 The Edition There is only one edition of Agathonphile martyr printed in 1655: AGATHONPHILEMARTYR,/ TRAGI-COMEDIE./ ParD.FRANÇOISEPASCAL,/ Fille Lyonnoise. / PREMIERE EDITION. / ORACULUM. / Tali dicata signo mens fluctuare nescit. / [emblem of the city of Lyon] / A LYON. / Chez CLEMENT PETIT, en ruë Merciere, / à l’enseigne du S. Esprit. / [solid line] / M. DC. LV. / In-8, pièces limin., 78 p. The edition includes a prefeace in verse signed by P. Fayol. Copies available for consultation: Arsenal GD 4.783. The Library at Johns Hopkins University possesses a bound photocopy of the microform available at the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal in Paris (PQ1211.E37 A7 1655). This copy is part of Henry Carrington Lancaster’s collection left to the library after he published A History of French Dramatic Literature in the Seventeenth Century. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1929. The text of 1655, represented here, has undergone very few changes. However, to render the play more comprehensible to a 21 st century reader, certain spellings and accents have been modified. As for spelling changes, all “i/ j”s and “u/ v”s have been dissimilated. All nasals which are indicated in the original text by a tilde (˜) have been resolved. To distinguish between such homonyms as “plus tost” and “plustost” I have eliminated a space or inserted a space accordingly. I have also added an apostrophe where other distinctions are necessary (ie “qu’elle” and “quelle”). As for spellings which remain the same, I have kept any hyphens which appear in the original text as well as any capitalization which may have been used to evoke mythological figures such as “Amour.” Modifications have been made in terms of accentuation as well. I have placed an accent aigu on the final syllables of words ending in -é (-é, -és, -ées, and -éent) and I have transformed the accent aigu into an accent grave on any final syllables ending in -ès (-ès, -dès, près, après etc…) The exception to this modification is “très” which is not accentuated when it is followed by a hyphen to modify a word (ie “vostre tres-humble servante”). Additionally, an accent grave has been placed on any final syllables ending in -à (-jà, -desjà, -voilà, -çà etc…) and I have added an accent grave to distinguish between homonyms “à/ a, là/ la, and “où/ ou.” Furthermore, after “i/ j”s and “u/ v”s have been dissimulated, any tremas used to distinguish between these letters in the orginal text have been removed. The accents found in the interior <?page no="138"?> 138 Part I: Analysis of Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie syllables have been retained and the circumflexes from the original text have not been altered in any way. The annotations of this edition include a detailed analysis of themes and structures of the play as well as its literary and historical sources. Additionally, they contain references to Vaugelas’s comments concerning the usages of 17 th century grammar and spelling, and to Furetière’s Dictionnaire universel, contenant généralement les mots français tant vieux que modernes or Nicot’s Thresor de la langue francoyse to clarify 17 th century words or expressions. I also refer to such grammarians as Tisseur and Villefranche in regards to Pascal’s usage of patois lyonnais. Characters and plots relating to other plays of the 17 th century, Greek or Roman legends, or historical events which may have inspired Pascal’s plays are highlighted and I also note inventions on her part which may have inspired future playwrights’ work. Summary Act I: Irenée, the wife of a Roman, Sabin, and the step mother of Agathon, reveals her lustful desires for her step son to her servant Céliane. In the second scene, Irenée sneaks up on Agathon while he is sleeping in order to seduce him when he is most vulnerable. He foils her plan and manages to escape her clutches seeking refuge with his friend Albin, who has been wallowing in self-pity since the discovery of his lover’s apparent betrayal. Irenée decides to take revenge on Agathon for having rejected her by telling Sabin, Agathon’s father, that his son tried to rape and kill her. Act II: Triphine, the daughter of the Roman Senator Triphon, laments the absence of her loved one, the gentleman Agathon. Her thoughts are interrupted when her brother Euple arrives to tell her about Agathon’s misfortunes, which he learned about through Céliane. While a page is sent to fetch Agathon, Triphine reveals her desire to become a Christian in a monologue. Meanwhile, unbeknownst to Triphine, Polydore, is making plans to woo and marry her. Act III: Agathon accepts a ring that Triphine presents to him as a token of their love for each other. During Agathon’s absence in the following scene, Triphine learns from her father, Triphon, that she is to marry Cévère, the Roman Senator the following day. She protests through tears and sighs, but her father’s decision has been made. In the final scene of this act, Triphine tells Agathon the bad news and convinces him to steal her away by boat. Agathon goes to fetch a guide while Triphine writes a false suicide note to her father expressing <?page no="139"?> Summary 139 her decision to throw herself into the Tiber River in her state of despair. Act IV: At the stroke of midnight, Agathon returns with a guide. As they are about to depart, Triphine informs Agathon of her desire to be converted to Christianity. In the following scene, Triphone, Euple, and the servants discover Triphine’s disappearance and find her suicide note. Triphon immediately suspects that all is not what it seems, and the servants confirm his suspicions when they discover that Agathon is not with his friend Albin. They form a search party, inviting Agathon’s father, Sabin, and Cévère, Triphine’s fiancé, to join them. Meanwhile, Polydore, completely ignorant of what has transpired, realizes that his chances of winning the heart of Triphine are slim, so he decides to seek love elsewhere. Act V: In an anonymous wood, Agathon is mourning the loss of Triphine after their separation during a shipwreck. But in the next scene, Triphine is miraculously “reborn,” having survived the shipwreck which she attributes to the grace of God. When they hear someone approaching they try to hide, but it is too late. They are discovered by the search party. Triphine tells her father that it is she who should be punished for their actions. She then informs the crowd of pursuers that she has converted to Christianity. Triphon tells his daughter that the Emperor has given him orders to kill her unless she reconsiders and marries Cévère. But she of course refuses to give in to his demands. Triphine’s confession that she is a Christian inspires an entire succession of conversions. Soon after Triphine states that she would prefer to suffer the “most cruel tortures ever invented” than to marry old Cévère and abandon her faith, Euple confesses his newfound faith: “Je dis en présence de vous et de tous ceux qui sont venus ici que je me fais Chrétien.” Caristée immediately follows with her confession: “Je suis Chrétienne aussi.” And then Irenée follows suit after apologizing to Agathon for her lewd behavior: “Je dirai devant tous que je me fais Chrétienne.” Irenée’s husband Sabin immediately expresses his desire to follow his wife: “Ha, puisqu’il est ainsi, je suis aussi Chrétien, Je quitte les faux Dieux et j’adore le tien.” In the end, only Cévère and Triphon are left to carry out the Emperor’s orders. Triphine, Agathon, and the new converts are martyred. <?page no="141"?> AGATHONPHILE MARTYR TRAGI-COMEDIE Par D. FRANÇOISE PASCAL, Fille Lyonnoise. <?page no="143"?> A MESSIEURS MESSIEURS LES PREVOST DES MARCHANDS 1 ET ESCHEVINS 2 de la Ville de Lyon. Augustes Magistrats, merveilles des Mortels, Dont les rares vertus meritent des Autels, Ce n’est pas sans raison que ce Palais Illustre 3 Est nommé le sejour 4 des miracles divins, Puisque vos Citoyens ravis d’un si beau lustre Vous ont tous d’une voix choisis pour Eschevins. 5 Admirable sejour de ces cinq demy-Dieux, Fais rententir leurs noms jusqu’au delà des Cieux, Puisqu’ils sont les sujets de ta magnificence: Souffre aupres de ta Lune qu’ils fassent un Soleil, Afin que jour & nuict par leur douce presence, Ils augmentent ton lustre d’un esclat non-pareil. 1 This would be Gaspard de Montconys, Seigneur de Liergues et de Pouilly who was in office from 1652-1654 or Jacques Guignard, Seigneur de Bellevue, vicomte de Saint-Priest who served from 1654-1658. See Robert de Saint-Loup, Dictionnaire de la noblesse consulaire de Lyon (Versailles: Mémoire & documents, 2004). 2 In 1267, the bourgeois of Lyon decided to elect 12 men to govern the affairs of the city of Lyon. In 1594, Henri IV reduced the number of échevins to seven, and in 1595, he reduced it to 4 échevins and 1 prévôt des marchands. 3 Possibly a reference to the Hôtel des gouverneurs, now destroyed, where the governors of Lyon resided. This residence had its own theater constructed by Nicolas de Villeroy. 4 In the 17 th century, one’s “sejour” was used to desribe “le lieu où on demeure” (Nicot) or “the place where one resides.” 5 This is a slightly idealistic conception of the selection process. By the 17 th century the échevins, who already had to prove they were of noble blood, were chosen by the King. <?page no="144"?> 144 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Enfin, grands Tutelaires, c’est trop peu de mes vers, Pour envoyer vos noms au bout de l’Univers, Et ma veine à la fin se treuveroit confuse, Ma foiblesse pourtant ose vous supplier, Que vous luy permettiez aussi bien qu’à ma Muse, D’exalter vos vertus, & de les publier. Escoutez donc, MESSIEURS, ces Amants trop heureux, Et souffrez qu’ils vous disent les desseins amoureux Qui ont bruslé leurs cœurs d’une flamme divine, Ils viennent à vos yeux sans sortir du tombeau, Vous verrez Agathon, & sa chere Triphine Se presenter à vous dans un sejour si beau. Par vostre tres-humble servante, FRANÇOISE PASCAL. A MADEMOISELLE FRANÇOISE PASCAL, Sur son Agathonphile Martyr. Vous, qui lirez Agathonphile, Admirez-en l’aymable style, Puisqu’il vient d’un sujet d’Amour: C’est une jeune Fille, ou plustost c’est un Ange; Il est juste qu’à vostre tour Vous luy donniez de la loüange. Vous-y verrez un beau Trophée, Puis que de la Lyre d’Orphée, 6 Et des Armes de tous les Dieux, Elle en fait un amas pompeux, & magnifique: Vous ne pouvez en juger mieux, Que de l’estimer Angelique, Aussi bien l’humaine foiblesse N’avoit jamais eu tant d’addresse, De desarmer ces sainctes mains: Et puisqu’un Jupiter luy a cedé sa foudre, N’a-elle pas sur les humains Le pouvoir de les mettre en poudre? On voit aussi dans la Peinture, (Art qu’elle tient de la Nature.) 6 Fayol compares Pascal’s musical talents with those of Orpheus, master of the lyre. <?page no="145"?> Dedicatory 145 Qu’elle est tousjours dans les combats; Car ayant de Pinceaux ses belles mains armées, Elle feroit honte à Pallas, 7 A la voir rompre des Armées. Vous pouvez la nommer Françoise, Puisqu’elle n’est jamais à l’aise, Que parmy les feux & les dards: Et luy voyant en main les Armes, & la Verve Vous direz que son Pere est Mars, Et qu’elle est fille de Minerve. Par son tres-humble serviteur, P. FAYOL. 8 Sic juvat insolito insolitam laudare Poëtam; Sic latio Gallam Carmine laudat amor. LAPIS, Fides Au Livre, Par le mesme. Veux-tu (mon cher Agathonphile) Rendre en chacun fort empressé, Soit ailleurs, ou dans cette ville, Dis que tu es ensemble vivant, & Trespassé Qu’un grand Dieu est ton Pere, Une fille ta Mere, Et que quoyque tu sois de tous le premier né, 9 Tu merites le nom d’aisné. 7 In Greek mythology, Pallas is an epithet for Athena. Athena is usually shown as an armed warrior goddess, sporting a helmet and a shield. Pallas was Athena’s female childhood friend who she accidentally killed in a sparring match. Athena mourned her loss by taking her name. Fayol compares Pascal’s ability in painting and the arts to Athena’s talents in the art of warfare. 8 The identity of Fayol remains unknown. 9 Agathonphile martyr (1655) is Pascal’s first theatrical work. <?page no="146"?> 146 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Avis au lecteur. Mon cher Lecteur, ne trouve pas estrange, si je n’ay dedié ce Poëme à quelques personnes particulieres, comme estant mon premier essay; & si j’ay voulu le donner generalement à nostre bonne & aymable Ville de Lyon, en reconnoissance des advantages que j’y ay receus: aussi la mets-je sous les auspices de ceux qui en ont la direction. Au reste, je ne te donne pas cette Piece, comme une chose rare, & où toutes les regles de la Poësie de ce temps soient observées: Mon sexe, le peu d’expérience que j’ay dans cét Art, & la bassesse de mon esprit, ne me permettent pas d’avoir des pensées si hautes, & si relevées que ces Apollons, qui y réussissent si bien tous les jours, se composant avec leurs merveilleux ouvrages des Couronnes d’immortalité. Je feray voir, du moins, que je n’ay rien dérobé de leur gloire, & que ma seule veine en a tous produits les vers. 10 Tu me croiras dès que tu en feras la lecture. Adieu. 10 The “affected modesty topos” was often exploited in the avis of plays written during the Classical period. See the preface for an analysis of Pascal’s usage of this rhetorical device. <?page no="147"?> Avis au lecteur 147 LES ACTEURS. TRIPHON, Senateur Romain. AGATHON, Gentil-homme Romain. 11 EUPLE, fils de Triphon. TRIPHINE, fille de Triphon, & sœur d’Euple. SABIN, Pere d’Agathon. IRENEE, femme de Sabin, & Marastre d’Agathon. CEVERE, Senateur Romain, Favory de l’Empereur Decie, & amoureux de Triphine. 12 ALBIN, Gentil-homme Romain, & amy d’Agathon. CARISTEE, Gouvernante de Triphine. POLYDORE, Amoureux de Triphine. 13 ALPHONSE, Maistre d’hostel de Triphon. PAGE. DOMESTIQUES. CELIANE, Suivante d’Irenée 14 La scène est à Rome, & à ses environs. 11 The 1694 edition of the Dictionnaire de l’Académie française defines a “gentilhomme” in the 17 th century as a nobleman, who is second in rank to a “grand” or a prince. 12 Perhaps a borrowing of Corneille’s Sévère, who in Polyeucte is also the favorite of the Emperor Decius. 13 Not to be confused with “Polyphile” which means “lover of many,” Polydorus is one of three characters in Greek mythology. See the introduction for more details. 14 Name of female protagonist in Rotrou’s Céliane, Tragi-comédie performed in 1634 at the Hôtel de Bourgogne. <?page no="148"?> 148 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie 5 ACTE PREMIER. SCENE PREMIERE. 