<?page no="0"?> Edith Szlezák Franco-Americans in Massachusetts “No French no mo’ ‘round here” Language in Performance LiP <?page no="1"?> Franco-Americans in Massachusetts <?page no="2"?> 40 Edited by Werner Hüllen† and Rainer Schulze Advisory Board: Thomas Herbst (Erlangen), Andreas Jucker (Zürich), Manfred Krug (Bamberg), Christian Mair (Freiburg i. Br.), Ute Römer (Hannover), Andrea Sand (Trier), Hans-Jörg Schmid (München), Josef Schmied (Chemnitz) and Edgar W. Schneider (Regensburg) <?page no="3"?> Edith Szlezák Franco-Americans in Massachusetts “No French no mo’ ‘round here” <?page no="4"?> Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über <http: / / dnb.d-nb.de> abrufbar. Gedruckt mit Hilfe der Geschwister Boehringer Ingelheim Stiftung für Geisteswissenschaften in Ingelheim am Rhein, der Johanna und Fritz Buch Gedächtnis Stiftung, der Kurt Ringger-Stiftung sowie der Universität Regensburg. Vorliegende Arbeit wurde als Dissertation an der Universität Regensburg angenommen. © 2010 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Dischingerweg 5 · D-72070 Tübingen Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Gedruckt auf säurefreiem und alterungsbeständigem Werkdruckpapier. Internet: www.narr.de E-Mail: info@narr.de Druck und Bindung: Ilmprint, Langewiesen Printed in Germany ISSN 0939-9399 ISBN 978-3-8233-6449-8 <?page no="5"?> Contents LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS......................................................................................8 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.........................................................................................9 FOREWORD ..............................................................................................................10 I. “NOUS-AUT’ ICITTE DANS LES ETATS” - AN INTRODUCTION I.1 Franco-Americans - A Definition .....................................................................11 I.2 A Sketch of Franco-American History in Massachusetts ................................12 I.3 An Analysis of U.S. Census Data for Massachusetts - 1990 and 2000 I.3.1 General Observations .................................................................................23 I.3.2 The U.S. Census Category ‘Ancestry’ ..........................................................24 I.3.3 The U.S. Census Category ‘Language Spoken At Home By Population 5 Years And Over’ .........................................................................................27 I.3.4 The Ratio of Speakers of French to People of First Acadian/ French- Canadian/ French Ancestry ........................................................................32 II. “FAUT-IL REMPLIR TOUT ÇA? ” - THE SURVEY II.1 Data Collection and Selection of Informants ..................................................33 II.2 Transcription Conventions ..............................................................................38 III. “CHEZ NOUS C’EST PAS COMME ÇA..C’EST DIFFÉRENT” - SE- LECTED CHARACTERISTICS OF FRANCO-AMERICAN FRENCH III.1 General Remarks ............................................................................................39 III.2 Selected Morphosyntactic Particularities III.2.1 Personal Pronouns ...................................................................................40 III.2.2 The Expression of Possession ...................................................................46 III.2.3 The Interrogative Pronoun comment .........................................................47 III.2.4 Relative Pronouns ....................................................................................48 III.2.5 Demonstrative Determiners .....................................................................51 III.2.6 Coordinating and Subordinating Conjunctions III.2.6.1 Additive Coordination ....................................................................52 III.2.6.2 Clauses of Time ...............................................................................53 III.2.6.3 Clauses of Consequence ..................................................................57 III.2.6.4 Clauses of Condition .......................................................................58 5 <?page no="6"?> III.2.6.5 Clauses of Reason or Cause .............................................................59 III.2.6.6 Clauses of Concession and Contrast ................................................62 III.2.6.7 Clauses of Purpose ..........................................................................62 III.2.7 Tout ..........................................................................................................63 III.2.8 The Verb III.2.8.1 The Auxiliaries avoir and être ...........................................................64 III.2.8.2 Périphrases verbales ...........................................................................69 III.2.8.3 The non-accord of the Verb ...............................................................70 III.2.8.4 Miscellaneous ..................................................................................71 III.3 Selected Lexical Particularities .......................................................................74 III.4 Conclusion ......................................................................................................84 IV. “BEN ON PARLE LES DEUX” - BILINGUALISM AND DIGLOSSIA IN MASSACHUSETTS IV.1 A Theoretical Basis .........................................................................................85 IV.2 French and English in Massachusetts ............................................................90 V. “ÇA VA PAS DURER” - LANGUAGE LOSS AND LANGUAGE DEATH..................................................................................................................96 V.1 “No Need for French” - Extralinguistic Factors of Language Loss V.1.1 Preliminary Remarks ..............................................................................101 V.1.2 The Demographic Situation .....................................................................101 V.1.3 The Economic Situation and the Dissolution of the Little Canadas ............106 V.1.4 American Society and English-Only Attitude ..........................................111 V.1. 5 Religion and the Policy of the Catholic Church V.1.5.1 The National Parishes ....................................................................119 V.1.5.2 The Parochial Schools .....................................................................132 V.1.5.3 Digression: Bilingual Programs in the Public School System ...........143 V.1.5.4 The Tolerance of Exogamy .............................................................146 V.1.6 The Decline of the Franco-American Press and Organizations V.1.6.1 The Franco-American Press ............................................................151 V.1.6.2 Franco-American National Societies and Social Clubs ....................158 V.1.7 The Loss of Canada as a Back-up ............................................................163 V.1.8 Diversity among Francophones ...............................................................168 V.1.9 Language Attitude 6 <?page no="7"?> V.1.9.1 Stigmatization of Franco-American French .....................................175 V.1.9.2 Insecurity .......................................................................................180 V.1.10 Speech Behavior ....................................................................................182 V.2 “Comme vous voyez je parle…Broken French” - Intralinguistic Consequences of Language Loss V.2.1 Insecurities in French V.2.1.1 The Domain of Written Language ..................................................195 V.2.1.2 The Domain of Spoken Language ...................................................199 V.2.2 Code-Switching V.2.2.1 A Theoretical Outline .....................................................................202 The Types of Code-Switching ..............................................................202 Some Frameworks of Code-Mixing .....................................................206 Code-Mixing and Borrowing ...............................................................210 The Functions of Code-Switching ........................................................220 The Manner of Code-Switching ...........................................................224 The Manner of Code-Switching The Manner of Code-Mixing .........................................................224 The Manner of Inter-Sentential Code-Switching ............................226 Alien Discourse Markers - A Special Case Characteristics, Functions and Types of Discourse Markers - An Overview ..................................................................................228 English Discourse Markers ............................................................233 Theories on the Switching/ Borrowing of Discourse Markers ........235 An Attempt at Explanation: Discourse Markers as Indicators of Pragmatic Dominance ...............................................................238 V.2.2.2 Code-Switching in the Survey General Observations ..........................................................................246 The Switching of Discourse Markers ...................................................247 Code-Mixing .......................................................................................254 Inter-Sentential Code-Switching ..........................................................258 Passive Code-Switching ......................................................................262 Evasive Code-Switching ......................................................................266 V.2.2.3 Summary .......................................................................................272 V.2.3 Selected Interference Phenomena V.2.3.1 Calques ...........................................................................................273 V.2.3.2 A Special Case: Lexical False Friends ..............................................280 VI. “NO FRENCH NO MO’ ‘ROUND HERE” - CONCLUSION...................285 APPENDIX................................................................................................................288 BIBLIOGRAPHY .....................................................................................................292 7 <?page no="8"?> List of Abbreviations The examples taken from the MASSFrench corpus (cf. chapter II), which is the primary database for this study, contain the following abbreviations: I = interviewer Q = of Quebec origin A = of Acadian origin C = 1 st immigrant generation (brought up in Canada) U = 2 nd immigrant generation (brought up in the United States) UU = 3 rd immigrant generation (parents brought up in the United States) UUU = 4 th immigrant generation (grandparents brought up in the United States) ./ .. = one-second pause/ two-second pause, etc. … at the end of a sequence = unfinished sentence / = immediate self-correction / at the end of a sequence = interruption by a conversation partner ? marks a question ! marks an exclamation (w) = written, i.e. the example is taken from the questionnaires Italics = titles English sequences are capitalized (single capital letters = names). Figures give the participant’s age. The participant’s sex is only indicated if relevant (in square brackets). Examples: (QC63) [female] = 63-year old woman of Quebec origin, 1 st immigrant generation (AUU71) [male] = 71-year old man of Acadian origin, 3 rd immigrant generation 8 <?page no="9"?> Acknowledgements A research project like this cannot be conducted without the support of numerous people and organizations. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my mentor, Prof. Dr. Ingrid Neumann-Holzschuh, professor at the Department of Romance Languages at the University of Regensburg, who motivated me to do this project, supervised my work and provided me with constant encouragement. Further, I owe special debt to Prof. Dr. Udo Hebel and Prof. Dr. Edgar Schneider, both professors at the Department of English and American Studies at the University of Regensburg, for their valuable advice and support, as well as to Prof. em. Dr. Gerhard Ernst. I am also grateful to Jamie Kohen, Lecturer in the Department of English and American Studies at the University of Regensburg, for taking the time to proofread the manuscript and suggest improvements. An empirical study like this would have been impossible without a corpus, which I owe to the cooperation of the people who were willing to fill in questionnaires and sacrifice their spare time to be interviewed - the Franco-Americans of Massachusetts. I was overwhelmed by their kindness and hospitality: Un grand merci à vous tous! I would also like to thank La Maison française at Assumption College, MA, for their support, and Williams College, MA, which helped me in the fieldwork stages of my research by granting me research assistant status and providing me with access to their and other colleges’ libraries. Of course, neither the research project nor this publication could have been achieved without the financial support of the following organizations (in alphabetical order): o Bavarian-American Academy (München) o Geschwister Boehringer Ingelheim Stiftung (Ingelheim am Rhein) o Johanna und Fritz Buch Gedächtnisstiftung (Hamburg) o Kurt-Ringger-Stiftung (Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur, Mainz) o Universität Regensburg (“Gleichstellungsförderung”) Finally and most important of all, I want to thank my mother Luise and my sister Klara Stephanie, who have always encouraged and supported my academic pursuits and managed to put up with me throughout the various, often stressful phases of this project. Regensburg, October 2009 Edith Szlezák 9 <?page no="10"?> Foreword Who should come to my lodge in the morning but a true Homeric or Paphlagonian man, - he had so suitable and poetic a name that I am sorry I cannot print it here, - a Canadian, a wood-chopper and post-maker […]. He was about twenty-eight years old, and had left Canada and his father’s house a dozen years before to work in the States, and earn money to buy a farm with at last, perhaps in his native country. […] Sometimes I saw him at his work in the woods, felling trees, and he would greet me with a laugh of inexpressible satisfaction, and a salutation in Canadian French, though he spoke English as well (Thoreau 1850: 100-101). When Henry David Thoreau, one of the greatest writers of the American Renaissance, wrote about his occasional encounter with a Canadian lumberjack in Concord, Massachusetts, in 1850, French Canadians were on their way to becoming the dominant immigrant minority in this state. In 1990, Massachusetts had the highest number of French-Canadian Americans in the United States (cf. Fedunkiw 2000: 673). Despite this fact, French Canadians showed a strong tendency to blend into American society from the start: “Of all the ethnic groups that emigrated to New England, the Franco-Americans are among the least known. People are largely unaware of their numbers as the sixth largest minority of European origin in the United States” (Anctil 1993: 41). This study aims to shed some light on the destiny of this minority in Massachusetts and to find out what has become of this ethnic group, their identity and their language. 10 <?page no="11"?> I. “Nous-aut’ icitte dans les Etats” - An Introduction I.1 Franco-Americans - A Definition First of all it is important to clearly define the term ‘Franco-Americans’ since it is sometimes used to refer to all Americans of French-Canadian or French descent, i.e. including those who have ancestors coming directly from France (cf. Rimbert 1954: 75). In a more restricted sense, however, the term can be applied only to French-Canadian immigrants in New England, i.e. in the six north-eastern U.S. states of Maine (ME), Vermont (VT), New Hampshire (NH), Massachusetts (MA), Connecticut (CT) and Rhode Island (RI). To be more exact, “quatre éléments entrent en jeu dans la définition du Franco-Américain: naissance ou descendance franco-canadienne; langue maternelle française; religion catholique; domicile en Nouvelle Angleterre” (Brault 1979: 75). This definition allows French-Canadian immigrants in New England to be distinguished from Francophones of different origin. However, it needs modification to be valuable nowadays. Firstly, the element “domicile en Nouvelle-Angleterre” is not precise enough. It should rather be replaced by “permanent residence in New England” (or even, in addition, “American citizenship”) in order to clearly distinguish Franco-Americans from French-Canadians, i.e. Canadian citizens who come to work and live in the U.S. for a limited period of time but are planning on going back to Canada. Their attitude towards the maintenance of the French language is entirely different from that of Franco- Americans, i.e. people of French-Canadian origin who live in the U.S. permanently. Secondly, the Catholic belief, in spite of its still being the most widespread religion among Franco-Americans, is not as present as it used to be (cf. Pugliese 1987: 4). It has definitely lost its status as a defining criterion. Thirdly, French mother tongue 1 - as important as it might seem - is not necessarily part of Franco-American identity anymore: “La forte diminu- 1 Note that there are three possible criteria used to define ‘mother tongue’: “[Les] citères de la primauté, de la compétence et de l’identité. Le critère de la primauté définit la langue maternelle comme la première langue […]. La langue maternelle [peut être définie] comme la langue ‘la mieux connue’ ou ‘la plus souvent utilisée’. […] Enfin, la langue maternelle est quelquefois définie par le critère de l’identité, de l’appartenance à un groupe culturel ou ethnique” (Mackey 1996: 279). In this study, ‘mother tongue’ will be used to refer to the speaker’s first language (criterion of “la primauté”). 11 <?page no="12"?> tion de la transmission de la langue aux nouvelles générations au fil des cinquante dernières années rend aujourd’hui douteux le trait «langue maternelle française»” (Fox/ Smith 2005: 117). The dissociation of language and identity - once closely connected if not interdependent - is a development that has been found to be a widespread phenomenon in North America. In the French part of Ontario, Canada, for instance, “l’équation ‘identité = langue’ n’est pas toujours pertinente” (Moïse 1998: 309). In the U.S., the loss of this equation has come to be the common fate of all non-Englishspeaking immigrant groups 2 , including Louisiana’s Cajuns, who are currently “shifting from a linguistic to a cultural community” (Dubois/ Melançon 1997: 63). Nowadays a Franco-American - a term including Quebeckers and Acadians alike although not equally accepted among all 3 - can be defined as a permanent New England resident of French-Canadian ancestry, and, possibly but not necessarily, of Catholic religion and French mother tongue. So ‘language’ has ceased to be an indispensable part of Franco-American identity but has rather been replaced by ‘ancestry’, implying a change in the self-image of this ethnic group: “La nouvelle relation entre la langue et l’identité suggère que la culture, comme l’identité, est en voie de redéfinition pour s’ajuster à un monde où les langues minoritaires ne persistent pas tout naturellement” (Trépanier 1993: 389). I.2 A Sketch of Franco-American History in Massachusetts The emigration of French-Canadians began before the American War of Independence: “French-Canadians had then already immigrated to New England, and we find them in large numbers in the armies of Washington” (LaFlamme et al. 1909 4 ). During the Revolution, some French-Canadians, “who had made common cause with invading American forces in 1775 and 1776” (Wade 1967: 144), were forced to leave Canada after the invasion had failed. After these early immigrants, the first wave of immigration hit New England in the 1840s: The Patriotes, who tried to escape British persecution for the part they played in the 1837 uprising, the so-called Patriote Rebellion 2 Even Hispanics, who do not fit into the two-generation model of Anglicization for minorities in the U.S., and who therefore had been predicted to be able to keep up their language (cf. Veltman 1983: 213), tend to give up Spanish within three generations (cf. Swarns 2004: 5). 3 Acadians tend to reject the term ‘French-Canadian’ as well as ‘Franco-American’ (cf. D’Entremont 1973: 25-28): “There is a sense of separateness from the Québécois and to a lesser degree from the Franco-Americans: they are a minority within a minority” (Wade 1986: 81). Nevertheless, within this study, ‘French-Canadian’ as well as ‘Franco-American’ will be used to include Acadians and Quebeckers. 4 Note that sources which lack the exact pages are internet sources; for the exact web address of such works, see the bibliography. 12 <?page no="13"?> (cf. Wade 1980: 105), sought refuge in the U.S. The others that followed were motivated by the growing economic prosperity of the United States: “Il s’agit, pour la plupart, d’immigrants provenant de la population rurale du Québec, qu’attire et invite l’industrialisation accélérée de la Nouvelle Angleterre” (Galopentia 2000: 266). Between 1840 5 and 1940 approximately 900,000 French-Canadians - nearly two-thirds of all French-Canadian immigrants to the U.S. (cf. Barkan 1980: 388) - moved to New England (cf. Vicero 1968: 192) . 6 At the time, New England was the second most industrialized region in the world (cf. Morissonneau 1993: 23). Its proximity to Canada made it most attractive to French-Canadians, most of whom had experienced poverty in their native country: “Quebec of the time rightly compared with Ireland or the other backward peasant countries of northern Europe” (Anctil 1993: 37). (1) (AC77) moi j’étais élevé sur la ferme et on était supposé de rester là. ben c’était rendu au point que not’ terrain était plutôt bas. ce terrain était bas. pour avoir les produits parés pour le marché euh. on était toujours euh. plutôt en arrière. un peu les derniers. d’abord rendu à c’temps-là. le/ le prix du marché était timbé. bas assez qu’on pouvait pas..on pouvait pas même euh sortir..euh. i y avait pas d’avantage. je trouvais pas qu’i y avait d’avantage. c’est ça qui m’a décidé de/ de/ de faire..le changement. de m’emmener par icitte. à part de ça. euh en c’temps-là. c’était plutôt euh..i y a avait pas mal d’ouvrage par icitte People from Quebec emigrated on account of bad farming conditions and the old inheritance system, which subdivided farms among the many children of large families, “reducing them to strips too narrow to produce an adequate living” (Podea 1950: 367) . In fact, 7 life in the Province of Quebec had not been improved since the beginning of the British régime […]. Such practices as the rotation of crops to enrich the mineral-starved soil were unheard of in Quebec. Poor roads did nothing to facilitate the transportation of goods to and from the marketplace. In winter, these same routes became virtually impassable (Albert 1979: 15-16). 5 Note that Acadians, i.e. people from the Maritime Provinces, did not begin emigrating from Canada in larger numbers until 1870 (cf. LeBlanc 2003: 184). 6 Although, according to the U.S. census of 1900, French-Canadian stock numbered 518,887 in New England (cf. Truesdell 1943: 56), it has to be taken into consideration that there were no physical barriers between Canada and the U.S., with people moving back and forth, so that the exact number of immigrants cannot be determined. All figures given in historical sources or sources referring to historical data on immigration are based on estimations (cf. Vicero 1968: 191) and vary considerably: 134,416 immigrants by 1900 (cf. MacLean 1904: 816), 165,825 immigrants by 1900 (cf. Nelson 1893: 182), 275,000 immigrants by 1900 (cf. Kunz 1966: 81), or 1,349,000 immigrants 1820-1975 (cf. Gilbert 1981: 258). The figure of 900,000 appeared in several sources (cf. Bélanger/ Bélanger 1999; Lavoie 1981: 53; Roby 1990: 47, 282). 7 For detailed information on the economic situation of Quebec in the 19 th and early 20 th century, see Roby 2003a: 7-19. 13 <?page no="14"?> Most Acadians, being predominantly fishermen, were not only attracted by new industrial opportunities but also came on account of the Treaty of Washington (1871), which granted them free fishing on the shores of the U.S. (cf. D’Entremont 1973: 30). Within New England, the majority of French-Canadians settled in Massachusetts. By 1900, 134,416 French-Canadians were registered in this state - more than in a n y other state of the whole United States (cf. Wickett 1913: 89) 8 . Fall River, one of Massachusetts’ most important mill towns at the time, was the third largest French-Canadian city in importance, after Montreal and Quebec City (cf. Bélanger/ Bélanger 1999). Within 40 years, the French-Canadians in Fall River had risen in numbers from 10 in 1860 to 33,000 in 1900 (cf. Vicero 1968: 289). Quebeckers and Acadians alike 9 were drawn south to the prosperous shores and thriving mill towns of Massachusetts. During the deportations of 1755, commonly referred to as ‘the Grand Dérangement’ (cf. Poirier 1909: 130), an estimated 1,100 Acadians had disembarked in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts (i.e. Massachusetts and the area that became the State of Maine in 1820), after it had turned out that conditions aboard the vessels which they had been forced on by the British were deplorable (cf. Brault 1986: 124) 10 . Almost all of them, however, returned to Canada or went to join their relatives in Louisiana after the Treaty of Paris in 1763 (cf. Arsenault 2003: 44; Brault 1986: 124; D’Entremont 1973: 25-28). Since many of the deportees were unable to reclaim their original farms and were forced to work the poorer land (cf. Pugliese 1987: 5), many Acadians left Canada years later, but this time of their own accord and for financial reasons only: (2) (AC68) quand c’que ç’a arrivé en dix-sept cinquante-cinq. qu’i ont été chassés. mais non j’ai dit nous-aut’. c’est pas ça la raison pourquoi qu’on a venu là. i nous ont pas chassés là. on a venu parce qu’on a voulu In contrast to Europeans, French-Canadians did not have to undergo any adventurous journeys to reach the United States. They were, in fact, 8 The State of New York, for instance, registered only 27,199 (cf. Wickett 1913: 89). 9 There are no data available concerning the exact numbers of Quebeckers and Acadians who immigrated to the U.S. Data collection has been attempted by looking into the Vital Statistics of Massachusetts, i.e. by counting the recorded births, marriages and deaths of Acadians (for the period of 1854-1880; cf. D’Entremont 1973: 40-42). These figures, however, are unlikely to be reliable since many Acadians may have been married or may have had children prior to emigrating. 10 Despite the fact that the Acadians had claimed to be neutral - they were even called “the French Neutrals” (cf. LeBreton 1980: 1) - the British feared that they would eventually take sides with France “in the final struggle […] for North America” (Wade 2003: 20). Also, economic reasons played a role: New settlers, mostly from Scotland, claimed the land developed and cultivated by the Acadians (cf. Weinmann 2002: 434). In 1755 the British deported 6,000 - 7,000 Acadians to the English coastal colonies. The deportations only ceased after 1763 (cf. Heimlich 2000: 2; Wade 2003: 20). 14 <?page no="15"?> “the only major ethnic group to have immigrated to the United States in any significant number by train” (Brault 1986: 55). Also, migration from Canada was seasonal at first: “Some of the French did not come with the intent of establishing permanent residences, and hence there was much traveling back and forth over the Maine-Canadian border” (Violette 1976: 21). Due to the geographic proximity, French-Canadians were not forced to leave their native country for good. They could keep their farms in Canada, work there in the summer and move to New England in the winter to earn money in the mills (cf. Roby 1990: 19) “to clear their farms from mortgages and all other financial incumbrances [sic! ]” (LaFlamme et al. 1909). (3) (QUU81) ma mère est venue au monde à LOWELL. LOWELL MASS. mon père est venu au monde dans le CONNECTICUT. et puis de là. euh ma mère euh. déménageait/ euh démeunageait/ demeurait au Canada. Cap-Saint Ignace. elle demeurait là. et puis son père était un ouvrier. dans l’hiver i y a pas d’ouvrage fait qu’i venait par ici However, the great majority eventually remained in New England (cf. Violette 1976: 21), especially after 1891, a year “[qui] marque la première grande époque dans l’histoire des Canadiens-français des Etats-Unis, à savoir: le ralentissement de la grande émigration et l’établissment définitif des Canadiens-français dans la Nouvelle-Angleterre” (Goulet 1934: 119). In the American factories, there was a high demand for workers, especially after the American Civil War, which had led to an enormous expansion of the textile and shoe industries (cf. Fedunkiw 2000: 671), and, thereby, to an explosion of immigration numbers: “Il en résulta [de la guerre] une activité industrielle jusqu’alors inconnue, qui augmenta le flot d’immigration” (Belisle 1911: 12). From 1890 to 1900, there was an increase of 30.7% of French-Canadian immigrants to the United States (cf. Wickett 1913: 87): “By the end of the century [New England] seemed to anxious Yankees in danger of becoming at last part of New France” (Wade 1967: 145). The factories, however, were in constant need of workers. Manufacturers even sent recruiters to the agriculturally depressed regions of Quebec and the Maritime Provinces to hire people (cf. Wade 1950: 173): Skilled woodsmen for the timber industry… (4) (QU47) mes parents sont venus. j’suis pas certaine si c’est parce que..entre eux-aut’ ils ont tout parlé. ils ont dit que ici à SPRINGFIELD i y a/ i y a beaucoup d’ouvrage. pour les. comment est-ce qu’on dit ça en français un CARPENTER? c’est un charpentier? …and unskilled workers for the shoe, paper and textile mills (cf. Early 2003: 90): (5) (AC63) j’ai trouvé un job à seize ans. passé seize ans. j’ai trouvé un job dans une factory/ une factory. c’étaient des Français. qui venaient pour 15 <?page no="16"?> ces factories-là. i venaient d’Québec. on était engagé quand qu’on parlait français. parce. zeux parlaient français. pis moi et ma sœur on travaillait à la même place Whether skilled or unskilled, the New England factory owners favored French-Canadian workers, whose inability to speak English “was considered an advantage […], since it limited their political influence and interaction with the Irish, who were organizing in unions” (Pomerleau 2002: 34). In 1895, French-Canadians were t h e dominant ethnic group employed in Massachusetts’ cotton mills : 11 Number and Percentage of Employees in Massachusetts Cotton Mills by Ethnic Group: 1895 Ethnic Group Number Percentage Total 78,781 100 French-Canadian 23,829 30.2 Irish 23,298 29.6 English and Welsh 12,709 16.1 American 6,630 8.4 German 2,204 2.8 English-Canadian 1,237 1.6 French 300 0.4 Others 8,574 10.9 The so-called sweat-shops offered jobs galore for the entire family. Farm work was often too hard for women and children; the factories, however, had use for everybody: “The females constituted 50% of all French Canadian cotton mill operatives” (Dickinson 1980: 185). Children were able to contribute to the family income as well, despite restrictions on child labor: “One overseer in a textile mill recalled telling a French-Canadian family that the law prohibited the hiring of children under ten, ‘and the next day they were all ten’” (Dinnerstein/ Reimers 1982: 25). This suited French- Canadians with their traditionally large families: “My grandmother […] worked in textile mills on machines that made woolen yarn. She had to go to work to support her family. She was one of ten children” (Memories of the Mills 1994: 18). Although “the habit of falsifying the ages of their children in order to get more work out of them” (Violette 1976: 53) contributed to anti- French feelings from the resident population of New England, for whom such a practice was intolerable, it must be kept in mind that Canadians, with their large families, often had trouble making ends meet with the low hourly wages paid in the textile mills. 11 Table below taken from Dickinson 1980: 192 (slightly adapted). 16 <?page no="17"?> Whole family clans left their farms to move to New England, often inspired by their friends’ or relatives’ experience, a phenomenon referred to as ‘chain migration’ (cf. Roby 1982: 17). Family ties played an important part in the lives of French-Canadians: Quand une personne gagne les Etats-Unis, ce n’est pas tant la présence d’emplois disponibles ici ou là qui conditionne sa destination que la connaissance qu’il en a. Les migrants déjà installés jouent un rôle capital, et chaque famille ou groupe de familles devient le noyau d’une nouvelle communauté (Roby 1990: 51). So people would not necessarily look for the best job offer but rather for the chance to be close to their family : 12 (6) (AC63) quand j’ai venu par icitte. j’ai resté avec ma…AUNT qui restait à/ à WORCESTER. avec elle pis j’avais ma sœur. elle mouvait à LEO- MINSTER. SO j’ai mouvé avec elle. là j’ai trouvé un job Thereby French-Canadian quarters, the Little Canadas, arose around the mills: They had their own shops, newspapers, insurance companies, lawyers, doctors, and - most important of all - their own Catholic church and parochial school, where the language of the masses and of instruction was French: (7) (QUU75) à CHICOPEE FALLS. la paroisse Saint George..c’était un ‘Petit Canada’..il y avait plusieurs familles. euh canadiennes. françaises. et puis l’école était bilingue. et puis c’est là où j’ai appris les sons et l/ et euh…à la messe le dimanche le monseigneur qui était canadien nous parlait/ nous donnait le sermon en français. et on a appris nos prières en français et puis euh on se conversait en français French-Canadians believed “that a people whose territory is invaded is only conquered, but if they allow their language to be invaded they are finished” (Barkan 1980: 392) - “qui perd sa langue, perd sa foi” was the motto of those days: (8) (QU72) not’ curé ne voulait pas qu’on parle anglais. on a toujours parlé français. le curé voulait pas qu’on perde not’ langue maternelle The French quarters were a world of their own, a world in which English could easily be done without (cf. Roby 1990: 20-22): (9) (AC87) où j’demeurais à LEOMINSTER. i appelaient ça FRENCH HILL. puis tout l’monde là c’étaient des/ des Canadiens français ou des gens de Nouveau-Brunswick..ça fait que. on avait pas/ on avait pas besoin d’parler anglais si on voulait pas 12 Interestingly in contrast to immigrants from France: “Traditionally, the French have not gone where other French were already living, but where new opportunities might be found” (Higonnet 1980: 385). 17 <?page no="18"?> Guides especially designed for Franco-American needs helped them find French-speaking lawyers, doctors and pharmacists, and also all kinds of grocery stores carrying specialty food . 13 (10) (QC62) mon mari quand i était arrivé ici. i était dans un milieu complètement canadien. i travaillait avec des Canadiens. […] à SPRINGFIELD. qu’est-ce qu’i appelaient BRIGHTWOOD. c’était/ i appelaient ça ‘le P’tit Canada’. puis ça par/ ça parlait français tou/ partout. donc t’avais vraiment pas besoin d’parler anglais. parce que t’allais à l’épicerie. t’allais à la pharmacie. t’allais au mécanic euh. c’était toujours français Despite the fact that other minorities such as the Italians lived in ethnic quarters as well, the Franco-Americans were different from other immigrant groups in that they “had come to the United States after more than a 13 Ad above taken from Bélanger 1916: B. Note the last lines: “Compatriotes visitez l’établissement de M. Chartrand [...]. Et vous y trouverez là un vrai Canadien- Américain”. 18 <?page no="19"?> century of experience in maintaining a distinctive cultural and social life in a society controlled by English-speaking Protestants” (McClymer 1992: 17). So in fact, “their sense of group distinctiveness was certainly unique among Euro-American ethnic groups, most of whom acquired an ethnic identity only after living in the U.S.” (D’Andrea 1986: 37). Within Massachusetts, there were numerous centers of French- Canadian settlement 14 . In fact, French-Canadians were scattered all over the state: the north-western area with the towns of Adams, North Adams and Pittsfield; the mid-southern area with Chicopee, Holyoke and Springfield; the mid-northern area, including the towns of Fitchburg, Gardner and Leominster; the city of Worcester; the greater Boston area; towns around Boston such as for instance Salem in the north or Brockton in the south; the north-eastern region with Lawrence and Lowell, and the southeastern region with Fall River and New Bedford (cf. Breton 1988: 45; Hansen 1940: 214; Rimbert 1954: 78; Vicero 1968: 173). Acadians sometimes formed communities geographically “distinct from the Québécois ‘Little Canadas’” (Wade 2003: 22). There were Acadian colonies in Fitchburg, Gardner, Lynn, New Bedford, Worcester, and the greater Boston area (including for instance Cambridge and Waltham) (cf. Brault 1986: 5). Chicopee, Fall River, Holyoke, Lowell, Lawrence, New Bedford, and Springfield were among the centers of Quebecker settlement (cf. 14 The map above is based on information provided by the U.S. Census at http: / / www.factfinder.census.gov (DP-2. Social Characteristics: 2000. Data Set: 2000 Summary Tape File 3 (STF 3) - Sample data for the area of Massachusetts). Note that the number of inhabitants refers to the present situation. Map designed for this thesis. Copyright with the author. 19 <?page no="20"?> Arsenault 2003: 44). Yet, both groups came for the same reasons and established communities according to the same beliefs. In time, Quebeckers and Acadians often intermingled: “The people from Quebec and the Maritimes didn’t necessarily live separately from each other, but usually lived where there was lodging” (LeBlanc 2003: 185). While New England’s population was constantly growing, Quebec, as well as the Maritime Provinces, struggled with their youth’s “desertion of the Fatherland” (LaFlamme et al. 1909; cf. also Arsenault 2003: 50): “This depopulation on a large scale was a great loss to Canada” (LaFlamme et al. 1909). In the Canadian census of 1871, a population growth of less than 10% since 1861 was recorded, whereas during the decade of 1851-1861 it had been 27% (cf. Vicero 1968: 205). Although migration slightly dropped in the 1860s thanks to growing prosperity and the construction of railroads (cf. Wade 1967: 145), the numbers of French-Canadians leaving their home country were so considerable that Quebec started a repatriation movement in 1875, encouraging French-Canadians to return home by offering free farmland (cf. Brault 1986: 82). The campaign was fairly successful - almost half of those who had emigrated to the U.S. had returned to Canada by 1900 (cf. Fedunkiw 2000: 672). However, free farmland may have made many emigrants come back, but it did not suffice to keep young French- Canadians from leaving their country: “La jeunesse prenait goût à la vie plus facile des usines que celle des champs, et surtout à l’indépendance qui lui procurait le salaire, minime c’est vrai, mais régulièrement touché” (Fréchette 1936: 35). Until the 1930s the U.S. saw massive immigration waves from Quebec and the Maritime Provinces (cf. Brault 1986: 82), and the birth of numerous French-Canadian communities in New England: “Cultural and ethnic trait retention was strongest among the first and second generation French-Canadians, with evidence of its power lasting well into the 1930s” (LaGumina/ Cavaioli 1974: 222). Not only did French-Canadians manage to preserve their culture and language, they also were a strong group within American society at the time. In 1907 the Franco-Americans had 5 Senators and 35 representatives in the Legislatures of the six New England States (cf. LaFlamme et al. 1909). With a sudden change in the economic situation, the Great Depression starting with the Wall Street Crash of 1929, immigration numbers dropped drastically, due to a lack of employment as well as to the restriction on immigration by the U.S. government: “[L’immigration était] restreinte aux travailleurs assurés d’un emploi et aux personnes ayant des répondants aux Etats-Unis” (Lavoie 1972: 13) . 15 15 The U.S. Immigration Act of 1924 had already limited immigration from (southern and eastern) Europe, but excluded immigration from the other Americas (cf. Daniels 2002: 291). 20 <?page no="21"?> Year Number of French-Canadian immigrants to the U.S. 16 1930 65,254 1931 22,183 1932 8,003 Although immigration never came to a complete stop, the numbers of French-Canadian immigrants to the U.S. have been going down ever since (cf. Lavoie 1973: 75, 78): Period of arrival Percentage of immigrants of French mother tongue to the U.S. / period of arrival 17 Before 1960 57.2 1960-1969 27.5 1970-1976 15.3 The fact that immigration numbers did not rise again - at least not considerably - after the Great Depression was due in part to a rise in industrial opportunities in Canada. Starting in the 1950s, the “movement […] from rural Quebec has been to Montreal and not to the United States” (Abramson 1973: 28). At the same time, there was a decline in industrial opportunities in New England. Many of the mills had been forced to close down during the Great Depression: “En 1919, au Massachusetts, les ouvriers des manufactures étaient 714.000; ils ne sont plus que 557.000 en 1929” (Roby 1990: 280). Others managed to reduce their production costs by leaving New England: “During the late 1940s and 1950s, New England textile mill owners decided that labor was cheaper in the South and many moved their plants there, leaving many Franco-Americans without jobs” (Dugas 1976: 46). With the mills closing down, people were suddenly forced to spread out to find work (cf. Chartier 2000: 252), and the working world outside the Little Canadas required English, of course. The lack of new immigration waves and the dispersion of the mill workers slowly destroyed the Little Canadas . 18 16 Cf. Galopentia 2000: 266. 17 Cf. Veltman 1983: 51. Note that these figures include European immigrants of French mother tongue, whose numbers, however, cannot be expected to be significantly high for the whole U.S. (the present situation in Massachusetts is somewhat different; cf. chapter I.3). 18 Picture below taken by the author in Lowell, MA. 21 <?page no="22"?> Within only 25 years, Franco-Americans assimilated almost completely. In 1976 already, 71% of the people of French mother tongue in New England were native born. Among the native born, 49% used English as their “usual language”, i.e. they “no longer spoke French ‘frequently’” (Veltman 1983: 70), and among the foreign born as many as 29% reported using mainly English 19 . New England, including Massachusetts, is nowadays one of many locations in the U.S. where language shift is in progress 20 . To what extent and with what consequences will be seen in the following chapters. 19 Percentages calculated by the author based on the data provided by Veltman (cf. Veltman 1983: 70-71). 20 Another one being for instance Louisiana (cf. Rottet 2001: 5). 22 <?page no="23"?> I.3 An Analysis of U.S. Census Data for Massachusetts - 1990 and 2000 21 I.3.1 General Observations To be sure about the current situation of the Franco-American minority in Massachusetts, it is necessary to take into account not only the data on historic immigration numbers but also the data provided by the latest U.S. census. In it the analysis of two categories is of interest in this context, i.e. ‘ancestry’ and ‘language spoken at home’ . 22 Before a detailed analysis of the U.S. Census data - which are the only source of information in order to determine at least the approximate number of French-speaking Franco-Americans in Massachusetts - some preliminary remarks are indispensable. A general problem of anonymous surveys such as the U.S. census is the fact that the data obtained are based on self-assessment, i.e. the participants are given a questionnaire and may answer the questions to their liking without anyone checking up on the answers. So in fact the data are based upon claims rather than upon proven facts. The interpretation and understanding of certain questions may be very subjective. As for the category ‘ancestry’, some people who are of French-Canadian origin may not identify with their descent any more and therefore do not choose ‘French-Canadian ancestry’ as a category in the census. On the other hand, others might be particularly proud of being only a quarter French-Canadian and therefore check this ancestry as their first in the census, due to its importance to them. The category ‘language spoken at home’ allows for even more subjectivity because of a total lack of restrictions on frequency and occasions of language use. To give an example from personal experience: In the questionnaire distributed within the sociolinguistic survey that this study is based on, one of the questions referred to language behavior with the grand-children. It turned out that many of those who had stated that they never spoke French to their children said that they “sometimes” spoke French to their grandchildren. When asked personally in interviews how often and on what occasions the 21 All data are based upon the U.S. census at www.census.gov unless otherwise indicated. For a detailed list of the tables consulted, see the bibliography (Internet Sources). Percentage calculations by the author. 22 The respective U.S. census data have not yet been analyzed sufficiently. The only studies in this context undertaken by Giguère do not consider the census of 2000 (cf. Giguère 1978 and Giguère 2003; note that the paper published in 2003 is based on an essay presented at a colloquium in 1994, which is why only the 1990 census data appear in this article, despite the publication date). 23 <?page no="24"?> participants spoke French to their grandchildren, all (! ) of them said that by “sometimes speaking French”, they meant singing French songs or reciting children’s poetry together. This, of course, is by no means equal to regular language use at home. The results of surveys obtained with the help of (written) questionnaires should therefore in general be handled with care. One of the specific problems of the U.S. census, especially when it comes to analyzing the data on ancestry and languages, is the fact that everyone who is living in the U.S. at the time of the census is included in the survey, regardless of their citizenship and the length of their stay in the country. It might be true that the philosophy of including everyone in the census best depicts the situation of the country at a certain point in time. On the other hand it makes it impossible to make a distinction between U.S. citizens and others when relating certain categories. In some cases, for instance in rural U.S. states that are not prone to have a lot of foreign stock or new immigrants, this fact may not influence the results of the census. In states such as Massachusetts, however, where one can find several important colleges, universities and research centers (such as for example Harvard and M.I.T.), as well as a city like Boston, which is important in the fields of economy and diplomacy (i.e. home to several Consulates General), the results can be expected to be greatly affected by this procedure, as will become obvious in the following. I.3.2 The U.S. Census Category ‘Ancestry’ According to the U.S. census, “‘ancestry’ refers to a person’s ethnic origin or descent, ‘roots’, or heritage or the place of birth of the person or the person’s parents or ancestors before their arrival in the United States” 23 . In order to determine the number of Franco-Americans in Massachusetts and to show the development that this ethnic group has been undergoing within the last 10-15 years, the data of the 1990 and the 2000 census will be compared. The problems arising in this comparison are the following. First of all, people can give multiple ancestries in the census, which does not usually present a problem since most ancestries like Italian, Polish or German are clearly defined. People of French ancestry, however, have a more complex background. Many of them immigrated to New France and then to the U.S., so they might consider themselves of French ancestry in the first place and of French-Canadian or Acadian ancestry in the second. Or, one can for example put ‘Acadian’ as ‘First Ancestry’ and ‘French’ or ‘French-Canadian’ as ‘Second Ancestry’. So the total number of ‘Acadian’, ‘French’ and ‘French-Canadian’ ancestries (i.e. first and second) cannot simply be added up because that would result in double-counting. To 23 PO33. First Ancestry-Universe: Persons. 1990 Summary Tape File 3 at http: / / factfinder.census.gov. 24 <?page no="25"?> avoid that problem, only the first report on ancestry can be considered, in spite of excluding those who chose a different first ancestry (like for instance Irish) but Acadian, French or French-Canadian as a second ancestry. There is a chance that the data obtained by considering only the first ancestries are slightly under-representative of Franco-Americans. Now one might think that by isolating the first ancestries reported, the approximate number of Franco Americans should be available. Unfortunately this is not the case. First of all, the categories available in the 1990 and 2000 census are not identical. While the 1990 census makes a distinction between ‘French’ and ‘French-Canadian’, the 2000 census also distinguishes between ‘Acadian’, ‘French’ and ‘French-Canadian’, which makes it difficult to compare the data sets. There is - again - a specific problem which has to do with the complexity of Franco-American identity. Although the term ‘Franco-American’ is usually used to include Quebeckers and Acadians alike, most Acadians do not see themselves as Franco- Americans because, due to their disassociation from Quebeckers, they do not identify with the term ‘French-Canadian’: “An Acadian in his stubbornness will never admit that he is a French-Canadian” (D’Entremont 1973: 29) 24 . So Acadians tend to choose the category ‘French Ancestry’ rather than ‘French-Canadian Ancestry’ or ‘Acadian Ancestry’, the latter being a category added only in the 2000 census and therefore possibly unnoticed by most (which can be deduced from the fact that in places like Fitchburg, which are renowned for their high percentage of Acadians in the population, the number of ancestries reported in the category ‘Acadian’ is zero; cf. also LeBlanc 2003: 179). In fact, according to sociological research, “Franco-Americans [in general] are more likely to style themselves of French Ancestry [sic! ] than of French-Canadian ancestry, yet there are many who say that they are of French-Canadian ancestry” (Giguère 2003: 569). This, of course, makes it impossible to distinguish them from French-born immigrants. Although many immigrants from France, especially the early ones who left their native country after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685, found a new home in New England (cf. Hillstrom 1995: 534-539), their numbers can be ignored: “There were only 633,807 immigrants to the U.S. from France between 1820 and 1950” (Wade 1967: 143). However, it would be important to tell Franco-Americans apart from recent immigrants from France: French-born individuals who have settled in the United States in recent times hardly fit the traditional “immigrant paradigm”. Their motives for emigration are most often personal in nature; economic factors play a limited role, and political or religious factors practically none, in their decision to depart from France. Many of them come singly to this country, without any support from co-ethnic networks (Lindenfeld 2000: 140). 24 Cf. also footnote 3. 25 <?page no="26"?> The main problem is the fact that no distinction can be made between Franco-Americans who chose ‘French Ancestry’ and French citizens who are temporarily working or studying in New England - just like there is no way of telling Franco-Americans who chose ‘French-Canadian Ancestry’ apart from Canadian citizens of French origin who are temporarily working or studying in New England 25 . In this case, a differentiation would be crucial for two reasons: The first is because foreign-born people are generally more likely to speak their mother tongue at home (cf. Giguère 2003: 573); the second is because foreign-born people who are sure of - or at least considering - returning to a French-speaking country in the foreseeable future have a different, i.e. positive, attitude towards language maintenance and can be expected to speak French at home 26 . This problem is ignored by some (cf. Giguère 2003: 569), and it might indeed be a minor one in rural New England States such as Maine or New Hampshire. In Massachusetts, however, which is the most industrialized and most highly developed New England State, the number of French and French-Canadian citizens is considerable (not as much with regard to the total number of the state’s inhabitants as with regard to the ratio 27 of French speakers to persons of Acadian, French or French-Canadian ancestry). The U.S. census gives the following figures for people born in France (without specifying whether these people have become U.S. citizens in the meantime): Southern NE States Northern NE States Census 2000 ‘Country of Birth’ RI CT VT NH ME MA France 730 2,742 400 401 447 5,895 Another data source is provided by the Consulate General of France in Boston, according to which an estimated 6,000 - 7,000 French citizens lived in Massachusetts in 2000 28 . As for the number of French-Canadian citizens, there might have been up to 10,000 living in Massachusetts in 2000 . 29 25 The category ‘Foreign-born white population by country of birth, by states’ used to distinguish between ‘Canada-French’ and ‘Canada-other’ immigration. In 1950, for instance, 69,479 persons reported ‘Canada-French’ in Massachusetts (cf. Thernstrom 1980: 1062 Appendix 2). This distinction has been given up, so that it is not possible any more to keep immigrants from the English part of Canada apart from immigrants from the French part. All of them are now subsumed under ‘North America-Canada’. 26 See chapter I.3.3 below. 27 “Percentages refer to the relationship of a part to the whole. Ratios relate a part to a part” (Giguère 2003: 568). Note that all percentages given in this study are rounded. 28 Note that the exact figures are not available. The importance of the French part of the population is further obvious from the existence of organizations like Boston Accueil, founded exclusively to welcome Francophones in the area, the Alliance française de Boston- 26 <?page no="27"?> To sum up the problem: If only the data of the category ‘French- Canadian’ first ancestry is taken into account, they most certainly underrepresent the group of Franco-Americans because many can be expected to chose ‘French Ancestry’. On the other hand, the data adding the first ancestries of the categories ‘Acadian’, ‘French’ and ‘French-Canadian’ ancestries possibly over-represent the group of Franco-Americans because these figures include the above mentioned non-Franco-American groups. Since the true number cannot be determined exactly, French-Canadian first ancestries reported will be taken as the lowest possible number of people of French-Canadian ancestry in Massachusetts. First French and French- Canadian ancestry (or, for the census 2000, first Acadian, French and French-Canadian ancestry) added up will be considered to be the upper end of the scale of my framework. Massachusetts 1990 2000 Total population 6,016,425 6,349,097 French-Canadian Ancestry 311,798 310,170 5.1 4.9 % of total population French+ 684,860 559,818 French-Canadian Ancestry (incl. Acadian) 11.3 8.8 % of total population So, in 1990, 5.1-11.3% of the population of Massachusetts reported being of French-Canadian or French origin, whereas in 2000 there were only 4.9- 8.8% 30 . Despite the lack of exact numbers it can be concluded that there is a drop in absolute numbers as well as in percentages of people of Acadian, French-Canadian and/ or French descent living (or, possibly, referring to themselves as such) in Massachusetts. I.3.3 The U.S. Census Category ‘Language Spoken At Home By Population 5 Years And Over’ The category ‘Language Spoken at Home’ does not imply the ability to speak French and says nothing about the use of the language outside the house. So people who are native French speakers but who are for example married to a non-French speaker and use their language only with nonsponsored French Library and Cultural Center (editing e.g., the brochure Voilà! Things French in Boston), and of bilingual schools (e.g., the École bilingue de Boston). 29 There are no data available concerning the exact numbers. Figures are based on information provided by the Délégation du Québec in Boston. 30 Including ‘Acadian Ancestry’. 27 <?page no="28"?> family members, are not taken into account by this category. However, a language that is not used within the family at home is unlikely to be transmitted to the next generation as a mother tongue. Therefore the data provided by the category ‘Language Spoken at Home’ are really the best indicator of language maintenance or language loss. Within the U.S., French counts among the languages most frequently spoken at home (other than English). A comparison of the 1990 and 2000 census data, however, reveals a slight shift in importance with French Creole gaining ground: 1990 Rank 2000 Rank French 2 French 3 French Creole 19 French Creole 14 Spanish 1 Spanish 1 In fact, French counts among the few languages in decline in the U.S., whereas there has been a partly considerable increase in Spanish, Italian, Portuguese and French Creole (cf. Bayley 2004: 270). The general problem of including everyone living in the U.S. at the time of the census also accounts for this category, of course. As for a comparison of the 1990 and 2000 data on languages, another major problem arises: The 1990 census does not distinguish between French and French Creole, whereas the 2000 census does . 31 Massachusetts 1990 2000 Population 5+ 5,605,751 5,951,829 French 124,973* 84,484 (+French Creole) (+43.519) * incl. French Creole 2.2 1.4 % of population 5+ (2.15) (including French Creole) Consequently the numbers of 1990 and 2000 cannot be compared. In 2000 there were more speakers of French and French Creole (128,003) than in 1990. However, it can be assumed that the number of speakers of French Creole has risen whereas the number of speakers of French has dropped, for the following reasons. First of all the above ranking of the languages in the U.S. illustrates the general increase in number of speakers of French Creole and the decline in number of speakers of French within this decade. Furthermore, French was 31 No census before 2000 distinguished between French and French Creole. Note that the 2000 census still does not distinguish between Spanish and Spanish Creole or Portuguese and Portuguese Creole. 28 <?page no="29"?> already losing ground in Massachusetts in the 1970s and 1980s, i.e. before the influence of Haitian immigration (Haitians being the main group of speakers of French Creole in Massachusetts) was noticeable. Massachusetts 1970 1980 1990 2000 32 33 Population 5+ 5,688,903* 5,400,422 5,605,751 5,951,829 French 367,194 135,124 124,973 84,484 (+ French Creole) (+43.519) 2.5 2.2 1.4 % of population 5+ 6.5** (2.15) (including French Creole) *total population **referring to total population Boston has been one of the centers of Haitian immigration (cf. Laguerre 1998: 29) since the 1970s, but in 1973 it was home to only 2,000-5,000 Haitians. In 2000, however, there were an official 45,000 and an estimated 75,000 of them living in the greater Boston area 34 . Haitians were number 9 in the Top 20 of Boston’s ancestries in 2000, the French only number 14 35 . Despite the fact that the City of Boston likes to emphasize its French heritage 36 , it does not provide general information for its citizens on its homepage in French - but it does so in French Creole 37 , which suggests a sufficiently high number of users. Since Haitian mass immigration to the U.S. is a quite recent phenomenon (the last immigration wave having reached its climax in the early 1990s; cf. Laguerre 1998: 2), French Creole is supposedly still spoken within the families, as the category ‘Age by Language Spoken by Population 5 Years and Over’ indicates: Massachusetts 5-17 years 18 years and over French 7,634 76,850 9 91 % of speakers French Creole 11,674 31,845 27 73 % of speakers 32 The data for 1970 are given for the total population. Considering only the population of 5 and over would result in an even higher percentage. Note: The data for 1970 are taken from Giguère 1978: Appendix A. 33 Note: The data for 1980 are taken from Giguère 2003: 591. 34 Cf. http: / / www.haiti-usa.org/ modern/ boston/ boston_origin_evolution.php. 35 Cf. Top 20 Boston’s Ancestries at http: / / www.cityofboston.gov. 36 There is for instance a brochure on a walking tour titled “Sur les traces de l’héritage français à Boston” distributed by the Boston Tourist Office (cf. also Atwood 2004). 37 Cf. New Bostonian’s Guide to City Services at http: / / www.cityofboston.gov. 29 <?page no="30"?> Whereas the majority of speakers of French are 18 and older 38 , the situation is much more balanced among speakers of French Creole. And, looking at the first results of this study’s sociolinguistic survey, it can be presumed that a more detailed age scale would reveal that the higher the age, the more speakers of French. In summary it can be assumed that the number of speakers of French in Massachusetts has declined. Another problem of the census data on languages is again one that affects French in particular. Varieties of languages are not taken into account at all, i.e. no distinction is made between European French and Canadian French 39 , so that even if a drop in the number of speakers of French can be assumed, it is still not possible to say which variety of French is concerned most by that development. Although immigrants who came directly from France tend to have fully adapted to American culture, i.e. given up French (cf. Lindenfeld 2000: 140) 40 , there are still the approximately 7,000 French citizens who are permanent residents of Massachusetts but who might eventually go back to their native countries. As mentioned above, new as well as “temporary” immigrants 41 can be expected to speak French at home. Furthermore, there are quite a few Haitians, namely the political and intellectual elite (the so called “Boeing people” because they were affluent enough to afford to immigrate to the U.S. by plane), for whom French is the language of political protest and who therefore speak French rather than French Creole (cf. Unaeze/ Perrin 2000: 812). So, in fact, the number of people speaking (a variety of) Canadian French cannot be determined. Despite this fact it can be assumed that if French is losing ground in Massachusetts, it is doing so mainly among Franco-Americans. Except for the French immigrants, who, as mentioned above, tended to assimilate quickly, the other francophone groups in Massachusetts, i.e. French citizens, Canadian citizens and Haitians, are unlikely to be giving up French as a language spoken at home. Also, Franco- Americans are possibly behind the decline of French because French is losing ground in the other New England States as well, even in the north- 38 Unfortunately, age groups are not differentiated any further. 39 From a linguistic point of view, there is no such thing as ‘European French’ or ‘Canadian French’ in general but there are rather many different varieties within these categories. Yet a superficial distinction between the varieties of French would have been useful in this context to determine the number of speakers of French-Canadian varieties. 40 And, in addition, they cannot be expected to be numerous in Massachusetts as is obvious from their ranking in the labor force: In 1895 there were 300 French employees as opposed to 23,829 French-Canadians (cf. Dickinson 1980: 192). 41 Within the survey conducted for this study, two French-Canadian families who were undecided about stying in the U.S. were interviewed. In both of them, the parents forced their children to speak French at home: (QC40) parce que j’espérais pouvoir rentrer au Québec éventuellement et je voulais que leur niveau d’français soit/ soit assez bon pour pouvoir euh. réintégrer à une classe québécoise 30 <?page no="31"?> ern ones (Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont), which tend to be less assimilated than the southern ones (Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut), due to their closeness to Canada, their predominantly rural character and their lack of big cities. Southern NE States Census 1990 ‘Language’ RI CT MA Population 5+ 936,423 3,060,000 5,605,751 French/ French Creole 31,669 53,586 124,973 %/ population 3.82 1.75 2.23 Northern NE States VT NH ME Population 5+ 521,521 1,024,621 1,042,122 French/ French Creole 17,171 51,284 81,012 %/ population 3.29 5.01 7.77 Southern NE States Census 2000 ‘Language’ RI CT MA Population 5+ 985,184 3,184,514 5,954,249 French 19,385 42,947 84,484 %/ population 1.97 1.35 1.42 French Creole 4,337 7,856 43,519 %/ population 0.44 0.25 0.73 Ratio of speakers of French Creole/ of French and French Creole 18 15 34 Northern NE States VT NH ME Population 5+ 574,842 1,160,340 1,204,164 French 14,624 39,551 63,604 %/ population 2.54 3.41 5.28 French Creole 25 502 54 %/ population 0.004 0.04 0.004 Ratio of speakers of French Creole/ of French and French Creole 0.2 1 0.1 31 <?page no="32"?> In contrast to the more urbanized and densely populated southern states, the northern ones attract fewer new immigrants from other ethnic groups, including Haitians, who are of no importance in Vermont, New Hampshire and Maine, where the number of speakers of French went down 2.49% (from 7.77% to 5.28%) within 10 years, which is a drop of 32% 42 . So if French is being used less and less in these states, it can be concluded that it is Franco-Americans who are responsible for that gradual loss of the language. Thus it can be assumed that it is within this ethnic group that French is losing ground in the southern New England States as well. I.3.4 The Ratio of Speakers of French to People of First Acadian/ French-Canadian/ French Ancestry Notwithstanding the problems discussed in I.3.2 and I.3.3, a ratio of speakers of French to people of Acadian/ French-Canadian/ French ancestry will be given in order to illustrate the situation within Massachusetts. A comparison between 1990 and 2000 is of course not possible since the number of speakers of French Creole cannot be isolated in the 1990 data. Massachusetts (2000) Ratio 27 Speakers of French/ people of first French-Canadian ancestry 15 Speakers of French/ people of first Acadian, French and French-Canadian ancestry Again, the true ratio lies somewhere in between. If we take the lowest possible end of the scale of the number of Franco-American people, i.e. only the people who reported ‘French-Canadian’ as their first ancestry in the census, the ratio, on the other hand, is at the upper end of the scale. And, taking the upper end of the scale of the number of Franco-American people, i.e. all the people that reported ‘Acadian’, ‘French’ and ‘French- Canadian’ as their first ancestry, the ratio is the lowest possible. Even if the exact ratio is not available, a ratio of 15 to 27 for Massachusetts clearly indicates that French is not spoken by the majority of people of French, French- Canadian and Acadian. It will be the purpose of the following chapters to find out why. 42 For the exact percentages of people of Haitian ancestry in these states, cf. DP-2 Social Characteristics at http: / / factfinder.census.gov. 32 <?page no="33"?