10 IRENEE, CELIANE. [IRENEE] Que ma flamme 15 est contrainte, & qu’il m’est mal-aisé 15 De cacher les ardeurs de mon cœur embrasé: Ce divin Agathon qui cause mon martyre 16 A si bien dans mon ame étably son Empyre. Que je brûle 17 pour luy depuis le premier jour Que je consideray ce prodige d’Amour: 20 Je n’ay jamais osé luy découvrir ma flâme, 18 J’ay gardé si long-temps ce brasier dans mon ame, Que je me vois contrainte à le faire esclater. Celiane! Mon cœur ne peut plus resister. Ha! Dieu c’est trop long-temps me faire violence, 25 Mon tourment me contraint à rompre le silence. Mais apres tant d’ennuis, apres tant de souspirs, Il faudra qu’Agathon se range à mes desirs, Soulage si tu peux le mal qui me tourmente, 19 Et sois de mon amour l’unique confidente: 30 Hé bien, que juges-tu d’un feu si violent? [CELIANE] Ha! Madame, estouffez ce brasier aveuglant; 35 Madame, au nom des Dieux, esteignez cette flâme, Que vous feroit passer à jamais pour infame, Le fils de vostre Espoux! 15 Image exploited in poésie galante. “Se dit communément de l’amour prophane. Cet amant brusle d’une flamme innocente pour cette fille. Il ne faut point nourrir des flammes criminelles” (Furetière). 16 Popular cliché found in littérature galante of the 17 th century. “Se dit poëtiquement & frequemment de la souffrance des amans. Il luy a conté son martyr sous un nom emprunté. Ayez pitié de mon martyre” (Furetière). 17 Elsewhere spelled “brusler” 18 Pascal fluctuates between the two spellings of “flâme” and “flamme” throughout the play. 19 le mal d’amour is a topos that was inspired of la courtoisie and recycled by the mondains in poetry of the 17 th century. <?page no="149"?> Acte Premier 149 [IRENEE] 40 C’est en vain que je veux Esteindre le brasier de mon cœur amoureux, Je ne puis resister à de si fortes armes, Sçais-tu pas qu’Agathon possede tant de charmes, 45 Qu’on ne peut s’en deffendre. [CELIANE] Il est vray, mais pourtant. 50 [IRENEE] Enfin, c’est assez dit, rend mon esprit content, Approuve mon amour, sçais-tu pas que dans Rome Mille jeunes beautez bruslent 20 pour ce jeune homme? 55 Se faut-il estonner? [CELIANE] S’il vous plaist d’escouter. 60 [IRENEE] Quoy? 65 [CELIANE] Qu’une seulement n’oseroit se vanter D’en avoir jamais eu un regard favorable, Toutes le trouvent beau, mais trop inexorable: 70 Et qu’en pretendez-vous, sinon que le refus? Mais si vous m’en croyez, vous n’y penserez plus, Rejettez, rejettez ce brasier detestable, Reprenez vos esprits, soyez plus raisonnable, Et songez qu’Agathon est fils de votre Espoux: 75 Il est vray qu’il est beau, que ses charmes sont doux, Mais vous. [IRENEE] Que me dis-tu? Je ne suis pas sa mere. 20 See note 17. <?page no="150"?> 150 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie 80 [CELIANE] Mais ne sçavez-vous pas que Sabin est son pere? Encor 21 il est Chrestien, Croyez-vous que les Dieux 85 N’ayent pas en horreur cét amour odieux? Croyez-vous qu’un garçon si prudent & si sage, Qui ne regarde pas une femme au visage, Aye d’amour pour vous, Il est bien asseuré Que son mespris sera ce que vous en aurez; 90 Mais que diray-je plus, vous estes ma maistresse, Je sçay que c’est parler avec trop d’hardiesse, Mais enfin je ne puis vous parler autrement. [IRENEE] 95 Ne ferois-tu pas mieux d’alleger mon tourment? Je ne sçaurois chasser ce brasier de mon ame, Tous ces discours sont vains, je me mocque du blâme 22 , Non, tu n’avance rien de me parler ainsi, 100 Mais, ô Dieux qu’à mes maux ton cœur est endurcy, Le moyen d’estouffer un feu qui me consume, Que plus je veux esteindre, & tant plus il s’alume (sic), Tes discours m’importunent. 105 [CELIANE] Hé bien, Madame, hé bien, Je n’en parleray plus, si je n’avance rien, 110 Mais adieu, je vous quitte. [IRENEE] Et quoy, tu m’abandonne (sic)? 115 Est-ce là le secours que j’ai de ta personne? 21 Vaugelas explains that “encor” as opposed to “encore” is only permitted in poetry at the very end of verses, but that the best poets do not use “encor” at all (252-3). Pascal uses both spellings throughout the play most likely in order to add or subtract a syllable when necessary. 22 Meaning “mespriser, ne se soucier point de choses. Ce brave se moque des perils, il les affronte. Un libertin se moque de toutes les remonstrances. Un desbauché se moque de la fortune ” (Furetière). <?page no="151"?> Acte Premier 151 Ingrate Céliane, ne m’abandonne pas, Quoy, tu voudrois ainsi me causer le trépas? 23 Hélas! Escoutes-moy, 24 ne t’enfuys pas si viste. 120 [CELIANE] Non, non, j’ay trop d’horreur d’ouyr ce que vous dites. [IRENEE] 125 Mais, Celiane, enfin, pense à me secourir, Ou bien tout devant toy je me feray mourir, Songe bien maintenant à ce que tu dois faire, Ou de me voir mourir, ou de me satisfaire. 130 [CELIANE] Que feray-je bons Dieux en cette extremité? 135 [IRENEE] M’asseureray-je enfin de ta fidelité? Penses-y 25 de bonne heure. 140 [CELIANE} Hé bien, me voicy preste, Mais 145 [IRENEE] Ne propose rien, fais ce que je souhette. 26 [CELIANE] 150 Et que feray-je donc? 23 la mort 24 Departure from standard French. Concerning the imperative form Vaugelas explains, “en e, comme aime, ouvre, et ainsi de tous les autres de la mesme terminaison, qui de leur nature n’ont jamais d’s…” (190). 25 Ibid. 26 The author fluctuates between the three spellings “souhaitter” and “souhetter” and “souhêter” throughout the play. <?page no="152"?> 152 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [IRENEE] Tu l’ignores, bons Dieux, 155 Tu me veux pas servir; [CELIANE] 160 Si fais. [IRENEE] Parle donc mieux, 165 Fais ce que je te dis, Et ne demande plus ce qu’il faut que tu fasse, 27 Tu ne le sçais que trop. [CELIANE] 170 Mais, Madame, de grace, Car depuis que je vois la lumiere du jour, Jamais l’on ne me fit messagere d’amour; Dites-moy, s’il vous plaist, ce qu’il faut que je die. 175 [IRENEE] Tu ne cognois pas bien quelle est ma maladie; Va trouver Agathon, parle-luy de mes feux, Dis luy que je l’adore, & qu’enfin 180 [CELIANE] Je le veux. Mais quoy, que dira-il de mon effronterie? 185 Il s’enfuira de moi, comme d’une furie; Il me va menacer de le dire à Sabin, Il s’en ira vanter dans la maison d’Albin, L’on vous fera passer par tout pour une infame, Et moy de mesme aussi j’en recevray du blâme 190 De vous avoir servie. 27 Digression from “correct usage.” The second person singular of the subjunctive tense is conjugated with an -s. See Vaugelas 110. <?page no="153"?> Acte Premier 153 [IRENEE] 195 Et quoy tu crains cela? Tu ne sçais pas encor la volonté qu’il a, Il m’honore beaucoup, il sçait bien que je l’ayme, Encor qu’il ne sçait pas que mon mal est extrême, Mais enfin parle-luy, s’il se mocque de toy, 200 Qu’il mesprise mes feux, je t’engage ma foy, Que s’il s’ose vanter de le dire à son pere, Je le veux prevenir en disant le contrêre, Je diray que c’est luy. 205 [CELIANE] Quel horrible dessein! Que vostre amour vous met de fureur dans le sein, Accuser l’innocent, luy supposer un crime, 210 Que vous aurez commis, quel demon vous anime, Juste ciel, quel amour horrible & furieux, Quoy, ne craignez-vous point la colere des Dieux? N’apprehendez-vous point que par un coup de foudre Leur Justice animée ne vous reduise en poudre, 28 215 Car vous n’ignorez pas que ce fils malheureux Est hay de Sabin, ce pere rigoureux Traitte ce pauvre fils. [IRENEE] 220 Hé bien, qu’en veux-tu dire? [CELIANE] Je dis que cependant que le monde l’admire 225 Son pere le mal-traitte, & qu’il vous est aisez De le faire perir, car si vous supposez Qu’il vous aye voulu prendre par violence, Sabin l’immolera tout à vostre presence. 230 [IRENEE] Cett’insolente. Hé quoy tu te veux donc mesler De me venir 28 Divine vengeance is a theme most associated with the Biblical tragedies of the 16 th century. See Forsythe. <?page no="154"?> 154 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie 235 [CELIANE] Hé bien, je n’en veux plus parler, Mais adieu, c’en est fait, il faut que je vous quitte, 240 Elle s’en va SCENE SECONDE. IRENEE, AGATHON 245 [IRENEE] seule. Bons Dieux en quel estat je me trouve reduite? Est-ce là le secours que tu me veux donner? Ne me l’as-tu promis que pour m’abandonner? 250 A quoy te resous-tu, malheureuse Irenée? N’es-tu pas sous le Ciel, la plus infortunée? Mais quoy, c’est trop souffrir, il te faut donc vanger, 29 Suis ton premier dessein, garde bien de changer, Il vaut mieux le perir 30 , que te perir toy-mesme, 255 S’il refuse les dons de mon amour extrême, S’il méprise mes feux, qu’il les aye en horreur, Mon amour à l’instant se va mettre en fureur, Et je m’en vay chercher un fer pour cét office. Elle prend un fer,& cherche Agathon. 260 Il faudra que tu m’ayme, ou bien que tu perisse. 31 Suis, allons maintenant, suivons nostre dessein, Pour assouvir l’amour qui me brusle le sein, Ne perdons point courage, allons dedans sa chambre, Entrons tout doucement, afin de le surprendre, 265 Mais, Dieux, cachons ce fer, qui le peut alarmer, Et quitter le dessein qu’il auroit de m’aymer : Le lict paroist Mais ô Ciel, parlons bas, le voila qui sommeille, Il est dessus son lict, cette douce merveille, 270 Il dort, ce bel object, il ferme ses beaux yeux, 29 Female vengeance is not an uncommon theme in the tragicomedy. For instance, in Rotrou’s Bélissaire (1644), the jealous Impératrice tries to kill Bélissaire with a sword. 30 Faire périr 31 See note 28. <?page no="155"?> Acte Premier 155 Dont les premiers regards me mirent toute en feux; 32 Doucement, mon amour, n’esclate pas encore, Ne romp pas le sommeil de celuy que j’adore: Crois-tu bien que ce fer, que dans mes mains j’ay pris, 275 Execute le coup que j’avois entrepris? Non, non, j’ay trop d’amour, & suis trop pitoyable, Pour deffaire si tost un objet tant aymable! Ha! qu’il est ravissant, Dieux que d’attraits nouveaux! Qui ne voudroit brusler pour des charmes si beaux? 280 Je me sens consumer par des nouvelles flâmes, Criminelle Irenée, quitte, quitte ces armes, Mais quel est mon transport, 33 & mon ravissement, Elles me sont glissées, mais insensiblement, Elles me sont tombées sans m’en estre apperceuë, 285 Ha! celestes attraits-vous m’avez donc vaincuë, Vos douceurs ont chassé la fureur de mon cœur, Ouy, je vous rends les armes, adorable vainqueur: 34 Mais aymable Agathon, seroit-il bien possible; Qu’avec tant de douceurs vous fussiez insensible 290 A l’excès de mon mal lorsque vous le sçaurez? Mais helas! Je sçais bien que ce que vous me direz, Sans doute vous direz que je suis une infame, Vous aurez en horreur mon amoureuse flâme: Mais à quoy je m’arreste, il le faut éveiller, 295 Je ne puis plus languir, & le voir sommeiller. Il s’éveille, [AGATHON] 300 Ha bon Dieu! Que vois-je? Il se veut lever, elle l’empesche. [IRENEE] Ma chere ame 305 Reposez seulement demeurez. 32 A reversal of the Petrarchan figure of the dame sans merci whose beautiful eyes shoot piercing darts into the heart of her admirer, setting his heart aflame. Here it is Irenée who falls victim to Agathon’s charms. 33 “Se dit aussi figurément en choses morales, du trouble ou de l’agitation de l’ame par la violence des passions” (Furetière). 34 Pascal uses the same oxymoron in the stances she wrote to Benserade. Here she addresses love personified with regards to Thyrsis: “Mais ta rigeur inconcevable/ Rend cet adorable vainqueur/ Autant insensible qu’aimable.” See Isaac de Benserade, Poésies 47. <?page no="156"?> 156 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [AGATHON] Ha! Madame, Que pourriez-vous juger de mon peu de respect? 310 Je sçais que je vous dois. [IRENEE] 315 Estre si circonspect Pour moy qui vous cheris avec tant de tendresse, Usez-en autrement, mais que mon mal me presse, Il se faut découvrir, ça changeons de propos, 320 Je suis venue icy troubler vostre repos: Vous reposez, mon fils, cependant que tant d’ames Vont souspirant pour vous, bruslées de vos flâmes, Amour ne sera-il jamais vostre vainqueur, 35 Le verra-on 36 jamais entrer dans vostre cœur? 325 Quoy vivrez-vous tousjours dans cette indifference? Ne voulez-vous donner jamais point d’esperence? Se peut-il que l’amour vous aye fait si beau, Sans vous faire sentir l’ardeur de son flambeau? 330 [AGATHON] Madame, s’il vous plaist, que ce discours finisse. [IRENEE] 335 Quoy, tu rougis, mon fils? [AGATHON] Il faut que je rougisse, 340 Malgré moy vos discours m’ont surpris. [IRENEE] Et pourquoy? 345 Il est vray, bel ingrat qu’elles bruslent pour toy, 35 Love personified is a topos associated with galanterie. 36 By this time, it was incorrect usage to leave out the “t” yet Pascal does not observe this rule. Vaugelas states “Si le verbe finit par une voyelle devant on, comme prieon, alla-on, il faut prononcer & escrire un, t…” (10) <?page no="157"?> Acte Premier 157 Enfin, tu le sçais bien, & tu n’en fais pas compte, Crois-tu bien que l’amour jamais ne te surmonte? Ton cœur resiste en vain, crois-tu d’en eschapper? 350 [AGATHON] Ceux-là qui le croiroient, se pourroient bien tromper, Quoy, n’ay-je pas un cœur sensible comme un autre? 355 [IRENEE] Mais je n’en ay point veu de si dur que le vostre, Aymés, cher Agathon, & cedez à ces coups, Ne cognoissez-vous pas que je brusle pour vous? 360 [AGATHON] Que vous bruslez pour moi; 365 [IRENEE] Je ne le puis plus taire, Je languis, je me meurs. 370 [AGATHON] O Dieu, le puis-je croire? Est-ce pour m’esprouver, est-ce pour m’abuser? Mais que pretendez-vous? 375 [IRENEE] Un amoureux baiser Sur cette belle bouche. 380 [AGATHON] ô Ciel, quelle infamie! Grand Dieu, deffendez-moi d’une telle ennemie. 385 [IRENEE] Tu me veux eschapper, mais non, non, je te tien (sic), <?page no="158"?> 158 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie 390 [AGATHON] Retirez-vous d’icy, vous n’avancerez rien. Ha! Je suis eschappé, sauvons-nous à la fuite. 395 Il s’enfuit. [IRENEE] seule. Hélas! Je vay mourir, ce perfide me quitte, 400 O Ciel, que dois-je faire, où dois-je recourir? Demons, sortez d’Enfer, venez me secourir ; Sortez, noires fureurs de vos rivages sombres, Venez à mon secours, quittez ces tristes ombres, 37 Punissez cét ingrat, que je n’ai pû toucher, 405 Et ne permettez pas qu’il trouve où se cacher; Mais en quel lieu qu’il soit, faites que je le sçache, Afin de le punir, n’estois-je pas bien lasche, Quand j’ay quitté ce fer? Mais quoy qu’aurois-je fait? 38 Mon furieux dessein n’auroit point eu d’effect, 410 Il manie les armes avec tant d’addresse, Qu’il se seroit mocqué de mon peu d’hardiesse, Et m’auroit arraché les armes de la main, Mais mal-traitté ainsi de ce bel inhumain, Je veux estre vangée, ô Dieux voicy son Pere. 415 SCENE TROISIEME. SABIN. IRENEE, tenant le fer à la main. 420 [SABIN] Madame, qu’avez-vous, je vous vois en cholere? [IRENEE] 425 Oserai-je, bons Dieux, declarer ce meffaict? [SABIN] 37 Compare these verses with Corneille, Médée: “Filles de l’Acheron, Pestes, Larves, Furies,/ Noires Sœurs, si jamais nostre commerce estroit/ Sur vous et vos serpents me donna quelque droit,/ Sortés de vos cachots ” (206-209). 38 Qu’est-ce que j’aurais pu faire? <?page no="159"?> Acte Premier 159 430 Et qu’est-ce, dites-moi? [IRENEE] Votre fils qui l’a fait, 435 ô Ciel! [SABIN] Dites-le-moy, puis que je le desire. 440 [IRENEE] Ha! L’horreur que j’en ay m’empesche de le dire. 445 [SABIN] N’en ayez point d’horreur, car je le veux sçavoir, Et je sçauray bien-tost le mettre à son devoir. 450 [IRENEE] Hélas! C’est que tantost j’estois dans cette chambre, Lors que cét insolent m’est venue surprendre, Les yeux remplis de feux, & ce fer dans la main, 455 Qu’il m’alloit, disoit-il, plonger dedans le sein, Si tu ne veux, dit-il, contenter mon envie, Il faudra que ce fer triomphe de ta vie: Lors moy, toute effrayée, quand il parloit ainsi, J’estois demy pasmée, et le cœur tout transi, 460 Les yeux baignés de larmes, et plus morte que vive, Aussi-tost que j’ay dit, mais d’une voix craintive: Cruel, arrestez-vous, l’on a fait certain bruit, Il a gaigné au pied, 39 & s’en ai viste fuit. 465 [SABIN] O Dieux, que dites-vous, seroit-il bien possible? [IRENEE] 470 Vous en pourriez douter, la chose est bien visible, 39 S’est enfui <?page no="160"?> 160 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Car ce fer,& mes pleurs peuvent bien témoigner. [SABIN] 475 Ne vous affligez point, il a beau s’éloigner, Il n’en peut eschapper, il faut que je vous vange, Ouy, je le puniray d’une façon estrange; Mais où s’est-il caché, je vous donne ma foy, 480 Qu’il n’aura jamais point d’autre bourreau que moy. [IRENEE] Monsieur, vous sçavez bien que mérite ce crime, 485 Car il est aussi vray, comme je vous l’exprime. [SABIN] En fin, n’en parlons plus, ces mots sont superflus, 490 Il en mourra, l’infâme, ou je le verray plus. SCENE QUATRIEME. AGATHON, ALBIN. 495 [AGATHON] seul. Grand Dieu, qui connoissez la pudeur de mon ame! Et qui m’avez sauvé des mains de cette infame, Donnez-moi quelque azyle, afin de me sauver, 500 Et que mes ennemis ne me puissent trouver; Car il est tres-certain que cette temeraire, Afin de se vanger, dira tout le contraire; Car je l’ay bien ouy lors que je me sauvois, Qu’elle crioit tout haut qu’elle s’en vangeroit, 505 Comme elle est asseurée, cette femme cruelle, Que mon pere me porte une haine mortelle, Estant tonte 40 en furie, elle va supposer Mille maux contre moy, pour me faire exposer Aux plus cruels tourments que ce pere barbare 510 Pourra s’imaginer, possible il se prepare Desjà pour me perir, que dois-je devenir? Ma mort est assurée, si l’on me peut tenir: Helas! grand Dieu du Ciel, favorisez ma fuite, 40 toute <?page no="161"?> Acte Premier 161 Et ne permettez pas cette injuste poursuite, 515 Allons trouver Albin, mon plus fidel amy, Mais quoy! ce cher Albin est possible 41 endormy, Allons-y toutesfois pour luy faire ma plainte, Et luy dire les maux dont mon ame est attainte, Allons, mais je me trompe, ou je le vois de loing, 520 C’est luy-mesme, il est vray, je ne me trompe point: Mais qu’il est triste, ô Dieu, quelque chose le fasche, 42 Il le faut aborder, afin que je le sçache: Où vas-tu, cher Albin, mon Dieu, l’heureux hazard! 525 [ALBIN] Bon soir, cher Agathon, où t’en vas-tu si tard? Dis. 530 [AGATHON] Je te le diray bien, pourveu que tu me die, Qui te rend si pensif, quelle est ta maladie? Si ce n’est point l’amour? 535 [ALBIN] Je te le fais sçavoir, Mon infidelle Irys me veut plus recevoir, 540 Elle a un autre Amant, l’ingrate, & l’inhumaine, Et je ne suis plus rien que l’objet de sa haine: Ha! quelle gloire estoit-ce à ce nouvel Amant, De se voir caresser d’un objet si charmant, Cette ingrate beauté lui faisoit de caresses, 545 Que je n’ay peû souffrir sans beaucoup de tristesses, Et ce lieu m’a semblé ce soir aussi fatal. Que je l’ay veu heureux à ce meschant rival: Elle se sousrioit, voyant ma contenance, Me regardant tousjours avec indifference; 550 Lors je les ay quittez, en leur disant adieu, 41 “Peut-être que” or “maybe.” According to Vaugelas, the substitution of “possible” for “peut-estre” which is found throughout the play, is to be avoided: “Les uns l’accusent d’estre bas, les autres d’estre vieux. Tant y a que pour une raison, ou pour l’autre, ceux qui veulent escrire poliment, ne feront pas mal de s’en abstenir” (149). 42 l’ennuie <?page no="162"?> 162 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Et me suis retourné bien triste de ce lieu: Voilà le payement de ma perseverance, Mes soins sont superflus, je n’ay plus d’espérence, Mais je me vangeray, j’espère que demain 555 Nous-nous verrons tous deux nos espées à la main. [AGATHON] Ha, quel esprit jaloux, Dieu que tu t’imagine, 560 Crois-tu bien qu’elle osast faire si bonne mine A ce nouvel Amant, encore devant toy? Crois que cela n’est pas, je t’engage ma foy, Qu’il est assurément parent de cette belle, Et que tu luy fais tort de la croire infidelle. 43 565 [ALBIN] Dieu, que cela me met en estrange soucy! Mais, dis-moy, cependant ce qui t’amene icy? 570 Je te vois tout troublé, quoy que tu me consoles, Tu trembles, tu fremis, prononçant tes paroles; N’es-tu point poursuivy par quelques ennemis, Dis-le moy promptement, car tu me l’as promis. 575 [AGATHON] Mais, Albin, je te prie, avant que je commence, Entrons dans ton logis pour estre en asseurance, Et tu verras bien-tost si je n’ay pas raison 580 De me refugier si viste en ta maison. 43 Note that Agathon discourages his friend from seeking vengeance. Acts of vengeance, including the duel, are avoided in plays after 1640. Richelieu, while he was in power made the duel illegal in 1634 to reinforce the King’s authority in matters of justice. <?page no="163"?> Acte Deuxième 163 ACTE DEUXIEME. SCENE PREMIERE. 585 TRIPHINE, EUPLE, PAGE. [Triphine] seule. 590 Quel obstacle fascheux t’empesche de venir? Trop aymable Agathon, qui te peut retenir? Quel destin aujourdhuy vient m’estre si contraire? Mais, ô Dieux, taisons-nous, j’entends venir mon frere. 595 [EUPLE] Ha! ma sœur, tu ne sçais ce qu’il est arrivez 44 Au cher frere Agathon, nous en sommes privez, Peut-estre pour jamais, ha! l’infame marastre! 600 Helas, pauvre Agathon, que je plains ton desastre! O Dieux, si tu sçavois [TRIPHINE] 605 Dis-moy donc promptement Ce qu’il est arrivé. 45 [EUPLE] 610 Hélas! asseurément, Il est hors de la ville. En fin tu peux entendre Tout ce que Celiane est venue m’apprendre, Alors que je l’ay veuë, elle m’a tout surpris, Une certaine crainte a troublé mes esprits, 615 Qui m’a fait prevenir quelque estrange nouvelle De ce pauvre Garçon, alors que j’ay sceu d’elle. Tout ce qui s’est passé, en fin elle m’a dit, Bien plus que ma pensée ne m’avoit pas prédit; Elle a dit, qu’Irenée ne se pouvant deffendre 620 Des attraits d’Agathon, osa bien entreprendre, De découvrir hier ses impudiques feux A Celiane mesme, celle qui craint les Dieux, 44 In patois lyonnais, “qui” becomes “qu’” even in front of a vowel. 45 Ibid. <?page no="164"?> 164 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Se trouva bien surprise, alors que cette Infame Oublia tous devoirs pour découvrir sa flâme; 625 Elle la supplioit qu’elle fist son pouvoir, Pour fléchir 46 Agathon sous un crime si noir; Céliane tousjours prioit cette Impudique, D’estouffer ce brasier qui la rendroit publique, Et qu’elle n’en auroit jamais que le reffus, 630 Et qu’il arriveroit quelque chose de plus, Que sans doute Agathon le diroit à son pere, Qu’il la feroit périr: En fin cette Megere Continuant tousjours son infame dessein, Fit voir l’intention qu’elle avoit dans le sein; 635 En fin elle luy dit, qu’après plusieurs prieres, S’il mesprisoit ses feux, elles iroit la premiere (sic) En advertir Sabin, qu’elle supposeroit A l’instant mille maux, & qu’il la vangeroit Du mespris d’Agathon, comme elle étoit certaine, 640 Qu’il portoit à son fils une si grande haine, Elle s’imaginoit qu’il qu’il luy seroit permis De l’acouser des maux qu’il n’auroit pas commis: Celiane voyant cette horrible entreprise, Abandonna ces lieux, la laissant bien surprise; 645 Mais elle ne sçait pas comme tout s’est passez, Sinon qu’elle n’en croit qu’un tres-mauvais succèz: Ce malheureux Garçon que chacun idolatre, Est pour estre immelé 47 aux yeux de sa marastre, S’il n’est entre les mains du furieux Sabin, 650 Il se sera caché dans la maison d’Albin, Voilà ce que j’ay sçeu d’elle. [TRIPHINE] Mandons sur l’heure 655 Un page en la maison où son amy demeure. [EUPLE] faut mander querir Albin. 660 [TRIPHINE] Ouy promptement. 46 “Flechir quelqu’un, et le tourner à ce qu’on veut” (Nicot) 47 immolé <?page no="165"?> Acte Deuxième 165 665 [EUPLE] Page, escoute. [PAGE] 670 Seigneur. [EUPLE] 675 Allez secrettement Dans le logis d’Albin, & que le convie A venir jusqu’icy, que j’aurois bien envie De luy communiquer quelque chose en sccret, Allez-y de ce pas. 48 680 [PAGE] Seigneur, me voicy prest. 685 SCENE SECONDE. [POLYDORE] Qui m’a fait dans le cœur cette playe nouvelle? 690 Quoy, ne seroit-ce point les yeux de cette belle? 49 Qui ne seroit charmé de ses divins regards? Qui peuvent allumer des feux de toutes parts, Au moment que je vis cette belle Triphine, Je fus ravy des traits de sa face divine; 50 695 Ma raison se perdit à force d’admirer Tant d’aymables appas qui me font souspirer; En fin, puissant amour, malgré ma resistance Tu m’a fait ressentir quelle estoit ta puissance? N’étois-tu point alors assis dans ces beaux yeux, 700 Puis que dans un moment je conçeus tant de feux? 48 Allez-y tout de suite 49 Topos inspired by Pétrarque - “la dame sans merci” whose cruel eyes pierce the heart of her admirer is used in its traditional sense. 50 This may be a provincialism. “Face” is no longer used in place of “visage.” Vaugelas states that “comme aussi on a condamné face quand il signifie visage, pour une raison encore plus ridicule & plus extravagante que l’autre” (60). Furetière states “il faut remarquer que le mot de face pour visage ne se dit plus gueres en ce sens qu’en raillerie d’un visage qui est trop gros ou trop large.” <?page no="166"?> 166 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Jamais je n’ay tant veu de beauté, ny de charmes, Ny l’amour n’a jamais allumé tant de flâmes Dans le cœur d’un Amant, comme il a dans le mien: Mais ne pourrois-je pas trouver quelque moyen 705 D’aborder cette Belle, Amoureux Polydore, Quand découvriras-tu 51 le feu qui te devore? Quand approcheras-tu cette aymable beauté, Quand en oseras-tu prendre la liberté? Allez, tristes souspirs, allez voir cette Belle, 710 Et luy faites sçavoir que je brusle pour elle: Allez donc promptement, messagers de mon cœur, Et luy faites sçavoir l’excès de ma langueur: Mais ne retardez pas, venez à l’heure mesme, Et faites-luy sçavoir que mon mal est extrême: 715 Mais, que dis-je insensé, que j’ay peu de raison, Que de vouloir ainsi chercher ma guerison, Ne peux-je pas trouver quelque meilleur remede Pour soulager un peu le mal qui me possede, Te peux-tu pas servir de ce jeune Agathon, 720 Qu’on favorise tant au Palais de Triphon? Autant par sa beauté, comme par son addresse, Et par son bel esprit, & par sa gentilesse, Il s’est acquis l’estime, & d’Euple, et de sa sœur, Mesme leurs amitiez, En fin j’en suis trop seur, 725 Je m’en vay le prier qu’il parle de ma flâme A cét aymable objet, mais cependant mon ame Sois un peu plus tranquille. SCENE TROISIEME. 730 TRIPHINE, CARISTEE. [TRIPHINE] seule. O Dieux, que j’ai d’ennuys, 735 Les jours me font cent fois plus fascheux que les nuicts, Ne saurois-je trouver un moment favorable? Mais quelqu’un vient encor, que je suis miserable! [TRIPHINE] 740 Où vas-tu, Caristée? 51 Quand “déclareras-tu” or “when will you declare” <?page no="167"?> Acte Deuxième 167 [CARISTEE] 745 Madame, je viens voir Si je vous suis utile? [TRIPHINE] 750 O l’importun devoir! Laisse-moy seule icy. [CARISTEE] 755 Dieu, quelle solitude? Qui cause ces souspirs, et cette inquietude? Ou si je n’auray point de part à vos secrets, Si je vous ay trahie, montrez-m’en les effects. En fin, vous ay-je esté quelquefois indiscrette, 760 Ne vous ay-je pas bien tousjours esté secrette? [TRIPHINE] Dieux! que tu m’importune, avecque tes discours, 765 Quoy! t’imagines-tu que je puisses (sic) tousjours Estre de mesme humeur? Mais parlons d’autres choses, As-tu point veu mon frere? [CARISTEE] 770 Il est delà qui cause. [TRIPHINE] Il cause, avec qui? 775 [CARISTEE] Tout seul avec Albin. 780 [TRIPHINE] Et dequoy parlent-ils? [CARISTEE] 785 D’Agathon, de Sabin. <?page no="168"?> 168 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [TRIPHINE] 790 Hé bien. [CARISTEE] Lors que j’estois à la chambre prochaine, 795 Albin a dit, Seigneur, ne soyez plus en peine, Agathon est chez moy, mais n’apprehendez pas, Ceux qui le vont cherchant ne perdent que leurs pas, Il est trop bien caché, alors je suis venuë, Sans entendre rien plus, de crainte d’estre veue. 800 [TRIPHINE] Je suis contente, en fin, mais fais-moy ce plaisir, Laisse-moy seule ici, satisfais mon desir. 805 [CARISTEE] Quel changement d’humeur, que ce discours me trouble! O Dieux, de plus en plus ma crainte se redouble! 810 Ha! Madame, pourquoy me voulez-vous cacher? [TRIPHINE] Caristée, cela ne te doit point fascher, 52 815 Je l’advoüe, il est vray, j’ay quelque inquietude, Et depuis quelque temps j’ayme la solitude. [CARISTEE] 820 Dites-m’en le sujet. [TRIPHINE] Je te le dirois bien, 825 Mais en fin je ne puis, puisque je n’en sçay rien; Hé quoy, ne t’ay-je pas tousjours dit mes pensées, Et les plus raisonnables, & les plus insensées? Mais depuis quelque temps, je sens qu’à tout propos Un chagrin importun vient troubler mon repos, 52 Cela ne doit pas te préoccuper. <?page no="169"?> Acte Deuxième 169 830 Et me fait aymer seule. [CARISTEE] Hé bien, adieu Madame, 835 Mais je demande au Ciel le repos de vostre ame, Et changez donc d’humeur, car pour moy je ne puis Vous souffrir seule ici avec tant d’ennuys. 53 [TRIPHINE] 840 Vient (sic) dans une heure, ou deux. [CARISTEE] 845 Je vous veux satisfaire, Je reviendray bien-tost. [TRIPHINE] 850 N’entens-je pas mon frere? C’est luy-mesme, il est vray, qui dresse icy ses pas. [CARISTEE] 855 C’est luy. [TRIPHINE] Dis que je dors. 860 [CARISTEE] Je n’y manqueray pas. 865 SCENE QUATRIEME. [TRIPHINE] seule. 870 Me voicy seule en fin, à moins que la fortune Ne me renvoye encor quelqu’un qui m’importune: 53 Meaning “Je ne peux pas vous laisser seule ici.” <?page no="170"?