> II. “Faut-il remplir tout ça? ” - The Survey II.1 Data Collection and Selection of Informants As has been illustrated, Massachusetts is an area in which French is losing ground among Franco-Americans, which is why a random sampling of informants would have been inefficient since there are too many people of Franco-American origin who have no command of the language any more at all. So in order to be sure to find people who speak French, I chose to contact French parishes as well as various Franco-American organizations and social clubs to get access to the speech community. In this way, I did not enter the community as a stranger but was mostly introduced by the priest or a leader of a social club, which had the advantage of putting the informants at ease during the interview situation. Speakers with extensive exposure to Standard French or Standard Canadian French, such as priests, were avoided 43 . The survey was conducted in two steps: In 2003, questionnaires were distributed among various Franco-American communities. The data gathered from these questionnaires were a basis for choosing interview participants (with the interviews being recorded in 2004). A total of 392 Franco-Americans filled out a five-page questionnaire that consisted of a section on biographical data, a section on the context of language acquisition, a section on language use, a section on identity and a language section, in which the participants were asked to translate several sentences 44 . The use of translations as a means of getting linguistic data has often been criticized because it is not a situation of natural language use. That is why the data obtained in the language part are only used to determine the status of French as a written language and as an additional data source to accompany the data gathered in 87 interviews with a total of 143 participants. The interviews (of a total duration of approximately 30 hours) have been transcribed and are used as the primary database for the analysis of intralinguistic specificities of Franco-American French. This database will be referred to as ‘the MASSFrench corpus’. I considered the following social dimensions decisive for the study of language variation and shift : 45 43 Two priests, however, were included in the study because of the information they gave on the situation of the national parishes. 44 For a sample of the questionnaire, see the appendix. 45 Note that the socioeconomic class was not of relevance here. In this respect, the target group has proven to be too homogeneous (predominantly working and lower middle class). 33 <?page no="34"?> place of residence, sex, age, ancestry, and immigrant generation. Place of residence. In all counties of Massachusetts, the percentage of speakers of French is below 2%, varying from 1.08% (Berkshire County) to 1.90% (Worcester County) 46 . In each county, several target communities, which were all centers of French-Canadian immigration, were chosen. These communities were subsumed under the following areas : 47 Area 1: North Adams, Adams, Williamstown Area 2: Chicopee, Holyoke, Springfield Area 3: Gardner, Fitchburg, Leominster Area 4: Worcester, Millbury, Auburn Area 5: Lowell, Lawrence Area 6: Greater Boston Area, Salem, Waltham Area 7: Fall River, New Bedford Area Number of Participants Percentage 100 Questionnaires 392 4.1 Area 1 16 33.9 Area 2 133 18.4 Area 3 72 13.0 Area 4 51 8.7 Area 5 34 9.2 Area 6 36 12.7 Area 7 50 Area Number of Participants Percentage 100 Interviews 143 - Area 1 - 41.2 Area 2 59 37.8 Area 3 54 11.2 Area 4 16 Area 5 Area 6 14 9.8 Area 7 46 Cf. U.S. Census 2000. File QT-P16.Language Spoken at Home: 2000. Census 2000 Summary File 3 (SF3), at http: / / factfinder.census.gov. 47 For a map of Massachusetts, see page 19. 34 <?page no="35"?> In all the target communities, the ratio of people who spoke French at home and people of Acadian, French-Canadian and French ancestry was below 30, varying from 4/ 100 (North Adams) to 28/ 100 (Lawrence) 48 . It must be mentioned that several problems arose: 1) The Franco-Americans are a highly dispersed minority nowadays because many of them have left the formerly French-Canadian quarters to live in the suburbs or in the countryside. Regardless of the often considerable distance, they stick to their parish and their social club so that the place of residence does not necessarily foster or prevent French-language activities of the individual. 2) I considered residence important because I thought that the fact that in some areas French is more alive than in others is due to the existence of French parishes or French clubs in these areas. It has turned out, however, that in areas that do have French-language activities of some kind, these do not support the maintenance of French but are rather the last bastions of Franco-American culture. The only result for residence as a variable was the fact that in areas that have long ceased to have French-language activities of any kind, there are fewer speakers in total but also fewer speakers willing to participate in the survey 49 . Residence, on the whole, seems to have ceased to be a relevant dimension for language shift. Sex. Women have a more important role in transmitting language and culture than men, and they are often identified as the “agents of assimilation” (Rottet 2001: 86). Also, there may be a difference in use of certain structures as will be seen in chapter V.2.2.2, which is why sex is an important dimension of language variation and choice. Although women could not be proven to be more active with regard to language use and language transmission, they were less reluctant to participate in a survey of this kind: 61.7% of the participants who filled out a questionnaire were women (in all the target areas) Questionnaires Total Men Women Number 392 150 242 Percentage 100 38.3 61.7 48 Cf. U.S. Census 2000. File QT-P16.Language Spoken at Home: 2000. Census 2000 Summary File 3 (SF3), PCT16.Ancestry (First Ancestry Reported). Census 2000 Summary File 3 (SF3), at http: / / factfinder.census.gov. 49 It cannot be said whether French-language activities have been given up because of a lack of speakers or whether the lack of such activities has fostered a loss of speakers but it can be supposed that both have been the case: There was possibly a decline in speakers and therefore there were fewer activities, which, in turn, meant fewer opportunities for the remaining speakers to practice the language. 35 <?page no="36"?> 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 Area 4 Area 5 Area 6 Area 7 Participants Men Women 59.4% of the participants in the interview were women Interviews Total Men Women Number 143 58 85 100 40.6 59.4 Percentage Age. Age has traditionally been considered to be an important variable in language shift. In the survey, the participants were grouped as follows: Age group I: 19 to 40 years old (this group can be expected not to have gone through bilingual schooling any more) Age Group II: 41 to 60 years old (this group grew up after World War II, which can be identified as a turning point in the decline of minority languages in general) Age Group III: 61 to 80 years old (this group can be expected to have gone through bilingual schooling) Age Group IV: 81 years old and over (this group can be expected to have very conservative views on language maintenance and identity) Age groups III and IV are likely to be fluent bilingually, age group II is mixed (fluent speakers, speakers of less proficiency and passive bilinguals), and age group I has a high percentage of imperfect and passive bilinguals. In several minority speech communities there is a tendency for older speakers to speak more fluently, and for younger speakers to give up the language (cf. Rottet 2001: 85). This being the case in Massachusetts as well is indicated by the fact the vast majority of participants in the survey (among both sexes) is over 60 (age groups III and IV sum up to 77.3%). Questionnaires Total Age group I II III IV Number 13 76 230 73 Percentage 3.3 19.4 58.7 18.6 36 <?page no="37"?> Questionnaires Men Women Age group I II III IV I II III IV Number 5 24 95 26 8 52 135 47 In the interviews, there were a number of participants under 18, which is why age group 0 was added. Again, the majority of participants in the interview are 60 and older (age groups III and IV sum up to 60.1%). Interviews Total Age group 0 I II III IV Number 8 8 41 72 14 Percentage 5.6 5.6 28.7 50.3 9.8 Interviews Men Women Age group 0 I II III IV 0 I II III IV Number 6 2 13 31 6 2 6 28 41 8 Ancestry. Usually ethnicity is a dimension of linguistic variation but since the only two groups involved in the survey are Quebeckers and Acadians I would rather speak of ancestry. The majority of participants in the survey are of Quebec origin. Questionnaires Interviews Total participants 392 143 Quebeckers 344 102 % 87.8 71.3 Acadians 48 41 % 12.2 28.7 As will be seen, the distinction between these two groups is important not only with regard to intralinguistic differences but also with regard to language attitude. Immigrant generation. The participants were also grouped according to their immigrant generation, four of which could be distinguished. Rather than classifying the groups as ‘foreign born’ or ‘native’ as in Fishman/ Hofman 1966, I use ‘brought up in Canada’ or ‘brought up in the U.S.’ since the place of birth is often irrelevant: Many Franco-Americans traveled back and forth between Canada and the United States. Often, women went to Canada to give birth because it was their native country and the place where most of their family lived. Others went to the U.S. to give birth because of better medical treatment. Therefore it is only decisive where the speakers grew up, i.e. spent their childhood and first years of schooling. 37 <?page no="38"?> C = first immigrant generation (brought up in Canada) U = second immigrant generation (brought up in the U.S., parents brought up in Canada or mixed parentage) = third immigrant generation (brought up in the U.S., parents brought up in the U.S.) UU UUU = forth immigrant generation (brought up in the U.S., parents brought up in the U.S., grandparents brought up in the U.S.) Questionnaires Interviews Total participants 392 143 C 100 62 % 25.5 43.3 103 48 U % 26.3 33.6 UU 157 29 % 40.0 20.3 UUU 32 4 % 8.2 2.8 As was to be expected, most participants in the interview which required active competence were of the first and second immigrant generation. Participants of the fourth immigrant generation are to be found mostly among age group III and IV. There are rarely any younger participants of the fourth immigrant generation who still speak French. Immigrant generation can be considered as one of the most relevant dimensions of linguistic variation because it demonstrates best how the language has developed within a speech community and how language attitude may have changed in the country of immigration. II.2 Transcription Conventions For the transcription of the interviews I used the Standard French spelling system except when the pronunciation was not recoverable from this spelling, in which case it was modified. Example: d’mon = ‘de mon’. Words that have been lexicalized in Quebec or Acadian French were spelled as in the respective dictionaries. Example: pantoute (in Meney 1999) = ‘pas en tout’. Phonetic transcription was only given in special cases. Example: eux-aut’ i ont pas un ‘tiroir’. i ont un ‘tiroir’ [tirw ]. English passages are all printed in capital letters except for Anglicisms that have been lexicalized in Quebec or Acadian French. Example: i donnent des SCHOLARSHIP . on a eu du fun . 38 <?page no="39"?> III. “Chez nous c’est pas comme ça..c’est différent” - Selected Characteristics of Franco-American French III.1 General Remarks While it is of primary importance to examine the consequences of language contact for the French language and its respective speech community in Massachusetts, it is also one of the aims of this study to document the Franco-American French while it is still being spoken. However, discussing at length the origin of the morphosyntactic and lexical structures typical of the varieties of Canadian French lies beyond the scope of this thesis 50 . Very generally it can be said that there are two theories on the genesis of the varieties of Canadian French, i.e. of Quebec and Acadian French (cf. Léard 1995: 3-9) : 51 1) Other than to the influence of English, the differences between Standard French and the varieties of Canadian French are due to regional variation and the use of archaisms which were common among the lower classes of French society (cf. Grevisse 2008: 22). So Quebec and Acadian French show traits of 18 th -century français populaire - in fact, Quebec and Acadian French still have numerous features in common with the français populaire spoken in France today - as well as of the northern and western dialects of France, such as for instance je mangeons, which is dialectal and Acadian, or the personal pronoun forms nous-autres, vous-autres, and eux-autres, common in the varieties of Canadian French as well as in today’s français populaire and in some regional French varieties within France (cf. Gadet 1992: 64; Neumann-Holzschuh 2000: 260). In many cases, the phenomena found in the varieties of French in Canada are identical with the ones found in the varieties of French in France. The differences are often based on other criteria 50 Note that phonetic characteristics are not part of this study unless they affect the domain of morphosyntax (as is for instance the case with personal pronouns; see below). For phonetic characteristics of Quebec and Acadian French; for the differences between the varieties, see e.g., Brasseur 2001: XXIX-XXXVIII; Hull 1979: 166-168; King 2000: 32-33, 36; Neumann-Holzschuh 2002: 107; 2005b: 803. For specific phonetic features of Franco- American French, see Brault 1979: 81-84; Fox/ Smith 2005: 135. 51 For more detailed analyses of the origin and the establishment of the structures typical of Quebec and Acadian French, see for instance Larrivée 2009; Léard 1978, 1995; Massignon 1962; Mougeon/ Beniak (Eds.) 1994; Neumann-Holzschuh 2000, Péronnet 1989; Poirier 1928; Wolf 1987. 39 <?page no="40"?> rather than on the phenomena themselves, i.e. a) on their frequency, with certain structures like the above mentioned pronouns existing in France but not being common in everyday spoken French - in contrast to Canada -, and b) on the register or the stigmatization of certain structures as “populaire” in France versus a much more neutral use or non-stigmatization in Canada, as shows the example of puis: Its use as a coordination conjunction is common in spoken French in France as well as in Canada, but its pronunciation [pi] is marked as “populaire” in France but as “familier” in Quebec (cf. Grevisse 2008: 1261). 2) Due to the geographical separation and differences in the exposure to English as well as in the extent of normative pressure, the French in France and the French in Canada have developed differently. Today’s varieties of Canadian French are likely to be a result of both. Except for certain structural specificities, the varieties of Canadian French are also known for being influenced by English as the dominant language in North America: “Il n’y a pas à se dissimuler; notre belle langue française est menacée, en Acadie, et aussi, quoique moins sérieusement, chez les Canadiens de la province de Québec. […] L’ennemi est l’anglais” (Poirier 1928: 282). Franco-American French, being fully exposed to English, is affected to an even greater extent by the influence of English, as will be seen in chapter V.2. This chapter, however, aims to give merely an overview of selected, especially interesting and most salient particularities - other than the ones induced by the close contact with English - of the Franco- American French spoken in Massachusetts to exemplify certain structures, even if these structures do not occur exclusively but are often used alternately with the respective Standard French elements . 52 III.2 Selected Morphosyntactic Particularities III.2.1 Personal Pronouns The 1 st person singular subject pronoun je may be reduced to j’ in front of consonants, as is common in français parlé (cf. Gadet 1997: 60): “L’e de je disparaît souvent en LP. [langage populaire] devant une consonne, comme 52 The following analysis is based on Brasseur 2001; Cormier 1999; Gadet 1992, 1997; Lagueux 2005; Léard 1978, 1995; Meney 1999; Neumann-Holzschuh 2000, 2002, 2005b; Péronnet 1989; Wiesmath 2001a, 2006, and the DFG (‘Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft’) research project “Grammaire comparée des parlers du français acadien” (Neumann- Holzschuh in coll. with Wiesmath) [GraCoPAc]. Note that the phenomena described in this chapter could be detected among participants of all age and immigrant groups, both sexes and ancestries, and all levels of proficiency unless otherwise indicated. 40 <?page no="41"?> d’ailleurs en fr. [français], mais plus fréquemment qu’en fr.” (Bauche 1946: 96). (11) (AC55) asteur i y a des Anglais là. mais j’veux dire quand je grandissais i y avait pas un Anglais dans le village (12) (QU72) i y a les mots nouveaux là. euh..COMPUTER..ordinateur j’me rappelle asteur (13) (AU78) pis j’venais à Boston pis j’venais à FITCHBURG (14) (AC87) euh..j’me rappelle plus. ce/ c’était dans les années vingt (15) (QUU60) j’me sens parfaitement à l’aise The 2 nd person singular subject pronoun tu may appear as t’ in front of a vowel or a consonant: “Le [y] de tu […] disparaît, en usage familier, quand le verbe suivant commence par une voyelle; règle qui, dans certains usages, peut être étendue à la position préconsonantique” (Gadet 1997: 78). (16) (QC77) si t’es gêné. t’apprends pas (17) (AC65) faut que t’alles. à/ à Nouveau-Brunswick pour passer (18) (AU76) j’pensais peut-êt’ que t’es intéressée à l’regarder (19) (QC62) c’est très très facile pour eux-aut’ t’sais i ont pas besoin de papiers (20) (AC66) c’est comme euh..t’sais à la télévision t’as des postes français 3 rd person subject pronouns il, elle/ alle 53 (singular), ils, elles (plural) are often reduced to i in front of consonants - which is also common in français populaire (cf. Bauche 1946: 98); Gadet 1992: 63) - and vowels (cf. Neumann- Holzschuh 2000: 261; Péronnet 1989: 145, 152): La chute du l du pronom il, fréquemment dénoncé comme changement (stigmatisé) en cours, remonte à l’ancien français. Elle est, en français standard, réservée à la position préconsonantique […]. On signale, cependant, en français québécois, une extension du phénomène à la position prévocalique (Gadet 1997: 77). 53 Note that in Acadian French, 3 rd person singular personal pronoun feminine may be alle (cf. Péronnet 1989: 142): (AC65) J. alle parle français mieux qu’moi. j/ je crois. je trouve. qu’alle parle mieux. ben on parle tout l’temps anglais. parce que. V je connaissais avant. quand-c’que je parlais français avec mes parents. pis alle ça fait rien qu’sept huit ans que je la connais Note furthermore that elles is very rare; there are only three occurrences in the corpus. 41 <?page no="42"?> (21) (AU78) ben i a travaillé dans les bois. à Maine. Caribou euh. Pascal ALL THE WAY UP UH…pis i a venu à NEW BEDFORD. i a rencontré ma mère (22) (QU72) son mari ne comprend pas. et euh. d’temps en temps i disent des mots (23) (QU41) puis ma sœur. i ont. YOU KNOW i ont des. um..i ont des maris. puis i parlent pas l’an/ i parlent pas français (24) (AC55) le seul monde qu’i pratiquent avec ça c’est seulement avec nousaut’ Note that in front of vowels, an <l> may be added to a pronoun denoting the plural (cf. Péronnet 1989: 161): (25) (QU41) quand ils parlent il ont l’accent américain (26) (QC55) ici à WARE à la paroisse Toutes les Saints il ont…FRENCH NIGHT (27) (QU47) je parlais avec eux-aut’. c’é/ c’étaient déjà peut-êt’ cinq six ans qu’il étaient ici 3 rd person singular subject pronoun il can be replaced by lui (cf. Neumann-Holzschuh 2000: 262), a construction which is found in spoken French as well: “On entend constamment des éconcés tels que: […] Lui n’en pense pas moins” (Sauvageot 1972: 63). (28) (AC46) puis lui parlait pas anglais pantoute (29) (QU77) non. lui est venu au monde au Canada (30) (AC77) presque tout le temps c’était français. SO lui a gardé son français (31) (QUU81) ouais. lui était tout seul dans sa famille. seul enfant (32) (QU41) c’est des grosses. compagnies de plastique à l’entour d’icitte. puis lui a trouvé une compagnie […] SO lui prenait toutes les/ les morceaux puis les amenait à des grosses compagnies The subject pronouns nous 54 , vous, ils, elles may be replaced by nousautres, vous-autres, (z)eux, eux-autres. 54 Note that nous is used to a considerable extent in the corpus by all immigrant generations, as a subject as well as a nominal personal pronoun, contrary to the findings of Lagueux, who claims for Quebec French that “le pronom personnel nous a disparu complètement à l’oral […]. nous paraît complètement éliminé dans tous ses emplois au Québec” (Lagueux 2005: 59): (QC70) nous avons des noces à Montréal le vingt-quat’ de juillet 42 <?page no="43"?> (33) (AC69) nous-aut’ 55 a travaillé sur la ferme après qu’on a gradué/ gradué de l’école (34) (QC78) eux-aut’ viennent nous rencontrer à Montréal 56 (35) (AC59) eux-aut’ a pas besoin d’apprend’ l’anglais (36) (QC63) eux-aut’ sont rendus plus proche de t’sais. du français de Paris (37) (AC58) i ont travaillé dur pour avoir d’quoi viv’. mais eux-aut’ sont pas obligés (38) (AC63) i venaient de Québec. on était engagé quand qu’on parlait français. parce. zeux parlaient français (39) (AC63) le monde qu’on travaillait avec là. i venaient de (…) eux parliont ben français aussi (40) (AU58) euh zeux parlent en français pis moi je réponds en anglais 3 rd person subject pronouns il, elle (singular), ils, elles (plural) are often expressed by ça (cf. Neumann-Holzschuh 2000: 266) 57 . Contrary to the findings of Neumann-Holzschuh (Neumann-Holzschuh 2000: 266) concerning ça in Quebec French, ça in the MASSFrench corpus refers to nouns denoting persons in most cases, rather than to ones denoting things. However, according to Meney, the use of ça referring to persons is possible in Quebec French as well (cf. Meney 1999: 317) 58 . The same can be observed in Acadian French (cf. Péronnet 1989: 187) as well as in Cajun French (cf. Bollée/ Neumann-Holzschuh 1998: 187), which suggests a general function (QU72) ça fait que nous on restait en haut de mes paren/ mes grands/ les parents (QUU58) maman et moi nous habitions avec mes grands-parents (QC78) nous étions douze enfants (QU47) quand nous allons en Canada je parle avec eux-aut’ The influence of Standard French commonly used as the language of instruction in Franco-American parochial schools may be partly responsible for the frequent use of nous, at least among 2 nd + immigrant generation speakers. 55 Note that there is a single occurrence of nous-autres as a subject pronoun, and no example of vous-autres as a subject pronoun in the corpus. 56 This phenomenon could be found mainly with first immigrant generation participants. Note that whereas Quebec French may use eux as a subject pronoun (cf. Neuman- Holzschuh 2000: 262), Acadian French has the variant zeux (cf. Neumann-Holzschuh 2005b: 803; Péronnet 1989: 168). 57 Such a replacement can be found in fran ç ais populaire as well, although mostly for the third person singular form (cf. Sauvageot 1972: 65). 58 See also the use of ça in French-Canadian songs such as in this excerpt of La marmaille by Lynda Lemay: “J'veux d'la marmaille à moi. J'veux moucher les p'tits nez qui coulent. J'veux mettre ça en pyjama. Je veux qu' ça crie, je veux qu' ça saute. Que ça brise des matelas. Et j'veux qu' ça salisse des chaises hautes”. 43 <?page no="44"?> widening of ça. There seems to be the tendency for the establishment of gender and number neutralized forms such as ça and i in the personal pronoun paradigm. (41) (AC59) not’ garçon a marié une fille française. une G. mais j’pense que ça venait pas mal du Québec là (42) (QUU64) elle était capab’ parler anglais. mais. um…j’pense que ça a parlé français quasiment tout l’temps (43) (AC71) i pouvait pas apprend’ le français. ça mêlait toute. puis euh ma fille elle. elle est Française. puis elle c’était OKAY. ça le mêlait pas (44) (AU78) les grands-mères ça parlait pas anglais ça (45) (AC88) ç/ ça vient du Nouveau-Brunswick. nos gens-là. ça vient du Nouveau-Brunswick (46) (QU69) ben n/ nos amis. ça parle tout anglais The nominal pronouns nous, vous, eux, elles are commonly expressed by the forms nous-autres, vous-autres, eux-autres (cf. Lagueux 2005: 59; Léard 1978: 126-129; Neumann-Holzschuh 2002: 107; Péronnet 1989: 171) 59 , which can be found in some varieties in France as well: Nous et vous, qui n’ont pas de forme accentuée distincte de la forme liée, ont vu se créer en français populaire et dans certains usages régionaux les formes renforcées nous autres et vous autres […]. La troisième personne du pluriel connaît aussi la forme eux autres […] ( Gadet 1992: 64). (47) (QUU65) nous-aut’ ici c’est plus um….anglais ici (48) (QU78) c’est nous-aut’ not’ famille. c’est nous-aut’ qui allaient au Canada le plus souvent […] nous-aut’ on a toujours resté puis on était connu. “oh les aut’ des Etats sont arrivés”. ça c’étaient nous-aut’ (49) (QC78) c’est plus loin pour nous-aut’ (50) (AC77) vous êtes chanceux vous-aut’. vous savez comment travailler dans les bois 59 Note that there is no occurrence of vous as a nominal pronoun, which might be explained by the fact that the interviewees used mostly ‘tu’ when addressing other conversation partners or the interviewer as is common in Canadian French (cf. Meney 1999: XVII). Note furthermore that in Acadian French, zeux may be used instead of eux: (AC63) on parle tout en français avec zeux […] i veulent êt’ seuls. euh zeux (AC59) après zeux i y aura plus d’français 44 <?page no="45"?> (51) (QC63) puis vous-aut’ vous mélangez l’anglais puis l’français un peu. eux-aut’/ eux-aut’ i mélangent pas pantoute (52) (AC78) j’ai tout l’temps parlé français avec eux-aut’ (53) (QU41) i ont tout le temps parlé français à eux/ à eux-aut’ (54) (AUU71) c’était confortab’ pour eux-aut’ de venir ici (55) (QU40) on parle français. c’est plus naturel parler français avec eux-aut’ (56) (QU67) j’essaie de parler français avec eux-aut’ Indirect object pronouns lui (singular) and leur 60 (plural) can be replaced by y (cf. Péronnet 1989: 161), which, in this function, is a “forme familière ou populaire […] qui a aussi été notée au Canada” (Brasseur 2001: 476; cf. also Bauche 1946: 99-100). (57) (AC63) moi j’y parle français. des fois je parle français à eux-aut’ je pense (58) (QU58) mon père voulait pratiquer à parler l’anglais. donc en parlant anglais avec moi..j’y donnais la pratique (59) (QC55) c’est rien qu’ça que j’y dis puis s/ souvent. elle me demande que ça veut dire (60) (AC58) le plus vieux i a déjà six ans. mais i comprend pas trop le français. là lui j’y parle encore français (61) (AC68) j’étais obligé d’apprend’ à parler en anglais aux enfants…i comprennent toute par exemple j’y parlais français The subject pronoun may be omitted, as is common in Quebec as well (cf. Neumann-Holzschuh 2000: 263). (62) (QU69) laissez-moi voi/ euh lire ça puis vas vous dire. ce que ça dit (63) (AC78) c’est plus d’français. puis ont plus d’pratique. ben si qu’i pratiqueraient i/ i/ ils apprendraient 60 Note that leur can appear as [l ] or even [l z], possibly due to the influence of the forms of the possessive determiner (see chapter III.2.2 below): (AC65) i avont dit “comment ça s’fait que vous avez pas/ vous nous avez teaché le français? ”. je leur [l z] ai dit pourquoi (QU75) moi j’suis plus usée à leur [l ] parler anglais (AC55) on leur [l ] parlait français. puis i retournaient tout en anglais. i nous répondaient tout en anglais. SO..on leur [l ] parle encore des mots français 45 <?page no="46"?> (64) (QUU63) mes parents restaient dans le Vermont puis ont monté ici au MASSACHUSETTS (65) (QU77) on était à OTTAWA. à MONCTON. um. à Québec. un coup’ de fois. à MONTREAL. euh…me rappelle pas quelle aut’ place qu’on était (66) (AC82) i y avait pas grand ouvrage on est venu à FITCHBURG pis sont retournés au Canada III.2.2 The Expression of Possession Whereas in Standard French possession is expressed either by the possessive determiner or by the preposition de, the varieties of Canadian French often use à (cf. Neumann-Holzschuh 2002: 107), also common in français populaire: “À reste, à peu près partout, très vivant pour marquer l’appartenance” (Grevisse 1993: 531; cf. also Brasseur 2001: 2). (67) (AC62) le père à C. je pense i était deuxième ou troisième génération ici (68) (QC61) le père et la mère à ma mère sont venus demeurer à LOWELL (69) (AC46) les p’tits gars à ma sœur. i parlont anglais puis français If the possessive determiner is used, it may be used as such, with the special forms of leur [l ] and leurs [l (z)]: (70) (QU75) les plus jeunes ont eu la chance d’étudier puis euh. dans leur [l ] domaine là (71) (AC77) les deux garçons. leurs [l z] enfants. i/ i comprennent pas le français (72) (AC65) i parlont plus espagnol. parce qu’i voulont êt’ comme leurs [l ] PEERS. i voulont parler. parce qu’i/ i y a beaucoup d’Espagnols qui aimont pas le espagnol. SO i changent leurs [l ] noms (73) (QC77) les aut’ Canadiens dans les usines..i étaient toutes/ euh leurs [l z] ouvrages étaient… (74) (QU40) i ont leur [l ]/ euh leur [l ] manière de parler be followed by a prepositional phrase introduced by à: (75) (QC67) sa sœur à mon mari. elle parle français là (76) (AC79) mon père pis son père à lui c’étaient des/ i/ c’étaient pas éduqués 46 <?page no="47"?> (77) (AC68) not’ génération à nous-aut’-là. on parle/ on parle le français (78) (QC63) mon arrière-grand-mère à moi est venue à travailler dans un moulin de cotton be preceded by a nominal personal pronoun: (79) (QU40) i parle très bien français. lui ses parents i/ i..i venaient de Sherbrooke (80) (QU47) et puis lui son angl/ son français i est pas..um..pas si pas bon III.2.3 The Interrogative Pronoun comment 61 Comment is mostly combined with que - a structure which can be found frequently in français populaire (cf. Bauche 1946: 121) - or c’que, c’est que, c’est c’que, c’que c’est que (in direct and indirect questions) as is common in the varieties of Canadian French (cf. Brasseur 2001: 120; Meney 1999: 490) . 62 (81) (QC77) comment qu’on dirait ça PIECEWORK? […] j’étais habile dans ma langue savez. comment-c’qu’on dirait ça ‘habile dans ma langue’? (82) (QU69) j’disais moi “comment-c’qu’on dit à ta machine-là? ”. “ça c’est une perceuse” […] comment qu’on dit ça. la NAVY? (83) (QU71) les gens du sud ici dans le SOUTH tu sais comment qu’i parlent? (84) (QUU74) je sais pas comment-c’qu’on dit ça. des magazines? (85) (AC55) c’est plus pour euh..lire de l’histoire. de la généalogie. de. comment c’était dans les vieux temps. comment c’est que c’était grandi. puis toute ça. c’est pas pour le parler (86) (QUU69) nous parlons pas bien. quand on s’parle au téléphone euh je me demande comment c’est qu’ils peuvent me comprend’ (87) (QU72) les mots nouveaux là. euh..COMPUTER..ordinateur j’me rappelle asteur. ça fait dix fois qu’i me disent comment c’est c’que ce faut que je dise ça […] puis c’était drôle de voir comment-c’qu’i parlaient (88) (QU84) j/ je comprends pas comment-c’que c’est qu’elle peut appeler/ euh qu’elle peut enseigner l’français là 61 Interrogative pronouns in general are scarce in the corpus since the interviewees rarely ask questions. Comment is the only interrogative pronoun frequently used. 62 Note that in français parlé there is a tendency for est-ce que to be replaced by c’est que “dans une partie des interrogations” (Gadet 1997: 132). 47 <?page no="48"?> III.2.4 Relative Pronouns The subject relative pronoun qui can be replaced by qu’ in front of a vowel. There are two ways to explain this phenomenon: a) the <i> in qui may be eliminated or b) qui is replaced by que: “[On a observé] une tendance française très ancienne à généraliser que au détriment de qui” (Wiesmath 2001a: 192; cf. also Brasseur 2001: L). Although qui is said to be a stable pronoun in Quebec French (“que et qui n’ont pas bougé depuis l’ancien français; le français et le québécois sont strictement identiques”; Léard 1995: 99), it is not so in the French spoken in Massachusetts. It may well be frequently used (in front of vowels and consonants), but is commonly alternated with qu’ (in front of vowels only). The fact that this phenomenon, which is common among Acadians (cf. Wiesmath 2001a: 191), is used by a considerable number of Quebeckers (of all immigrant generations) is likely to be due to the language contact situation between the two groups in Massachusetts and is therefore typical of the French spoken in Massachusetts . 63 Examples of qui : 64 (89) (AC59) c’est celui qui a suivi le/ la génération d’ensuite là (90) (QU41) moi j’étais la seule qui a appris l’anglais à l’école (91) (QU51) mon père il avait deux frères qui sont venus ici Examples of qu’: (92) (QUU75) j’ai fait la glace puis l’huile pour mon père qu’avait un business comme ça (93) (QU41) j’pense qu’elle a/ i y a rien qu’une sœur qu’est morte (94) (AC59) j’ai trouvé quelqu’un qu’est de GARDNER (95) (AC77) c’est comme n’importe qui de nos familles qu’ont été travailler à Montréal […] i y a tout le temps des enfants qu’ont besoin d’aide (96) (AU58) c’est à cause qu’on a été à/ à l’école qu’était plus anglais que français (97) (AC63) ceux-là avec qu’on parle en français 63 And, possibly, also typical of the French spoken in other areas of contact between Quebec and Acadian French, such as for instance the other New England States. 64 Note that in combination with prepositions, there may be cases of doubling of the pronoun (“le simple redoublement”; Léard 1995: 100). In the MASSFrench corpus, there is one single occurrence only: (QC62) i était mis avec une coup’ avec qui qu’on/ on/ on/ on sort beaucoup 48 <?page no="49"?> (98) (QU72) i y avait une qu’avait neuf encore. moi j’en ai eu quat’. p’titsenfants (99) (QUU75) comme celle/ euh celle qui a eu le bébé là elle a jamais parlé français elle […] mon garçon était après elle c’était D euh J/ um J je veux dire euh J celui qu’a marié un H The relative pronoun dont may be replaced by que (cf. Gadet 1997: 115-116; Meney 1999: XIX) . 