> 170 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Ha! que j’ay de soucis du depuis le moment Que l’Amour me fit voir Agathon si charmant: Je l’ay plus regardé avec cette innocence 875 Dont je le regardois dans nostre jeune enfance: Un certain feu nouveau commence à m’emflâmer, 54 Avec tant de douceur, qu’il me fait presumer, Que mon cœur est atteint d’une flamme amoureuse; En fin, je ne peux plus estre si rigoureuse, 880 Malgré ma resistance, amour est mon vainqueur, Il a tant décoché de flèches dans mon cœur, Que la derniere en fin a fait une blesseure, 55 Que malgré mes efforts il faut qu’elle y demeure. Cét aymable Agathon possede tant d’appas, 885 Et des traits si charmants, que pour me l’aymer pas, Il faut estre insensible, il n’est rien dans le monde De plus parfait que luy, ny rien qui le seconde, Il se fait adorer par tout comme un Soleil Son merveilleux esprit qui n’a pas rien de pareil: 890 Ses belles qualitez suppleent à la fortune, Qui la fait moins que moy, c’est ce qui m’importune; C’est le plus grand obstacle à mon contentement, 56 Mais neantmoins mon cœur l’aime si constamment, Que je ne puis, sinon que d’estre toute sienne, 895 Et le suivre partout, & me faire Chrétienne: Je veux doresnavant abhorrer les faux Dieux, Et veux dès maintenant qu’ils me soient audieux: 57 Mais ce cher Agathon ignore ma pensée, Il ne sçait pas encor que mon ame est blessée, 900 Il le sçaura bien-tost, s’il peut venir icy, Mais, Dieu, que son malheur me donne du soucy! Il faut aller sçavoir qu’Albin dit à mon frere, Pour me mettre en repos. 54 m’enflammer 55 See note 32. 56 Unequal class status which threatens to tear two lovers apart is a common theme in the tragicomedy. See the preface. 57 Triphine is the exact opposite of Corneille’s Pauline who resists converting to Christianity until the very end of the play after her husband is martyred. Her character may be inspired by Camus’s Deucalie, who in the novel, Agathon, is easily converted by her fiancé. <?page no="171"?> Acte Deuxième 171 905 SCENE CINQUIEME. AGATHON, ALBIN. [AGATHON] seul. 910 Ha bon Dieu, qu’il espere! Mais malgré mon malheur, je le veux contenter, Et m’estonne pourtant qu’il ose se flatter D’une telle esperance, hé pauvre Polydore, 915 Que ton espoir est vain, tu ne sçais pas encore, Si Triphine est d’humeur à souffrir des Amants, Cette aymable Beauté, qu’on voit à tous moments, Aymée & recherchée de toute la Noblesse, Des plus dignes Seigneurs qui font gloire sans cesse 920 D’adorer ses appas, & si pas un de tous N’a jamais receu d’elle un traittement bien doux, A moins que tes thresors ne charment cette belle, Je ne suis pas certain que tu sois aymé d’elle; Car moy qui suis tousjours auprès de cet objet, 925 Je me crois seulement son indigne subject, Encor que je ne puis souffrir tans de merveilles, Sans en estre charmé, mes yeux & mes oreilles Sont ravis à l’aspect d’une telle beauté, Ses discours seulement ostent la liberté, 930 Les moindres de ses traits peuvent brusler les ames Insensibles à l’amour, & luy rendre les armes: Un seul de ses regards enchaisne tous les cœurs; De ses admirateurs, ces aymables vainqueurs, Lançant de si beaux feux, que j’ay beau m’en deffendre, 935 Il faut que malgré moy mon cœur s’y laisse prendre; Je suis autant que toy, car pour tes qualitez Ne sont pas. [ALBIN] 940 Agathon, vas 58 sans difficultez Au Palais de Triphon, Triphine te demande. 58 Vaugelas affirms that the imperative for the first person singular should be pronounced and spelled “va” (189). <?page no="172"?> 172 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [AGATHON] 945 Il y faut donc aller, puis qu’elle le commande. [ALBIN] 950 Caristée l’a dit, & n’appréhendez rien, Le palais est si près d’icy. [AGATHON] 955 Je le sçay bien, Je te verray bien-tost. [ALBIN] Et moy, l’heure me presse 960 D’aller voir que dira mon ingrate Maistresse. SCENE SIXIEME. TRIPHON, CEVERE. 965 [TRIPHON] Je ne merite pas un semblable bon-heur, Et seray glorieux qu’un si puissant Seigneur 970 Soit mon Gendre. [CEVERE] Monsieur, j’en recevray la gloire, 975 Et le contentement, car en fin je veux croire, Que si ce bien m’arrive, et que je sois Espoux D’un si rare sujet. [TRIPHON] 980 Monsieur, asseurez-vous De ce que j’ay juré, & croyez que Triphine Se sousmettra tousjours. 985 [CEVERE] Ouy, mais je m’imagine <?page no="173"?> Acte Deuxième 173 Que comme elle est si jeune. 990 [TRIPHON] Ha! Monsieur, croyez-moy, En fin, dès maintenant je vous donne sa foy, Quand bien elle en feroit un peu de resistance, 995 Vous sçavez bien qu’un pere a beaucoup de puissance, Sur l’esprit d’un enfant. [CEVERE] 1000 Faites vostre pouvoir. [TRIPHON] Croyez que je sçauray la mettre à son devoir. 1005 [CEVERE] Gardez bien, toutefois d’user de violence, J’aymerois mieux mourir que de lui faire offense, 1010 Encor que je souhaitte 59 en estre possesseur, Traittez-là neantmoins avec bien de douceur. [TRIPHON] 1015 Vous vous deffiez bien, Monsieur, je vous asseure, Que Triphine est à vous, puis que je vous le jure. [CEVERE] 1020 Monsieur, c’est un bon-heur où j’aspire si fort, Que s’il peut m’arriver, je croiray que mon sort Est le plus doux du monde. [TRIPHON] 1025 Elle vous est acquise. [CEVERE] 59 See note 26. <?page no="174"?> 174 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie 1030 S’il est aussi certain, comme elle m’est promise, Que je sois son Epoux, je serai trop heureux, Mais le peu d’assurance à mon cœur amoureux, Qu’une jeune beauté puisse ainsi se soumettre Sous cette dure loy 60 vous la pouvez promettre. 1035 [TRIPHON] Je m’en vay de ce pas 61 la faire preparer A ce bel hymenée, & pouvez espérer. 1040 Triphon s’en va. [CEVERE] Hé bien, Monsieur, allez, car mon amour me presse 1045 D’aller voir aujourdhuy cette belle Maistresse, Que mes longues années font tort à mes amours! Puis-je bien esperer de me voir quelques jours Possesseur d’un objet le plus parfait du monde? Une jeune beauté, qui n’a point de seconde, 1050 Toutesfois esperons, il m’en asseure bien, Mais dessous un espoir par où je n’attends rien. SCENE SEPTIEME. 1055 [CELIANE] O Grands Dieux immortels, je vous rends mille graces, Car malgré ses prieres, & malgré ses menaces Je suis hors de ses mains, car j’avois trop horreur 1060 D’entendre ces discours si remplis de fureur, Qu’elle estoit en courroux quand je suis delogée, La furie & l’amour la rendoit enragée. Helas! pauvre Agathon, que je plains vostre sort, Cette Infame s’en va conspirer vostre mort, 1065 Car elle le crioit quand je me suis enfuite, Et la peur me faisoit encor aller plus vite, Je craignois, la voyant dans un si grand courroux, Qu’elle me fit mourir aussi bien comme vous: Si vous n’estes eschappé alors que cette Infame 1070 Vous aura descouvert son amoureuse flâme, 60 Meaning “commandement”. 61 Tout de suite <?page no="175"?> Acte Deuxième 175 Il est tres-asseuré qu’on vous fera mourir; Helas! je voudrois bien vous pouvoir secourir, Mais peut-estre les Dieux, secours des miserables, Vous voyant innocent, vous seront secourables. <?page no="176"?> 176 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie 1075 ACTE TROISIEME. SCENE PREMIERE. 1080 AGATHON, TRIPHINE, CARISTEE [TRIPHINE] Mon frere, c’est assez, je vous en prie encore, Ne m’importunez pas plus des feux de Polydore, 1085 Je me ris de ses peines, & de tous ses tourments. [AGATHON] Madame, j’obeys à vos commandements. 62 1090 [TRIPHINE] Ne me proposez point d’autre amour que le vostre, Je vous aime, mon frère, & n’en ayme point d’autre, 1095 Croyez que je vous ayme, & d’un amour si fort, Qu’il ne pourra jamais finir que par ma mort: 63 Enfin, soyez certain que Triphine vous ayme, Et qu’eternellement elle sera la mesme; Je fais voeux de n’aymer jamais autre que vous, 1100 Non, je n’auray jamais qu’Agathon pour Espoux, Mais vous estes interdit, respondez-moy mon frere. [AGATHON] 1105 O Dieu, dois-je respondre, ou bien me dois-je taire? En quel dégré de gloire, ô cœur trop genereux! Vos bontez veulent rendre un pauvre malheureux! Ha! fortune, est-il vray, m’es-tu si favorable? Es-tu lassée enfin de me voir miserable? 1110 Mais puis-je meriter un semblable bon-heur? [TRIPHINE] Quoy, mon frere, un object de si peu de valeur. 62 Topos galant. Agathon is the amant parfait who obeys his Mistress as a slave would his Master. 63 With these words Triphine foreshadows her own tragic death in Act 5. <?page no="177"?> Acte Troisième 177 1115 [AGATHON] Ha! Madame, c’est trop, vostre bonté m’accable, Helas, vous sçavez bien que j’en suis incapable, Non, Madame, c’est trop, non, c’est trop, je ne puis, 1120 Songez ce que vous estes, & moy ce que je suis; Songez que je ne suis qu’un Simple Gentil-homme, Et que vous estes née d’un Senateur de Rome, Que sans doute vostre âge, & vostre affection Vous empesche de voir que vostre passion 1125 Ne peut continuer, sans qu’il y ayt d’obstacle, Alors qu’on le sçauroit, he, combien de miracles En feroient vos parents, bon Dieu que diroit on? Que vous eussiez d’amour pour ce jeune Agathon, A mon occasion vous recevriez du blâme, 1130 Ha, si vous m’en croyez, n’y pensez plus, Madame, Que j’aye le bon-heur de vivre aupres de vous, Mais non pas pour penser que je sois vostre Espoux; Cela ne se peut pas, la chose est impossible. 1135 [TRIPHINE] Ha, cruel Agathon, ô cœur trop insensible! Je vous donne mon cœur, & vous le refusez. J’ay tant d’amour pour vous, & vous en abusez; 1140 Enfin, si vous m’aymez, ne cherchez point d’excuse Pour me rendre à jamais malheureuse & confuse, Quoy, vous pourriez douter. [AGATHON] 1145 Ha! Madame, croyez Qu’Agathon vous adore, & quoy que vous soyez Ferme dans vos serments, vous sçavez bien qu’un pere Vous pourroit empescher. 1150 [TRIPHINE] Ha! l’excuse legere, Et puis que je vous dis que la mort seulement N’auroit pas le pouvoir de rompre mon serment, 64 1155 Hé quoy, pourriez-vous bien douter de ma constance? 65 Vous en verrez l’effect par ma perseverance. 64 See previous note. 65 “La plus belle qualité qu’on demande à un amant, c’est la constance.” (Furetière) <?page no="178"?> 178 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [AGATHON] 1160 Madame, c’est assez, non, non, n’en dites plus, Je me jette à vos pieds tout honteux & confus, En fin, je vous consacre un’amour eternelle Mais ne bannissons point cét amour fraternelle, Ce nom de frere encor vous continuerez, 1165 Dont vostre belle bouche a tousjours m’honoré, Nous pourrons sous ce nom vivre tousjours ensemble, Sans qu’on sçache jamais que l’amour nous assemble, Et ne penseray plus qu’à mon bon-heur present. 1170 [TRIPHINE] Vous prendrez mon amour pour vostre partisan, Lors qu’un jour l’on sçaura que Triphine vous ayme, Ouy, mon frere, je veux dire que c’est moy-méme, 66 1175 Qui vous ay fait l’object de mon affection, Et qu’on ne peut changer mon inclination, Vous en verrez l’effect, & vous le devez croire, Que je suis toute à vous. 1180 [AGATHON] Justes Cieux, que de gloire! [TRIPHINE] 1185 Mon frere, c’est assez, je vous donne ma foy, En fin, je suis à vous, soyez donc tout à moy, Et soyez bien secret, gardez qu’on nous soupçonne. Recevant cét anneau que Triphine vous donne. 1190 [AGATHON] C’est à genoux, Ma sœur, que je le recevray, O heureux Agathon, hé bien, n’est-il pas vray, 1195 Que peux-tu desirer apres un si beau gage? Pourrois-tu bien encor souhaitter d’avantage? Je reçois cét anneau de vos divines mains, Comme le plus heureux d’encore tous les humains, Je benis ce beau lieu, témoin de ma conqueste. 1200 66 This spelling of “mesme” with an “é” is inconsistent with how it is spelled elsewhere. <?page no="179"?> Acte Troisième 179 [TRIPHINE] Mon frere, c’est assez, j’ai ce que je souhaitte. 1205 [AGATHON] Vivons donc constamment dans nos chastes amours, Jusqu’à ce que la Parque en termine le cours: 67 Mais Polydore, encor que luy pourray-je dire? 1210 Ou pourra-il aller soulager son martyre? [TRIPHINE] Selon mon sentiment, je trouverois meilleurs 1215 Plutost que le prier d’aller chercher ailleurs Que du depuis long-temps j’honore ses merites, Qu’il vienne seulement me rendre ses visites, Mais alors qu’il viendra venez avecque 68 luy, Sa presence ne peut me servir que d’ennuy, 1220 Si vous n’estes present, faites ce que j’ordonne, Car cette invention m’a semblée assez bonne, En voyant mon refus, il peut s’imaginer, Que possible c’est vous. 1225 [AGATHON] il pourroit soupçonner, Que possible moy mesme en suis la seule cause, Et que je l’ay trahy. 1230 [TRIPHINE] Dites qu’il se dispose, Le voyant près de nous, nous en rirons tous deux, 1235 Mon frere, faites ainsi. 67 In Greek legend, la Parque, mentioned here is another name for death. Her function was to weave together the days of the mortals. Later the Greeks distinguished between three Parques who represented the past, present, and the future. Sometimes they came to collect the mortals to whom they delivered the fatal blow. See H.J. Jansen, “Comment les anciens on représenté la mort,” Recueil de pièces intéressantes concernant les antiquités (Paris: Chez Barrois, 1787-96). 68 This spelling of “avec” was permitted in poetry to add a syllable. See Vaugelas 311-2. <?page no="180"?> 180 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [AGATHON] Ouy, ma sœur, je le veux. 1240 [TRIPHINE] Mais quelqu’un vient icy. 1245 [AGATHON] Je m’en vay donc, Madame Il s’en va. 1250 [TRIPHINE] Ouy, revenez tantost, quel trouble j’ay dans l’ame, Que tout cela me met en estrange soucy? Si ce Cevere, ô Dieux, que viens-tu faire icy? 69 1255 Que dis-tu de nouveau? [CARISTEE] Je venois pour vous dire, 1260 Que vostre pere viens (sic), je ne sçais qu’il désire, Mais dedans vostre chambre il doit bien-tost venir. [TRIPHINE] 1265 Que feray-je, bons Dieux, que vay-je devenir? [CARISTEE] Madame, ce discours vous fait changer de face? 70 1270 Mais le voicy qui vient. [TRIPHINE] O Dieu, le sang me glace! 69 Since she mentions Cévère’s name here, we must assume that Triphine has already heard something about her father’s decision to marry her to Cévère. In addition to her newfound feelings for Agathon, this may have been what was causing her to fret so much in Act 2, Scene 3: “Je l’advoüe, il est vray, j’ay quelque inquietude,/ Et depuis quelque temps j’ayme la solitude.” 70 Meaning a change of expression. See note 50. <?page no="181"?> Acte Troisième 181 1275 SCENE SECONDE. TRIPHON, TRIPHINE, EUPLE ALPHONSE, CARISTEE [TRIPHON] 1280 C’est ma fille aujourdhuy qu’il vous faut preparer A recevoir celuy qui vous veut honorer Des qualitez d’Espoux, c’est l’illustre Cevere, Ce puissant Senateur, que l’Empire revere, 1285 Comme un autre Empereur, Enfin le favory De l’Empereur Decie, 71 il sera ton Mary. [TRIPHINE] 1290 N’est-ce pas ma pensée? 72 [ALPHONSE] à Euple. Helas! Elle soupire. 