65 (100) (QC66) je pense pas qu’il aide. c’est pas quequ’chose qu’i ont vraiment besoin […] là asteur on a un/ un/ un/ un neveu que son garçon parle bien l’anglais. bien 66 (101) (QU83) des Canadiens ou non des personnes que/ de no/ notre âge. qu’on sait qu’i parlent. on leur parlerait en français Ce qui 67 , ce que may be replaced by quoi que, quoi c’que, quoi c’est que, qu’est-ce qui, qu’est-ce que, qu’est-ce que c’est que, que c’est que , which is another variety of combined forms typical of the French varieties spoken in Canada (cf. Léard 1995: 95, 101; Meney 1999: XIX). (102) (QU41) ça a pris longtemps. pour. comprend’. quoi qu’i disaient […] puis c’est ça quoi qu’i faisait (103) (AC65) ça fait pas d’différence. quoi c’que t’es. c’est quoi c’que tu fais (104) (AC46) ma petite fille voulait assez savoir quoi-c’que qu’on disait que aussitôt qu’elle a eu la chance elle a pris la/ le français à l’école (105) (AC62) je restais à Saint Paul on était. quoi-c’qu’on appelle le bloque (106) (AC77) toute quoi c’est qu’a à faire avec euh/ avec une maison (107) (QC61) ben J qu’est-ce qui arrive c’est qu’elle dit plus de mots du français d’France 65 Dont is rarely used as a relative pronoun in the corpus. If it is, it is not in accordance with Standard French: (QC67) ils font probablement deux coup’ dont i/ ils connaissent et sortent avec qui sont de/ du Québec Note that dont is a relative pronoun that has few occurences in français populaire as well (cf. Bauche 1946: 94). Brasseur states for the varieties of Acadian French: “Il [que] fait office de forme unique de pronom relative. Il équivaut notamment à à qui, dont, dans lequel” (Brasseur 2001: L). 66 Note that this structure (que + possessive determiner) is very common in français populaire (cf. Gadet 1997: 115). 67 Note that there is no occurrence of ce qui in the corpus. 49 <?page no="50"?> (108) (AU58) on parlait français. si que on voulait pas que/ qu’i savent qu’estce qu’on disait (109) (QC66) on comprend qu’est-ce qu’i veulent (110) (AC77) quand qu’on parle français. i vont savoir qu’est-ce qu’on dit (111) (QC67) ils ont parlé français puis. venaient du Nouveau-Brunswick (LAUGHING). j’avais pas/ j’avais aucune idée qu’est-ce que c’est qu’i me disaient (112) (QUU74) je comprends que c’est que j’ai lu mais pour..m’assir et écrire… (113) (QU84) ma mère elle comprenait. elle comprenait plus que c’est qu’elle parlait Like in the varieties of Canadian French, (i)où may be combined with que, c’que, c’est que (cf. Brasseur 2001: 326-327; Motapanyane 1997: 55), a phenomenon which can also be found in français populaire and which can be explained as follows: La langue populaire emploie parfois avec où relatif des formules qui s’expliquent par où interrogatif …]: Votre petit papier OUSQUE vous avez écrit votre promesse, il faut l’oublier […]. C’est la maison […] OÙ C’EST QU’habite Fanny […] (Grevisse 2008: 933) . 68 (114) (QU41) ben nous-aut’. ioù qu’ma mère puis mon père i viennent au Canada. um i parlent rien qu’le français là […] ici ioù que j’reste. um. i y a beaucoup des Acadiens. […] i savent pas où c’que c’est parce que c’est ben p’tit (115) (QUU73) c’était un hôpital où que tout l’monde venait de partout t’sais (116) (AC87) elle travaillait dans l’usine où c’qu’i faisaient des chemises (117) (AC55) il est né à Memramcook à peu près cinq milles de où c’que moi j’ai été née (118) (AC59) c’est un gros collège où c’que vous restez à NORTH ADAMS? (119) (AC77) après ça c’est..tout partout. tout partout. où c’est qu’tu vas. euh i y en a beaucoup de/ de/ de SPANISH 68 See also Nisard who claims that “après l’adverbe de lieu, où, que enclitique est inévitable: «Où qu’vous courés, note fille? » […]. «Là ousse que ce marquis est devenu vot’amoureux? » ” (Nisard 1872: 281-282). 50 <?page no="51"?> (120) (QU41) surtout l/ les/ les personnes où c’est qu’elle travaille ses amis parlent tous anglais […] l’espagnol qui est le plus euh. prédominant euh. langue. parce que où c/ où c’est que ma plus vieille elle va à HOLY CA- THOLIC. i y a trois l/ trois langues (121) (QC55) c’est toute en anglais même ici à l’école Sainte Marie où c’est qu’ma petite fille elle va Où may be fully replaced by que: L’adverbe que était, en ancien et en moyen français, beaucoup plus répandu qu’il ne l’a été plus tard. […] Le français moderne, se servant plutôt de où, [l’] emploie beaucoup moins […]. le langage populaire en use encore largement. […] Nous avons vu dans un magasin que j’ai été, un jeune homme (Haase 1965: 71). (122) (AC83) i avont le français de Montré/ de/ de Paris. parce que..l’école qu’i allaient était..c’était l’université d’Ottawa (123) (QC55) c’était. important que toute le monde. arrivait à un moment que les anciens nationaités/ nationalités soient cachées puis ça sera toutes des Américains (124) (QU84) toutes les vieilles places qu’on a/ qu’on allait t’sais (125) (AC55) i y a un endroit comme moi c’que je viens. le p’tit village. c’est toute français III.2.5 Demonstrative Determiners Demonstrative determiners ce, cet, cette frequently appear as c’, c’t(e). Sometimes also the plural form ces is replaced by c’tes 69 . These determiners may be reinforced by the adverbial clitic -là (cf. Péronnet 1989: 31) without necessarily widening its implications: “Quant à la particule -là du démonstratif composé, celle-ci est souvent utilisée à vide” (Péronnet 1989: 39; cf. also Motapanyane 1997: 25) 70 . When attached without a demonstrative determiner preceding it but rather with a definite article, however, -là may take on the function of a demonstrative by itself (cf. Conwell/ Juilland 1963: 136). 69 This phenomenon is found predominantly among first immigrant generation participants. 70 Note that -là may appear as an adverb or as an interjection, and it does so frequently, as a characteristic of français familier as well as of the varieties of Canadian French. Its functions may vary. Whereas Seutin classifies it as a hesitation marker (cf. Seutin 1975: 147), Brasseur remarks on this topic: “Il [là] joue plutôt le role d’une ponctuation, d’un simple appui au discours. Quoi qu’il en soit, il est parfois difficile de distinguer entre l’adverbe et l’interjection” (Brasseur 2001: XLV). Looking at it in a context other than the one given above is beyond the scope of this work. 51 <?page no="52"?> Examples of the demonstrative determiners with and without the clitic -là: (126) (QU58) à c’temps-là j’ai compris que c’est une langage universelle (127) (AC77) depuis c’temps-là. j’ai..bâti ceci. la maison icitte (128) (QC57) i parlent pas d’français de c’te manière-là t’sais (129) (QUU74) centième anniversaire la société c’t année (130) (AC55) i y en a ceux qui parlent français. c’te club-là c’est que. on est..les/ les memb’ sont toutes divers […] on a juste. mis les mots avec. à place de juste toute dire en français. on a/ on a ajouté c’te mot-là puis on a continué à le dire (131) (QC55) j’ai eu c’t idée-là. de m’marier avec seulement ma nationalité […] c’est seulement c’te soirée-là par année que les gendres de WARE s’arrangent pour êt’ toutes ensemble dans c’te rassemblée-là (132) (AC62) c’t hiver/ c’t hiver on a passé une semaine à/ à Tahiti (133) (AC46) aujourd’hui i y a des/ des maîtresses qui parlont l’espa/ l’espagnol puis c’tes enfants-là sont jamais obligés d’apprend’ anglais […] ben c’te femme-là parlait pas français (134) (QC63) quand le Canada était commencé. c’est c’te français-là qu’i parlent encore Examples of the definite article in combination with -là: (135) (QU69) puis elle dit euh…oh j/ je/ je cherche pour le mot-là… (136) (AC63) i faisont les/ les BABY SHOES. pis t’sais pour les enfants les p’tits souliers-là (137) (QU59) il travaillait deux/ deux positions euh pour cinq ans je m’rappelle et euh d’autres fois il/ euh il....euh je cherche le mot-là um…. (138) (AC55) pis i y avait de l’ouvrage en masse ben. dans l’temps-là t’sais III.2.6 Coordinating and Subordinating Conjunctions III.2.6.1 Additive Coordination In Quebec and Acadian French, phrases, clauses and sentences are frequently coordinated with the conjunction (et) puis or (et) pis (cf. Boulanger 52 <?page no="53"?> 1993: 882, 957; Meney 1999: 1307; Wiesmath 2001a: 71-73), as is the case in spoken French: Puis [p i], pop. [pi], s’emploie toujours, en fr. [français] commun, dans le contexte d’une coordination, et il se place entre les éléments coordonnés, ce qui fait que l’on range souvent parmi les conjonctions de coordination (Grevisse 2008: 1261). Interestingly, in the MASSFrench corpus, Quebeckers often (though not exclusively) used puis despite the fact that pis is very common in Quebec (cf. Grevisse 2008: 1261), whereas Acadians used pis more often than puis. (139) (QU58) je vas plutôt à la messe des fois le samedi. et puis le/ la messe de samedi à quatre heures c’est en anglais (140) (QUU51) j’étais à l’école Assomption. c’était/ c’était encore un/ une paroisse euh. français. et puis i ont/ i a toujours/ i faisaient des enseignements euh..euh..du français dans la classe (141) (AC82) on va pas pour rester on va seulement pour manger pis des fois ben on va aller aux magasins puis on revient (142) (AC78) i y a des Québécois aussi. fait que J G qui est-ce qui Acadien pis elle est Québécois (143) (AC82) je faisais le/ l’ouvrage la plus dur. qui est faire les foins pis toutes ces affaires-là (144) (AC77) i y avait cinq filles pis quat’ garçons (145) (AU76) elle faisait du ragoût de pattes de cochon pis du fromagé (146) (AC46) les SIGN pis toute ça pour lire les affaires pis toute ça. ça qu’est écrit III.2.6.2 Clauses of Time The subordinating conjunction avant que may be reduced to avant. When avant is used in combination with que, it is rarely followed by the subjunctive, which may be in analogy to the use of avant as a conjunction without que, in which case the indicative follows: “Avant (+ind.) […]. «Ça veut dire te faire penser avant tu le fais» (Brasseur 2001: 34). Examples of avant que: (147) (QUU58) on les a pas parlé. euh. en anglais avant qu’i ont eu l’âge de cinq ans 53 <?page no="54"?> (148) (AC62) j’ai travaillé dans un shop à plastique pour euh. dix mois..et euh..ça faisait..à peu près un mois avant que j’étais dans l’shop à plastique (149) (QU72) avant qu’elle dormait. je m’allais faire le/ les magasins Examples of avant : 71 (150) (QU81) j’ai une photo pour te montrer avant tu partes (151) (AC62) moi je savais l’anglais avant j’ai/ avant j’ai venu ici The conjunction après que did not appear without que, which is in accordance with Wiesmath, who had the same result for her corpus of Acadian French: “La conjonction après que […] semble plus résistante à l’omission de que” (Wiesmath 2001a: 110). Furthermore, it is followed by the indicative mood, which is unusual because the subjunctive is common in France as well as in Canada. In France, “ après que est, traditionellement , suivi de l’indic. [indicatif] […]. Malgré la règle donnée ci-dessus, on observe une tendance, surtout forte depuis le deuxième tiers du XX e s. [siècle], à faire suivre après que du subjonctif (Grevisse 2008: 1485). In Quebec, the use of the subjunctive mood after après que is almost generalized (cf. Meney 1999: 96-97), possibly in analogy to avant que 72 . The fact that the grammar rule is observed here may again be due to the influence of the parochial schools and their sticking to Standard French. (152) (QC55) après qu’mon papa est décédé dans les années dix-neuf cent soixante et onze. um ma…ma maman elle avait déménagé (153) (AC77) j’ai fait recorder avec mes amis sur le violon. ici à LEOMINSTER. après que c’est arrivé ça (154) (QU72) après qu’on est venu par ici faulait parler anglais (155) (AC69) nous-aut’ a travaillé sur la ferme après qu’on a gradué/ gradué de l’école (156) (QUU68) après que j’ai commencé à parler anglais. um. j’ai arrêté d’parler français 71 Note that there are only two such occurrences in the corpus. 72 In contrast to avant (used as a conjunction), avant que is followed by the subjunctive (cf. Brasseur 2001: 34). Note that in the case of après que the sequence of tenses is not always observed. 54 <?page no="55"?> The conjunction quand is often combined with que, which is a structure commonly found in français populaire: “Quand (Quantt) est fort souvent suivi de que” (Bauche 1946: 124). It may also be combined with ce/ c’que, which is an interesting construction for two very different reasons. First, it exemplifies very well that the origin of some of the structures of Canadian French are opaque: “Nous ne savons pas […] si quand ce que serait un archaisme ou si la forme provient du pronom interrogatif acadien quand ce que” (Gesner 1979: 100). Secondly, quand c’que is a form which could be found predominantly - though not exclusively - among Acadians in the corpus, which is according to the findings of other studies on Acadian French: “La forme quand ce que se limite […] aux parlers historiquement proches acadien et cadien” (Wiesmath 2001a: 102). The fact that the form is used among Quebeckers in Massachusetts is probably due to the close contact with Acadians. (157) (AU42) quand qu’i venaient du Canada je savais parler plus le français (158) (QU71) puis quand qu’on joue aux cartes des fois on/ on dit des mots en français (159) (QUU74) la maison mère. était euh en France. comme ça euh. quand qu’i retournont icitte pour euh faire école. i parlaient le bon français (160) (AC82) i ont signé les papiers quand que j’ai arrivé ici (161) (QC67) quand qu’il était très p’tit le plus vieux. et puis euh. i était toujours malade (162) (AC46) mon frère était en Viêtnam. puis quand-c’qu’i a venu. i aimait pas ça icitte. y avait quequ’un qui l’avait craché sur le dos. en débarquant de l’avion quand-c’qu’i a arrivé du Viêt-nam (163) (QC61) quand qu’on était jeune là. au village. si tu demeurais au village. t’avais la campagne au village. quand-c’qu’on allait à l’école quandc’qu’on avait les religieuses (164) (AU58) quand-c’que les enfants étiont p’tits. on parlait français (165) (AC63) on parlait français aux enfants quand-c’qu’i étiont plus jeunes là. quand qu’i/ i parlaient pas anglais pantoute quand qu’i allaient à l’école (166) (AC83) quand-c’qu’i étiont jeunes. eux-aut’ ça parlait français (167) (QUU81) c’était pas mal canadien là quand-c’qu’on était plus jeune 55 <?page no="56"?> (168) (QUU81) j’sais pas quand est-ce que c’est qu’ ça a arrêté 73 The conjunction depuis que or depis que, a form common in western varieties in France as well as in the varieties of Canadian French (cf. Brasseur 2001: 156), could not be found to be reduced to depuis or depis but could, however, appear in the form of depis-c’que . 74 (169) (QU78) je m’aperçois que je perds..le français depis qu’elle est morte (170) (AC46) depis que mes enfants sont petits. on s’en allait au Canada (171) (AC78) depis-c’qu’i ont laissé i parlent plus l’français (172) (AC77) pas tant icitte euh. depis-c’que les/ les enfants sont icitte. euh pas tant on parle français (173) (AC55) puis à l’école depis-c’qu’i ont fermé les écoles euh… Pendant que does not appear in the corpus of MASSFrench (neither among Quebeckers nor among Acadians), not even without que. Note that Wiesmath found for her corpus of Acadian French that “pendant que […] [est] d’un emploi rare. […] le subordonnant que peut s’effacer” (Wiesmath 2001a: 108). However, pendant appears frequently as a preposition, alternating with durant: (174) (AC77) elle venait passer les vacances l’été. pendant les vacances d’école (175) (QC70) pendant les vacances i s’en va à. Haïti (176) (AC82) c’était l’année ronde l’été l’hiver. pendant des tempêtes et toute (177) (QUU73) puis euh. durant les soixante et dix-là..je voulais travailler (178) (AC66) elle a eu d’la misère durant les premières années-là (179) (QU78) durant le carême je disais “OKAY on va parler français durant le s/ le souper” (180) (AC55) ça fait..durant troi/ trente-cinq ans cette année que je suis aux Etats Jusqu’à ce que may be reduced to jusqu’à (single occurrence). (181) (QC61) i parlaient français jusqu’à i sont entrés à l’école 73 Note that this form is unique in the corpus. 74 This form could only be found among first immigrant generation Acadians in the corpus. 56 <?page no="57"?> Note that the preposition jusqu’à is commonly replaced by jusque/ jusqu’: (182) (QU51) j’ai les fait apprend’ le français à l’école jusque. la quatrième année. jusque. au collège (183) (QU67) j’ai parlé le français jusque le temps que j’ai. rentré dans l’école (184) (QUU58) c’était le début d’une euh. grande amitié. oui. qui dure jusqu’aujourd’hui (185) (QUU68) c’était bilingue euh..jusque le huitième grade III.2.6.3 Clauses of Consequence 75 (Ça) fait (que), alors, donc 76 fully replace de sorte que in the MASSFrench corpus. As far as donc is concerned, this is contrary to the findings of Wiesmath, in whose corpus of Acadian French “donc est assez rare” (Wiesmath 2001a: 143). In the MASSFrench corpus it is common among Quebeckers and Acadians alike. However, it is never used at the end of an utterance like in Louisiana, where it has come to take on the meaning and function of the English concessive adverb though (cf. Stäbler 1995a: 141): “i nous ont maltraités donc [‘THOUGH’]” (Wiesmath 2001a: 143). Note furthermore, that the line between the use of the above mentioned expressions as replacements of de sorte que or as adverbs is sometimes hard to draw (cf. Grevisse 2008: 1498). (186) (QU72) mes tantes. sont toutes mortes. les enfants on les connaît pas. ça fait qu’on y va plus (187) (QC52) i y avait toujours quelqu’un qui parlait français à l’ouvrage. fait que i ont pas appris l’anglais beaucoup (188) (AU76) mon père était Acadien. mais ma grand-mère sur le bord d’ma mère était Canadienne. elle venait de Saint-Jean-Port-Joli. si vous connaissez ça au Québec. ça fait qu’on est/ nous-aut’ on est..on était chanceux/ chanceuse..oui d’avoir les deux (189) (QUU81) les parents d’ma mère demeuraient au Canada. fait qu’on a visité ma grand-mère souvent 75 Note that assez…que is known to be used to express a consequence in Acadian French (cf. Wiesmath 2001a: 145). In the MASSFrench corpus this use is rare: (QC55) j’espère que. dans le f/ futur i vont avoir appris assez dans la maison que s/ s’i soient intéressé dans langues i vont êt’ capab’. de le/ l’apprend’ facilement 76 Note that ça fait, alors, and donc may function as conjunctions or as discourse markers (see the chapter on discourse markers) with the line being sometimes hard to draw. In the following examples, their use as conjunctions seems obvious. 57 <?page no="58"?> (190) (QU71) son ami est après lui apprend’ des mots. fait qu’elle essaie un peu de parler (191) (QC63) on voulait pas faire des fautes. fait qu’elle a appelé sa belle-sœur à Montréal. sa belle-sœur reste à Montréal (192) (QU40) i y avait d’ouvrage au Canada. fait qu’on a déménagé au Canada (193) (QU83) ma mère elle travaillait fait c’est ma grand-mère qui m’a…que je restais avec ma grand-mère (194) (QU77) elle n’était pas canadienne. fait son français était pas trop bon (195) (AUU71) les parents pourraient/ pouvaient venir et ils connaissaient pas personne ici aux Etats-Unis. alors i/ i/ ils allaient voir Monsieur le Curé pour les emprunts. après ça Monsieur le Curé a commencé la banque. la caisse populaire (196) (AC82) elle était mariée. elle était un an et demi avec son mari. était marabout et bully donc..elle l’a divorcé (197) (QC62) mon mari était canadien mais i travaillait aux Etats-Unis. donc quand on s’est marié on a/ j’étais obligée d’suiv’ (198) (QUU58) nous nous sommes mariés euh. en octobre mais ce n’est pas le temps d’aller se promener à Québec. donc on/ nous avons attendu jusqu’à. juin de l’année passée III.2.6.4 Clauses of Condition As is common in the Acadian varieties of French (cf. Brasseur 2001: 420) si may be combined with que. (199) (AC55) i comprennent. um. presque toute. presque toute je dirais là. si que je parle pas vite. i comprendront. si je vas pas trop vite (200) (AC61) si qu’on est avec toutes des Anglais. on va pas parler français (201) (AC64) on pensait peut-être que. euh. si/ s’i y avait/ si qu’on parlait trop français avec zeux qu’i apprenneraient pas l’anglais si facile (202) (AC87) ben si qu’on voulait des écoles. faulait s’arranger (203) (AU58) quand-c’que les enfants étiont p’tits. on parlait français. si que on voulait pas que/ qu’i savent qu’est-ce qu’on disait 58 <?page no="59"?> Note that the conditional is common in the si-clause: “Si + conditionnel […] trait commun du français pop. [populaire]; beaucoup plus généralisé au Québec qu’en France” (Meney 1999: 1582). (204) (QU41) si j’écrirais à quelqu’un qui parle français ben beaucoup. j’sais pas s’i comprenerait toute (205) (AC78) ben si qu’i pratiqueraient i/ i/ ils apprendraient À moins que appears less frequently 77 ; when it does, it is followed by the indicative, the subjunctive, or the conditional (cf. Wiesmath 2001a: 171), whereas in Quebec the indicative seems to be generalized (cf. Meney 1999: 1139). (206) (I) anglais tout le temps? (QU58) ouais. parce que à moins que j’étais avec mes parents. donc on se conversait en français.mais um. à part de ça toutes mes amis… (207) (I) alors en fait on a même pas d’occasion de/ de vraiment pratiquer? (QU78) non non. à moins que ça soit avec quelqu’un que vous connaissez (208) (QU72) après qu’on a venu. c’était toujours l’anglais. à moins qu’on ait d’la visite du Canada (209) (I) mais la messe c’est plus en français? (QC82) non. non. à moins que quelques-uns voudraient. i dit un enterrement ou. s’i y avait la visite. de..du Canada un mariage ou..là i peut la dire en français III.2.6.5 Clauses of Reason or Cause Comme may be combined with que as in the varieties of Candian French (cf. Brasseur 2001: 119; Meney 1999: 489). (210) (QC78) mais comme que mes parents voyageaient ent’ les deux pays. i y en a qui restaient au Canada puis i y en a qui restaient ici (211) (QC76) ma fille. c’est très bien pour elle. comme qu’elle vit au Texas. cela est arrivé qu’elle était appelée pour des Français. par des médecins parce que est une garde-malade Note that comme shows a general tendency to be combined with que, independent of its word class and function: comme ‘like’ 77 Note that in the MASSFrench corpus, it only appears among Quebeckers. 59 <?page no="60"?> (212) (AC62) alors c’est comme que j’ai dit. à/ à chaque hiver je vas en/ à Haïti (213) (AC63) c’temps-là i y a pas d’bus comme qu’asteur (214) (AC58) j’ai été à l’école moi à SAINT JOHN. c’était pas euh bilingue um. comme que c’est asteur (215) (AC77) pis comme que j’disais avant. euh i était tout le temps/ i était toujours par ici (216) (QU60) ça fait qu’i a fait l’affaire/ sa BUSINESS comme qu’i voulait comme (si) ‘as if’ (217) (QU58) j’étais dans le service et c’est pas comme que je visitais toute la/ la nation de Turquie (218) (QU53) les/ les/ les Parisiens i/ i. i faisaient comme qu’i m’comprenaient pas pantoute (219) (QU42) on va s’parler ou ben pour faire un fou i va m’appeler et puis là i va jaser en français. faire son simp’. um. fait comme qu’i se trouve drôle Comme si que is known as a feature of the varieties of Canadian French as well as of français populaire (cf. Gadet 1995: 154), but in MASSFrench, the si is always eliminated except for one case: (220) (AC87) on était amis on était comme si qu’on avait des familles The conjunction parce que is often reduced to parce (cf. Motapanyane 1997: 57). (221) (AU76) on était chanceux/ chanceuse..oui d’avoir les deux. parce ma grand-mère faisait du ragoût de pattes d’cochon (222) (QU41) c’est rien qu’moi qui l’comprend. parce. i n’y a pas d’aut’ qui comprend (223) (QUU74) si que i ont…qui voulaient êt’ sœur. étudiaient en France parce um..la maison mère. était euh en France […]ça c’est/ parce c’est la..THE BASIC LANGUAGE (224) (AC65) parce si qu’on comprend pas en français. ben on comprend en anglais […]c’est comme un insulte. i m’insultont. parce tu sais tu devrais parler anglais (225) (QU71) on parle en anglais. parce ça va..plus…HOW DO YOU SAY ‘EASY’? 60 <?page no="61"?> It may also be replaced by (à) cause (que) or par rapport ( que) 78 . As for à cause que, note the following: “Cette forme issue de la langue classique […] est vieille en français […]. Elle a été relevée dans les parlers de France, surtout dans l’Ouest et le Centre […], et dans ceux du Canada” (Brasseur 2001: 97). In today’s Standard French, this form is considered “populaire“ (cf. Meney 1999: 381; cf. also Bauche 1946: 124; Grevisse 2008: 1139). (226) (QC12) je veux garder mon français à cause que je veux pas perd’ la langue (227) (AC87) ben ça les Espagnols. j’sais pas c’est à cause que. PORTO RICO ça appartient aux Etats-Unis (228) (AU58) c’est à cause qu’on a été à/ à l’école qu’était plus anglais que français (229) (QU60) on parlait français avant qu’on parlait anglais à cause que. on demeurait dans le NORTH END de SPRINGFIELD (230) (AC65) c’est à/ c’est à cause on parle pas (231) (AC68) c’est la même affaire avec le ACADIAN CULTURAL. BECAUSE OF THAT..cause que..c’est toutes des enfants qu’ont été élevé par icitte (232) (QU41) son père c’est cousin avec ma mère la/ la/ une sœur de ma mère. elle a marié un/ un Vachon. puis i sont..THEY’RE RELATED SOME- HOW (LAUGHING). cause que je l’ai vue. ben quand j’étais la voir As for par rapport (que) 79 , note that it is considered “populaire et régionale” (Brasseur 2001: 389) in France (cf. also Grevisse 2008: 1492; Meney 1999: 1422). (233) (AC68) on a jamais acheté not’ maison. ça j’ai manqué ça beaucoup. par rapport que c’était comme différent là de pas avoir ta maison (234) (QC77) on était toujours inférieur ouais. par rapport que..on a appris l’anglais un peu (235) (QC83) quand ils sont partis j’ai bien prié. puis pleuré par rapport que. c’était de valeur de voir/ c’était de valeur de les voir partir (236) (AC77) la messe de huit heures et quart. i l’ont cancellé. par rapport. euh..les prêt’. i y a pas d’prêt’ 78 Par rapport (que) could only be found among first immigrant generation participants. 79 Note that the variant au rapport que given by Brasseur (cf. Brasseur 2001: 389) for Acadian French did not appear in the MASSFrench corpus. 61 <?page no="62"?> III.2.6.6 Clauses of Concession and Contrast Même si, bien que or malgré que can be replaced by (quand) même que (cf. Brasseur 2001: 377; Meney 1999: 1390) . 80 (237) (AC79) i parl. aient anglais ent’eux-aut’. quand même qu’on a parlé français i parlaient anglais (238) (AC77) faulait pas mêler. là faulait encore parler l’anglais. quand même que c’était pas ben parlé (239) (AC87) i savent que l’anglais est nécessaire. quand même qu’i sont dans une province française (240) (QU78) mon J parle pas français. même que sa mère vient de la Belgique Mais is commonly used in combination with là as it is in some varieties of Canadian French (cf. Wiesmath 2001a: 155). (241) (QC70) j’ai toute ma famille. ensuite j’ai des photos de chacun d’eux-aut’ mais là on va regarder ça. c’est là i sont tous ensemb’ là (242) (AC87) maintenant i sont plus accoutumés au français mais là ils sont bilingues (243) (QUU81) i parlaient pas mal le français par ici. au commen/ quand qu’on était plus jeune nous-aut’. mais là le français disparaît pas mal (244) (QC62) quand i s’en venaient nous trouver dans l’lit on parlait français. mais là présentement le plus/ plus i sont âgés. plus c’est difficile d’essayer de faire parler (245) (QU72) i ont jamais venu aux Etats. quand on allait là. mais là i y avait mes tantes. sont toutes mortes. les enfants on les connaît pas (246) (AC68) j’ai déménagé par ici j’avais cinq enfants. le plus vieux parlait seulement français mais là i était obligé d’apprend’ son anglais (247) (AC58) elle peut les comprend’ ou ieux parler SO…mais là comme son mari/ et c’est comme je vous ai dit. est Italien III.2.6.7 Clauses of Purpose The conjunction pour que is not used without the que and is almost always followed by the subjunctive. 80 The form quand même que could only be found with three first immigrant generation Acadians. There is one single occurrence of même que in the corpus. 62 <?page no="63"?> (248) (QC55) puis j’ai remarqué que. beaucoup de monde. laissa perd’ leurs langues pour que leurs enfants soient capab’ d’êt’ américains (249) (QC83) alors j’ai parlé au bon Dieu pour qu’il vienne m’aider (250) (QC62) on avait fallu/ avait fallu lui acheter des liv’. pour qu’i peuve 81 voir les insectes (251) (AC63) on parlait français toutes les deux ensemb’. SO i nous avont pris pis séparées. pour qu’nous apprenions l’anglais (252) (AC55) tout est faite en anglais. oui. pour que tout l’monde comprenne (253) (QU71) puis elle sort des liv’ pour qu’i seyent 82 capab’ de/ de trouver de où-c’qu’i viennent As far as pour ne pas que is concerned, note that “lorsque la proposition de but est négative, elle est introduite par la conjonction négative figée pour pas que” (Wiesmath 2001a: 150; cf also Motapanyane 1997: 57), a form which Grevisse classifies as “fr. [français] parlé négligé” (Grevisse 2008: 1285) . 83 (254) (AC78) i avont pas allé à l’école française et..moi j’étais assez (…) pour pas qu’i y a/ moi je disais c’est ça (255) (QC40) quand les enfants étaient petits. on parlait peut-êt’ de Noël devant eux pour pas qu’i comprennent III.2.7 Tout Tout appears frequently as toute [tut] (cf. Léard 1995: 129). However, it is not as generalized as in Quebec, where we find the “emploi généralisé de «toute» pour «tout» quelle que soit la fonction” (Meney 1999: XVIII). The use of tout among Franco-Americans corresponds to the use in Acadian French, where “tout” ‘all’ has two phonetic variations, [tu] and [tut] which occur in free alternation” (Motapanyane 1997: 15-16). (256) (QC55) toute le monde quand. i ont déménagé de les aut’ pays… (257) (AC77) on a tout l’temps causé (258) (QC77) mais dans l’ouvrage c’était pas. toute canadien non (259) (AC78) ben i comprennent toutes le français. parce que je l’ai tout l’temps parlé 81 Acadian subjunctive form of Standard French puisse (cf. Wiesmath 2001a: 149). 82 Acadian subjunctive form of Standard French soient (cf. Wiesmath 2001a: 149). 83 Note that there are only two occurrences of pour pas que in the corpus. 63 <?page no="64"?> (260) (QUU60) i avaient euh. seize dix-sept kids puis i sont toutes dispersés (261) (AU78) ATHOL MASS. toute français. beaucoup français (262) (AC55) au Canada. puis là c’est toute français. i sont toutes français là III.2.8 The Verb III.2.8.1 The Auxiliaries avoir and être In Canadian French there is a tendency to generalize the auxiliary avoir, i.e. to use it with verbs that are conjugated with être in Standard French, such as intransitive arriver, rester, or venir (cf. Meney 1999: XIX; Neumann- Holzschuh 2009: 51). Some reflexive verbs are also conjugated with avoir, such as s’en aller; some verbs that are reflexive in Standard French are used as non-reflexive verbs and conjugated with avoir, such as marier instead of se marier (cf. Gesner 1979: 43; Neumann-Holzschuh 2005b: 803). In français populaire, “l’usage […] manifeste un certain flottement (il est claboté, il a claboté) ou généralise l’emploi de avoir (j’ai resté toute la semaine au lit), surtout avec les verbes pronominaux (je m’ai trompé, elle s’a donné un coup)” (Gadet 1992: 55). In general it can be said that in contemporary European French “avoir gagne du terrain sur être” (Gesner 1979: 45; cf. also Grevisse 2008: 1032-1033). Despite this tendency, the influence of English in the processs of the generalization of avoir cannot be excluded. Heine/ Kuteva give the following explanation: When speakers of the replica language establish equivalence relations between their nouns and verbs with corresponding categories of the model language, this may have the effect that they also replicate the grammatical properties associated with these lexical categories. In such cases, lexical replication may entail grammatical category extension. Both English and German have a possessive perfect (or ‘have’-perfect), but the two languages differ with regard to the range of verbs this perfect is associated with. For example, in English the use of the possessive perfect has been extended to intransitive verbs where etymologically related German verbs require the ‘be’-perfect. As a result of their contact with English, speakers of Pennsylvania German appear to have extended the use of their possessive perfect at the expense of the ‘be’-perfect (Heine/ Kuteva 2005: 140-141) . 84 Examples of intransitive verbs: aller (263) (AC78) i avont pas allé à l’école française 84 In this matter, see also Neumann-Holzschuh 2009: 51-52. 64 <?page no="65"?> (264) (QUU65) WHAT PART I DIDN’T LIKE ABOUT FRENCH WAS ‘j’ai. tu as. il a. elle a’. AND THEN ‘nous avons allé’ (265) (QC73) quand j’ai allé à l’école à Sainte Hyacinthe. j’ai étudié un peu l’anglais arriver (266) (QC55) les anciens jours quand i ont arrivé icitte ça s’peut facile que c’étaient des L’Evêque (267) (QU69) quand on/ on a arrivé icitte à LEOMINSTER. connais pas un mot d’anglais (268) (AC46) quand-c’qu’i a arrivé du Viêt-nam descendre (269) (AC55) SO j’ai descendu par icitte. p/ pour ça. pour travailler (270) (QUU46) i avaient trop d’enfants. trop d/ trop d’famille qui était là. alors i ont descendu aux Etats-Unis (271) (QU78) mon père..restait. à CHICOPEE. SO i a descendu avec sa sœur monter (272) (QC77) après la deuxième guerre en dix-neuf cent quarante-cinq. j’ai monté aux Etats-Unis (273) (AU78) mon père a monté le premier. THEY/ THEY/ THEY KNEW EACH OTHER SO UH. mon père a monté le premier. travailler dans les bois (274) (QUU63) mes parents restaient dans le Vermont puis ont monté ici mourir 85 (275) (QU67) après ma grand-mère est mort on a parlé seulement en anglais (276) (QC82) ma mère est morte j’avais deux semaines (277) (QUU58) c’était maman ma grand-mère et moi. parce que mon pépé est mort (278) (AU78) on était six. six enfants. Y a mort âge jeune 85 Mourir is found with avoir only among Acadians in the corpus. Among Qubeckers it is conjugated exclusively with être, as is common in Quebec French (cf. Léard 1995: 204). 65 <?page no="66"?> (279) (AC65) son plus vieux frère. fait i a mouri 86 dans décembre […] on avait pas d’grand-mère pis grand-père parce qu’i avaient mouri quand-c’qu’i étaient jeunes (280) (AC82) elle a mort là. et euh. elle avait une euh..une attaque de cœur naître 87 (281) (AU56) j’ai né au Nouveau-Brunswick. j’ai venu ici quand j’avais trois ans (282) (AU78) j’ai né à MASSACHUSETTS. NEW/ NEW BEDFORD partir (283) (QU41) i y en a deux trois qui ont parti du Canada puis ont venu icitte dans le MASSACHUSETTS (284) (QUU69) puis euh mon aut’ frère i a parti. ma mère mon père ont parti. j’ai personne non. tout à l’entour d’chez nous c’est toutes/ c’est toutes des Américains (285) (QUU69) le français i a parti après rentrer 88 (286) (QUU58) quand j’ai rentré dans la grande école. le neuf euh dix onze douze. euh. j’ét’obligé de prend’ quatre ans de français (287) (QU51) une fois j’ai rentré dans l’magasin puis la femme m’a demandé si elle était capab’ pour m’aider puis elle m’a pas demandé ça en français (288) (QUU69) mes grands-parents i ont euh. rentré dans les Etats pour le travail (289) (QU67) j’ai parlé le français jusque le temps que j’ai. rentré dans l’école rester (290) (QU58) après avoir resté ici là. euh. les deux étaient capab’ de parler anglais (291) (QUU81) oui. j’ai toujours resté ici 86 Mouri is a past participle form common in the varieties of Acadian French (cf. Brasseur 2001: XXXIX). 87 These are the two only occurrences of naître conjugated with avoir in the corpus. 88 Rentrer does not count among the most frequently used verbs in the corpus but it can be found conjugated with avoir among Quebeckers (contrary to the findings of Léard 1995: 204). 66 <?page no="67"?> (292) (AU56) mon père..a resté ici pour l’hiver retourner (293) (QU75) i ont retourné au Canada par exemp’ (294) (QUU46) i ont déménagé/ i ont retourné au Canada. après mon père a vécu au Canada. um…i ont retourné chez/ dans les terres. i avaient une ferme (295) (AC55) on a retourné à Memramcook pour se marier sortir (296) (AC78) elle parle plus parce qu’elle a sorti. quand qu’i ont sorti d’la maison. c’est plus d’français (297) (AC68) on a sorti au mois de..euh…au mois d’avril. la semaine d’après Pâques. ç’a sorti sur la télévision (298) (QU69) quand j’avais sorti/ euh quand j’étais dans le…dans le…NAVY… venir (299) (QU41) i y en a deux trois qui ont parti du Canada puis ont venu icitte (300) (AC55) SO. i a venu par icitte pour travailler (301) (AC77) après avoir venu par icitte. après une coup’ d’années ben. l’ouvrage a plutôt timbé Examples of reflexive verbs: se marier being used as a non-reflexive verb: (302) (QU77) ben il y a pas un. qui a marié. un Franco-Américain. pantoute (303) (QC63) i avait marié une fille de/ du Canada. une L du Canada (304) (AC55) D a marié un Acadien oui. […] puis not’ plus vieille. lui qu’elle a marié c’est un Américain being used as a reflexive verb: (305) (QUU73) en tout cas c’est pour ça je pense que c’est qu’elle s’a marié 67 <?page no="68"?> (306) (AC82) je m’ai marié à quarante-huit..euh dix.….non quarante-neuf. à quarante-neuf j’avais vingt/ j’avais. vingt-sept ans. quand je m’ai marié la soirée. vingt-sept ans. pis lendemain j’avais vingt-huit (307) (AC61) on s’a marié au Nouveau-Brunswick Others: (308) (AC68) j’étais la seule au Nouveau-Brunswick puis je m’ai décidé de m’en venir par ici (309) (AC77) mes enfants allaient aux écoles catho/ euh non/ aux écoles irlandaises. pis c’était tout anglais. SO on s’a appris. à parler anglais (310) (QUU46) je voulais travailler um…entre. le collège et..la faculté de droit. je voulais aller/ je m’avais inscrit dans le Corps de la Paix (311) (AC46) si j’avais pas rencontré mon mari. je m’en aurais allé au Nouveau-Brunswick […] les enfants que je m’avais mise avec parlaient pas. français pantoute (312) (AU42) mes amis parlaient an/ anglais et comme ça je m’ai accoutumé parler anglais (313) (AC77) j’pense que je m’aurais cabané dans les bois. pis pas sorti […] je m’ai tourné vers lui j’ai dit “écoute… (314) (AC68) j’ai marié un/ un monsieur de Nouveau-Brunswick. ben on s’en a venu ici (315) (AC46) quand-c’qu’on était petit puis là euh. un à la fois i s’en ont allé…puis… (316) (AC68) i se demandaient pourquoi que/ pourquoi qu’on s’en avait venu Note the following specificities: The reflexive pronoun may be placed after the auxiliary : 89 (317) (AC59) elle a s’excusé. l’hiver passé j’pense (318) (QU42) ma mère a gardé la plus vieille. qui/ euh parce que je travaillais. um puis elle a s’assayé un p’tit peu avec elle (319) (AC82) on a s’habitué à parler anglais avec toute 89 Sometimes this structure can be found with non-refelexive verbs as well: (AC68) à place de parler français. i ont nous parlé pis parlaient en anglais 68 <?page no="69"?> The pronoun en in expressions like s’en aller, s’en venir may be placed after the auxiliary, sometimes together with the reflexive pronoun (cf. Lagueux 2005: 60): (320) (QC78) en dix-neuf cent quarante-six mon aut’ frère R s’est en venu aux Etats-Unis (321) (QC62) tout le monde i s’est en allé en dehors (322) (QU71) après qu’i ont brûlé l'école. tous les Canadiens sont s’en allés III.2.8.2 Périphrases verbales As in the varieties of Canadian French there is an abundance of paraphrases in the French spoken in Massachusetts. Many of these are considered either archaisms in Standard French or part of a lower register or regional, as shows the example of être après: [L’Académie] […] signale encore en 2001, s.v. [sub verbo] après, 2 [i.e. au sens de être en train de], mais comme très vieilli: Je suis APRÈS À écrire. Ce tour a été supprimé en 1986. Selon les Le Bidois […] il s’emploierait encore dans la langue familière. Il faudrait ajouter: de certaines régions (Grevisse 2008: 1045-1046). Examples: être après faire qc. ‘être en train de faire qc.’ 90 (323) (QU71) elle commence à parler. elle a un ami et puis euh. son ami est après lui apprend’ des mots être pour faire qc. ‘être sur le point de faire qc, être disposé à’ 91 (324) (AC77) c’est pas le but qu’on a. on est/ on est pour trouver quelqu’un. qu’a appris quequ’chose d’original (325) (QU71) on avait coutume de parler en français quand qu’on voulait pas qu’les enfants comprennent. quand qu’on s/ quand on est pour s’coucher (326) (QUU46) j’étais pour aller travailler en Tunisie (327) (QU41) quand qu’i a appris de chauffer. i a été pour um. avoir sa licence de chauffer un/ un camion venir (de) faire qc. “est souvent renforcé […] par juste” (Léard 1995: 206) . 92 90 Cf. Meney 1999: 781; Neumann-Holzschuh 2005b: 803. 91 Cf. Grevisse 2008: 1046; Wiesmath 2005: 146. 92 Cf. also Wiesmath 2005: 152. 69 <?page no="70"?> (328) (QC55) elle vient juste pas mal finir s/ s/ ses études. elle est dans la sixième grade (329) (QU72) elle vient juste adopter un petit garçon de GUATEMALA venir que ‘finir par’ . 93 (330) (QU77) on vient qu’on oublie les mots. en français (331) (QU60) si on use pas une lange c’est/ (QC58) oui on vient qu’on la perd (332) (AC62) toutes mes clients étaient anglais. tu viens que tu penses anglais III.2.8.3 The non-accord of the Verb There is frequent lack of accord between the verb and its subject: “Le verbe ne s’accorde pas toujours en nombre avec son sujet” (Brasseur 2001: XLIX; cf. also Perrot 2005: 191-192). (333) (QUU70) quand les enfants étaient petits. très petits. on parle/ on parlait en français si on voulait pas qu’ils comprend. euh ce qu’on/ ce qu’on faisait (334) (AC68) mais leurs parents vient du Canada (335) (QU41) les plus vieux comprend parce que ils avaient leurs parents à parler (336) (AC55) i y a des tels mots qui est pas pareil (337) (QU47) d’aut’ cousins qui restent. en Canada aussi dit la même chose (338) (QC50) les parents de leurs maris et mes parents se connaît. YOU KNOW (339) (AC59) eux-aut’ a pas besoin d’apprend’ l’anglais (340) (QU69) puis les Acadiens i vient […] tous les Acadiens s’en va là […] i parlent anglais ceux qui veut […] ben i y a des Français qui fait ça (341) (AC69) nous-aut’ a travaillé sur la ferme (342) (AC64) i y a plusieurs qui va à la messe 93 Cf. Meney 1999: 1816. 70 <?page no="71"?> III.2.8.4 Miscellaneous Prepositions in verbal expressions may be omitted: (343) (QU41) c’était l’année passée elle a décidé changer. pour voir si YOU KNOW. ça va pas êt’ un peu plus/ plus facile (344) (AC55) ils ont commencé aller à l’école ou aller dehors (345) (QUU68) j’ai arrêté parler français quand que j’étais. six/ seize ans (346) (QUU64) quand j’ai commencé à l’école à euh. Sainte Anne. j’étais pas capab’ parler en anglais pantoute Aimer may appear combined with de : 94 (347) (AC77) c’est ça que j’aime de faire. dessiner de moi-même et le faire (348) (AU76) i y avait un vieux qui restait/ euh j’aime de dire ça c’était comme ça. sa maison à lui était icitte pis V restait icitte. puis quand-c’que le vent à tous les soirs après le souper. i a pratiqué son violon Some verbs, like donner, that have the structure ‘VERB (qc.) à qn.’ in Standard French have the structure ‘VERB (qc.) qn.’ in the varieties of Canadian French (cf. Léard 1995: 209): (349) (QUU58) au septième i les/ les donnent le goût/ i les/ un p’tit goûté des différentes langues comme le français l’espagnol l’allemand (350) (QU51) la femme m’a demandé si elle était capab’ pour m’aider puis mais je l’ai répondu en français Some verbs, like aider, that have the structure ‘VERB qn.’ in Standard French can be found to have the structure ‘VERB à qn.’ (cf. Léard 1995: 209): (351) (QUU46) i/ il est sourd. il a un appareil pour euh..lui aider (352) (QC83) je faisais sûr que j’avais beaucoup couraillé pour elle pour lui aider (353) (QU77) elle lisait en anglais aussi. YEAH. pour lui aider apprend’. la langue (354) (QU58) je comprenais. puis j’étais capab’ um..de leur aider t’sais 94 “Aimer de, tour classique, subsiste dans la langue littéraire (et aussi dans l’usage courant de certaines régions)” (Grevisse 2008: 1119). Note that this form could be found only among Acadians in the corpus. 71 <?page no="72"?> (355) (QUU60) pour le moment ça/ ça leur intéresse pas. mais un jour peutêtre (356) (QU84) i y pas d’français là. et puis e/ elle essaie d’ai/ d’aider à sa/ à sa fille (357) (QC83) c’est loin. mais. on leur aidait beaucoup Je vas is frequently used instead of je vais (cf. Lagueux 2005: 59; Neumann-Holzschuh 2002: 107; 2005b: 803): (358) (QU58) je vas à la messe à. um. le/ le samedi ou le dimanche […] je vas pas à une messe de français […] je vas plutôt à la messe des fois le samedi (359) (AUU71) je vas à la messe de sept heures (360) (QC55) j’y vas un coupelle de fois par année (361) (AC55) si que je parle pas vite. i comprendront. si je vas trop vite… Faulait is commonly - but not exclusively - used instead of fallait, often with the omission of i(l) (examples 364-366) (cf. Brasseur 2001: 196). (362) (QUU65) i faulait apprend’ l’anglais pour êt’ ici (363) (QU84) chez lui. i faulait parler français (364) (AC87) ben si qu’on voulait des écoles. faulait s’arranger (365) (AC82) quand-c’que j’suis devenu memb’ faulait que t’es catholique français (366) (QU72) ses parents parlaient français. faulait que les enfants parlent anglais c/ pour que les parents apprennent le français/ euh l’anglais In the varieties of Acadian French, the inflection of 3 rd person plural may be -ont in the present, and -iont in the imperfect or the conditional (cf. Brasseur 2001: XXXVIII; Gesner 1979: 56; King 2000: 34; Péronnet 1989: 145, 152). (367) (AC65) à GARDNER. i avont/ à toutes les années i celebratont..euh. ACADIAN DAYS. i appelont ça. c’est ça qu’i appelont ça (368) (AC78) i avont pas allé à l’école française (369) (AC42) i allont à l'école française 72 <?page no="73"?> (370) (AC65) ceux-là qui parlont espagnol…si/ si j’vas. dans les magasins puis. i parlont leur langage. c’est comme un insulte. i m’insultont. parce tu sais tu devrais parler anglais […] i voulont que tu/ tu crois qu’i/ qu’i pouvont pas parler anglais (371) (AC46) les p’tits gars à ma sœur. i parlont anglais pis français. mais i savont pas que c’est une langage ou l’aut’. i alliont/ i alliont à l’école. quand-c’que i étiont p’tits ben i sont grandis asteur. mais quand-c’qu’i étiont p’tits i alliont à l’école. pis la maîtresse les comprenait pas parce que i parliont pas anglais. i parliont pas français non plus (372) (AU42) ceux qui voulont rester en/ en Amérique. je trouve qu’i devront um. essayer d’parler anglais 95 (373) (AC77) i y en a quat’ cinq d’eux-aut’ qu’avont venu (374) (AC65) on a fait un pot pour eux. pis tant c’qu’i mangiont j’ai dit/ pis je leur parlais. pis i compreniont […] mes parents parliont français. euh j’pouvais pas parler à mes parents en anglais […] des fois euh je/ mes/ mes amis disiont “parle français. parle français”. SO/ et je leur disais des histoires. i compreniont pas (375) (AC66) on était dans un shop pis i nous aviont dit que i aimaient pas les Français (376) (AU58) quand-c’que les enfants étiont p’tits. on parlait français There are two uses of such forms by speakers of Quebec French, possibly induced by language contact: (377) (QUU74) quand qu’i retournont icitte pour euh faire école. i parlaient le bon français (378) (QUU73) la plupart ont travaillé dans..dans les moulins. parce que c’est seulement qu’ça qu’i pouviont faire dans c’temps-là […] les épouses des Richelieu apparteniont aux Dames françaises In the MASSFrench corpus, a number of special verb forms occurred, some of which could not be found in the respective sources documenting Canadian French. The corpus is too small to determine whether these forms are typical of the varieties of French spoken in New England or, since they are single occurrences, “mistakes” by individuals: aver ‘avoir’ (379) (QU77) ils prennent l’espagnol parce que c’est plus important de l’aver icitte 95 The form here should be devriont (instead of devraient). 73 <?page no="74"?> buver ‘boire’ (380) (QUU75) quand mon père s’est quitté il commençait à buver à la bière liser ‘lire’ (381) (QUU64) parler pantoute. ou euh..liser. j’pense pas qu’i est capab’ de liser véquir ‘vivre’ (382) (QU53) i en descendent plus de/ de/ du Canada pour/ pour venir véquir ici fonsaient ‘faisaient’ (383) (QU41) i fonsaient des/ des morceaux pour des GAME seyes/ seyent ‘soies/ soient’ 96 (384) (AC55) faut qu’tu seyes bon dans toutes les aut’ sujets (385) (QU71) elle sort des liv’ pour qu’i seyent capab’ de/ de trouver de oùc’qu’i viennent s’assisait ‘s’asseyait’ 97 (386) (QU71) elle s’assisait dans la chaise sontaient ‘étaient’ 98 (387) (QUU69) je sais pas trop où sont/ où/ où ça vient mais ma mère/ me rappelle ma mère me disait que sontaient dans le Bellecha/ dans… […] i sontaient jeunes dans le temps-là. mais mes/ mes grands-parents i ont euh. rentré dans les Etats pour le travail oui. mon père ma mère aussi i sontaient ici. i sont venus icitte à CHICOPEE III.3 Selected Lexical Particularities There is an abundance of expressions characteristic of the varieties of Canadian French. As for the lexical characteristics of Quebec French the following can be observed: 96 Common subjunctive form of être in the varieties of Canadian French (cf. Brasseur 2001: XLI). 97 Assir is commonly used instead of asseoir (cf. Brasseur 2001: XL; Meney 1999: XVII). 98 Note that there is a single participant who makes use of the past tense form sontaient typical of Quebec French (cf. Meney 1999: XVII). 74 <?page no="75"?> C’est dans cette partie de la langue qu’on observe le plus grand nombre de différences entre le français québécois et le français standard. Le lexique québécois est le reflet de son histoire et de son environnement. Il comporte une part de formes conservées, ou «conservatismes», héritages: a) des dialectes («dialectismes») du centre et de l’ouest de la France d’où sont venus la plupart des colons de la Nouvelle-France b) du français des XVII e et XVIII e s. [siècles], époque de la colonisation franise («archaïsmes») […]. Le québécois comporte également une part d’innovations par rapport au français standard. Ces innovations consistent en des emprunts aux langues amérindiennes, à l’inuktitut et à l’anglais et en créations de nouveaux mots ou de nouveaux sens à partir du français (Meney 1999: XX-XXII). As for Acadian French, the lexical characteristics are similar: Le lexique acadien est caractérisé avant tout par son conservatisme, mais aussi par son adaptation à la réalité nouvelle […]. Cette adaptation se fait de deux façons différentes, soit par la création de néologismes […], soit par l’emprunt aux langues amérindiennes […] et à l’anglais […]. Dans son aspect conservateur, le lexique acadien est surtout composé de termes français archaïques ou vieillis […], mais aussi de termes d’origine populaire […], ainsi que de nombreux termes qui proviennent des régions d’origine des Acadiens, en particulier du Centre-Ouest de la France […] ou de l’Ouest […] (Péronnet 1995: 412). Despite differences between Quebec and Acadian French in the lexis, it can be said that “si l’on considère l’ensemble du lexique, les ressemblances entre l’Acadie et le Québec restent importantes” (Péronnet 1995: 414). However, the Franco-Americans of Massachusetts considered the lexis to be not only the domain that the varieties of French in Canada and France differ most in but also the domain that best distinguishes Quebec and Acadian French: (388) (QC52) i y a beaucoup d’Acadiens oui. c’est pas le/ c’est pas l’même français […] je travaillais avec lui. j’ai “j’ai acheté un tapis pour euh. le plancher de/ euh du salon”. puis i regarde le plafond “pourquoi tu mets l’tapis là? ”. parce que eux-aut’ i appellent/ i appellent le plafond un plancher (389) (AC65) moi j’parle. acadien. pis lui parle canadien. québécois. SO les différents mots. j’veux dire les diff/ la place/ non/ le plancher. le plancher c’est au-dessus. […] la vaisselle pis les plats. on appelle ça ‘des plats’. on va laver les plats. et i vont laver la vaisselle (390) (QC78) eux-aut’ i creusent pas un ‘trou’. c’est un ‘creux’. eux-aut’ (391) (AU42) i ont des mots qui sont vraiment différents. comme euh. ‘fenêtre’. nous aut’ on a tout le temps dit ‘la vit’’ 75 <?page no="76"?> In general, Acadian French is considered to have a higher occurrence of Anglicisms than Quebec French (cf. Poirier 1928: 282): (392) (QC78) i mélangent beaucoup d’anglais dans leur langage. i mangent pas d’‘jambon’. nous-aut’ on mange du ‘jambon’. eux-aut’ i mangent du ‘ham’ (393) (AC77) comme nous Acadiens on a venu par icitte. puis on/ on a/ on a/ on dit des mots anglais-là fighté pour not’ vie. travaillé pis toute ça (394) (AC55) je peux m’tout en souvenir. à l’école i faulait l’apprend’. parce qu’on a toujours dit un ‘TRASH CAN’. même chez nous m/ ma mère c’est ça qu’on dit. c’est un ‘TRASH CAN’. pis i faulait apprend’ le mot ‘poubelle’. on voulait pas dire ça. c’était trop nouveau. puis c’est/ ça sonnait assez FUNNY. puis euh. ‘aller magasiner’. nous-aut’ on disait ‘je vas aller shoper’. puis si j’entends ces mots-là. i disent/ i disent plus le mot français. euh que l’dire anglais. comme on disait tout l’temps ça comme ‘une/ une ceinture’. on disait tout le temps ‘une BELT’ (395) (AC79) nous-aut’ on est plus mélangé de l’anglais (396) (QUU68) THEY SPEAK DIFFERENTLY THAN THE UM. MONTREAL CANADIANS. UH A LOT OF ENGLISH IN THEIR WORDS However, there is a considerable number of English-origin words in use in Quebec French as well (cf. Meney 1999), as will be obvious from the examples within the following selected overview of expressions typical of Quebec and Acadian French which were most salient in the corpus (cf. Brasseur 2001; Meney 1999; Neumann-Holzschuh 2005b: 802, 804). Note that, in this chapter, only expressions of English origin are mentioned that are in use in Canada as well for one must “distinguer les éléments étrangers qui font déjà partie de la norme du parler régional […] des autres éléments qui ne sont que des accidents du discours bilingue” (cf. Mackey 1996: 280). For lexical elements due to the English-French language contact situation in Massachusetts, see chapter V.2.2.2 and V.2.3. Note furthermore that many words used in the varieties of Canadian French “dérivent d’une exploitation d’une structure française du registre parlé ou familière” (Meney 19.933). Most of the expressions listed below (in alphabetical order) occur among Acadians and Quebeckers, due to their situation of close contact . 99 aisé ‘facile’ [EASY] 100 99 The following footnotes refer to the sources documenting the use of the expressions in Acadian and Quebec French in Canada. For Acadian French Brasseur 2001 and Cormier 1999 were used, for Quebec French Boulanger 1993 and Meney 1999. 100 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 27; Meney 1999: 54, 712. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 76 <?page no="77"?> (397) (AC79) le SPANISH est plus aisé (398) (AC65) WHEELER est plus aisé que Charrette à écrire (399) (AC78) c’est plus aisé à parler rien qu’l’anglais. c’est tout c’qu’i y a (400) (AC55) c’est pas aisé à l’comprend’ des fois. euh. i/ le langage asteur ‘aujourd’hui’ 101 (401) (AC65) les jeunes Espagnols asteur parlont toutes anglais (402) (QU58) je connais pas personne là à mon âge qui travaille là asteur (403) (QU81) asteur je prie pas autant au/ du commencement ‘au début’ (404) (QU72) j’appartenais aux Dames françaises au commencement (405) (AC64) du commencement ma femme parlait français plus avec zeux (406) (QU78) on/ on dit les/ euh le..la prière au commencement bâtisse ‘bâtiment’ 102 (407) (QU72) l’aut’ avait une meilleure bâtisse (408) (QUU81) ben la/ la bâtisse était vendue (409) (AU75) asteur i y a plus d’école. ben la bâtisse est..est encore là caller ‘appeler’ [TO CALL] 103 (410) (AC63) à l’école on m’a callé me dire que je parle anglais à eux causer ‘parler, bavarder’ 104 (411) (AC77) on a tout l’temps causé (412) (QU47) mon père causait l’anglais toujours […] j’ai causé le français un peu 101 “Contraction de la forme de l’anc. [ancien] fr. [fran ç ais] «à cette heure» (= maintenant); se dit encore dans certaines régions rurales de France et de Wallonie ” (Meney 1999: 116). Cf. also Brasseur 2001: 31. 102 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 45-46; Meney 1999: 186. 103 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 152; Brasseur 2001: 87; Meney 1999: 333-334. Note that there is only one occurrence in the corpus. 104 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 169. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 77 <?page no="78"?> (413) (QC67) elle comprend. euh le français. parle. cause pas mal chauffer ‘conduire un véhicule’ 105 (414) (QC70) ma sœur elle chauffe pas loin elle-même. elle est bonne elle est/ et toute mais moi j’allais venir pour tout. quand j’ai vu mon mari pouvait plus chauffer (415) (QU41) i savait pas comment chauffer. puis quand qu’i a appris de chauffer. i a été pour um. avoir sa licence de chauffer un/ un camion (416) (QC82) ma job c’était. seulement chauffer les camions chum ‘ami’ [CHUM] 106 (417) (AC77) c’était tout anglais..si qu’on allait à la ville. les voisins. i y avait des chums c’était encore. la même affaire. faulait que j’parle pour euxaut’ (418) (QUU51) i joue avec son chum. puis i étaient dehors (419) (AC55) i était là en vacances puis euh..i avait un chum qu’i connaissait conter ‘raconter’ 107 (420) (AU76) faut que je conte une histoire (421) (QUU69) il nous conte la poésie (422) (QC78) c’est une longue histoire là je conte pas toute ça un(e) couple de ‘quelques’ [A COUPLE OF] 108 (423) (QC55) j’y vas un coupelle de fois par année 105 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 186; Meney 1999: 417. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 106 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 198; Meney 1999: 444. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 107 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 122; Meney 1999: 529. 108 Note that “le mot est attesté avec les deux genres en fran ç ais […]. Les dictionnaires s’accordent mal sur son emploi. Au féminin il est vieilli ou régional pour ‹un ensemble de deux choses réunies occasionnellement et, par ext. [extension], un petit nombre› […] ou bien il exprime, en emploi familier, un petit nombre mal déterminé […]. Au masculin, il est régional […]. Dans les parlers du Canada, il n’a été relevé qu’au féminin” (Brasseur 2001: 129; cf. also Meney 1999: 560-561). The fact that it is common in the masculine form in the MASSFrench corpus may be due to the influence of the English gender-neutralized article. 78 <?page no="79"?> (424) (AC55) i allaient passer les étés peut-êt’ ben un coup’ de semaines. ou peut-êt’ un mois avec leurs grands-parents (425) (QU41) elle est supposé chanter à GARDNER. um dans un coup’ de semaines une couverte ‘une couverture’ 109 (426) (QU47) je l’ai laissé dans le garage un gros euh..pas une serviette mais un gros um..couverte. i y a une couverte que j’ai mis là (427) (QC80) une couverte de ligne/ de laine dans ce temps-là ‘autrefois’ 110 (428) (QUU58) durant le collège j’ai pas pris de langue puis que/ parce qu’ dans ce temps-là i y en avait pas (429 ) (QU72) dans c’temps-là je savais toutes sortes mais asteur j’ai oublié (430) (AC62) i y avait plus français parlé dans la famille dans c’temps-là durant ‘pendant’ 111 (431) (AC66) ça a été dur. pour nous-aut’. pour elle aussi là. elle a eu d’la misère durant les premières années-là (432) (QU51) j’ai peur même durant la journée (433) (QU78) durant le carême je disais “OKAY on va parler français durant le s/ le souper” feeler ‘sentir, se sentir’ [TO FEEL] 112 (434) (QU42) l’monde i parlent/ ça/ ça feelait comme tout l’monde i peuvent faire ça graduer ‘terminer ses études’ [TO GRADUATE] 113 (435) (QC83) l’aut’ il va graduer de la/ l’école grammaire (436) (AC82) faulait apprend’ les deux. pour graduer. pour graduer de l'école (437) (QUU58) quand mon père a gradué euh. de l’université il est revenu 109 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 269; Meney 1999: 572-573. 110 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 442-443; Meney 1999: 1721. 111 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 169; Boulanger 1993: 370. 112 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 199; Meney 1999: 825. 113 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 548; Meney 1999: 919. 79 <?page no="80"?> gros ‘beaucoup’ 114 (438) (QC66) ça m’a aidé ben gros à faire ma décision (439) (QU40) i y en a/ i y en a pas gros à l’entour d’ici (440) (QU41) je connais gros du monde âgé qui parlent puis leurs enfants i parlent pas (441) (QC50) ma mère parle pas gros l’anglais gros ‘grand’ 115 (442) (AC70) on était une grosse famille (443) (AC69) il y a pas ce gros hôpital à SPRINGFIELD? (444) (QC78) il y a une grosse différence. la mentalité est pas pareille non plus (445) (QU71) sa sœur après lui est quatorze années plus jeune que lui. c’est une grosse différence icitte ‘ici’ 116 (446) (QU72) i ont jamais venu par icitte (447) (QU41) i ont venu icitte. puis on parle ensemb’ (448) (AUU71) i y avait beaucoup d’ouvrage icitte jaser ‘parler, bavarder’ 117 (449) (QU42) i va m’appeler et puis là i va jaser en français (450) (QUU51) des fois on/ on jase un p’tit peu en français être de valeur ‘être dommage’ 118 (451) (QC83) c’était de valeur de les voir partir (452) (AC58) c’est d’valeur. parce..là on va perd’ le français 114 Cf. Meney 1999: 933. Note that gros is not used as an adverb among Acadians in the corpus but does exist as such in Acadian French (cf. Brasseur 2001: 237). 115 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 557; Brasseur 2001: 237; Meney 1999: 932. 116 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 251; Meney 1999: 970. 117 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 645; Brasseur 2001: 258; Meney 1999: 1004. 118 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 1230; Meney 1999: 1807. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 80 <?page no="81"?> (453) (QU84) c’est d’valeur..de perd’ une langue être en famille ‘être enceinte’ 119 (454) (QU51) ma mère quand que. elle était en/ en famille avec ma sœur. elle est/ elle est retournée au Canada pour avoir l/ le bébé être supposé de ‘devoir’ [TO BE SUPPOSED TO] 120 (455) (QC73) elle est supposée de venir peut-êt’ demain. de me voir (456) (QU72) on parle en français puis euh. si c’est pas ça que je suis supposée d’dire. i me le disent (457) (AC77) après trois ans on était supposé de rester là. parce moi j’étais élevé sur la ferme et on était supposé de rester là fun ‘plaisir’ [FUN] 121 (458) (QC70) on avait tellement de fun. parler des p’tits enfants (459) (QU72) puis i ont du fun. à toutes les mois (460) (AU78) on a eu du fun licence ‘permis de conduire’ 122 (461) (QU71) j’avais ma licence. je conduisais la voiture (462) (QU60) mon père allait prend’ sa licence pour conduire l’auto (463) (QU41) i a été pour um. avoir sa licence de chauffer un/ un camion magasiner ‘faire les magasins’ 123 (464) (QC78) quand qu’i venaient aller magasiner là. V i apportait tous les/ toutes les enfants (465) (QU78) c’est rare quand on entend des gens. on va magasiner et puis euh. si on entend parler français. on s’met à bavarder 119 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 196; Meney 1999: 804. Note that there is a single occurrence in the corpus. 120 Cf. Brasseur 2001: 434; Meney 1999: 1677. 121 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 522; Brasseur 2001: 213; Meney 1999: 878. 122 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 678; Meney 1999: 1049. Documented for Acadian French in Brasseur (Brasseur 2001: 275) but not specifically as ‘permis de conduire’ but rather as ‘permis’ in general. 123 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 699; Meney 1999: 1079. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 81 <?page no="82"?> (466) (QC50) elle aimerait venir la prochaine fois que je vas à Montréal. um aller magasiner mouver ‘déménager’ 124 (467) (QU41) ma mère a mouvé au MASSACHUSETTS […] puis um. i ont décidé mouver icitte (468) (AU78) j’étais au Canada. on a mouvé dans un village français pantoute ‘pas du [en] tout’ 125 (469) (AC46) j’parlais pas anglais pantoute (470) (QU53) les Parisiens i/ i. i faisaient comme qu’i m’comprenaient pas pantoute (471) (AU42) sa femme je la comprends pas pantoute pas pire ‘pas mal/ mauvais, assez bien’ 126 (472) (AC55) elle essaie de faire des phrases. puis ça. puis elle fait pas pire. elle fait pas pire (473) (QC62) tu n’as seulement qu’un c’est pas pire. mais si t’en a deux c’est. difficile (474) (QC78) il y en a une qui est allée passer un an en France. donc elle parle pas pire passé ‘dernier’ 127 (475) (AC77) l’an passé euh….des dents artificielles. et les oreilles s’en va (476) (QC83) l’année passée c’était le mois d’octob’ là j’ai perdu mon mari (477) (QUU58) nous avons attendu jusqu’à. juin de l’année passée pias(se)/ piastre ‘dollar’ 128 (478) (AU78) j’avais seize ans. euh j’ai venu/ mon père m’a donné vingt pias. vingt pias TWENTY DOLLARS 124 Cf. Meney 1999: 1158. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 125 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 829; Brasseur 2001: 337; Meney 1999: 1234. 126 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 882; Brasseur 2001: 352; Meney 1999: 1306. 127 Not documented in that specific meaning. Boulanger only gives ‘écoulé’ (cf. Boulanger 1993: 841). 128 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 874; Brasseur 2001: 345; Meney 1999: 1294; Poirier 1998: 408. 82 <?page no="83"?> (479) (QUU54) elle m’a donné un cheque de six cents pias pour acheter des liv’ (480) (AC77) c’est monté de/ de trente-deux pias par semaine que je m’emmenais chez nous avec aller jusqu’à quatre-vingt-seize pias par semaine rien que [ k(e)] ‘seulement’ 129 (481) (AC78) tu vas dehors c’est tout anglais. c’est plus aisé à parler rien qu’l’anglais (482) (QUU64) je pense que c’est rien qu’mon frère W. sait un peu le français (483) (QU41) mon père i a rien qu’un frère. SO. ma mère elle a quatorze une secousse ‘un moment, un certain temps’ 130 (484) (QU41) ça fait une secousse que j’ai pas été […] c’est difficile quand je commence mais après que je parle pour une secousse ça sort ben plus facile (485) (AC77) ça fait une secousse/ ça fait une secousse qu’i..était malade (486) (AC66) quand ça fait une semaine qu’i sont là. là i parlent le français là. ça revient ça. après une secousse teacher ‘apprendre, enseigner’ [TO TEACH] 131 (487) (QUU73) on avait certains sujets en français. comme la religion puis euh. l’histoire de Canada. on nous teachait ça (488) (AC65) pis quand qu’i avont/ i avont été élevés i avont dit “comment ça s’fait que vous avez pas/ vous nous avez teaché le français? ” la veillée ‘la soirée’ 132 (489) (QUU65) j’espère que vous aurez une euh bonne veillée (490) (AC82) j’ai joué une partie de la veillée (491) (QUU77) pour une petite veillée de/ de réunion c’est/ c’est loin 129 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 1044; Brasseur 2001: 253; Meney 1999: 986. 130 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 1081; Cormier 1999: 346; Meney 1999: 1553. 131 Not documented in the above mentioned sources of Canadian French. The complete integration on the morphological and phonological level leads to the assumption that it may be in use in Canada as well but simply has not been documented yet. 132 Cf. Boulanger 1993: 1234; Meney 1999: 1812. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. 83 <?page no="84"?> watcher ‘regarder’ 133 (492) (AC65) i comprenait assez. pis watchait le français sur la télévision. i aimait ça. à watcher III.4 Conclusion As the above has tried to document, the varieties of Canadian French spoken in Massachusetts show many characteristics of the respective varieties spoken in Canada. While there are some distinguishing features of Quebec and Acadian French despite the fact that they “share a number of characteristics, at all linguistic levels” (King 2000: 41; cf. also Neumann-Holzschuh 2005b: 803), it is remarkable to notice that many of the morphosyntactic and lexical structures considered typical of the respective variety start to be (or already have been) adopted by the speakers of the other variety. Due to their close contact, one of the reasons for the differences between Quebec and Acadian French - the “relative isolation of the Acadian people from contact with other Francophones and from the normative influences of a French education system” (King 2000: 35) 134 - has been eliminated in Massachusetts with the result of a “mixed variety” consisting of many elements of both Quebec and Acadian French as well as of elements of Standard French to an extent unknown in Canada. The most important influence on the French spoken by Franco-Americans, however, has been exerted by English. The various aspects of this influence, in the extralinguistic as well as in the intralinguistic domain, will be illustrated in the following. 