1295 [TRIPHINE] Ha! Seigneur, permettez, 1300 [TRIPHON] En fin, qu’allez-vous dire? Vous voudriez refuser Cevere? [TRIPHINE] 1305 Un tel Espoux! [TRIPHON] Quoy, vous ne le trouvez assez digne de vous? 1310 Il est d’aage, il est vray, mais ses rares vertus Pourroient faire blasmer ton injuste refus, 71 Emperor Gaius Messius Quintus Traianus Decius (c. 201-June 251) was Roman Emperor from 249-251. In his last year as Emperor he ruled alongside his son Herennius Etruscus until they were both killed in the Battle of Abrittus. 72 Taken to mean “I was afraid of this! ” <?page no="182"?> 182 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Prepare-toy, ma fille, & demeure en ton lustre, 73 Pour paroistre agreable à cet Espoux illustre. 1315 [TRIPHINE] Mais, Seigneur! [TRIPHON] 1320 C’en est fait, vous me priez en vain Il faut que l’Hymenée s’accomplisse demain, Resolvez-vous bien-tost, car quoy qu’il en avienne 74 J’ay donné ma parole, il faut que je la tienne. 1325 [TRIPHINE] Ouy bien, si je ne meurs. 1330 [TRIPHON] Ha! Vous ne mourrez pas. [TRIPHINE] 1335 Si mon rigoureux sort ne me le permet pas. [EUPLE] bas. 1340 Que sa douleur me touche. [ALPHONSE] bas. Helas, & moy de mesme. 1345 [TRIPHINE] Que feray-je bons Dieux dans ce malheur extrême? 73 This is a figurative expression alluding to her “virtue” more so than her beauty. Lustre “se dit aussi figurément en choses morales. Dans les grandes charges, la valeur, la vertu paroissent dans tout leur lustre, dans tout leur éclat. Cette beauté a paru à ce bal dans son lustre.” (Furetière) 74 Quoy qu’il en puisse arriver. <?page no="183"?> Acte Troisième 183 Ha! Seigneur, si mes pleurs 75 ne vous peuvent émouvoir. 1350 [TRIPHON] Il r’entre. Non, non, preparez-vous à le bien recevoir. 1355 [TRIPHINE] Hé Dieux! Quelle rigueur, son cœur est insensible, Croire de le toucher, c’est tenter l’impossible. 1360 [EUPLE] Helas! ma chere sœur, à quoy servent ces pleurs? Consolez-vous, de grace, & calmez ces douleurs. 1365 [TRIPHINE] Helas! je n’en puis plus. 1370 [CARISTEE] O Dieux, elle se pasme! Soustenez-la. Seigneur. 1375 [EUPLE] Ha, ma sœur. [CARISTEE] 1380 Ha, Madame! [EUPLE] 1385 Portons-la sur son lict, Pere sans amitié, Peut-estre cét object te fera-il pitié. 75 larmes <?page no="184"?> 184 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie SCENE TROISIEME. 1390 [AGATHON] Qu’ay-je veu, qu’ay-je ouy, ha! Ciel quelle merveille? Aurois-je jamais creu ma fortune pareille? Ou si le Ciel en fin m’a rendu si heureux, 1395 Et s’il a pris pitié de mon sort malheureux, Il n’en faut plus douter, c’est Triphine elle mesme, C’est elle asseurément qui m’a dit qu’elle m’ayme; En fin ce beau present m’est un gage asseuré, De ce que ma Triphine aujourd’huy m’a juré, 1400 Je crois que le destin va finir mon desastre, En dépit des rigeurs d’une infame marastre, Et de ce pere encor remply de cruauté, Que je vois contre moy laschement irrité. Me faisant criminel de ce que je deteste. 1405 Je n’ay fait que trembler depuis l’heure funeste Que cette Infame osa me descouvrir ses feux, Dont les horribles ardeurs paroissaient dans les yeux: Quand le Ciel eut permis que je m’eschappay d’elle, La rage & le dépit saisit cette cruelle, 1410 Lors que je la fuyois avecque tant d’horreur, Son amour à l’instant se mit tout en fureur, Et pour justifier son crime detestable, Dont je suis innocent, elle me fait coulpable, Ce cruel pere, helas! me cherche en tous les lieux, 1415 Tout remply de fureur, pour m’immoler aux yeux De cette malheureuse, ha pere inexorable, Crois-tu que ce grand Dieu ne me soit secourable? Il sçait mon innocence, & malgré tes rigueurs Le Ciel veut commencer à finir mes malheurs: 1420 C’est ma Triphine, ô Dieu, cette beauté charmante Me fait l’unique objet de sa flamme innocente. Moy, l’Amant de Triphine! ha quel ravissement, Puis-je pas faire envie aux plus heureux Amants? Mais n’apperçois-je pas l’amoureux Polydore, 1425 Qui me vient demander, si j’ay rien dit encore A sa nouvelle Amante, hé le pauvre garçon Je m’en vay l’abuser 76 d’une estrange façon. 76 Meaning “l’exploiter” ou “le manipuler.” <?page no="185"?> Acte Troisième 185 [POLYDORE] 1430 Hé bien, cher Agathon, as-tu veu cette belle? As-tu parlé pour moy, n’est-elle point cruelle? [AGATHON] 1435 Vous serez plus heureux que vous ne pensez pas, Adorez seulement ses aymables appas. [POLYDORE] 1440 Dieux! qu’a-t’elle donc dit? [AGATHON] 1445 Je m’en vay vous l’apprendre, Mais pour estre en repos entrons dans cette chambre. SCENE QUATRIEME 1450 TRIPHINE, EUPLE, CARISTEE [TRIPHINE] Il est inexorable, & plus dur qu’un rocher, 1455 Mes larmes, & ma douleur ne le peuvent toucher, Caristée tu m’a veuë à ses pieds presque morte, O Dieu l’aurois-je creu barbare de la sorte? Il m’a veuë tantost sur le poinct d’expirer, Il cherche les moyens de me desesperer, 1460 J’ay beau le supplier, j’ay beau verser des larmes, Que pour le toucher sont des trop foibles armes, Cevere & ses thresors sont encore plus puissants, Ses belles dignitez ont tant charmé ses sens, Que ma mort seulement 1465 [CARISTEE] Ha! vostre mort, Madame, Tâchez de moderer la douleur de vostre ame, 1470 Et ne ternissez pas l’esclat de vos beaux yeux Par d’inutiles pleurs, de graces faites mieux. <?page no="186"?> 186 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [TRIPHINE] 1475 A quoy bon conserver mes beautez pour Cevere, Non, chere Caristée, je voudrois au contraire Me rendre bien hideuse, afin qu’il eut horreur: Ha! fatale beauté. 77 1480 [CARISTEE] Bons Dieux, quelle fureur? De vouloir deschirer ce visage adorable, Madame, au nom des Dieux soyez plus raisonnable, 1485 Et contentez Triphon, recevez cét Espoux, Et quoy, s’il est aagé, c’est le meilleur pour vous. [TRIPHINE] 1490 Est-ce de la façon que je suis consolée? Est-ce bien soulager un ame (sic) désolée? Hélas! C’est bien m’aymer que me parler ainsi; Ha! que de ma douleur tu prends peu de soucy. 1495 [CARISTEE] Quoy, vous ne croyez pas que vostre mal me touche? Si je vous le pouvois exprimer par ma bouche? Pleust aux Dieux, 78 vissiez-vous dans mon interieur, 1500 Ou plutost vissiez-vous dans le fonds de mon cœur, 79 Combien il est sensible au tourment qui vous presse, Mais helas, je ne puis. [TRIPHINE] 1505 Cét excès de tendresse Flatte bien peu mes maux, puisque tu daigne (sic) 80 bien Me presser 77 Disfigurement is a motif found often in the tragicomedy of the 30s when female heroines wanted to discourage an unwanted male suitor. For example, in Célidée by Rayssiguier, the heroine disfigures herself with a diamond in order to put off Alidor, who is only in love with her for her beauty. 78 Subjunctive tense of the verb “plaire” meaning literally “If it be pleasing to God…” or in this case “If it be pleasing to the gods…” 79 Si vous pouviez voir jusqu’au fond de mon cœur… 80 Tu mérites. <?page no="187"?> Acte Troisième 187 [CARISTEE] 1510 Taisons-nous, j’entens quelqu’un qui vient. [TRIPHINE] 1515 Que veulent-ils encor? Ha, vous voicy mon frere, Et bien, que dites-vous? [EUPLE] 1520 Je vous dis que mon Pere Veut que vous receviez cét Espoux dès demain, Je me suis à ses pieds trois fois jetté en vain, Plutost que l’addoucir, j’irrite sa cholere. 1525 [TRIPHINE] O Ciel, quelle rigueur, mais qu’est-ce qu’il espere? Croit-il bien que jamais je puisse consentir A ce cruel hymen? 1530 [EUPLE] Taschez de divertir C’est (sic) excès de douleur, taschez de vous resoudre 1535 Aux vouloirs de mon Pere. [TRIPHINE] O Cieux, quel coup de foudre! 81 1540 Ha cruel frere! [EUPLE] Helas que feray-je donc plus? 1545 Puis que tous mes propos se trouvent superflus, Je fais ce que je puis, & si quoy que je fasse Vous irrite tous deux. [TRIPHINE] 1550 81 Meaning “Such cruel injustice! ” <?page no="188"?> 188 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Escoutez-moy, de grace, Puis que c’est donc en vain que je verse des pleurs Et que personne n’est sensible à mes douleurs, Il faut donc 1555 [EUPLE] Mais en vain vous faites resistence Vous faites pas traitter avec violence. 82 1560 [TRIPHINE] Il me faut donc resoudre, il faudra donc en fin, Que je cede aux rigueurs de mon cruel destin. 1565 [EUPLE] Hé, que je suis ravy de vous voir resoluë De contenter mon pere. 1570 [TRIPHINE] O devoir qui me tue, 83 Faut-il qu’un tel Espoux? 1575 [EUPLE] Helas, ma chere sœur, Possible 84 cét hymen aura plus de douceur 1580 Que vous ne croyez pas. [TRIPHINE] Avant qu’il s’accomplisse, 1585 Avant qu’on me prepare un si cruel supplice, Mon frere, je vous prie, allez-moy demander 85 Du moins un jour ou deux, s’il veut me l’accorder, Possible en ce temps là 86 je pourray me remettre. 82 Vous risquez de vous faire mal traiter. 83 Compare these lines with Sévère’s in Coreneille’s Polyeucte “Ô devoir qui me perd et qui me désespère! ” (2.2) 84 See note 41. 85 demander de ma part 86 Peut-être que durant ce temps je pourrai <?page no="189"?> Acte Troisième 189 1590 [EUPLE] Ne faut-il que cela, l’on peut vous le promettre, Ma sœur, il est certain que je vas 87 l’obtenir, Je ne tarderay pas long-temps à revenir. 1595 Il r’entre. [TRIPHINE] Caristée, permets moy de reposer une heure. 1600 [CARISTEE] Et quoy, vous laisser seule? 1605 [TRIPHINE] As-tu peur que je meure? Pleust au Ciel. [CARISTEE] 1610 Ha! Madame, vous demandez tousjours? [TRIPHINE] 1615 Ouy, je demande encor la mort à mon secours. Ha funeste hymenée! [CARISTEE] 1620 Hé, cessez de vous plaindre. [TRIPHINE] En fin, c’est assez dit, je ne puis me contraindre, 1625 De grace, Caristée, laisse moy reposer. [CARISTEE] Elle r’entre. Et bien, reposez vous. 1630 [TRIPHINE] 87 This is a provincial conjugation of this verb. <?page no="190"?> 190 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie C’est pour les abuser, J’ay bien d’autres soucis, mais pour mieux entreprendre Ce que j’ay résolu, je le veux faire attendres (sic) Moy, que je recevrois cét Espoux odieux, 1635 Ha, si j’ay demandé du moins un jour ou deux, C’est pour me preparer à m’oster leur présence, 88 Ouy, je veux qu’Agathon connoisse ma constance, 89 C’est luy qui tient mon cœur, c’est luy seul qui l’aura Jamais autre que luy ne le possedera, 1640 Mais il faut qu’Agathon sans aucune remise Dès qu’il sera venu sçache mon entreprise, J’osteray ma présence à ce pere inhumain, Qui regarde mes pleurs avec tant de dedain, N’avoir que deux enfans, & les traitter ainsi, 1645 C’est bien de son malheur avoir peu de soucy, Puis qu’il s’en va causer un si grand par ma perte. Sans espoir que jamais je luy sois recouverte, Je vay bien-tost leur dire un eternel adieu, 90 M’esloignant pour jamais de ce funeste lieus (sic) 1650 Mais mon frere revient. [EUPLE] Bons Dieux? 1655 [TRIPHINE] Et bien, mon frere Vous voicy de retour, que vous a dit mon Pere? 1660 Vous ne respondez rien, je vous vois interdit, Vous a il refusé? [EUPLE] 1665 O Ciel qui l’auroit dit? 91 Non, il ne se veut pas, je ne sais plus que dire, Mais si vous m’en croyez pas, faites ce qu’il desire. [TRIPHINE] 88 les quitter 89 See note 65. 90 The words “eternal goodbye” indicate that she has already begun thinking about the suicide note that she will compose and leave for her father to find. 91 Qui l’aurait cru? <?page no="191"?> Acte Troisième 191 1670 Quelle rigueur, ô Dieux? Hélas! Vit-on jamais Un pere si cruel? [EUPLE] 1675 Il estoit au Palais, Alors qu’en l’abordant j’ai leu sur son visage De ma juste demande un sinistre presage, Il me l’a refusé avec tant de rigueur, 1680 Que ses mots m’ont blessé jusqu’au fonds du cœur; Il m’a dit de ce pas, 92 Allez dire à Triphine, Qu’il faut que cela soit, & qu’elle s’examine, D’icy jusques à demain, le terme est assez long, Il faut que cela soit, le veüille-elle, ou non. 1685 En fin, ma chere sœur, si vous me voulez croire, Vous ferez ce qu’il veut. [TRIPHINE] 1690 Il le faudra bien faire, Je vais donc essayer à calmer, si je puis; Par un peu de repos l’excès de mes ennuis. 92 Meaning “Tout à l’heure.” <?page no="192"?> 192 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie SCENE CINQUIEME. 1695 AGATHON, ALBIN. [AGATHON] Te voila bien remis avecque ta maistresse, 1700 Je te l’avois bien dit. [ALBIN] Je n’ay plus de tristesse. 1705 Je m’en suis informé aujourd’huy le matin, L’on m’a dit que c’estoit seulement son cousin, Mais changeons de propos, parlons de ton desastre, Je te veux demander depuis quand ta marastre Avoit conceu pour toy cét impudique amour, 1710 Si ce fut seulement hier le premier jour, Qu’elle te découvrit cette flamme amoureuse? [AGATHON] 1715 Helas! ce fut hier que cette malheureuse Me découvrit sa flamme, apres l’avoir long-temps Gardée dans son sein. Car du depuis huict ans Qu’elle est avec mon pere, elle m’a fait paroistre Son impudique amours, (sic) & me faisoit connoistre 1720 Dans tous ses mouvements le secret de son cœur, Je voyois tous les jours augmenter sa langueur, La voyant près de moy, je fremissois de crainte, Qu’elle me découvrist 93 un amour si contrainte; Pour moy je la traittois tousjours civilement, 1725 Mais quoy? je la voyois venir incessamment. Aupres de ma personne, en fin donc ses visites Etoient à tous propos sans aucunes limites, L’amour & la fureur commencerent à saisir Le cœur de cette infame, elle n’eut plus desir 1730 Que de se contenter, car l’amour & la rage Avoient saisi son ame avec tant d’avantage, Qu’elle avoit fait dessein d’un fer qu’elle avoit pris De m’arracher le cœur. 1735 [ALBIN] 93 elle m’a déclaré <?page no="193"?> Acte Troisième 193 Que tu me rends surpris, Tu me l’avois pas dit, qu’elle eust fait entreprise De te faire mourir. 1740 [AGATHON] Celiane surprise, En voyant ce dessein infame & furieux, 1745 Elle se resolut d’abondonner ces lieux. [ALBIN] Le fils du Senateur me l’a dit que c’est d’elle 1750 Qu’il a sceu tout cela. [AGATHON] Cette fille fidelle 1755 Nous a servy long-temps, mais en fin c’est est fait, Ils ne la verront plus. [ALBIN] 1760 Agathon s’il te plaist Seray-je si heureux de sçavoir ta pensée, Car malgré la douleur dont ton ame est pressée, Je connois 94 dans tes yeux quelque chose de gay, Qu’on ne voyoit jadis. 1765 [AGATHON] Albin, je te diray Le secret de mon cœur, mais au moins prens bien garde 1770 De trahir. [ALBIN] Ne crains point pour ce qui te regarde, 1775 J’aymerois mieux mourir que trahir ton secret, Car je t’honore trop. 94 In patois lyonnais, the verb “connaître” is often used instead of “voir.” <?page no="194"?> 194 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [AGATHON] 1780 Je te crois trop discret, Mais changeons de propos, c’est que l’heure me presse, Il me faut acquitter viste de ma promesse, Je m’en vay chez Triphon, ils me l’ont commandé, Et j’ay peur seulement d’avoir trop retardé, 1785 Je ne demeure pas, à moins qu’on ne m’arreste, Et te feray secret de ce que tu souhête. 