133 Cf. Meney 1999: 1852. Documented neither in Brasseur nor in Cormier. Note that there is a single occurrence in the corpus. 134 Another reason is the different origin of the settlers of New France and Acadia (cf. King 2000: 35). 84 <?page no="85"?> IV. “Ben on parle les deux” - Bilingualism and Diglossia in Massachusetts IV.1 A Theoretical Basis Language contact is a phenomenon that occurs in what is commonly referred to as a ‘speech community’ - rather than a country or nation as a geopolitically defined society -, which “may consist of small groups bound together by face-to-face contact or may cover larger regions” (Gumperz 1971: 101). The size of the group, however, is not important. Rather, it is decisive to stress the fact that a speech community is to be defined as “a social unit, not merely as a linguistic unit” (Raith 1980: 132). As Gumperz has put it: “[A speech community may] either be monolingual or multilingual, held together by frequency of social interaction patterns and set off from the surrounding areas by […] significant differences in language use” (Gumperz 1971: 101-114). For the description of a language-contact situation within a speech community, two terms come into play, i.e. bilingualism and diglossia, whose definitions have unfortunately not always been agreed on (cf. Kremnitz 1996: 248-253). In a wide sense, Weinreich, for example, defined bilingualism as the alternate use by individuals of a speech community of two languages, two varieties or possibly two dialects (cf. Weinreich 1967: 15-16): Bilinguals come into being whenever different dialects meet, even within the same overall language. […] Most speakers become in some degree multidialectal, mastering several modes of speech according to the groups in which they happen to find themselves. We here shade into the problems of style, which are not ordinarily thought of being identical with those of bilingualism (Haugen 1969: 6). Including speakers of two dialects or varieties of one language into the definition of bilinguals, however, does not allow for a distinction between them and speakers of two languages. At some point, the line between monolingualism and bilingualism has to be drawn. Saying that bilinguals are different from monolinguals in that they speak two languages, however, is not sufficient since learners of foreign languages, for example, are also able to speak two languages so they are not strictly monolingual - but they cannot generally be counted among speakers who (perfectly) master two languages. That is why learners of foreign languages must be differentiated from the latter “true” bilinguals: Haugen calls learners of foreign 85 <?page no="86"?> languages ‘pre-bilingual’ (cf. Haugen 1969: 6), a term which I do not find very suitable since it suggests a stage in bilingualism. Learners of foreign languages, however, do not necessarily (rarely, in fact) become bilinguals in the sense of people who speak two languages fluently. They could be called ‘partial bilinguals’, but such a term would not show the difference between learners of a foreign language and semi-bilinguals, i.e. people who speak two languages but one of them less fluently than the other one. So, in fact, the term would not take into account the fact that they differ from bilinguals with regard to the process of language acquisition and/ or to the frequency of use of the languages involved. That is why ‘scholastic bilinguals’ seems more appropriate, even if many “true” bilinguals may of course acquire one of the languages involved (partly) at school as well. The difference, however, is that scholastic bilinguals learn a language foreign to the respective community at school; bilinguals, on the other hand, learn a language that is somehow part of their social surroundings (it may be the language of their own speech community or the language of the society that this speech community is part of). Regardless of the fact that it does not seem possible to clearly draw a line between these types of speakers present in probably every society, bilingualism will here be defined as follows: Bilingualism is the ability of an individual speaker to make alternate use of two varieties or languages, i.e. two considerably different linguistic systems, to a certain extent, i.e. to make “complete and meaningful utterances” (Haugen 1969: 7) in both varieties or languages without however necessarily mastering both to the same degree of perfection. Thereby the two varieties or languages involved are both used by a speech community that the speaker is part of. These speech communities might be the society the speaker lives in, the ethnic minority group, or even the family. Bilingualism can have the following characteristics (cf. Francescato 1986: 396). It can be a) spontaneous, i.e. children learn their second language by direct experience, or guided, i.e. children learn their second language with the help of teachers; b) simultaneous, i.e. both languages are learned at home, or successive, i.e. the second language is learned “starting later, when [the speakers] have acquired already a relatively advanced competence in their first language” (Francescato 1986: 396); c) collective, i.e. a feature characterizing the community; or isolated, i.e. the children are not “members of a bilingual community, but […] are forced to learn a second language (different from the one used in the family) outside their family” (Francescato 1986: 396), typically the language of the host country. 86 <?page no="87"?> The type of bilingualism that is (initially) guided, successive and isolated typically applies to immigrant groups. For such bilinguals the language learned at school is (one of) the language(s) of society, i.e. a tongue commonly used within certain domains. This type of bilingualism has also been called ‘coordinate bilingualism’ (cf. Ervin/ Osgood 139): The languages are learned in different social contexts and used for different purposes, so that the speakers have command of two parallel systems within a speech community. Such bilingualism is particularly prone to change and can therefore be characterized as “subtractive” bilingualism: “Subtractive bilingualism occurs when speakers learn an L2 that develops into a replacement for their L1, either in many of their daily activities or entirely” (Myers-Scotton 2002: 48) 135 . Bilingualism is in general likely to be a dynamic condition, “largely transitional in nature” (Veltman 1983: 214) because keeping it alive costs a lot of effort (cf. Francescato 1986: 397), and because it is rarely balanced. In most cases, there is “a dominance, i.e. a preference for one language” (Francescato 1986: 397) 136 . This dominance, however, may shift in time. Within coordinate bilingualism, the second language is backed up by the dominating social and linguistic group, that of the host country. In time, this group becomes more and more important in the social and professional life of the bilinguals; therefore its language is most likely to become the dominating one regardless of its not being the speakers’ mother tongue. To describe a situation of language contact, the term ‘diglossia’ was coined by Charles Ferguson, who defined it to be a relatively stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include a standard or regional standards), there is a very divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and respected body of literature, either of an earlier period or in another speech community, which is learned largely by formal education and is used for most written and formal spoken purposes but is not used in any sector of the community for ordinary conversation (Ferguson 1959: 336). So diglossia can be referred to as a situation in which two highly diverging varieties are functionally restricted to certain domains based on their social prestige and their linguistic complexity. The main problem of this defini- 135 L1 = language 1, i.e. the first language or mother tongue, L2 = language 2, i.e. the second language. 136 Note that bilingualism may be “an end product in itself. In this case, there is sufficient bilingualism to enable a population with a different mother tongue to maintain the social system, but the bilingualism of the parents does not lead to the loss of the mother tongue among the next generation. Rather, the next generation receives the parents’ first language and merely repeats the process. Under such circumstances, two populations may be in contact indefinitely without the decline of either language” (Lieberson 1972: 233- 234). In many cases, such a stable situation of bilingualism is, however, a transitional one. 87 <?page no="88"?> tion lies in its restriction of diglossia being a stable situation with varieties of one language involved, which excludes situations where different languages are present: “La définition fergusonienne a bientôt paru trop étroite” (Kremnitz 1996: 247). In this restricted sense, it is only applicable to a very limited number of speech communities, which is why the term has often been modified. In a broader sense, Gumperz/ Fishman consider diglossia to be a phenomenon which “exists not only in multilingual societies which officially recognize several languages, and not only in societies that utilize vernacular and classical varieties, but also in societies which employ separate dialects, registers, or functionally differentiated language varieties of whatever kind” (Fishman 1972: 92) 137 . This of course is a very wide extension of Ferguson’s theory: Firstly it describes diglossia as a social hierarchy (by including registers in the definition) rather than a linguistic one as Ferguson did, who emphasized for instance that the low variety was of comparatively simple grammar and poor lexis (cf. Ferguson 1959: 333-334). Secondly, the above definition can describe basically every linguistic situation because there is variation based on social class, situation of communication and geography. That is why the term ‘diglossia’ has been criticized in its original as well as in its widened definition: Un […] punto critico concerne il grado di diffusione delle varietà A e B presso la communità parlante. Esse devono essere possedute entrambe, parzialmente o totalmente, dai gruppi che formano la communità, o possono essere possedute dai gruppi separati? E nel caso di diffusione solo parziale delle due varietà, che pare il più ragionevole, quanti membri della communità, relativamente parlando, devono padroneggiare sia A che B, perché ci sia diglossia? (Berruto1995: 231). The difference between monoglossia and diglossia must be clearly defined: Monoglossia is a situation in which all the varieties involved can be subsumed under one system, i.e. they do not differ considerably with regard to intralinguistic features, which is indicated by fairly easy acquisition and understanding of the respective varieties (cf. Meisenburg 1999: 22). Just like someone who speaks several varieties of a language which do not differ linguistically to a considerable extent is not to be called ‘bilingual’, a society which makes use of several such varieties is not to be called ‘diglossic’. That brings me to the next important consideration added by Fishman (Fishman 1967: 34), relating bilingualism and diglossia: “Bilingualism is essentially a characterization of individual linguistic behaviour whereas diglossia is a characterization of linguistic organization at the socio-cultural level” (which is why bilingualism is sometimes referred to as ‘individual bilingualism’ and diglossia as ‘collective or social bilingualism’; cf. 137 In order to distinguish the terms as defined by Ferguson and Fishman, the former is sometimes referred to as ‘narrow diglossia’ and the latter as ‘broad diglossia’ (cf. Myers- Scotton 1986: 409). 88 <?page no="89"?> Bußmann 1990: 135). Relating the two concepts has resulted in several possible combinations : 138 Bilingualism Diglossia + - + A) Diglossia with bilingualism C) Bilingualism without diglossia - B) Diglossia without D) Neither diglossia nor bilingualism bilingualism A) Diglossia with bilingualism: A situation in which the varieties/ languages involved are all officially recognized (although this need not be a criterion for diglossia, sometimes widespread acceptance is enough), functionally separated and mastered by the greater part of the population. An example is the German part of Switzerland, where the entire population (school age and older) makes alternate use of the functionally clearly separated high variety Standard German and the low variety Swiss German. B) Diglossia without bilingualism: A situation in which the varieties/ languages involved are officially recognized as national languages but in which there is no widespread bilingualism. An example is Belgium, where two monolingual groups - despite a tendency to bilingualism by the Flemish part of the population - are politically united. C) Bilingualism without diglossia: A situation in which there is no common acceptance for one of the varieties/ languages involved and in which this variety/ language competes with the other, generally accepted variety/ language, i.e. in a situation of lacking functional differentiation one variety/ language is given no language maintenance support whereas the other one dominates increasingly. An example are non-English speaking immigrant groups in the U.S., in which there is role compartmentalization in the beginning but in which, after a while, the varieties/ languages involved come to influence each other until the socially dominant one, English, intrudes in all domains of conversation, which is why bilingualism without diglossia tends to be transitional (cf. below). D) Neither diglossia nor bilingualism: A situation which is found only in very small, isolated speech communities in which no fully differentiated 138 Scheme slightly adapted (cf. Fishman 1972: 93-96). Note that this concept has been criticized (cf. Francescato 1986: 398), for instance because B) only takes the society’s perspective and does not take the individual into account (cf. Kloss 1976: 318-319). It is outside the scope of this thesis to discuss in detail the different problems within this scheme. 89 <?page no="90"?> varieties may establish themselves; no example is given and the situation is characterized as “self-liquidating”. Before applying the given scheme to the situation in Massachusetts, it has to be remembered that Fishman insisted on the fact that diglossia does not have to be a phenomenon of society as a politically united community, a country or nation, but can also be found within a smaller, ethnically united speech community: “Il [Fishman] parle aussi de diglossie dans de cas où seul un segment de la population emploie deux langues” (Lüdi 1990: 310). So to be precise we would have to distinguish two societal settings for a bilingual: the level of the official society, i.e. of the political community and the level of the speech community, i.e. the ethnic community. On both levels functional separation is possible, i.e. even if, within a society, no diglossia is present, it may very well be so within the respective ethnic speech community. IV.2 French and English in Massachusetts Any language spoken only after five o’clock in the afternoon is a dead language. This is of course an exaggeration, but it does have a point (Darbelnet 1976: 28). With French and English in Massachusetts, the situation can be described in the following way. On the level of society we find without any doubt monoglossia because the only officially recognized and broadly accepted language is English, and the average state resident is considered monolingual 139 . On the level of the speech community the situation becomes much more complex. Fishman describes it clearly as bilingualism without diglossia with regard to its transitional character but it seems worth taking a closer look at the stages of transition and their respective characteristics. Many immigrants in the U.S. are bilingual, often in the first immigrant generation already, definitely in the second one; their mother tongue usually has neither prestige nor function within American society, which is why it is hardly used outside the respective speech community. That is why despite initial diglossia (the minority language is often spoken exclusively within the family in the beginning), the minority language ceases to be used in a functionally differentiated domain after a while and is bound to be given up within two or three generations of bilingualism - a theory which is confirmed by analyses of the U.S. census data on languages (cf. e.g., Veltman 1983, 1987; Swarns 2004). In contrast to Ferguson, for whom stability was a defining criterion of diglossia, it must be concluded that most language contact situations in which different languages - not varie- 139 Cf. http: / / www.us-english.org/ foundation/ research/ amimmigr/ Chapter5.pdf, 2. 90 <?page no="91"?> ties - are involved, are in fact unstable. Some linguists go so far as to see instability as a defining criterion for every situation of diglossia because it can be expected, by the loss of one of the languages involved, to dissolve into monoglossia: “Diglossiesituationen [bergen] ein Konfliktpotential, da die funktionale Verteilung nie eine gleichberechtigte sein kann, sondern sich als Dominanzverhältnis zwischen Sprachen gestaltet” (Meisenburg 1999: 22-23). The basic characteristic of diglossia is the functional differentiation of the varieties/ languages concerned, but this role compartmentalization can have very different expressions. In a speech community within a monoglossic society, diglossia is typically not based on functions such as written/ formal and spoken/ informal discourse but rather on domains such as school, work, home, i.e. on intraand extra-group communication. If the immigrant group has a high degree of “closure and self-sufficiency” (cf. Fishman 1980b: 630), both varieties/ languages involved may function as high and low varieties, but both within different settings and with different interlocutors. Extralinguistic factors such as exogamy and various socioeconomic processes resulting in changes in language attitudes and speech behavior, however, may change the speech community’s structure in that respect. As for Franco-Americans in Massachusetts, the following stages of change can be found. Stage 1: Asymmetric diglossia without bilingualism Among the first immigrant generation of the early days of French- Canadian mass immigration as well as later on, most Francos did not speak English at all. (493) (AC87) lorsqu’i est venu ici […] savait pas un mot anglais (494) (QC70) moi je parlais pas un mot un mot. pas un mot pas un mot Many of them first travelled back and forth, working the summers in Canada and the winters in the U.S., where they lived with relatives or friends in all-French neighborhoods with their French stores, French doctors and lawyers, French newspapers, French churches and schools. English was only needed “outside”, for communication with the American administration for example, a purpose for which an interpreter - often the community’s priest or a professional one provided by the mill owners (cf. Pugliese 1987: 4) - was sufficient. The languages were functionally separate but English was restricted to a very small domain of use and was not mastered by the majority of the speech community. Stage 2: Diglossia with (folk) bilingualism With the beginning of the 20 th century, especially with World War I, an upcoming nationalism brought with it the demand for linguistic unity (cf. Crawford 1992: 84). If immigrants were to serve in the army, they needed to understand English of course. Also, the exchange with the world surround- 91 <?page no="92"?> ing the Little Canadas had become more intense. So the Francos, especially the men who were more often forced to leave the French “islands” to work, for example, became (more or less) bilingual: “In this sense, bilingualism may be viewed as an adaptation by individuals to the presence of persons with another tongue” (Lieberson 1972: 233). The necessity of mastering a second language that is the official language of the country of immigration to a certain extent, i.e. “in order to survive” (Paulston 1981: 474), has been called folk bilingualism (cf. Cropley 1984: 181). The roles of French and English were clearly compartmentalized: French existed as a written (although some parts of the population had little or no education and were not able to write at all) and spoken means of communication inside the French quarters. English was the language of the world outside, which more and more Franco-Americans were being forced to deal with. At this stage French was either equal to English or, still, the dominating language because many Franco-Americans used English only to the extent absolutely necessary. Stage 3: Asymmetric diglossia with bilingualism The situation changed mostly beginning with the economic crisis of the 1930s and the conflicts within the Catholic Church (cf. Kunz 1966: 81-82). Many textile and paper mills, around which the Little Canadas had been built up, disappeared, people had to look for other jobs and the French quarters started to dissolve. French institutions disappeared one by one and English came to be the main language of schooling and a requirement for getting employment. Also, the fact that schooling became more important in general played a decisive role. Even if a considerable number of French parishes managed to keep up their schools, children were under all- English influence as soon as they started high school. The diglossic situation became asymmetric, i.e. it was basically limited to oral discourse and was now compartmentalized as follows: English at work, English and (little) French at school, French at home. Stage 4: Bilingualism without diglossia When, after a while, English became so dominant due to schooling and the influence of the media, French and English both started to be used for intragroup communication. Such a situation can be stable for a certain time, i.e. as long as both languages are regularly alternated. However, French came to be used for no other purposes than that of (mostly informal) oral communication within the family despite the fact that it was, in theory, still mastered to a degree at which all domains could have been covered. So, in fact, French was restricted to certain domains not because of the speakers’ limited linguistic competence but rather because of the socio-cultural dominance of English, which had ceased to be restricted to a specific domain, and the Franco-Americans’ will to blend into American society. 92 <?page no="93"?> Stage 5: Asymmetric bilingualism without diglossia At this stage most Francos still know French, but they only know how to speak it despite the fact that they had French in school. English has become the only high variety but is, in addition, also used as a low variety, therefore competing with French in the last remaining domain, i.e. in-group and in-family communication. As long as both languages are used for oral communication, this does not necessarily or at least does not immediately affect the ability to use French as a spoken variety but means of course less applicability of the dominated language. Varieties/ languages that are alternately used naturally influence each other intralinguistically. If one variety/ language has come to be reduced to a spoken variety, i.e. when the standard variety is given no or little language maintenance support, for example by schooling, it will be influenced more by the socially supported and therefore dominant variety/ language. As Fishman has put it: “As role compartmentalization and value complementarity decrease, […] several intervening varieties may obtain differing in degree of interpenetration” (Fishman 1972: 105). The fact that a language is not only spoken and heard but also written and read - visually reinforced (cf. Weinreich 1967: 102) - will lead to its dominance with respect to the exclusively orally used language, so that this language will be undermined by elements of the dominant one. This in turn will lead to a stigmatization because the speakers are aware of their decreasing ability to express themselves. Not only do they not master French as a written language any more, they have also come to the point of considerable deficits in the spoken variety, which ends up in a kind of vicious circle: Since they do not use French in many domains any more and since the language is not reinforced by any measures of language maintenance, they experience a linguistic loss to a degree that deprives French of its status as a fully usable language. The more they get the impression that they cannot rely on French as a means of expressing themselves in all situations - because of a very restricted vocabulary for instance -, the less they are going to use it, which, in turn, will cause more linguistic deficits. Further dispersion, English schools and other social factors like intermarriages finally lead to the following situation: Dislocated immigrants and their children […] are particularly inclined to use their mother tongue and other tongue for intragroup communication in a seemingly random fashion. […] The language of work and of school comes to be used at home. […] That language or variety which is […] associated with the predominant drift of social forces tends to dislocate the other(s) (Fishman 1967: 35-36). Although many Franco-Americans experienced a much more sudden interruption of language transmission, the result is the same: One language has become the dominant one in all domains, which will be reflected not only in an asymmetric bilingualism, or semilingualism (cf. Schwengler 1989: 12), 93 <?page no="94"?> of some members of the speech community but in a passive bilingualism, or alingualism (cf. Stoecklé 1985: 319), of the middle-aged and younger generation: They understand French and are partly able to read and even write it but cannot speak it. Stage 6: Loss of bilingualism Eventually, asymmetric bilingualism without diglossia is bound to result in the loss of the dominated language. It is in fact the last transitional stage before French comes to be non-existent as a commonly used language, in other words before it comes down to having the same status as any other foreign language taught at school. Domains Situation asymetric diglossia without bilingualism E F diglossia with (folk) bilingualism F E F E asymmetric diglossia with bilingualism F E bilingualism without diglossia F E asymmetric bilingualism without diglossia oral in deficit passive E loss of bilingualism [F= French, E= English] The development I have tried to outline here is of course not as linear as presented, some phases always overlap, and the Franco-American com- 94 <?page no="95"?> munity is certainly not a homogeneous one. Speech communities in different parts of Massachusetts may have experienced one stage sooner than another one or may not have experienced all stages. But even though this is an abstract scheme, I believe it does reflect the basic development French- Canadian communities have undergone. The question that remains to be answered is exactly what factors caused this development and what impact this development had on the French language, i.e. a detailed analysis of the extralinguistic factors involved in the language shift and of the intralinguistic consequences of this shift remain to be given. 95 <?page no="96"?> V. “Ça va pas durer” - Language Loss and Language Death In a language contact situation, three resolutions are possible: Given two languages, both may be retained in use, language A may replace language B, or language B may replace language A (cf. Fishman 1980b: 629). If we consider that we are dealing with a language in a minority situation, the option most probable for it is to give way to the dominant language and to completely disappear, except as a foreign language taught at school. ‘Language death’ is of course a highly controversial term that many refuse to apply to such a context as the one being dealt with here but only find it suitable for situations in which a language as such is erased (which is why often the terms ‘language loss’ or language shift’ are preferred; cf. De Bot 1996: 579), as is often the case with radical language death: “Radical death is like ‘sudden death’ in that language loss is rapid and usually due to severe political repression, often with genocide, to the extent that speakers stop speaking the language out of self-defense” (Campbell/ Muntzel 1989: 183). In a situation of language contact, however, language death may be the endpoint of a sociolinguistic development affecting the underprivileged minority language (cf. Dressler 1981: 5). This process of gradual language death may imply that a language is given up in a certain area (but not necessarily in others) (cf. Dorian 1981: 8-9), in which the language is lost due to a shift to the dominant language: Language death occurs in unstable bilingual or multilingual speech communities as a result of language shift from a regressive minority language to a dominant majority language. Language shift typically involves a gradual transition from unstable bilingualism to monolingualism, that is the loss or ‘death’ of the recessive language (Dressler 1988: 184). In this intermediate stage of bilingualism, “the dominant language comes to be employed by an ever increasing number of individuals in a growing number of contexts where the subordinate language was formerly used” (Campbell/ Muntzel 1989: 185). Typically, there are two levels involved in gradual language death in language contact situations, the environment, “consisting of political, historical, economic, and linguistic realities, [and] the speech community, with its patterns of language use, attitudes, and strategies” (Brenzinger/ Dimmendaal 1992: 3). Sasse (1992) has designed a very useful scheme illustrating the different stages of language death to explain the 96 <?page no="97"?> different factors that come into play when a language dies as a mother tongue in a certain area : 140 External Setting Speech Behavior Structural Consequences historical events which lead to an uneven distribution of languages in a multilingual setting complementary distribution of domains lexical loss or failure of development in areas where T is favored pressure increase of collective bilingualism because of restriction of domains increase of interference (contact) further increase of competence in T if A is stigmatised further increase of interference and simplification in A - though A remains functionally intact negative attitude towards A interruption of language transmission decision to abandon A primary language shift further loss of domains of A language decay semi-speakers end of regular communication in A use of residue knowledge for specialized purposes (e.g. group identification) [A = Abandoned Language T = Target Language] Factors such as economic, cultural, sociological etc. processes, which Sasse refers to as the External Setting, lead to an uneven distribution of the languages involved. These factors influence the Speech Behavior, i.e. the use of the languages in the multilingual setting. The uneven distribution causes a complementary distribution of domains and thereby, after a while, an increase of bilingualism and a further increase of competence of the dominating language [‘target language’], due mainly to a stigmatization of the recessive language 141 . The intralinguistic or Structural Consequences, as Sasse calls them, are lexical loss, increase of interference and finally simplification of the recessive language. If the pressure on the minority is too high, 140 Cf. Sasse 1992: 19; scheme slightly adapted. 141 External Setting and Speech Behavior will both be subsumed under ‘extralinguistic factors of language loss’ in the following. 97 <?page no="98"?> and if the whole community adopts a negative attitude towards the recessive language, the unavoidable consequence will be the decision to abandon the recessive language. The language is not passed on to the next generation, and the domains of its use are therefore further restricted, which ends in residue knowledge of the language, limited to special purposes such as group identification: “[The minority language is quickly reduced] to the role of a second language, a foreign language, a dead language, a luxury language” (D’Entremont 2003: 595). Typically, three types of speakers are characteristic of language death situations: a) semi-speakers, b) rusty speakers, and c) ‘non-speakers’. Children growing up in families that have stopped transmitting the language often possess considerable passive skills and some productive abilities. A speaker whose acquisition of the language was imperfect and who therefore has limited command of this language from the outset is referred to as a ‘semi-speaker’. Most of these imperfect speakers “have never at any time spoken a grammatically normal form of the language” (Dorian 1982: 51) (“incomplete acquisition hypothesis”; cf. Sasse 1992b: 61-63). Identifying these semi-speakers constitutes a major problem because the researcher can never know if varying or simplified structures are a result of (“normal”) language change or of processes of language loss since there is always a significant difference between the language use of older and younger fluent speakers (cf. Dorian 1977: 24). Also, semi-speakers, i.e. speakers whose speech is characterized by imperfect language acquisition, are difficult to distinguish from the so-called ‘rusty speakers’ (cf. Menn 1989: 345), also referred to as ‘rememberers’ (Campbell/ Muntzel 1989: 181) 142 . Rusty speakers have experienced limited interaction opportunities and have “to invest a great deal of energy in retrieving words and putting sentences together” (Sasse 1992a: 23). Their competence vanishes due to a lack of regular practice (“later loss hypothesis”; cf. Sasse 1992b: 62): “Une personne qui «secondarise» sa langue maternelle au profit de la langue majoritairement employée dans son environnement perdra progressivement la maîtrise naturelle de sa première langue acquise” (Veltman 1987: 155). Although these formerly fluent speakers have acquired the language fully or to a considerable extent, they have never reached full competence due to the lack of regular communication. As a result, they may show the same signs of linguistic deficiency as semi-speakers, i.e. massive lexical loans from the dominant language and lacking proficiency in the grammatical system as well as in the domain of stylistic variation: “Mit der Reduktion des Gebrauchs einer Sprache geht allgemein auch eine Reduktion ihres Stilrepertoires einher” (Rindler-Schjerve 1989: 7; cf. also Dressler 1988: 184-188; Sasse 142 A distinction can often only be made by taking into account the speakers’ biographies. 