95 [ALBIN] 1790 Le Palais n’est pas loing, tu n’apprehendes pas 96 De rencontrer ton Pere. [AGATHON] 1795 Hé, ce n’est que deux pas, Adieu. SCENE SIXIEME. 1800 TRIPHINE, AGATHON. [TRIPHINE] Que feras-tu, malheureuse Triphine? 1805 Où sera ton recours, destin qui m’assassine? Par un coup si cruel, sans me faire mourir, Helas, permets au moins, que ce triste souspir Puisse estre le dernier qui finisse mes plaintes; Quoy, mon cœur, peux-tu bien dans ces dures atteintes 1810 Souffrir encore la vie, ha barbare Triphon! N’as-tu point de regret, Mais je crois qu’Agathon N’est pas trop loing d’icy. [AGATHON] 1815 Vous le pouvez bien croire, Ouy, ma sœur, c’est luy-mesme. 95 See note 26. 96 Tu ne risques pas <?page no="195"?> Acte Troisième 195 [TRIPHINE] 1820 Estes-vous là, mon frere? Venez en asseurance. [AGATHON] 1825 O Ciel, quel changement? Quoy, je vous trouve en pleurs? [TRIPHINE] 1830 Tu me vois, cher amant En l’estat où je suis tu me vois presque morte. [AGATHON] 1835 Helas, aurois-je creu vous trouver de la sorte; Auroit-on découvert nos desseins amoureux? Pourrois-je bien, Madame, estre assez malheureux, Pour causer vos malheurs, ma sœur, en suis-je cause? 1840 Pour m’avoir trop aymé? [TRIPHINE] Non, non, c’est autre chose, 1845 Helas! tu ne sçais pas ce que l’on fait icy, L’on prepare mes nopces, & mon cercueil aussi, Mon frere, je mourray, si tu n’y mets remede, Mais ne permettez pas qu’un autre me possede, Le vieux Cevere croit de triompher de moy, 1850 Il attend dès demain, & mon cœur, & ma foy. [AGATHON] Hé quoy, l’on vous marie? Ha fortune cruelle! 1855 Je sçavois bien, ma sœur, que vous estiez trop belle Pour demeurer long-temps à captiver les cœurs Des plus grands de la terre au moins dans les langueurs Où mon ame sera le reste de ma vie. Depuis ce fatal jour que vous m’estes ravie, 1860 Vous vous ressouviendrez <?page no="196"?> 196 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [TRIPHINE] Qu’allez-vous proposer? 1865 Malheureux Agathon, il vous faut disposer A m’oster de ces lieux. [AGATHON] 1870 O Dieu? quelle entreprise? Ma sœur, que ce dessein rend mon ame surprise, Vous ostez de ce lieu, helas songez-vous bien A ce que vous me dites, où trouver le moyen? De vous oster d’icy, comme quoy l’entreprendre? 1875 Quand nous croirions fuyr, l’on vous viendra surprendre, Et le terme est si court. [TRIPHINE] 1880 Dites si vous m’aymez [AGATHON] Puissiez-vous voir l’ardeur de ce cœur enflâmez, 1885 Ma sœur, je vous adore. [TRIPHINE] Ha! S’il est veritable 1890 Que vostre amour soit tel, soyez donc secourable A celle qui ne vit que pour vous seulement, Faites voir que vous estes un veritable Amant. [AGATHON] 1895 Que je suis malheureux, que le sort m’est contraire; Non content des rigueurs que je souffre d’un pere, Il veut permettre encor qu’on me vienne ravir Un bien que seulement je venois d’acquerir, 1900 Et quoy, ma chere sœur, vous a-on peû promettre Sans sçavoir seulement [TRIPHINE] 1905 Helas, sans me permettre D’y penser un moment, mais quoy pour y penser, <?page no="197"?> Acte Troisième 197 Voyant que ses rigueurs ne pouvaient pas cesser, Et que malgré les pleurs que j’ay versez sans cesse Depuis cette nouvelle, en fin avec addresse 1910 J’ay supplié mon frère; Allez-moy demander Du moins un jour ou deux, loin de me l’accorder Mon pere m’a mandé, que sans point de remise A Cevere demain j’estois toute promise, Mais il faut qu’aujourdhuy 1915 [AGATHON] Que ferons-nous, Madame? Chacun dans ce Palais se va mettre en alarme, L’on nous fera chercher, & l’on nous trouvera, 1920 En fin apres cela, jugez que l’on fera: Madame croyez-moy, calmez cette tristesse, Vous voyez que Cevere est chargé de vieillesse, Et qu’il ne pourra pas faire icy long sejour, 97 La mort luy ravira la lumiere du jour, 1925 Ne pouvant pas souffrir que cét Espoux avare Soit long-temps possesseur d’une beauté si rare: Il mourra tout comblé de ses felicitez, Ne pouvant supporter l’esclat de vos beautez, Son cœur desja tout foible, & ses longues années, 1930 Par une prompte mort s’en vont estre bornées, Alors vous serez libre, & pourrez disposer Mieux de vos volontez. [TRIPHINE] 1935 Pouvez-vous m’imposer Une si dure loy, quoy vous m’aymez encore, 98 Vous pouvez dire encor, ma sœur je vous adore, Allez volage, allez, cœur de rocher, 1940 Mes larmes & mes douleurs ne vous sçauroient toucher Ha! cruel Agathon, tu veux donc que je meure, Car je ne puis icy faire longue demeure, Puis que tu m’abandonne à ton cruel Rival; Veit-on jamais malheur qui fust au mien esgal! 1945 Ne parlez plus ainsi, car c’est perdre vos peines, Ne me proposez plus par des paroles vaines, De recevoir Cevere, & soyez asseuré, Que cét amour si pur que je vous ay juré 97 Il ne pourra pas vivre longtemps. 98 Here “quoy” functions as the conjunction “quoy que.” <?page no="198"?> 198 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Ne finira jamais, il est trop véritable, 1950 Sçachez qu’à mes serments je suis inviolable, Et qu’avant que Triphine ayme un autre que vous La nature viendra à renverser sur nous, Et le Tybre plustost montera vers sa source, Ou plustost le Soleil arrestera sa source; 1955 Allons, cher Agathon, abandonnons ces lieux, Cherchons quelque sejour qui nous soit moins facheux, Ostez-moy promptement de ce Palais funeste, Helas! sauvez le peu de vie qui me reste, Et ne doutez jamais de ma fidélité. 1960 [AGATHON] Où me reduisez-vous, genereuse beauté, C’est trop, en fin c’est trop, Meurs Agathon de honte, 1965 De souffirr qu’une fille en amour te surmonte, Ceste aymable beauté t’ayme si constamment, Qu’elle fait aujourdhuy l’office d’un Amant, Puisque vous me rendez le plus heureux des hommes, Quittons tout maintenant cette terre où nous sommes, 1970 Que ferons-nous, ma sœur, où pourrons-nous sortir, Sans estre apperceus, quand nous voudrons partir? Songez bien. [TRIPHINE] 1975 Par la porte où l’on va dans le Tybre, C’est le lieu le plus seur, le passage plus libre, L’on passe par icy quand on y veut aller, Et sans estre entendus nous-nous pourrons parler, 1980 Vous viendrez à minuict, je seray toute preste, Servons-nous du beau temps que le Ciel nous appreste, Ce bel astre desja commence d’esclairer, Je vois l’air si serain, qui me fait esperer, Qu’il veut favoriser 1985 [AGATHON] Mais ma sœur, je veux dire; Il faudra bien trouver quelqu’un pour nous conduire, 1990 Nous prendrons ce barquot. 99 99 Word for “little boat” in patois lyonnais. <?page no="199"?> Acte Troisième 199 [TRIPHINE] Le barquot est tout prest 1995 Remarquez seulement en quelle place il est, Mais ne pourriez-vous pas trouver dedans la ville Quelqu’un pour nous mener? [AGATHON] 2000 Il n’est pas difficile, Ouy, je trouveray quelqu’un pour nous mener, L’argent fait tout oser. 2005 [TRIPHINE] Il luy faudra donner Tant qu’il demandera, pourveu qu’il soit fidelle Je le contenteray. 2010 [AGATHON] Et Caristée est-elle Couchée loin de vous, n’entendra-elle point 2015 Lors que vous sortirez? [TRIPHINE] Elle en couche assez loing, 2020 Pour ne nous pas ouyr, car avant que je sorte J’esteindray les flambeaux, & fermeray la porte, Pour me donner le temps de nous viste sauver, Car avant qu’elle soit preste de se lever, Et de trouver du feu, nous aurons pris la fuitte, 2025 Et l’on n’en fera pas si viste la poursuite, Je me vay preparer tout le reste du soir A prendre le plus beau que je puisse avoir, Pour nos necessitez, & veux encore faire, Une lettre à mon pere, où je luy feray croire 2030 Que je me suis jettée de desespoir dans l’eau, Que j’ay voulu choisir le Tybre pour Tombeau. [AGATHON] 2035 Ma sœur, il seroit bon de chercher de bon’heure <?page no="200"?> 200 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Quelqu’un pour nous mener, mais mon cœur vous demeure, Vous me verrez au temps que m’avez ordonnez, 100 2040 [TRIPHINE] Mais revenez bien-tost, car si vous ne venez, Vous ne me verrez plus. 2045 [AGATHON] Ha! c’est me faire injure, Que de douter ainsi de ce que je vous jure. 100 Awkward phrasing due to the fact that the pronoun “vous” has been dropped in the subordinate clause. <?page no="201"?> Acte quatrième 201 2050 ACTE QUATRIEME SCENE PREMIERE. TRIPHINE, AGATHON. 2055 [TRIPHINE] seule. Que mon cher Agathon demeure de venir, 101 En fin je ne sçais pas qui le peut retenir, 2060 M’auroit-il point trompée, ô Dieux j’en fremis toute, Paresseux Agathon que tu me tiens en doute, Le voicy, je l’entends. [AGATHON] 2065 Ouy, ma sœur, me voicy. [TRIPHINE] 2070 Depschons promptement de nous oster d’icy, Car tout est maintenant dans un profond silence, Et nous pouvons sortir avec toute asseurance, Mais avez-vous trouvé un homme? 2075 [AGATHON] Oui, Madame. Il nous attend en bas. [TRIPHINE] 2080 Allons donc, ma chere ame. [AGATHON] 2085 Remettons nostre sort au grand Dieu. [TRIPHINE] Ha! C’est lui, 2090 Que je veux invoquer, j’en fais vœu aujourdhuy, 101 Meaning Agathon “prend trop de temps.” <?page no="202"?> 202 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [AGATHON] Que vous me ravissez, ha! ma chere Triphine, 2095 Prions incessamment cette bonté divine, Qu’il conduise nos pas. [TRIPHINE] 2100 Allons, mon cher Amant, Donnez-moy vostre main, & sortons doucement. SCENE DEUXIEME CARISTEE, TRIPHON, EUPLE 2105 ALPHONSE, DOMESTIQUES. [CARISTEE] seule. Dieux, je ne l’entends plus, la lumière est esteinte, 2110 Que sera tout cecy, mon cœur fremit de crainte, Madame, ha, Madame, elle ne respond rien, Ha! bons Dieux, c’en est fait, quel malheur est le mien! L’on me l’a mis en garde, helas que dois-je faire? Mais possible 102 elle dort, & je me desespere, 2115 Approchons doucement sans faire point de bruit, Qu’elle repose un peu le reste de la nuit, Approchons-nous du lict, mais je n’entends personne, Ha dans quel desespoir le destin m’abandonne! O Ciel, elle est perdue, au secours, au secours, 2120 Levez-vous promptement, mais personne ne court. [ALPHONSE] Qu’avez-vous Caristée? 2125 [CARISTEE] O Dieux, courez Alphonse. 2130 [ALPHONSE] Dites que vous avez 102 See note 41. <?page no="203"?> Acte quatrième 203 [CARISTEE] 2135 Helas je vous annonce Que Triphine n’est plus. [ALPHONSE] 2140 Que dites-vous, bons Dieux? Comme 103 le sçavez-vous! [CARISTEE] 2145 Ha! père rigoureux, Allumez des flambeaux pour en voir quelque chose, La rigueur de Triphon en est la seule cause, L’on apporte un flambeau, voyons tout promptement 2150 Si nous ne verrons rien. [ALPHONSE] C’est inutilement, 104 2155 Que nous allons chercher, en fin, pere barbare, Le Ciel t’a bien puny de ton humeur avare. [CARISTEE] 2160 Mais je viens de trouver une lettre. [ALPHONSE] aux domestiques Courez 2165 En advertir Triphon viste, vous luy direz, Que Triphine est perdue, allez en diligence, Je n’en attendois pas d’autre resjouyssance, J’imaginois bien en voyant sa douleur, Qu’il n’en arriveroit que quelque grand malheur, 2170 Et lors que je la veis si viste resolue, Apres tant de sanglots, elle fut viste creue: Vous vous imaginez. 103 According to Vaugelas, “comme” and “comment” are interchangeable in some cases, but when posing a question, one should use “comment” (334). 104 Meaning “in vain.” <?page no="204"?> 204 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [CARISTEE] 2175 Helas, qu’eussions-nous fait? Vous nous en deviez donc advertir. [ALPHONE] 2180 En effet, Mais, je ne croyois pas que vous l’eussiez quittée En la voyant ainsi. 2185 [CARISTEE] Meschante Caristée, Que ne la veillois-tu, mais helas tout le soir Elle fut si tranquille. 2190 [ALPHONSE] Oui, c’estoit sur l’espoir Qu’elle avoit. 2195 [CARISTEE] Taisons-nous, Triphon vient, je l’entends. Voila ce qu’il aura du bon-heur qu’il pretends. 2200 Il ne doit accuser personne que luy-mesme. [TRIPHON] Qu’est-il donc arrivé? 105 2205 [EUPLE] Ha! desplaisir extreme, Quoy, ma sœur est perdue? 2210 [ALPHONSE] Ouy, Seigneur. 2215 [TRIPHON] 105 Qu’est-ce qui s’est passé? <?page no="205"?> Acte quatrième 205 Justes Cieux! La meschante qu’elle est, elle a quitté ces lieux. Et s’est allée cacher? 2220 [CARISTEE] Monstrez voir cette lettre. 2225 [TRIPHON] Alphonse, lisez-la. [CARISTEE] 2230 Dieux, où me dois-je mettre! 106 Helas! pourquoy la mort, quand le sommeil m’a pris N’esteint-elle d’un temps mes sens & mes esprits? 2235 [ALPHONSE] lit. Le Tybre m’a receu au milieu de son onde, Pour finir mes langueurs, & pour me separer Du plus grand ennemy que j’aye dans le monde: 107 2240 Vos rigueurs m’ont contrainte à me desesperer, Quand j’ai veu que mes cris, ny mes pleurs, ny mes larmes Ne pouvoient amollir vostre cœur de diamant, Je m’estois resolue à perir par les armes, Mais les ondes me font mourir plus doucement: 2245 Du moins si vous pleurez une mort si funeste, Il n’en faut accuser personne autre que vous, Et Cevere verra comme je le deteste, Puis que je vay là bas chercher un autre Espoux. 108 2250 [TRIPHON] Ha Pere malheureux! [EUPLE] 2255 106 Meaning “Qu’est-ce que je dois faire? ” or “what should I do? ” 107 Obviously alluding to her father. 108 “Là-bas” is of course a reference to the afterlife and “un autre Espoux” is a reference to Christ. <?page no="206"?> 206 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Quoy, ma sœur est donc morte? O Dieux! on l’a contrainte à mourir de la sorte, Vous, Seigneur. 2260 [TRIPHON] Taisez-vous, qu’allez-vous proposer? Ne vous affligez pas, il se faut disposer A la chercher par tout, elle n’est point perdue. 2265 [EUPLE] Permettez juste Ciel qu’elle nous soit rendue. 2270 [TRIPHON] Allez voir dans le Tybre, allumez de flambeaux, Que l’on cherche par tout. 2275 [EUPLE] Faites par vos travaux Qu’elle. 2280 [TRIPHON] Sçais-tu mon fils ce qu’il faut que l’on façe, Qu’on voye si le barquot est encor à sa place, 2285 [DOMESTIQUES] Allons en diligence. [EUPLE] 2290 Allez. [TRIPHON] 2295 Ha! juste Ciel, Pourquoy me faites-vous ressentir tant de fiel? Que vous avois-je fait, de quoy suis-je coulpable? La rebelle qu’elle est, elle est incapable D’un semblable bon-heur, mais malheureux Espoux. <?page no="207"?> Acte quatrième 207 2300 Venerable Cevere, helas que direz-vous? Vous avois-je asseuré que vous seriez mon gendre, Avec tant d’asseurance, & vous allez apprendre, Que cette malheureuse. 2305 [EUPLE] Il eust bien mieux valu La pas violenter, 109 si vous eussiez voulu Luy donner ces deux jours, elle se fut remise, 2310 Car j’advoüe, Seigneur, que vous l’eussiez promise; Mais Cevere pourtant n’estoit pas si pressez, Il eust bien attendu, [TRIPHON] 2315 N’estoit-ce pas assez, Mais j’entends revenir. [DOMESTIQUES] 2320 Seigneur, prenez courage, Car l’on a destaché le barquot du rivage, [TRIPHON] 2325 O Dieux, il est bien vray, c’est le plus seur tesmoing 110 Qu’elle n’est pas perdüe, et qu’elle n’est pas loing, Que sa malice, ô Ciel doit bien estre punie. 2330 [CARISTEE] Mais s’est-elle sauvée sans point de compagnie? [TRIPHON] 2335 En effect, voyez voir si tous se sont levez, S’il en reste quelqu’un, il peut s’estre sauvez Avec elle 2340 [DOMESTIQUES] 109 Meaning “mal traiter” or to “mistreat” in this case. 110 Meaning “preuve” or “proof” <?page no="208"?> 208 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Seigneur, au bruit de Caristée Tout le monde est couru. 2345 [TRIPHON] Quand vous l’eustes quittée Estoit-elle bien triste? 2350 [CARISTEE] Ha, Seigneur, nullement, Elle estoit si tranquille. 2355 [TRIPHON] Un si prompte changement Devoit bien tesmoigner le secret de son ame. 2360 [CARISTEE] Seigneur, je ne dois point estre digne de blasme, Un autre en auroit fait possible autant que moy, Je n’ay pas tout le tort, vous sçavez. 2365 [TRIPHON] Je le croy, Mais songeons promptement qui peut estre avec elle, 2370 Quel peut estre celuy qui luy fut si fidell? [EUPLE] Allez tout de ce pas dans la maison d’Albin, 2375 Allez luy demander, si le fils de Sabin N’est pas tousjours chez luy, car possible luy-mesme A suivye ma sœur. [CARISTEE] bas à Euple. 2380 En effect, elle l’ayme, 111 111 It’s curious as to how Caristée would know this since Triphine refused to confide in her. We have to assume that Caristée was able to arrive at this conclusion by observation only. <?page no="209"?> Acte quatrième 209 Ils pourroient bien ce soir s’estre donnez le mot, 112 Allez-y promptement, nous le sçaurons bien-tost. 2385 SCENE TROISIEME. POLYDORE. Me voila bien trompé, puis qu’elle m’est ravie, 2390 O Dieux de quel malheur mon amour est suivie! Helas! à quoy me sert d’avoir tant souspiré, En fin à quoy me sert d’avoir tant esperé: Depuis le premier jour que je veis cette belle, Jamais je n’ay cessé de souspirir pour elle: 2395 Hé quoy, sera-il dit, qu’entre les amoureux Je sois le plus constant & le plus malheureux? Avoir tousjours vescu dans la perseverance, Et m’estre ainsi repeu 113 D’une vaine esperance, Qu’elle me recevroit comme elle avoit promis, 2400 Ha Dieux! lorsque je sceus qu’il me seroit permis De voir cette beauté, je fus si ravy d’aise, Que je ne pensay plus qu’à nourrir cette braise, Quand le jeune Agathon vint au soir m’advertir De ce funeste hymen, il me fit ressentir 2405 Un desplaisir si grand, qu’il me fut impossible D’apprendre sans regret un malheur si sensible; Mais à quoy tant de pleurs, à quoy bon des tourments? Taschons de divertir ces beaux attachements, Brisons tout maintenant ces amoureuses chaines, 2410 Et ne languissons plus dessous ces douces peines, Mais cherchons le repos apres tant de souspirs, Puis qu’on vient ruiner l’effet de mes desirs. SCENE QUATRIEME 2415 TRIPHON, EUPLE, CEVERE, ALPHONSE CARISTEE, DOMESTIQUES. [DOMESTIQUES] 2420 Il n’est que trop certain qu’ils s’en sont fuis ensemble, 112 Meaning they may have eloped. 113 Repeu, particip. m. acut. Celuy qui a mangé et beu à suffisance, Pastus, Je suis bien repeu (Nicot). <?page no="210"?> 210 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Car ils estoient tousjours. [UN DOMESTIQUE] 2425 Quelqu’un vient, si me semble. [TRIPHON] 2430 Et bien qu’avez-vous fait, avez-vous bien cherché? [DOMESTIQUE] Seigneur, Albin a dit qu’il estoit bien fasché, 2435 Qu’Agathon l’avoit mis fort long-temps en attente, Et qu’il ne l’a point veu. [TRIPHON] 2440 Elle est donc bien contente, La perfide qu’elle est, je ne m’estonne plus Du tour qu’elle m’a fait, ny de tant de refus, Ha, ce jeune insolent, il l’a donc enlevée, Et malgré luy, je veux qu’elle soit retreuvée: 2445 Mais encor, s’ils sont pris, je veux qu’au mesme instant Il soit mis en prison, & je seray content, L’Empereur le sçaura, qui m’en fera Justice, Et moi-mesme je veux le conduire au supplice, Ce jeune temeraire, il est. 2450 [EUPLE] Mais il est temps De les faire chercher. 2455 [TRIPHON] Ouy dea, 114 car je prétends Qu’ils seront retrouvez n’espargnez point vos peines, 2460 Et supplions les Dieux qu’elles ne soient point vaines. [PAGE] 114 Dea “est une interjection laquelle enforce la diction où elle est apposée, comme, Non deà, ouy deà” (Nicot). <?page no="211"?> Acte quatrième 211 Seigneur, Cevere vient, il veut entrer. 2465 [TRIPHON] Icy. 2470 [PAGE] Ouy, Seigneur. [TRIPHON] Ha, bons Dieux, j’en ay le cœur transi, 2475 Hé, Monsieur, vous voyez dans quel estat funeste. [CEVERE] La preuve m’en estoit desja trop manifeste, 2480 Alors que je me veis traitté si froidement, Encor qu’elle ne sceust mon dessein nullement, Je vous le dis, Monsieur, & vous me deviez croire, La prendre par douceur. 2485 [TRIPHON] Ha, je l’ay voulu faire J’ay fait tous mes efforts pour en venir à bout, Et n’ay rien advancé, mais je vous diray tout, 2490 La meschante qu’elle est, elle estoit engagée, 115 Et je n’en sçavois rien, car elle s’est rangée Sous la protection d’un infame Chrestien, S’estant imaginée qu’il seroit son soustien: Elle l’a donc suivy, ce traistre, ce rebelle, 2495 Que j’avois si long-temps laissé vivre aupres d’elle, Ne m’imaginant pas que ce jeune insolent Eust conceu pour ma fille un feu si violent, Ce jeune audacieux, en fin je vous le nomme, C’est le fils de Sabin, un simple Gentil-homme. 2500 [CEVERE] Quoy, j’avois un rival se faut-il estonner 115 Meaning “betrothed: “On dit aussi, Engager son cœur, pour dire, Donner son cœur, aimer. Les jeunes gens engagent leur cœur facilement” (Dictionnaire de l’Académie française 1694). <?page no="212"?> 212 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Du refus qu’elle a fait: mais quoy s’abandonner 2505 A ce petit garçon qu’elle estoit aveuglée, Que son affection me semble desreglée, Imprudente Triphine. [TRIPHON] 2510 Ha, valoit-il pas mieux Qu’elle se fust sousmise à ce joug glorieux, Que d’estre entre les mains d’un jeune temeraire. 2515 [CEVERE] Mais il m’est incogneu. [EUPLE] 2520 Monsieur, je ne puis taire Qu’il possede des dons du corps & de l’esprit, Que ma bouche ne peut en faire le récit, Quand ils ont reconnus l’un & l’autre leurs charmes 2525 L’innocence à l’amour a rendues les armes, (sic) Triphine est toute belle, Agathon tout parfait, [TRIPHON] 2530 Ha, le traistre, il est vray qu’il n’est que trop bien fait. Mais encore falloit-il. [CEVERE] 2535 Vous deviez bien connoistre Lors que cette beauté commençoit à paroistre, Vous deviez bien penser, qu’estant si beaux tous deux, Que ce jeune insolent deviendroit amoureux, Et qu’elle pourroit bien. 2540 [TRIPHON] Ha que mon imprudence Me cause maintenant. 2545 [CEVERE] <?page no="213"?> Acte quatrième 213 Vivons en esperance Elle sera treuvée. 2550 [TRIPHON] En fin que ferons-nous? 2555 [CEVERE] Pour moi je veux aller la chercher avec vous, Et faire par mes soins qu’elle soit recouverte, Car je ne peux souffrir une semblable perte, 2560 Sans un grand desplaisir, mais encore je veux En suppliant le Ciel qu’il exauce mes vœux, Que s’ils sont recouverts, ainsi que je l’espere, Punir cét insolent. 2565 [TRIPHON] Et moy je desespere De ne les pas trouver, afin de le punir. 2570 [CEVERE] Moy-mesme je le feray, si je le peux tenir, Je le veux immoler aux yeux de son Amante, C’est ainsi qu’il faudra que mon cœur se contente, 2575 Puis que cette inhumaine a voulu mespriser Mon amour. [TRIPHON] 2580 Ha, le traistre, comme a-il peu oser Se mettre en ces hazards, la croit-il long-temps sienne! [CEVERE] 2585 Mais il est tres-certain qu’elle sera Chrestienne. Car vous pouvez penser qu’il fera ses efforts, Afin de la ranger. [TRIPHON] 2590 Inventons mille morts <?page no="214"?> 214 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie A ce meschant Chrestien, car il est veritable, Il n’en faut pas douter que cette misérable Aura quitté les Dieux. 2595 [CEVERE] Monsieur, il est ainsi, Il faut auparavant que de sortir d’icy 2600 Aller crier vengeance à l’Empereur Decie, Ce prince me chérit plus que sa propre vie. [TRIPHON] 2605 Je le sçay bien, Monsieur, & ce grand Empereur N’entendra point ce fait, sans en avoir horreur, Je suis bien asseuré qu’il nous fera vengeance, Allons tout de ce pas implorer sa clemence: Mais encor il faudroit avant que de partir 116 2610 Mander querir Sabin, afin de l’advertir Du crime de son fils, car je crois qu’il ignore Tout ce qui s’est passé. [EUPLE] 2615 Il est vray, mais encore Sabin cherche Agathon pour le faire mourir, Ce pauvre malheureux ne sçait où recourir, Qu’en la maison d’Albin, imitant la furie 2620 Du rigoureux Sabin. [CEVERE] Mais encore, je vous prie, 2625 Dites-nous le sujet. [EUPLE] Monsieur, je n’en sçay rien, 2630 Il m’en avoit rien dit, mais je vous diray bien, Qu’Albin m’en asseura, qu’on l’accusoit d’un crime Qu’il n ‘a jamais commis, qu’Irenée l’anime A le faire perir par certains faux rapports, 116 In 17 th century grammar “que” is retained (Vaugelas 319-20). <?page no="215"?> Acte quatrième 215 Qu’elle avoit avancé, Sabin fait ses efforts, 2635 Afin de le trouver. [TRIPHON] Que l’on aille sur l’heure 2640 Au logis de Sabin, viste, qu’on ne demeure, 117 Dites-luy que Triphon l’attend dans le Palais, Qu’il vienne promptement. [EUPLE] bas à Caristée. 2645 C’est pour faire la paix De Sabin & son fils, ô Dieux quelle infortune! [TRIPHON] 2650 Entrons dans le palais, car cela m’importune, Je ne puis demeurer dans ce triste sejour, Où cette malheureuse a joüé ce beau tour. 117 Meaning “dépêchons-nous! ” <?page no="216"?> 216 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie ACTE CINQUIEME SCENE PREMIERE 2660 [AGATHON] dans un bois. Il n’est que trop certain, mon Amante est perdüe, Sans espoir que jamais elle me soit rendüe; Ha perfide element, jaloux de nos beaux feux, Tu trompes donc ainsi les chastes amoureux? 2665 Puisque mon beau Soleil s’est eclypsé dans l’onde, Je ne souhaitte plus de vivre dans le monde, Où sont donc ces beaux yeux tout remplis de clarté, Ces beaux astres d’amour qui m’avoient enchanté? Cette bouche où l’amour faisoit son plus beau Temple, 2670 Ne vous verray-je plus, merveille sans exemple, Belle bouche, c’est vous que par vos doux accents 118 M’aviez nommé l’objet de vos feux innocents; C’est vous dont je receus cette belle promesse, Que vous seriez toujours ma sœur & ma maistresse: 2675 Ha, cruels souvenirs qui croissez mes douleurs, Qui faites encore enfler la source de mes pleurs, Vous voila, chere sœur dans le Ciel bien contente, Et moy je vay trainant ma vie languissante: Grand Dieu qui commandez par dessus l’Univers, 2680 Qui me voyez courir dans ces affreux deserts, Permets qui celle-là pour qui mon cœur souspire Puisse me recevoir dans ton celeste Empire, Car cette chere Sœur m’avoit donné sa foy, Qu’elle ne connoissoit point d’autre Dieu que toy. 2685 C’est pourquoy, mon Seigneur, je crois que sa bell’ame Qui n’a jamais bruslé que d’une saincte flâme, Doit estre maintenant au rang des bien-heureux, Cependant qu’icy bas un Amant malheureux Implore ton secours, ô bonté souveraine, 2690 Permettez que la mort mette fin à ma peine: Mais l’Echo me respond, touché de ma langueur, Cependant que le sort exerce sa rigueur. 118 These few verses are reminiscent of the genre of the blason, in which the poet describes the female’s beauty beginning with a description of her eyes in this case and then moving on to her mouth. <?page no="217"?> Acte cinquième 217 STANCES 119 2695 J’entends le zephyr qui souspire, Comme de mon tourment surpris, Les Echos respondent à mes cris, Mais le sort ne fait que s’en rire: 2700 Escoute, impitoyable sort Ce petit ruisseau qui murmure, Chaque chose fait en effort Pour guerir le mal que j’endure: Mais Echo respond moy, console mes douleurs, 2705 Dis moy qu’il m’adviendra apres tant de mal’heurs [ECHO] Dis moy quel heur 120 je dois attendre, 2710 Puis que mon Amante n’est plus Mon espoir seroit seroit superflu, (sic) De vouloir encore pretendre, Tu sçais qu’un perfide Element 121 Me l’a ravie dans son onde, 2715 Me faisant perdre en un moment Ce que j’aymois le plus au monde: Mais qu’auray-je à la fin pour tout mon reconfort, Dis moy, que dois-je attendre, ou la vie, ou la mort? 122 2720 La mort, & pourquoy ne vient-elle, Quand je la souhaitte si fort? Je ne demande que la mort, Mais quoy, ma peine est immortelle, Tygres, Lyons, fiers animaux, 2725 Venez à moy, je vous en prie, Si vous mettez fin à mes maux, Je beniray vostre furie: Mais que feray je encor pour mon plus grand bon-heur, Respond-moy, cher Echo, contente mon humeur. 2730 119 Note the change from alexandrine to octosyllabic meter which is typical of stances from this period. See Hilgar. 120 “Heure” is feminine in most cases, but here the author has taken some liberties in order to respect the octosyllabic meter. 121 The Tiber River 122 Baroque topos. Compare the opening lines of this monologue with those found at the beginning of Hamlet’s famous soliloquy in Act 3, Scene 1: “To be or not to be.” <?page no="218"?> 218 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Helas, cher Echo que je meure, Je le voudrois, & ne peux pas, Tu dis bien, mais tu ne sçais pas, Le destin veut que je demeure, 2735 Et que je meure sans mourir, Qu’eternellement je languisse, Et tousjours me plaindre & souffrir. Sans que mon tourment se finisse, Tes discours innocents ne font rien esperer, 2740 Et tout ce que tu dis me fait desesperer. SCENE DEUXIEME AGATHON. TRIPHINE. 2745 [AGATHON] seul. Où vas-tu malheureux, & que pretends-tu faire? Où sera ton recours, puis que tout t’est contraire? 2750 Mais je ne suis pas seul qui me plains dans ce bois, Car j’entends les accents de quelque triste voix. O Ciel, arrestons-nous. [TRIPHINE] 2755 Amante désolée, Ne vaudroit-il pas mieux que tu fusses immolée? Ne vaudroit-il pas mieux t’estre donné la mort, Que de t’estre exposée à la rigueur du sort? 2760 Que d’errer maintenant parmy ces forests sombres, Où tu ne vois qu’horreur, & que de tristes ombres. [AGATHON] 2765 O Dieu, que cette voix? [TRIPHINE] Ha rigoreux Triphon 2770 Tu cause (sic) donc ma perte, & celle d’Agathon. Hé, mon cher Agathon. [AGATHON] <?page no="219"?> Acte cinquième 219 2775 Ma douleur diminuë, Hé cette chère voix m’est maintenant connüe. [TRIPHINE] paroissant. 2780 O ma chere Triphine. [TRIPHINE] Ha mon frere, est-ce vous? 2785 Après tant de malheurs le sort me devient doux, Mon cœur pasme de joye. [AGATHON] O ma sœur, je me pusme, 123 2790 Bon Dieu, que de transports je ressens dans mon ame, En fin, ma chere sœur, que puis-je desirer, Vous ayant recouverte? [TRIPHINE] 2795 En allant expirer J’ai trouvé mon Amant. [AGATHON] 2800 Et moy ma chere Amante, Je vous rends graces, ô Ciel. [TRIPHINE] 2805 Hé, que je suis contente, Ne languis plus, mon cœur, mes yeux ne pleurez plus. [AGATHON] 2810 Sans nous entretenir de propos superflus, Dites-moy, chere sœur, quelle heureuse avanture Vous a rendüe icy? 2815 [TRIPHINE] 123 Je me pasme <?page no="220"?