98 <?page no="99"?> 1992b: 63-64) 143 . In addition, “both among speakers who maintain their bilingualism and among speakers who are shifting from their L1s, codeswitching is widespread” (cf. Myers-Scotton 2002: 52). The third speaker type involved in language death, representing its last stage, is the passive bilingual, or, as I will call him here, the ‘non-speaker’: He has considerable passive competence but is not able to actively use the language. Non-speakers may start out as such, i.e. never acquire a language to the extent of being able to use it actively, or they may be former semior rusty speakers who have lost their (limited) active competence. These speaker types reflect the “progressive Reduktion der sozialen Funktionen der [dominierten] Sprache und die zunehmende Reduktion der Sprachkompetenz ihrer Sprecher” (Rindler-Schjerve 1989: 8) . 144 Within the MASSFrench corpus, it is difficult to identify the different speaker types. There is a limited number of non-speakers who were willing to participate in the survey but from the analysis of the census data (cf. chapter I.3) it can be concluded that this speaker type is very common among Franco-Americans. Furthermore there are some semi-speakers who constantly switch to English and are therefore on their way to becoming non-speakers, and a high number of semi-and rusty speakers. As is obvious from the examples below, the speaker type does not necessarily correlate with age or immigrant generation, except for the fact that first generation immigrants are less likely to end up as non-speakers: (495) (AU40) S AND I BOTH KNOW THE LANGUAGE. NEITHER OF US SPEAK IT WELL (496) (QUUU56) quand ma grand-mère parlait avec nous. et ma grand-mère parlait français. on…(LAUGHING) I HAVE TO THINK UM…WE WOULD HEAR IT. UM… (497) (AU44) IT TAKES/ IT’S DIFFICULT FOR ME TO SPEAK BECAUSE I HAVE TO DO THE TRANSLATION. SO I REALLY HAVE TO THINK ABOUT WHAT I’M SAYING. SO I DON’T USE IT THAT OFTEN (498) (QUUU19) I HAVEN’T LIKE CONVERSED IN IT [French] 143 Note that “according to one Chomskyan notion of competence which claims mental reality for this concept, but deeply separates it from performance, individuals are thinkable who have linguistic competence without any performance, e.g., bilinguals who have acquired their minority language, but have not used it for a long time. […] They may at first have great problems in production and reception, but this may be explained as temporary, repairable problems” (Dressler 1981: 13). Sometimes, however, once fluent speakers have become, irreparably, semi-speakers. 144 These speaker types reflect “that the social functions of the [dominated] language are progressively reduced as is the language competence of its speakers” (translation by the author). 99 <?page no="100"?> (499) (QUU65) YOU KNOW WE NEVER SPOKE. AFTER I STARTED KIN- DERGARTEN. BUT I CAN’T SAY A WORD. THAT’S IT. NO MORE FRENCH Interestingly, there were hardly any phenomena, neither in the extralinguistic nor in the intralinguistic domain, which could be clearly linked to a certain speaker type; certain phenomena have only revealed a higher frequency among certain speaker types (cf. e.g., chapter V.2). So proficiency could be revealed as a relevant but not necessarily as a decisive variable of language variation or language attitude. Rather, interference phenomena as well as attitudes contrary to language maintenance have been detected among all speaker types to various extents, as will be seen in the following. 100 <?page no="101"?> V.1 “No Need for French” - Extralinguistic Factors of Language Loss V.1.1 Preliminary Remarks English was considered to be a threat to Franco-American survival much earlier than generally claimed, as becomes obvious from the following anecdote. As early as 1905 a journalist from Quebec was sent to New England to write a report on the situation of the Franco-Americans. He made up a list of requirements that, in his opinion, would guarantee the survival of the French language: [Pour] que les Franco-Américains conservent leur langue. […] il faudra […]: 1. Qu’ils aient des prêtres de leur origine. 2. Qu’ils se donnent de bonnes écoles paroissiales. 3. [Qu’ils restent] groupés étroitement afin d’avoir l’occasion de parler français chaque jour dans le quartier qu’ils habitent […]. 4. Qu’ils continuent d’avoir des sociétés nationales mais qu’ils aient souci plus que jamais de conserver ou de rétablir l’union parmi eux. […] la survivance de la race et de la langue française dans la Nouvelle-Angleterre […] ne nous paraît pas chose impossible (Fournier 1957: 22). With these prerequisites it might indeed have been possible to maintain Franco-American culture and identity the way it was in the 19 th century. For several reasons, however, the Franco-American minority in Massachusetts was unable to fulfil these requirements, as will be illustrated in the following. V.1.2 The Demographic Situation Most French-Canadians immigrating to New England chose to come to Massachusetts with its various centers of industrialization such as the Boston area, Springfield, Worcester; Lowell, Leominster, or Fall River. Region and State Number of French-Canadian immigrants Percentage/ French-Canadian immigrants 1930 New England 743,219 100 Connecticut 67,130 9.0 Maine 99,765 13.4 Massachusetts 336,871 45.3 New Hampshire 101,324 13.6 Rhode Island 91,173 12.3 Vermont 46,956 6.4 101 <?page no="102"?> By 1930, 45% of all French-Canadian immigrants to New England had settled down in Massachusetts (cf. Truesdell 1943: 77). The ratio of French- Canadians to the total population, however, was the second smallest in Massachusetts : 145 A small ratio is commonly considered unfavorable to the maintenance of the language and culture of an ethnic minority: The larger the ratio of the incoming group to the resident population, the slower the rate of assimilation. Where the ratio of the immigrant group to the native population is small, the natives tend to view the immigrants with both a disinterested aloofness and a patronizing air […]. But, as the ratio increases, the native population generally becomes aware of their presence, often begins defining the immigrant group as a threat, and to one degree or another erects barriers to the new group’s assimilation (Vander Zanden 1972: 276). The larger the ratio, the stronger the group; the stronger the group within society, the more attention it will get from its respective state government. Not only was the percentage of French-Canadians to the total population unfavorable for language maintenance in Massachusetts, but the Canadian immigrants also had to face strong other-ethnic groups: In 1900, 145 Map designed for this thesis. Copyright with the author. 102 <?page no="103"?> 62.2% of Massachusetts’ population consisted of recent immigrants, but only 8.8% were French-Canadians (cf. Roby 1990: 63 ): 146 Region and State Percentage French-Canadian immigrants/ total population Percentage immigrants/ total population 1900 Connecticut 4.1 57.3 Maine 8.4 28.7 Massachusetts 8.8 62.2 New Hampshire 18.0 41.0 Rhode Island 13.1 64.1 Vermont 11.8 34.2 In that respect, the situation was similar for French-Canadians in all three southern New England States, whereas they had a much stronger position in the northern ones. In New Hampshire, for instance, 41% of the total population were recent immigrants, and 18% of French-Canadian descent. This was not only due to the comparatively high influx of French-Canadian immigrants but also to the high birth rates among Franco-Americans and the “steady exodus of Yankees” (Guignard 1983: 1), who were attracted by the availability of cheap land in the west, especially from the northern New England States. So one of the reasons for Franco-Americans in the northern New England States (Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont) keeping up their language and culture better than the ones in the southern States (Connecticut, Rhode Island and Massachusetts) was their comparatively strong position within these northern states’ societies. It is interesting to see that the situation has not changed much nowadays. The northern New England States are still predominantly rural in character and not densely populated. Although decreasing, the ratio of Franco-Americans to the total population of these states is still fairly high : 147 Southern NE States Census 1990 ‘Ancestry’ RI CT MA Total population 1,003,464 3,287,116 6,016,425 French/ French Canadian 157,542 262,017 684,860 15.7 8.0 %/ population 11.4 146 Figures rounded by the author. 147 For the problems concerning the U.S. census data on ancestry and language, see chapter I.3. Here, the upper end of the possible scale was taken to compare the ratio of Franco- Americans in the various New England States because except for Massachusetts, the majority of people who chose French as their first ancestry can be considered of French- Canadian origin. 103 <?page no="104"?> Northern NE States Census 1990 ‘Ancestry’ VT NH ME Total population 562,758 1,109,252 1,227,928 French/ French Canadian 133,532 259,233 277,413 23.7 23.4 22.6 %/ population Southern NE States Census 2000 ‘Ancestry’ RI CT MA Total population 1,048,319 3,405,565 6,349,097 French/ Acadian/ 129,306 217,713 559,818 French Canadian 12.3 6.4 8.8 %/ population Northern NE States VT NH ME Total population 608,827 1,235,786 1,274,923 French/ Acadian/ 110,274 241,232 238,423 French Canadian 18.1 19.5 18.7 %/ population Since they lack big cities and, nowadays, centers of industrial opportunities, they attract fewer new immigrants. In these states Franco-Americans live in a more homogeneous society and are forced to face fewer potential competitors, e.g., for government funding in favor of ethnic minorities, as is obvious from the census data on languages : 148 Southern NE States Census 1990 ‘Language spoken at Home by Population 5+’ RI CT MA Population 5+ 936,423 3,060,000 5,605,751 French/ French Creole 31,669 53,586 124,973 3.82 1.75 2.23 %/ population Spanish/ Spanish Creole 35,492 167,007 228,458 3.79 5.46 4.07 %/ population 39,947 24,936 133,373 Portuguese/ Creole 4.27 0.81 2.38 %/ population 148 In this case, the category ‘language’ is less complicated than ‘ancestry’ but delivers the same results because all people who speak Spanish in Massachusetts can be categorized as ‘Hispanics’. It is of no importance in this context whether they are e.g., of Mexican or Portorican origin. 104 <?page no="105"?> Northern NE States Census 1990 ‘Language spoken at Home by Population 5+’ VT NH ME Population 5+ 521,521 1,024,621 1,042,122 French/ French Creole 17,171 51,284 81,012 3.29 5.01 7.77 %/ population Spanish/ Spanish Creole 3,196 9,619 5,934 0.61 0.94 0.57 %/ population Portuguese/ Creole 162 1,173 314 0.03 0.11 0.03 %/ population Southern NE States Census 2000 ‘Language spoken at Home by Population 5+’ RI CT MA Population 5+ 985,184 3,184,514 5,954,249 French 19,385 42,947 84,484 1.97 1.35 1.42 %/ population French Creole 4,337 7,856 43,519 0.44 0.25 0.73 %/ population 79,443 268,044 370,011 Spanish/ Spanish Creole 8.06 8.42 6.21 %/ population Portuguese/ Creole 37,437 30,667 159,809 3.80 0.96 2.68 %/ population Northern NE States VT NH ME Population 5+ 574,842 1,160,340 1,204,164 14,624 39,551 63,604 French 2.54 3.41 5.28 %/ population French Creole 25 502 54 0.004 0.04 0.004 %/ population Spanish/ Spanish Creole 5,791 18,647 9,611 1.01 1.61 0.80 %/ population 292 2,394 520 Portuguese/ Creole 0.05 0.21 0.04 %/ population All the southern New England States have fairly high percentages of Hispanic and Portuguese immigrants. Massachusetts has the highest percentage of speakers of French Creole, i.e. of Haitian immigrants, in its population. Rhode Island has a higher percentage of Hispanics and of Portuguese but also has a much higher percentage of people of French/ French- 105 <?page no="106"?> Canadian ancestry than Massachusetts. In both states Spanish is the most common minority language (cf. Bayley 2004: 271). Connecticut and Massachusetts are by far the two New England States in which Franco-Americans are confronted most with massive new immigration. To sum up the above results it can be said that today, more than ever, Franco-Americans in Massachusetts are suffering from an unfavorable ratio to the resident population, which encourages the loss of French because “immigrant subordinate groups are […] likely to show rapid rates of mother-tongue shift” (Paulston 1981: 473). In addition, they suffer from an unfavorable ratio to the new immigrant population, yet another factor likely to speed up the process of language shift since the stronger group is “in a strong position to maintain its language” (Paulston 1981: 473), for instance by benefiting from programs to increase bilingualism and cultural awareness (cf. Gagné 1993: 166). So in Massachusetts Franco-Americans are in a position of double subordination, which can be expected to contribute considerably to the loss of their language and culture within society. V.1.3 The Economic Situation and the Dissolution of the Little Canadas Les Franco-Américains, le jour où ils seront dispersés dans les villes où ils se sont fixés, perdront leur langue (Fournier 1957: 21). The situation in the 19 th and early 20 th century in Massachusetts was favorable to the maintenance of French-Canadian language and culture: Quand les Canadiens du Canada arriveront en masse à la frontière américaine ils trouveront là plus d’un demi million de leurs compatriotes qui les ont quittés depuis peu de temps, pour s’établir partout dans les villes de la Nouvelle-Angleterre. Ils travaillent dans les manufactures, ils sont dans le commerce, ils s’emploient aux industries diverses […], de plus, ils ont la paroisse canadienne organisée absolument comme au Canada. […] dans de telles conditions ces hommes ont chance de garder leur religion et leur langue (Hamon 1891: 153). The Great Depression following the Wall Street Crash of 1929 was the first step in the decline of industrial opportunities in New England. It discouraged French-Canadians from immigrating, and, in addition, caused the American government to restrict immigration so that Canadians who did not have a job offer were not allowed into the country any more (cf. Galopentia 2000: 266; see also chapter I.2). Many of the mills went out of business. In addition, the textile industries started moving south, where production costs were considerably lower (cf. Dugas 1976: 46), so that work became scarce. People were forced to look for other jobs outside their French quarters, i.e. in areas where English was required: (500) (AUU71) c’est toujours en anglais. à cause du travail. YEAH 106 <?page no="107"?> Social mobility is known to be “a crucial element in language shift […]. It increases contact (even intimacy) with ‘outsiders’ […] [and] dislocates previous status and role relations in the immigrant family” (Fishman 1980b: 630). The old factory buildings were torn down or deserted until they came to be re-used as apartment buildings or museums . 149 Also, after 1945, “Franco-Americans […] took part in […] [a] postwar phenomenon - the exodus from the city to the suburbs” (Chartier 2000: 254). Based on the wish to escape the tenement houses, which one chronicler described as “worse than the old slave quarters” (Dinnerstein/ Reimers 1982: 27), many people worked hard to prosper and have enough money to improve their social status, i.e. to buy their own house in the suburbs or further out in the countryside: (501) (QU59) i sont déménagés ici à CHICOPEE. euh les banlieues euh. FAIR- VIEW qui est une partie de CHICOPEE. euh ALDENVILLE. euh SOUTH HADLEY c’est l’aut’ côté. l’aut’ bord de/ de la ville. euh GRANBY. (…). tous les banlieues. qui/ qui ont euh. développé. et qui avaient des maisons. qui ont bâti des maisons ou i les ont achetées. au lieu de la plupart des/ euh..des appartements dans/ dans la ville d’HOLYOKE. qui étaient des/ des FLATS. des appartements. des bâtiments de quat’ douze seize étages. avec euh..au moins huit familles. huit dix euh. et i y avait plusieurs bâtiments qui/ qui étaient accrochés à autres pour avoir une vingtaine. trentaine de/ de/ de paroi/ euh/ paroi/ pas paroisses euh. de familles. i sont allés d’autre part (502) (QU72) i y avait des/ des p’tites poches jetées là comme à BRIGH- TWOOD i y avait beaucoup d’Canadiens là quand qu’i arrivent du Canada i vont à BRIGHTWOOD. c’était pas/ ça coûtait pas cher. i habitaient dans des gros blocs […]. et puis du moment qu’i avaient des/ puis 149 Pictures below taken by the author in Lowell, MA. 107 <?page no="108"?> c’étaient toutes des contracteurs parce qu’i av/ i savaient pas d’aut’ chose. fait que quand qu’i avaient commencé à prend’ un p’tit peu d’argent mais là. i débarrassent tout de suite. i s’en vont vers SPRING- FIELD puis WEST SPRINGFIELD. puis i bâtissent des belles maisons The altered economic situation in New England and the growing prosperity of the Franco-American community had two consequences. One, the better off French-Canadian immigrants were in American society, the more willing they were to adapt: [The] higher the educational, income and occupational levels of the incoming group, the more rapid its assimilation. To the extent to which a group’s members are concentrated on the lowest rungs of class hierarchy, they suffer additional disadvantage of incurring various class prejudices and discrimination (Vander Zanden 1972: 277). Affluence has never been in favor of language maintenance: “In hard times, man will cling to his language and ethnic group; in times of plenty, many pay little attention to resources like ethnic language” (Paulston 1986: 503). Not only did Franco-Americans tend to neglect their ethnicity in times of economic prosperity, also, the way towards economic prosperity lead via the dominating language once the Little Canadas did not offer enough job opportunities any more: “For the transplanted immigrant, there is often a major reversal in the utility of the mother tongue […]; his mother tongue will be useful only insofar as he interacts with other immigrants from the same home country” (Dorian 1982: 47). English had simply become the only language necessary in professional surroundings. Nor was it useful for Franco-Americans to speak French, or to transmit the language to their children, since English-French bilingualism has never been of advantage in the U.S.: “Les parents prennent rarement la décision d’élever leurs enfants en français, puisque le bilinguisme ne se traduit pas par une meilleure condition économique” (Trépanier 1993: 388). For Franco-Americans, as for most ethnic groups in the U.S. (cf. Dorian 1982: 48), going without a prosperous life was too high a price to pay for keeping up a mother tongue unfavored by their (purely materialist) environment: “L’Anglais et l’Américain se préoccupèrent de domination économique par la puissance que donne la possession de l’argent. Il n’est pas mal de viser nous aussi à la richesse matérielle” (Robert 1936: 126). So economic reasons triggered this ethnic group’s immigration as well as their fast assimilation: For speakers of a minority language […] the knowledge of the majority language may be an economic necessity. Foreign parents may even insist on making the majority language that of the home, in an effort to prevent their children from becoming economically underprivileged (Mackey 1968: 563). By self-assessment, they tend to “blend in and prosper”. An effort to maintain a language which could not be “associated with some ultimate mone- 108 <?page no="109"?> tary advantage (Mackey 1968: 563) - simply in order to “acquérir […] la richesse intelectuelle” (Robert 1936: 126) - seemed secondary: (503) (QUU64) IF YOU HAVE PEOPLE WHO JUST HAPPEN TO HAVE A LOT OF TIME TO RETAIN THE CULTURE. YOU’LL RETAIN THE CULTURE. BUT WE HAD ALL KINDS OF OTHER INTERESTS (504) (QU47) IN THE SPRINGFIELD AREA WHERE EVERYTHING IS SPAN- ISH AND ENGLISH AND I WANNA KNOW. WHY WASN’T IT FRENCH. YOU KNOW WHEN THERE WAS SUCH I MEAN A HUGE INFLUX OF FRENCH CANADIANS CAME DOWN TO THIS AREA AND WE ALL/ WELL I WAS ONLY/ I WAS BORN HERE BUT MY FAMILY NEEDED TO LEARN ENGLISH TO GET ALONG (505) (QUU40) ACROSS THE FRENCH NATIONALITY WE HAVE THE DESIRE TO/ TO BLEND AND BUILD. AND I THINK IT’S JUST THAT IT’S BECOME/ ENGLISH HAS JUST BEOME THAT IMPORTANT. YOU KNOW YOU WANNA BE OVER HERE YOU WANNA DO BUSINESS YOU SPEAK ENGLISH As Nancy Dorian has put it: “People know very well on which side their linguistic bread is buttered” (Dorian 1982: 47): (506) (QUUU40) WE HAVE A LOT OF FRENCH PEOPLE WHO CAME HERE THAT WANTED A BUSINESS FOR THEMSELVES. AND THEREFORE LEARNED ENGLISH BECAUSE IT WAS JUST NECES- SARY TO..TO GROW (QUU64) TO SURVIVE Two, the dispersion of the mill workers along with the lack of new immigration waves slowly destroyed the Little Canadas - no new arrivals compensated “for the losses sustained by assimilation” (Bélanger/ Bélanger 2000) any more. The degree of “closure or self-sufficiency of the immigrant population” (Fishman 1980b: 630), however, is an important factor related to language maintenance. (507) (QU53) i y a pas/ les Canadiens français en vient plus. i en descendent plus de/ de/ du Canada pour/ pour venir véquir ici i/ i/ i..i a pas tant d’immigration que avant […] fait que le langage français améri/ de Franco-Américains ça va/ ça va venir/ ça va..ça va disparaît’ (508) (QUU65) LITTLE CANADA. ALL THE PEOPLE UP THERE. WE ALL SPOKE FRENCH (QUU64) THERE’S STILL/ THERE’S STILL SOME FRENCH PEOPLE. BUT THEY/ THEY/ THEY’RE ALL OVER TOWN (QUU65) THERE’S NO MORE FRENCH HILL 109 <?page no="110"?> (509) (QU47) THAT WAS THE CENTER OF THE CANADIANS. AND UN- FORTUNATELY YOU KNOW [...] EVERYONE KIND OF SPLIT OUT AND WENT TO DIFFERENT AREAS (510) (QU53) i y a pas les Fran/ i y a pas/ les Canadiens français en vient plus. i en descendent plus de/ de/ du Canada pour/ pour venir véquir ici i/ i/ i..i a pas tant d’immigration que avant. i laissent pas entrer (QC76) i y a pas beaucoup d’immigration ici. depuis trois quat’ cinq six ans (QU53) peut-êt’ plus (QC76) peut-êt’ dix ans. ouais (QU53) fait que le langage français améri/ de Franco-Américains ça va/ ça va venir/ ça va..ça va disparaît’ (QC76) euh oui. euh oui. ça va disparaît’ In some cases, economic growth destroyed the French quarters very suddenly. The Little Canada of Springfield, for instance, one of the centers of French-Canadian immigration, fell victim to the construction of the I-91, which scattered the Franco-Americans all over the suburbs: (511) (QU47) YOU KNOW THE BRIGHTWOOD AREA OF SPRINGFIELD. YES. [...] THAT USED TO BE/ BEFORE THE INTERSTATE WENT THROUGH. IT USED TO BE..JUST FULL OF CANADIANS AND THERE. [...] WHEN INTERSTATE NINETY-ONE WAS BEING BUILT. THAT’S WHEN PEOPLE STARTED TO LEAVE. THERE WAS A LOT OF/ THERE WERE A LOT OF UM. TENEMENT HOUSES AND LARGE APARTMENT BUILDINGS. WHERE THE CANADIANS LIVED AND THOSE WERE/ HAD TO BE TORN DOWN FOR THE INTERSTATE TO GO THROUGH AND THAT’S ACTUALLY WHEN MY PARENTS LEFT THERE ALSO Also, new immigrant groups, mostly Hispanics, moved into the formerly French-Canadian areas and took over the old tenement houses, which made many remaining Franco-Americans move away. (512) (QC62) c’est toute éparpillé parce que les Espagnols les Portoricains ont commencé à entrer. et puis les Canadiens ont tous eu part. ont vendu leurs maisons donc tout le monde i s’est en allé en dehors. et à présent c’est espagnol là. c’est/ euh oui/ NO IT’S MORE LIKE PORTORI- CAN/ PORTO RICO (LAUGHING) (513) (AU56) THERE ARE OTHER MINORITIES THAT HAVE MOVED IN. SPANISH PEOPLE AND. ASIAN PEOPLE SO. A LOT OF PEOPLE HAVE MOVED FROM FRENCH HILL ALTHOUGH THERE ARE STILL SOME LIVING THERE (514) (AC77) la section où on reste c’est/ i appellent ça le/ le/ la FRENCH HILL (AC58) ben asteur c’est plus FRENCH HILL asteur 110 <?page no="111"?> (AC77) c’est PORTO RICAN (AC59) les Espagnols ont pris OVER. c’est vraiment vrai (515) (QUU51) le/ les Franco/ Fran/ Franco-Américains. ça a changé dans la section de SPRINGFIELD où mes parents i ont commencé euh. dans le nord de SPRINGFIELD. au/ au moment c’est tout l’espagnol. c’est tout euh. portoricain. mexicain. des noirs. [...] le français non. i sont toutes. partis dans les/ dans les coins. pas dans la ville. dans les coins rurales plus The economic situation in New England - which had once led to the establishment of the French-Canadian quarters - and its development finally caused them to dissolve again, thereby also disintegrating the established social structures representing the base for the maintenance of the French language. There is still immigration from (French) Canada to Massachusetts, and still for economic reasons: Of all the participants of this survey 95.2% (including the first-immigrant generation) said that the economic situation in Canada was the reason for their or their ancestors’ immigrating to the United States (the other 4.8% were women who followed their American husbands to the U.S.). However, with the Little Canadas no longer in existence, it is unlikely to suffice to revive the Franco-American community: (516) (AC62) les/ les années passées ça continuait plus parce que les/ les Acadiens qui sont venus ici et aussi les Québécois. euh c’était toute. en groupe. à LEOMINSTER. comme la/ la FRENCH HILL. […] le monde parlait en français dans..dans le village. mais aussitôt que/ aussitôt que l’monde a commencé à laisser le village français. et aller travailler en dehors […] c’est naturel que/ que l’monde/ le monde abandonne le français V.1.4 American Society and English-Only Attitude The United States, ethnically the most heterogeneous nation in the world, is one of the most linguistically homogeneous (Thernstrom 1980: 619). English has always been the only language required in American society, which makes it hard for any foreign language to survive; at the same time it does not force anybody to master a second language. In other words, there is simply no need for another language in American society (with the temporary exception of Spanish because immigration from Latin America is still too recent and was far too heavy not to have left its marks on American society ). Although 150 150 According to the latest U.S. census analyses, Hispanics tend to give up Spanish and become monolingual within three generations (cf. Swarns 2004: 5). 111 <?page no="112"?> Americans have had to recognize, sometimes officially, sometimes unofficially, the presence of large numbers of non-English speakers on American soil, […] English has always been the de facto standard in the United States as a whole, and public policy has dealt with bilingualism as a temporary, transitional facet of assimilation (Baron 1990: 192). (517) (I) est-ce que vous avez jamais parlé français aux enfants? (QUU65) NO (I) pourquoi? (QUU65) NO NEED I GUESS. BASICALLY WE TURNED ENGLISH In the U.S., English has achieved this “unchallenged status as the national language through custom; from the earliest days of the republic, speaking English was understood to be a sine qua non for membership in the polity known as the United States” (Ricento 1998: 85). Not only has English always been the only language required within the U.S., one of the reasons for Americans not promoting bilingualism as an institution is the fact that English has long since become the international language: À [des] facteurs externes, expansion économique, besoin d’une langue commune, politique de soutien, s’en ajoutent encore d’autres qui, conséquences des précédents, produisent à leur tour un surcroît de diffusion. L’anglais se trouve être, de toutes les langue du monde, celle qui évolue au plus près des besoins, et la première à les exprimer (Hagège 2000: 42). So, it is “unfortunately possible for the United States (as it would not so easily be for, say, Denmark or the Netherlands) to send officials abroad without special language skills” (Dorian 1982: 50). In Quebec, “l’île flottante de la francité, entouré du melting pot culturel américain et de l’impérialisme “états-unien” (Gaulin, quoted in Runte/ Valdman (Eds. 1976: 35), this dominance of English as a world language has come to threaten French: Le bilingue francophone est pris dans un dilemme: d’un côté, la connaissance de la langue anglaise lui permet d’accéder au bien-être social et économique, de l’autre, cette connaissance l’éloigne de son groupe ethnique et cause indirectement la disparition de ce groupe. […] la poursuite d’une promotion sociale et économique ne peut s’achever sans une certaine identification avec le groupe anglophone; cette identification produit la désintégration du groupe auquel il appartient (Saint-Jacques 1976: 31). Despite the dominant position of English in the U.S. as well as in the world, and despite the fact that foreign languages have never been given much support, there has been a growing demand for English to be the only official language of the U.S. within the last 20 years. This is possibly due to an ever-increasing number of new immigrants in American society, especially Hispanics and Asians (cf. Crawford 1999: 64), and to them outnumbering Americans in many societal domains and institutions: “Dans les écoles californiennes, les élèves dit «minoritaires» (ceux d’origine hispanique, afro-américaine, asiatique et autochtone) sont plus nombreux que les élèves 112 <?page no="113"?> dits «majoritaires» (ceux d’origine indo-européenne)” (Cummins 1996: 473). Due to a growing unease with bilingualism, or rather “with the perceived indifference toward English among recent immigrants” (Crawford 1999: 64), the so-called English-Only Movement, a political effort initiated in the 1980s, successfully promoted the legislation of English as the official language in several federal states, among them Massachusetts: U.S. ENGLISH believes that the passage of English as the official language will help to expand opportunities for immigrants to learn and speak English, the single greatest empowering tool that immigrants must have to succeed (http: / / www.us-english.org/ inc). So not only does this movement work against official support for bilingualism, it also “foster[s] beliefs among minority cultures that speaking English and only English is the best marker of a patriotic American” (Williams/ Riley 2001: 87). The wish to unite the country under one flag and one language, however, is not a recent phenomenon. The Founding Fathers were the first to raise the question of a national language (cf. Bister-Broosen et al. 1992: 165). John Jay proclaimed that “Providence has been pleased to give us this one connected country, to one united people, speaking the same language” (Quotes at http: / / www.proenglish.org/ issues/ offeng/ quotes.html). By 1900, “new strains of xenophobia had begun to multiply as Italians, Jews, and Slavs began to outnumber the Irish, Germans, and Scandinavians in the immigrant stream” (Crawford 1999: 25). These new immigrants were more diverse than their predecessors from the northern European countries and more likely to concentrate in the cities. With World War I, rejection of anything un-American had reached a new climax. Theodore Roosevelt, in his wartime appeal, called upon the nation in 1917: We must have but one flag. We must have but one language. That must be the language of the Declaration of Independence […]. We cannot tolerate any attempt to oppose or supplant the language and culture that has come down to us from the builders of this Republic with the language and culture of any European country. The greatness of this nation depends on the swift assimilation of the aliens she welcomes on her shores. Any force which attempts to retard that assimilative process is a force hostile to the highest interests of our country (Roosevelt quoted in Crawford 1992: 85). The English-Only Movement followed that tradition and added a new dimension to it by being “not only for English, but against bilingualism” (Crawford 1992: 1) 151 , mostly for fear of an overly dominating immigrant group, the Hispanics (cf. Wiley 2004: 327): 151 Note that in the early days of the United States, French-English bilingualism was considered desirable. Due to some controversy over the Revolution ideas and the differences between the countries, the prestige of French steadily declined (cf. Jones 1927: 215- 216). 113 <?page no="114"?