> 220 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie L’Autheur de la Nature, Me sauva du danger, quand mon cruel destin Croyoit de me donner à la mort pour butin, 2820 Lors que nous eusmes fait ce funeste naufrage, Les ondes me jettant sur le bord du rivage, Où j’allois expirer sans quelques paysans, Que pour me secourir se trouverent presens, L’un me prit dans ses bras, & je fus emportée 2825 Dans leur pauvre cabane, où je fus assistée De leur petit pouvoir, mais lors que je repris Par un si prompt secours mes sens & mes esprits, Helas! ce fut alors que je fis mille plaintes, Dont mes liberateurs sentoient leurs ames atteintes, 2830 Car en fin je croyois que vous fussiez perdu, Sans espoir que jamais vous me fussiez rendu; Tousjours ces bonnes gens m’en demandoient la cause, Et ne peurent jamais en sçavoir autre chose, 124 Je me separay d’eux les ayant contentez 2835 D’un anneau que j’avois, & les ayant quittez Je courus tous les bois, où j’appellay sans cesse La mort à mon secours. [AGATHON] 2840 N’ayez plus de tristesse, Et croyez que le mort auroit difficultez D’accorder ses horreurs parmy tant de beautez, Et les Lyons auroient modéré leurs furies 2845 A l’aspect d’un object. [TRIPHINE] Cessez vos flatteries 2850 Et mon cher Agathon, dites-moy donc aussi Par quel heureux hazard nous-nous trouvons icy, Et comme quoy vous peustes eschapper les tempestes Dont l’horrible fureur preparoit nos deffaites. 2855 [AGATHON] Je fus heureusement jetté dessus le bord, Où dans le mesme instant je me veis assez fort 124 Meaning “ils avaient peur de ne jamais savoir” or they feared they would never know the reason for her sadness. <?page no="221"?> Acte cinquième 221 Pour m’oster de ces lieux, & considéreant l’onde, 2860 Alors je commençay de faire ouvrir la bonde Aux larmes, aux sanglots, & regardant toujours, Si je ne verrois point l’objet de mes amours, Si je ne verrois point ces precieuses restes 125 Sortir au bout d’un temps de ces ombres funestes; 2865 Mais alors que je veis que je vous voyois plus, Que la mer ne jettoit que son flux & reflux, O Dieu, ce fut alors que je quittay la place, Me plaignant mille fois sur ma grande disgrace. Que ne disois-je point, quel estoient mes regrets 2870 Courant incessamment dans ces tristes forests: Enfin ma chere sœur, j’ay ce que je desire, Je vous ay retrouvée. [TRIPHINE] 2875 Hé quoy faut-il pas dire Que ce grand Dieu du Ciel est nostre souverain Que sans doute c’est luy qui nous presta la main Quand nous estions perdus. 2880 [AGATHON] Ouy, ma chere Triphine Il n’en faut pas douter, & que je m’imagine 2885 Que c’est luy qui des flots nous avoit deffendus 126 Au malheureux moment que nous estions perdus; Mais ma sœur il est temps de chercher quelque azile, Et nous ostons d’icy. 2890 [TRIPHINE] Que je me sens debile. 127 [AGATHON] 2895 Je le crois ma chere ame, alons. (sic) 125 Meaning “son corps” or “her body.” 126 Meaning “C’est lui qui nous avons protégé des flots” or “It is he who has protected us from the waves.” 127 Perhaps she feels this way because after having been reunited with her lost love, she has forgotten all about the fact that their lives are in danger? <?page no="222"?> 222 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie SCENE DEUXIEME. 2900 TRIPHON, CEVERE, EUPLE ALPHONSE, SABIN, IRENEE, CARISTEE, DOMESTIQUES AGATHON, TRIPHINE. 2905 [TRIPHON] Courons ces bois, Il faut chercher partout, car j’entens quelques voix. [AGATHON] 2910 O Dieu, nous sommes pris. [TRIPHINE] 2915 O Ciel, je vois mon Pere, C’en est fait. [TRIPHON] 2920 Justes Cieux, c’est eux-mesmes, 128 Cevere, Courez, les voila pris. [TRIPHINE] 2925 Ha! ce pere inhumain. [AGATHON] Rendez-vous, ma Triphine. 2930 [TRIPHON] Arrestez, c’est en vain, Je vous tiens fugitifs, en fin il se faut rendre. 2935 128 Ce sont eux. Molard notes this as a common error made by the lyonnais in his Dictionnaire grammatical du mauvais langage ou recueil des expressions et des phrases vicieuses usilées en France, et notamment à Lyon (Lyon: Chez l’auteur, 1803) 50. <?page no="223"?> Acte cinquième 223 [SABIN] Temeraire insolent qui te fit entreprendre D’enlever cette Dame? 2940 [CEVERE] Ha! traistre ravisseur Et quoy, vous esperiez d’en estre possesseur, 2945 Mais, ingrate beauté qui fustes si cruelle A mes justes souhaits, si vous estiez trop belle, Pour vous sousmettre ainsi sous cette dure loy, Quoy, ce jeune Agathon estoit-il plus que moy? 129 Encor qu’il soit bien fait, & que je sois fort d’âge, 2950 N’auriez-vous pas encor eu d’honneur d’avantage, Que d’estre maintenant surprise dans ces lieux Avec que ce jeune homme. [SABIN] 2955 Et vous souffriez, bons Dieux, Que ce traictre eust pouvoir? [TRIPHON] 2960 Quoy, malheureuse fille, Vous ferez donc ainsi honneur à ma famille? Vous estes dérobée ainsi de mon Palais, Pour aller nuict & jour errant parmy ces bois? 2965 Estre sortie ainsi du milieu des delices, Pour vous venir jetter parmy des precipices, Au lieu de recevoir ce puissant Senateur, Vous-vous estes donnée à ce jeune flatteur: Vous ne respondez rien, rompez donc le silence. 2970 [TRIPHINE] Je ne demande rien qu’un moment d’audience, Pour vous dire, Seigneur, que j’ay donné ma foy 2975 A ce cher Agathon, & vous dis que c’est moy, Qui suis cause de tout, ce fut par ma priere, 129 Here Cevere is directly referring to the fact that Agathon’s financial status is less than to be desired. <?page no="224"?> 224 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Qu’il m’osta de ces lieux, & c’est moy la premiere, Qui descouvrit mes feux, luy disant, que jamais Je n’aymerois que luy. 2980 [TRIPHON] Voila donc les effects, Mais en fin, dites donc 2985 [TRIPHINE] Qu’outre 130 que je suis sienne, Et qu’il est tout à moy, je suis encor Chrestienne. 2990 [TRIPHON] Ha, meschante, est-il vray? [CEVERE] 2995 Que je m’en doutois bien, Qu’elle suivroit les loix de ce meschant Chrestien, bas Prenez-la de douceur, Monsieur, je vous supplie Pour en venir à bout. 3000 [TRIPHON] Veux-tu qu’on te publie? Quoy, ma fille veux-tu que ces cruels desirs 3005 Me fassent en peu de temps mourir de desplaisirs: Ma fille au nom des Dieux contente mon envie Tache de conserver ton honneur & ta vie, L’Empereur m’a donné pouvoir de vous perir, 131 Il m’a dit en un mot de vous faire mourir, 3010 Sinon que si tu veux encore te soubmettre. Voila Cevere prest. [CEVERE] 3015 Ouy, prest à me remettre Soubs vos aymables loix, & d’estre vostre Espoux. 130 En outre 131 de vous faire périr <?page no="225"?> Acte cinquième 225 [TRIPHON] 3020 Ma fille fleschis’toi sous un hymen si doux, Puis que ce digne amant te veut pour Espousée, Encor que son Rival. [TRIPHINE] 3025 Que je sois exposée Aux plus cruels tourments qu’on pourroit m’inventer, Les supplices & les morts que l’on peut m’apprester N’auront jamais pourvoir d’esbranler ma constance: 3030 Mais s’il me faut mourir, espargner l’innocence, Sauvez mon Agathon puis que pour m’obeyr Il s’est mis aux hazards. [AGATHON] 3035 Daignerez vous m’ouyr, Non divine beauté, c’est me faire un injure Que de parler ainsi, car enfin je vous jure Que si l’on me vouloit exempter de la mort 3040 Et qu’on vous fist mourir que l’on me fist ce tort De vouloir m’empescher. [TRIPHON] 3045 Il est temps de se taire, Ma fille songe bien à ce que tu veux faire, Euple, que songez vous, 132 faitct vostre pouvoir, Tachez que vostre sœur se mette à son devoir, Peut estre vos discours auront plus de puissance. 3050 [EUPLE] Je n’ay garde, Seigneur, car je dis en presence De vous & de tous ceux qui sont venus icy 3055 Que je me fais Chrestien. [CARISTEE] Je suis Chrestienne aussi. 3060 132 Meaning “réveillez-vous” or “wake up! ” <?page no="226"?> 226 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [EUPLE] J’en fais vœux desormais. 3065 [TRIPHON] Dieux, que viens-je d’entendre Que dis tu malheureux. 3070 [EUPLE] Que je veux vous apprendre C’est que j’ay resolu d’adorer le vray Dieu. 3075 [TRIPHON] Quoy, mon fils tu veux donc que je meure en ce lieu, Tu veux suivre ta sœur. 3080 [EUPLE] Ouy, faites comme nous, Seigneur soyez Chrestien. 3085 [CEVERE] Euple que songez vous Ha! changez de dessein. 3090 [EUPLE] Il est trop raisonnable, Je ne puis le changer, c’est est fait. 3095 [TRIPHON] Miserable. [EUPLE] 3100 Que je sois exposé aux plus cruels tourments Que l’on peut inventer à ces chastes Amants. Je suis prest d’endurer. <?page no="227"?> Acte cinquième 227 3105 [CARISTEE] J’en ay la mesme envie. [TRIPHON] 3110 Méchante Caristée, tu peux perdre la vie, Tu veux faire comme’eux! [AGATHON] 3115 Que vous serez heureux, Euple, & vous Caristée! [SABIN] 3120 Ha, traistre audacieux. Qui t’a fait si hardy de parler de la sorte? Se jettant sur son fils Devant ces deux Seigneurs, si la fureur m’emporte. 3125 Je vous prie, Seigneur, que j’aye le pouvoir De l’immoler icy, car je me sçaurois voir. [IRENEE] N’en faites pas, Sabin, vous-mesme La Justice, 3130 Il faut un’autre main pour faire cét office, Bas Ne sçavez-vous pas bien quelle offence il me fit? [SABIN] 3135 Puis-je bien me nommer le pere d’un tel fils? Infame, oseras-tu maintenant me respondre? Le crime que tu fis doit-il pas te confondre? 133 En fin, n’est-il pas vray ce qu’Irenée dit? Respond-moy, malheureux, ne sois pas interdit. 3140 [AGATHON] Et bien, s’il m’est permis encor de me deffendre, Madame, est-il bien vray, quand osay-je entreprendre 3145 De vous ravir l’honneur, hé, sçavez-vous pas bien, Que cela n’est pas vray? 133 See Furetière. “Confondre” means to literally shut the mouth of one’s adversary: “convaincre, fermer la bouche à son adversaire.” <?page no="228"?> 228 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie [IRENEE] 3150 Non, non, ne cachons rien, Non, il est innocent, & moy je suis coulpable; En fin, de quel tourment ne suis-je pas capable? Ce fut moy, que bruslée par des charmes si doux, Me laissant emporter à ses aymables coups, 3155 Je resolus, en fin, de surmonter la honte, Et de couvrir mes maux, dont il ne fit pas compte, Et quand je veis ainsi mon amour mesprisé, Afin de me vanger, j’avois donc supposé, Qu’il vouloit m’immoler, encor avec les armes 3160 Que j’avois dans les mains, avec de feintes larmes, Je vous fis animer contre cét innocent; Mais pour purger mon crime, en le reconnoissant, Je diray devant tous que je me fais Chrestienne, O grand Dieu des Chrestiens, si’il se peut que j’obtienne 3165 Le pardon de mes maux, je suis preste à souffrir Les plus rudes tourments que l’on pourra m’offrir; En fin, sage Agathon, je me sens criminelle. Je sçay que je merite une peine eternelle; Il faut donc qu’à genoux. 3170 [AGATHON] Madame, levez-vous, Quoy, je pourrois souffrir de vous voir à genoux? 3175 Non, non, je vous pardonne, & mon ame est ravie Que vous croyez en Dieu. [IRENEE] 3180 C’est tout ce que j’envie. [SABIN] Ha, puis qu’il est ainsi, je suis aussi Chrestien, 3185 Je quitte les faux Dieux, & j’adore le tien, Je te suivray, mon fils, au milieu des supplices, Je veux me retirer de ces vaines delices. [AGATHON] 3190 O Dieu, que de bon-heur je reçois à la fois! <?page no="229"?> Acte cinquième 229 Je benis le destin qui m’a mis dans ce bois, Mon père est-il certain apres tant de menaces, Vous voila donc changé, mon Dieu je vous rends graces 3195 Puis que. [TRIPHON] Quel changement, ha destin rigoreux? 3200 Quoy vous aussi Sabin suivez ces malheureux. [SABIN] Ouy, Seigneur, je les suis. 3205 [CEVERE] O changement estrange! Quel malheur, justes Cieux où ce vieilllard se’range: 3210 Sabin, vous qui devriez tascher de les ranger. [SABIN] Le dessein que j’ay pris ne se sçauroit changer, 3215 Je suis Chrestien, Seigneur. [TRIPHON] Mon fils je te supplie 3220 Change de volonté, quitte cette folie Et puis qu’enfin ta sœur ne se veut pas fleschir A mes vouloirs. [EUPLE] 3225 Seigneur, elle veut s’acquerir Au milieu des tourments la Couronne Immortelle, Et moy je dis aussi que mon envie est telle, Et que je veux mourir pour ce diven Sauveur, 3230 Lequel pour tous mes maux implore la faveur. [TRIPHON] 3235 Mon fils, ne sçais-tu pas que l’Empereur Décie M’a permis aujourdhuy de vous oster la vie, <?page no="230"?> 230 Part II: Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie Et je dis de tous ceux qui briseront les loix Des Dieux. 3240 [EUPLE] Non, non, Seigneur, voila mon dernier choix, J’adore le vray Dieu, je deteste les vostres. 3245 [CEVERE] Hé quoy, malheureux fils, vous detestez les nostres? Ces grands Dieux Souverains. 3250 [EUPLE] Je n’en reconnois point Que celuy des Chrestiens. 3255 [ALPHONSE] Moy, je quitte le soing De garder ces Amants, & je veux aussi suivre Leur Dieu. 3260 [TRIPHON] Hé quoy, meschant, tu ne veux donc plus vivre, Tu veux mourir aussi? 3265 [ALPHONSE] C’est mon plus grand desir De mourir pour celuy. 3270 [TRIPHON] Bons Dieux, quel desplaisir! Ils sont tous d’un vouloir, ces meschants, ces rebelles, 3275 Ces Impies. [CEVERE] O Ciel! quelles tristes nouvelles 3280 Recevra l’Empereur, il les luy faut mener. <?page no="231"?> Acte cinquième 231 [TRIPHON] Je sçay bien qu’à l’instant il va les condamner. 3285 Songez-y malheureux. [SABIN] Je suis toujours le mesme. 134 3290 [AGATHON] Je ne changeray point. [TRIPHINE] 3295 Mon serment est extrême. 135 [IRENEE] 3300 Je le proteste encor. [ALPHONSE] Et moy j’en fais serment. 3305 [EUPLE] Et moy je le diray jusqu’au dernier moment. 3310 [CARISTEE] Je viens aussi mourir. 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Paris: Champion, 2002. — and Kuizenga, Donna, eds. Women writers in pre-revolutionary France: strategies of emancipation. New York: Garland Pub, 1997. Young, David. The Poetry of Petrarch. NY: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2004. <?page no="240"?> Written at the end of the Counter Reformation, Françoise Pascal’s first play, Agathonphile martyr, tragi-comédie (1655), is an important transitional piece, marking the passage from religious drama as a moralizing device to that of a diversion, prompted by the growing influence of the société mondaine in Lyon. In her introduction, Kennedy examines how this play is characterized by a unique merging of two genres: the tragicomedy and the martyr play. This play also merits our attention in terms of new female characterization. Kennedy demonstrates how Pascal’s female martyr Triphine diverges from the traditionally “coldhearted” female martyr, as an independent thinker who speaks her heart, proclaiming the virtues of “constant” love. Suppléments aux Papers on French Seventeenth Century Literature Directeur de la publication: Rainer Zaiser BIBLIO 17 ISBN 978-3-8233-6416-0