> Today’s monoclonal linguistic culture is far from hypothetical. Growing rapidly through immigration, it creates large communities - in some places already majorities - so overwhelmingly Spanish speaking that, in time, they may quite naturally demand the rights and official recognition for Spanish that French has in French-speaking Québec (Krauthammer 2006: 74). The countermovement, English Plus, founded in 1985, has managed to have some states acknowledge other languages and cultures; however, it has not found much recognition and known only little success (cf. Crawford 1992: 154). It is then all the more surprising that, despite the fact that there have been attempts to make English the official language of the U.S. during the past 200 years, “supporters of Official English [who] have been successful in imposing English, on a symbolic or a functional level, in a number of cities and counties […], have not been successful at the national level” (Baron 2001: 5). In 2006 the members of Congress could not decide whether the dominance of English should be declared a national asset or not; “the Senate could not bring itself to declare English the country’s ‘official language’. The best it could do was pass an amendment to the immigration bill tepidly declaring English the ‘national language’” (Krauthammer 2006: 74). While there is obviously not enough support for English as the officially recognized national language, there is not much support for bilingualism either; it is rather considered to be a personal matter: “The immigrant, of course, has the right to speak whatever he wants. But he must understand that when he enters the U.S., swears allegiance and accepts its bounty, he undertakes to join its civic culture. In English” (Krauthammer 2006: 74). Ironically, most Franco-Americans do not seem to approve of official support for bilingualism nowadays, for the simple reason of equal opportunities. Since they were forced to adapt and could not rely on any governmentally supported programs, they feel that all immigrant groups, especially the Hispanics, should be treated the same way. The vast majority of the survey’s participants do not agree with Hispanics being provided with bilingual forms, traffic signs, immersion programs, etc.: (518) (QC55) moi je trouve que c’est pas juste que. pour toutes les nationalités qu’i ont dans le pays qu’i donnent. seulement une translation. on veut dire tu vas à l’hôpital à SPRINGFIELD c’est en anglais c’est en espagnol. ça/ c/ c’est vraiment une injustice s/ s’i sont d’un gouvernement pour faire des affaires comme ça. mais i/ i vaut mieux changer la langue pour toutes les aut’ nationalités pas seulement ce monde-là. puis je trouve que la langue des Etats ça l’est anglais puis moi j’ai appris mon anglais puis euh. i me semb’ que le reste sont capab’ (519) (QU41) du temps de mes parents quand ils av/ étaient à HOLYOKE c’est i y avait beaucoup de français. i y avait. une grosse population. mais eux je pense qu’ils ont fait l’effort de…apprendre l’anglais. euh. et ce que 114 <?page no="115"?> j/ moi je crois c’est les Espagnols qui sont. venus ici i y a beaucoup qui n’fait pas l’effort de/ d’apprend’ […] i y en a plusieurs qui/ qui n’essaient pas de trou/ de/ d’apprend’ l’anglais alors on a besoin de les traductions. c’est pas la même chose que quand mes parents sont venus ici. um. le/ la mentalité à/ au temps c’était. YOU KNOW. on va apprend’ l’anglais on est en América/ et on est en Amérique i faut apprend’ l’anglais. mais je pense qu’i y en a plusieurs qui sont/ qui n’pensent pas ça qui sont Espagnols (520) (AC59) asteur qu’est-ce qui va c’est le SPANISH. SPANISH c’est ça. c’est écrit en gros euh..eux-aut’ a pas besoin d’apprend’ l’anglais (AC77) nous-aut’. comme nous Acadiens on a venu par icitte. puis on/ on a/ on a/ on dit des mots anglais-là fighté pour not’ vie. travaillé pis toute ça pour/ tu sais. pour arriver. mais eux-aut’. quand i viennent par icitte i ont toute/ c’est toute/ (AC59) i veulent toute pour rien. pis i veulent pas travailler c’est toute/ c’est quoi-c’que tu veux faire. ANYTHING (AC58) c’est enrageab’ de voir qu’on a/ nos parents ont venu par icitte et ont/ i ont travaillé dur pour avoir d’quoi viv’. mais eux-aut’ sont pas obligés (521) (QUUU40) I HATE TO SAY IT BUT AS FAR AS I’M CONCERNED THERE SHOULD BE A GIANT SIGN AT THE AIRPORT THAT SAYS “YOU CAN’T SPEAK THE LANGUAGE. GET THE HELL OUTTA THE COUNTRY” (LAUGHING). EVERYTHING IS AVAILABLE YOU KNOW. IN/ IN SPANISH WHICH IS..I THINK…I THINK IT’S WRONG […] I/ I HONESTLY THINK WE SHOULDN’T BE BENDING OVER TO MEET THEIR NEEDS. THEY SHOULD BE BENDING OVER TO BLEND. […] MY FEELING ABOUT THE BILINGUAL THING IS. YEAH IT’S THEY’RE BEING CARRIED. AND UH. YEAH IT DOES BOTHER ME (LAUGHING). IT’S A LOT OF WASTE. IT’S A LOT OF YOU KNOW. DUPLICATE PAPER WORK. DUPLI/ YOU KNOW. EFFORT. IT’S JUST NOT..IT’S NOT RIGHT. IT’S NOT RIGHT TO ALL THE PEO- PLE WHO CAME BEFORE THEM. THEY WERE REQUIRED TO LEARN ENGLISH TO GET BY Many Franco-Americans believe that bilingualism is mainly a personal matter: (522) (AC65) ceux-là qui parlont espagnol…si/ si j’vas. dans les magasins puis. i parlont leur langage. c’est comme un insulte. i m’insultont. parce tu sais tu devrais parler anglais. dans les magasins. à maison ou..ça c’est ALRIGHT. mais. j’aime pas ça. c’est pas/ c’est pas ALRIGHT (523) (QUUU40) IF YOU WANNA RETAIN YOUR LANGUAGE AND YOUR/ YOUR HERITAGE OR WHAT NOT THAT’S GREAT. BUT DO IT IN SUCH A WAY THAT ALLOWS YOU TO ALSO CARRY ON IN YOUR NEW HOMELAND […] WHEN YOU’RE IN ROME. DO AS THE ROMANS DO. IF YOU WANNA CARRY ON YOUR HERITAGE. THAT’S GREAT. I/ I/ MY HAT’S OFF TO YOU. I ADMIRE IT. BUT 115 <?page no="116"?> MAKE SURE THAT YOU’RE CARRYING ON. AND NOT BEING CARRIED Although they consider (their) bilingualism to be a personal advantage, they have no opinion on how to promote it: In the survey, 94.1% thought it was advantageous to know French. 57.1% of all these who were in favor of French were of the opinion that a second language would be helpful in general, the other 42.9% named reasons like a language helps to “see things from a different angle”, to get access to “another culture” or “ouverture d’esprit”. 81.1% thought that there was not enough being done for the survival of French, and more than half of these (55%) had “no idea” what to do about it: “I haven’t given that much thought”. With a widespread attitude of this kind, however, an ethnic group is not likely to fight for more immersion programs or governmental funding for French-language activities of any kind. As outlined, American society has never regarded foreign languages as advantageous. This rather hostile American environment was once considered “un […] élément de force à peu près indispensable aux Franco-Américains. […] la persécution qui, pourvu qu’elle ne fût pas trop violente, a toujours été pour notre race un excellent stimulant” (Fournier 1957: 21). Resistance and conflicts with other ethnicities - often the Irish - might have been stimulating to the fighters of the Survivance, but on the whole they were tiresome for an ethnic group that had left their home country for economic reasons. In contrast to immigrants who left their native country for economic reasons, immigrants who were forced to leave because of political persecution, like many Haitians for example, are known to insist on maintaining their language and culture against all odds because they are regarded as a means of political resistance (cf. Clyne 1975: 131). Franco-Americans, however, were willing to assimilate. Of all the participants in the survey, 63.3% said that they were not different from other Americans in any respect. Whenever conflicts arose, they “seldom moved from words to deeds. […] It was more characteristic of the population to go along, to conform” (Chartier 2000: 172). This attitude is best exemplified when taking a look at the fairly common practice of changing names: There is always a tendency for those ignorant of French names to Anglicize, when a name is given […] [but] one must always distinguish between a translation and an adaptation. The latter is understandable, thus “Prew” for Proulx. But why change Dubois into “Wood”? (Ducharme 1943: 231; cf. also Forget 1987). Although this practice was considered “one of the cardinal sins for a Franco-American to commit” (Ducharme 1943: 229), it was a common thing for Franco-Americans to disguise their origin in order to be employed by Americans, or, in general, to face less discrimination in American society. 116 <?page no="117"?> (524) (QC55) ma femme son nom c’est BISHOP. mais moi je m’demande mais moi je m’demande dans les anciens jours quand i ont arrivé icitte ça s’peut facile que c’étaient des L’Evêque […] parce que t’as ça souvent comme i y a Monsieur Vertefeuille que je connaissais des années…passées puis i a changé son nom à monsieur GREENLEAF. OKAY (LAUGHING) (525) (QU69) ben i y a des Français qui fait ça. comme là. j’ai une/ une bellesœur. s/ ses parents c’étaient des Charrettes. elle a changé le nom à WHEELER (LAUGHING) When asked their identity in the survey, the majority of participants (61%) referred to themselves as ‘American’: “En premier lieu, est-ce que vous vous décrivez comme ‘Américain’, ‘Franco’, ‘Québécois’ or ‘Acadien’? (the latter are subsumed under the category ‘Canadian’ in the scheme): 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 AC/ QC AU/ QU AUU/ QUU AUUU/ QUUU American Franco Canadian Only 50% of the first immigrant generation (AC/ QC) refer to themselves as either ‘Québécois’ or ‘Acadien’, the other half does not do so any more, and a considerable 34% of them like to see themselves as ‘Américain’. The further the Canadian roots date back, the more people describe themselves as American: in the second immigrant generation (AU/ QU) 64.7%, in the third (AUU/ QUU) 71.3%, and in the fourth (AUUU/ QUUU) as many as 81.3%. (526) (QUUU40) IT’S NOT REALLY THAT IMPORTANT TO ME. I MEAN I KNOW THAT THEY’RE COMIN’ FROM CANADA YOU KNOW. AND THAT’S ABOUT AS FAR BACK AS/ I AM JUST NOT VERY INTER- ESTED IN. UM..NO I/ I/ I JUST COME FROM CANADA AND. LIVE IN THE UNITED STATES It is interesting to note that the survey confirmed my personal impression of Acadians being “more French” than Quebeckers (cf. also Arsenault 2003: 40): 52.1% of Acadians (of all immigrant generations) see themselves 117 <?page no="118"?> as ‘Americain’, and 45.8% as ‘Acadien’, compared to Quebeckers, of whom 62.2% define themselves as Americans, and only 10.5% as ‘Québécois’. When asked about which language was the most important one, English or French, the survey showed the following results: 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 AC/ QC AU/ QU AUU/ QUU AUUU/ QUUU English French For 64% of the first immigrant generation, English is more important than French (even though the latter is this generation’s mother tongue, i.e. first language), and, again, the rate of English being more important rises according to the immigrant generation: In the second immigrant generation 92.2% think of English as the most important language, in the third immigrant generation 92.4%, and in the fourth immigrant generation even 93.8%. (527) (QUU73) je pense que peut-êt’ que I’M NOT THAT…I LIKE SPEAKING FRENCH AND I/ BUT TO ME IT DOES/ I WASN’T BORN THERE YOU KNOW. I WAS BORN HERE. AND IT DOESN’T MATTER TO ME ONE WAY OR THE OTHER (528) (QUU75) c’est l’anglais qui est/ qui domine. et puis euh..la famille B ici/ euh qui vit ici euh. je suis euh. très ami avec eux. et puis euh trois/ quatre/ trois générations de B je connais. et puis euh. G B a marié une Canadienne. mais il est un chirurgien puis il vit ici à LONG- MEADOW. je le vois souvent. et puis euh. il est aussi/ il était aussi un étudiant á l’Assomption. il a/ il a pris les cours de français là. et puis/ euh et puis on parle/ de temps en temps on parle quelques mots en français. mais c’est seulement pour euh……ce n’est/ c/ c’est l’anglais qui domine (529) (QU44) BECAUSE WE LIVE IN AMERICA I GUESS. ‘CAUSE WE’RE ENGLISH. IT’S ENGLISH HERE Again, French is of more value to Acadians: Only 11.9% of Quebeckers consider French to be more important than English, 35.4% of Acadians do so. This attitude, however, has not contributed to more language maintenance with regard to the next generation (cf. chapter V.1.10). Of all the 118 <?page no="119"?> people asked in the survey, 85.2% chose English. Interestingly, the reason given for the importance of English was, for 96.4%, the fact that “nous demeurons aux Etats” and “c’est la langue du pays”; mother tongue was obviously not decisive, since, in fact, French is the mother tongue of the vast majority (95.4%) of participants. To sum up the above results, it can be concluded that “the United States [...] is probably the last place when it comes to developing, or encouraging the development of its national language resources for any reason” (Picard 1976: 59). Instead of benefitting from cultural and linguistic diversity, the U.S. insists, more than ever, on English as the national and common language. In addition, a semantic shift has taken place: “The term ‘bilingual’ [is] often used, even in educational circles, interchangeably with the term ‘non-English proficient’” (Huebner 1999: 1). So Franco-Americans, just like any other ethnic and linguistic minority in the U.S., cannot expect to be able to rely on any societal or governmental support in order to revive their ethnic community life in any respect. In addition, however, Franco- Americans turned out to be a minority which was more interested in blending in than in preserving their cultural and linguistic heritage; in other words they were quite willing to “commit ethnic suicide through passive self-assimilation” (Albert 1979: 41). V.1. 5 Religion and the Policy of the Catholic Church V.1.5.1 The National Parishes L’église est le centre et l’âme de la paroisse comme la mère est le cœur et la vie du foyer franco-américain (Benoît 1987: 217). Despite the fact that New England’s Puritans had experienced religious persecution in Europe themselves, they were intolerant of other-faith groups. Signs saying “Help wanted; Catholics or aliens need not apply” (D’Entremont 1984: 11) were no exception in the New England of the 18 th , 19 th and early 20 th century 152 . Not only were the Protestants not in favor of Catholics in general, they especially opposed French-Canadian Catholics because they “comprised the most significant white minority to hold pro- British sympathies” (Boyer et al. 2000: 148) after the Quebec Act of 1774. This act, which “granted religious freedom to Catholics within the former French colony, [alarmed] [...] the Protestant colonists, especially in New 152 Note that discrimination on grounds of ethnicity and religion were neither exceptional nor restricted to New England: “A Scotch Presbytarian […] reports that as a boy in Quebec he was beaten by gangs of children, partly because he was not Catholic, but even more because he spoke English” (Laird 1970: 135). 119 <?page no="120"?> England, who regarded Catholicism as the mainstay of political despotism” (Cogliano 2000: 47): He [a French-Canadian lumberjack] had been instructed only in that innocent and ineffectual way in which the Catholic priests teach the aborigines, by which the pupil is never educated to the degree of consciousness, but only to the degree of trust and reverence (Thoreau 1850: 102). In fact, the Catholic Church had control of social services and education at all levels in Quebec (cf. Brault 1986: 16). At the local level, the priest was the most powerful figure (cf. Brault 1986: 9). When an increasing number of French-Canadians emigrated to the U.S., they took with them their religiously dominated community structure. So the first thing for them to do after settling down was to donate parts of their meager earnings to be able to erect a church and establish a national parish, the center of French- Canadian community life (cf. Landry 1962: 30): Most leisure time was taken up by parish activities which often involved the whole family: morning mass on Sundays, holy days, and daily during Advent and Lent. […] Early on, Franco-Americans established religious and social organizations in virtually every community where they settled. These associations resembled one another, tending to give uniformity to parish life throughout New England and to produce institutionalised values (Brault 1986: 75-76). Establishing a national parish, however, was not easy, for several reasons. Firstly, many Protestants in New England refused to sell land to the French-Canadian communities to build churches on (cf. Wade 1950: 179). As mentioned above, the hatred of Catholics was a Puritan “tradition”, and many states had anti-Catholic penal laws until the 1830s. In fact, Massachusetts was the last state to do away with such laws in 1833 (cf. A Centennial History Dedicated to Mary, Notre Dame du Sacre Cœur 1977: 5). Still, the Franco-Americans wish to have parishes and parochial schools of their own was fiercely opposed by the Yankees: “They care nothing for our institutions, civil, political, or educational. They do not come to make a home among us […]. They are a horde of industrial invaders, not a stream of stable settlers” (Daniels 2002: 258). Mistrusted as un-American and as possible supporters of the British, the French-Canadian Catholics were in addition hated because they were known as the only workers not to organize in unions (in contrast to the Irish Catholics, for example 153 ). Because of their “anti-strike disposition” (Silvia 1983: 49), they were held responsible for the 153 Note that the fact that French-Canadians did not speak English and, being exceptionally devout Catholics, refused to organize in unions also made them being hated by the Irish Catholics, whom they had replaced as the “lower-classcitizens of the 1880s” (Violette 1976: 21): “They had problems with the local Irish community. Discrimination was prevalent. Street fights and boycotts of the French area became common” (Violette 1976: 49). 120 <?page no="121"?> failure to adopt the 10-hour day and disdainfully called “the Chinese of the Eastern States” (cf. McClymer 1992: 17). Secondly, despite the fact that Franco-Americans constituted almost one-third of the Catholic population of New England, the Catholic clergy in the New England of the 19 th century was dominated by the Irish 154 . Being of English mother tongue and having the best education as well as the highest average income among Catholics (cf. Greeley 1977: 63), they had quickly taken a dominant role in the Church in New England (cf. Thernstrom 1973: 138). The Irish, who “dreamt of having a united and influential Church” (Roby 2003b: 205), opposed efforts (by all ethnic groups) to found national, i.e. foreign-language, parishes because they believed that “the rapid Americanization of foreign-born Catholics would relieve anti- Catholic feeling” (Wade 1967: 147). Assimilated Catholics could be expected to suffer less discrimination and persecution 155 . In the 1820s, the old hatred against Catholics was reinforced by a general fear, bred by the nativist movement, of the immigrant (who, in many cases, happened to be of Catholic faith at the time) as “a menace to the economic, political and social structure” (Wade 1950: 177) of the United States. However, the Irish clergy’s policy backfired. Many Franco-Americans stayed away from mass because of the language barrier and cultural differences: “French Canadians did not like they way the Irish-Americans practiced their religion […]; [they] felt estranged in parishes where the pastor preached and made public announcements in a language which they did not know” (Roby 2003b: 201). Also, the Irish cared little for “the pomp which so pleased French Canadians” (Roby 2003b: 201) - the many extraordinarily monumental and richly decorated French-Canadian parish churches bear witness to this love of “pomp” 156 . The fear of many French Catholics leaving the Church eventually made the Irish give in to the communities’ demands and authorize national parishes (cf. Brault 1986: 71-74). Thirdly, the Quebec clergy were not willing to answer to reiterated appeals by the French-Canadian immigrants in New England to send Frenchspeaking priests because they “had opposed the migration to New England from the start […] on grounds that, as day laborers in cities and factory towns, the emigrants lost everything that Canadians held dearest: religion, language, and nationality” (Wade 1967: 146). 154 In most communities, the French-Canadians by far outnumbered the Irish. In the parish of Saint Denis, East Douglas, Massachusetts, for instance, of 165 persons making up the first confirmation class in 1871, only three were of Irish descent (cf. Saint Denis Parish 1970: 17). 155 It must be kept in mind that the Irish had no language to protect so that the only essential element for them was religion. 156 See for instance Notre Dame in Southbridge, MA, or Notre Dame des Canadiens in Worcester, MA. 121 <?page no="122"?> By 1891, however, Franco-Americans had managed, against all odds, to found 86 parishes in New England (cf. Wade 1967: 147), thanks to the hard labor of the French-Canadians and the generosity of the mills, which often donated land to build a church for their workers (cf. 75 Years Holy Family 1994: 5). The first French national parish to be established in Massachusetts was Notre-Dame du Bon Conseil at Pittsfield in 1867 (cf. LaFlamme et al. 1909). The following years saw the foundation of many others (cf. Wade 1950: 175-176): Year Number of French-Canadian parishes founded in Massachusetts 1869 4 1870 3 1871 4 1872 2 1873 4 1878 2 1881 1 1883 1 1884 3 1885 3 1886 2 1887 1 1889 1 1890 4 With the First World War the situation changed. It had led to a general fear of anything un-American. “One country, one flag, one language! ” (Chartier 2000: 139) was a popular slogan of the time. After 1918, the U.S. government followed the policy of “Speak English, this is America” (Roy 1965: 25), which favored the Irish-dominated episcopacy’s intentions of uniting the Church by getting rid of the national parishes. Furthermore, most Franco-Americans were no longer involved in the Survivance movement after the Sentinellist crisis in the 1920s (cf. Chartier 2000: 204; see also chapter V.1.5.2). In the post-World War II era, resistance against assimilation broke among Franco-Americans. The Catholic Church saw itself confronted with two problems: 1) In general, the (Roman) Catholics did not count among the strongest religious minorities in Massachusetts any more, with the situation there being by no means exceptional: “Church membership and attendance are known to be dropping among American Catholics” (Gagné 1993: 165). 122 <?page no="123"?> (530) (QU71) on va dire que j’étais ici pour une trentaine d’années. mais seulement pour une année euh/ à cette époque on était cinq prêt’ ici. on avait à peu près dix-huit cents familles. mais euh. maintenant on a seulement à peu près six cents familles. euh…et euh je suis le seul prêt’ 2) In particular, certain tendencies led to a loss of parishioners among the Franco-Americans. When many Franco-Americans moved to the suburbs and the countryside, they often left their French national parishes behind: “L’exode des anciens immigrants fut tel que de nombreuses églises se retrouvèrent demi-vides” (Pressman 1997: 375). Other immigrant groups moved into the formerly French-Canadian quarters and took over the parishes. The Catholic Church was forced to meet the needs of the often highly diversified Catholic communities by giving up national parishes and foreign-language masses (see below). Also, many young Franco-Americans simply lost interest in religion; others changed parishes or even denomination because of intermarriage: (531) (QU78) les gens i perdent confiance […] on sait ce qu’on a entendu parler. SO ça pour les jeunes/ YOU KNOW nous-aut’ les vieux ben..ALL RIGHT. mais pour les jeunes i disent “PHH. HE’S NOT BETTER THAN I AM”. YOU KNOW. SO i perdent confiance. puis même vous savez i y a des gens qui vont plus à l’église aujourd’hui. les jeunes (532) (QUU73) c’est comme euh..WELL ‘CAUSE I’M CATHOLIC YOU KNOW. quand que mon garçon. ben lui a marié une Catholique. puis elle/ lui aussi mais. lui a marié un/ une Protestante. puis sont mariés dans sa/ dans son église à elle. SHE’S VERY. VERY RELIGIOUS IN HER CHURCH AND I THINK SHE’S…j’sais plus qu’est-ce qu’elle est. I THINK SHE’S METHODIST. TO HIM IT DIDN’T MATTER But even if they stayed attached to their French parish - language and faith have long become distinct realities for Franco-Americans (cf. Chartier 2000: 403), so that most of the younger ones see no use in belonging to a French national parish. The consequences of these circumstances are the following: Due to a declining population and a lack of members in some areas, but sometimes also simply due to costly repairs on the old church buildings (cf. Chartier 2000: 404), some parishes were forced to sell some of their property, such as the rectory (cf. 75 Years Holy Family 1994: 31), or even close entirely. To prevent more parishes from closing down, “la solution logique pour le diocèse était de tenter de réduire ses dépenses et son personnel en réunissant ses paroissiens dans un nombre restreint de locaux” (Pressman 1997: 375). The national parishes were merged with other parishes into territorial parishes, or turned into other national parishes because of the presence of another, stronger ethnic minority in the respective area, such as the Hispanics: 123 <?page no="124"?> (533) (QU78) avant c’était Saint Thomas d’Aquin. et maintenant c’est devenu BLESSED SACRAMENT. puis c’est. les Espagnols. la messe est en anglais et en espagnol (534) (QU78) l’église où j’avais coutume d’appartenir […] a fermé à NINE- TEEN NINETY-S/ EIGHT. on avait encore une messe en français. puis là. euh. c’te section-là i y a bien les HIS/ les Espagnols qui restent là puis cette église a été convertie à une église espagnole While the old national parishes were disappearing, newly founded parishes were all territorial ones : 157 (535) (QU77) on ne construit plus de/ de paroisses nationales aujourd’hui. ça ne se fait plus. parce que nos gens ont appris l’anglais il y a plus/ on a servi notre utilité. historiquement. nous avions besoin du français quand nos/ nos gens sont arrivés ici. mais beaucoup d’prêtres du Canada sont venus les servir aux paroisses. tandis que maintenant. il y a plus de euh..le besoin n’est plus là Faith had finally come to loose its bonds on language and ethnicity: “Les paroisses insistèrent sur l’aspect catholique au détriment de l’identité franco-américaine. […] la foi a pris pas sur l’identité ethnique” (Weil 1989: 208). The loss of French national parishes particularly affected the Franco- American community due to “the Church’s involvement in the fight for the preservation of the French language […]. This factor is by no means negligible, since the Catholic Church has long been rightly regarded as a bastion of the French language” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1991: 39). Some Franco- Americans indeed blame the Church for the decline of the French language: (536) (AC62) les églises euh. à/ à c’mo/ à c’temps icitte i ont arrêté de dire les messes en fran/ les messes en français. alors c’est euh..c’est naturel que/ que l’monde/ le monde abandonne le français Of 731 Catholic parishes in Massachusetts in 2003, only 6.4% (47) were officially labeled as ‘French’. The following table gives an overview of the decrease in number of French national parishes in Massachusetts within the last 20 years : 158 157 Except for some parishes meeting the needs of the new immigrant groups. In Lowell, for instance, the Hispanics were granted their first national parish in the diocese of Boston in 1990 (cf. Pressman 1997: 388). 158 The data are taken from The Official Catholic Directory A.D. 1983 and The Official Catholic Directory A.D. 2003, but the information has been double-checked with some of the parishes because of some mistakes within the directories. To give an example: In the Archdiocese of Boston Catholic Directory A.D. 2003, three parishes are listed to have French or bilingual masses, St. Jeanne d’Arc, Lowell (p. 119), St. Louis de France, Lowell (p. 121), and St. Joseph, Waltham (p. 193). In the summary (“Liturgies Other Than English”, p.255) only two parishes, St. Louis de France, Lowell, and St. Joseph, Waltham are listed. 124 <?page no="125"?> 1983 2003 French Mass Diocese French National Parish S T N 1/ week Boston + - Amesbury Sacred Heart + - Bellingham Assumption + - Beverly Saint Alphonse + - Boston Our Lady of Victories + - Brockton Sacred Heart + - Cambridge Our Lady of Pity + - Chelsea Our Lady of the Assumption + - Dracut Saint Thérèse + - Haverhill Saint Joseph + - Hudson Christ the King + - Ipswich Saint Stanislaus + - Lawrence Sacred Heart + Saint Jeanne d’Arc Lowell + Saint Louis de France + - Saint Marie + - Notre Dame de Lourdes + - Lynn Saint Jean Baptiste + - Marlborough Saint Mary + - Saint Theresa Methuen + - Our Lady of Mt. Carmel + - Newburyport Saint Louis de Gonzague + - Saint Anne Salem + - Saint Joseph + - Shirley Saint Anthony + Waltham Saint Joseph Fall River + - Acushnet Staint Francis de Xavier + - Attleboro Saint Joseph + - Blessed Sacrament* Fall River + - Notre Dame de Lourdes + Saint Anne + - Saint John the Baptist + - Saint Matthew + - Fairhaven Sacred Heart + - New Bedford Sacred Heart* 125 <?page no="126"?> Saint Anne + - + - Saint Anthony of Padua Saint Theresa* - + - Saint Joseph* + - Our Lady of the Holy Rosary + - North Attleboro Sacred Heart + - Swansea Saint Louis de France + - Taunton Saint James Springfield + - Adams Notre Dame des 7 Douleurs + - Agawam Saint Theresa + - Assumption Chicopee + Saint Rose de Lima (2/ month) + - Nativity of the Bl. Virg. Mary + - Saint Anne + - Saint George + - Easthampton Our Lady of Good Counsel + - Immaculate Conception Holyoke + - Precious Blood + - Our Lady of Perpetual Help + - Indian Orchard Saint Aloysius + - Ludlow Saint John the Baptist + - Holy Family North Adams + - Notre Dame + - Northampton Sacred Heart + - Pittsfield Notre Dame + - Saint Th. Aquinas Springfield + - Saint Joseph + - Three Rivers Saint Anne + - Turners Falls Saint Anne + - Ware Our Lady of Mt. Carmel + - W. Springfield Saint Louis de France + - Williamstown Saint Raphael Worcester + - Athol Our Lady of Immaculate + - Blackstone Saint Theresa + Fitchburg Saint Joseph 126 <?page no="127"?> Saint Francis of Assisi + - + - Immaculate Conception + - Gardner Our Lady of the Holy Rosary + - Leominster Saint Cecilia + - Linwood Good Shepard + - Manchaug Saint Anne + - Millbury Our Lady of the Assumption + - Northbridge Saint Peter + - Notre Dame Southbridge + - Sacred Heart + - South Grafton Saint James + - Spencer Saint Mary* + - Webster Sacred Heart + - West Warren Saint Thomas Aquinas + Holy Name of Jesus Worcester Notre Dame des Canadiens* - + - Saint Joseph* + - Saint Anthony [*=was merged but stayed national; S=suppressed; T=territorial; N=national; =French =bilingual] The 87 French parishes of 1983 were reduced to 47 in 2003, a decline of almost 46%. What is more, having a French national parish is by no means tantamount to having a French mass, as is obvious from the table above. There are few parishes left that have French as the liturgy language. In some of them, in fact, the priests reduce the French part to singing hymns; in others they rely on liturgical texts edited by religious orders in Canada to help them holding mass in French. To give an example out of Prions en Église : 159 COMMUNION La prêtre complete, à voix basse, sa préparation personnelle à la communion, par l’une des prières suivantes: Seigneur Jésus Christ, Fils du Dieu vivant, selon la volonté du Pére et avec la puissance du Saint-Esprit, tu as donné, par ta mort, la vie au monde; que ton corps et ton sang me délivrent de mes péchés et de tout mal; fais que je demeure fidèle à tes commandements et que jamais je ne sois séparé de toi. OU Seigneur Jésus Christ, que cette communion à ton corps et à ton sang n’entraîne pour moi ni jugement ni condamnation; mais qu’elle soutienne mon esprit et mon corps et me donne la guérison. 159 Below: Exerpt of a mass program taken from Prions en Église. Édition dominicale. 5 octobre 2003. Vol. 67. N° 39. 23. 127 <?page no="128"?> Montrant aux fidèles le pain eucharistique, le prêtre invite à la communion en ce termes: Heureux les invités au repas du Seigneur ! Voivi l’Agneau de Dieu qui enlève le péché du monde. In most parishes, French masses have been discontinued within the last 15 years: (537) (QU77) nous-aut’ on avait toutes les dimanches..puis ça fait peut-êt’ deux ans qu’i ont abandonné dire la messe en français (538) (QU75) nos paroisses nous-aut’ Saint George c’était/ c’était français. l’Assomption encore fran/ ben là asteur c’est toute anglais. mais euh..les..dans les premiers temps-là… (539) (QUU65) THE CHURCH IS FRENCH-CANADIAN BUT THERE ARE NO MASSES IN FRENCH. I THINK PROBABLY ONCE OR TWICE A YEAR WE WOULD SING HYMNS IN FRENCH AT CHRISTMAS AND WHEN WE GET EASTER (540) (AU56) WELL OUR PARISH IS STILL FRENCH BUT THERE IS NO LONGER A FRENCH MASS. WE HAD A FRENCH MASS […] BUT THEY UH. DISCONTINUED IT AT LEAST. FIVE TEN YEARS AGO (541) (AC77) à l’église on avait coutume d’avoir une messe en français. mais i l’ont arrêté asteur (AU75) oui on avait coutume. la messe de sept heures le dimanche. c’était en français ben..asteur c’est seulement en anglais Three main reasons can be listed for giving up French-language masses: 1) There are not enough French-speaking priests available. (542) (QC66) i manquent de prêt’ SO i étaient obligés de couper les messes (543) (AC79) on a un viétna/ Viétnamin/ VIETNAMESE PRIEST. SO euh. non. avant on avait un prêt’ qui parlait bien français. ben les messes sont toutes en anglais. pas en français (544) (QC52) puis l’Immaculée Conception i y en a plus d’messe en français non plus. le/ les prêt’ ont changé et puis le prêt’ qu’est là. je pense qu’i parle pas français (545) (QC72) ça dépend du prêt’. i y a un qui là. un jeune prêt’ qui parle pas français (546) (QUU75) i y a deux/ euh deux églises puis un prêtre puis le prêtre qui RUN l’affaire à faire c’est le/ c’est lui qui est/ a aussi les Irlandais là alors. puis lui il est Irlandais aussi alors..alors i n’ont plus de français là non plus 128 <?page no="129"?> (547) (QUU73) WHEN MY FOLKS FIRST MOVED HERE BACK IN THE…FIFTIES. THE PRIESTS WERE ALL FRENCH. THEY SPOKE FRENCH AND WE HAD FRENCH MASSES AND FRENCH YOU KNOW. AND LITTLE BY LITTLE. THEN ALL OF A SUDDEN LIKE THERE’S ONE MASS IN FRENCH AND NOW THERE’S NO MORE. THEY CAN’T GET A PRIEST. IT’S ANOTHER GENERATION. THEY CAN’T GET A PRIEST THAT CAN PREACH IN FRENCH. EVEN IF THEY HAVE A FRENCH NAME 2) There are not enough French-speaking parishioners. (548) (QC66) i y avait pas assez d’monde qui allait. i ont arrêté ça (549) (QUU81) pas assez d’monde qui y vont. puis i y en a beaucoup d’monde qui comprennent pas. fait qu’i veulent pas/ veulent pas y aller. à la messe en français (550) (QU67) parce que i y avait beaucoup de monde qui/ qui euh i dit/ ouais i y a des personnes qui comprend pas le français […] i y avait beaucoup de personnes qui ont euh. comment on dit? comprend pas le français alors. ils ont discon/ euh...DISCONTINUED. ils ont/ ils ont um. i ont pas de messe maintenant (551) (QU83) i y a ben quinze vingt ans qu’i ont changé les messes. c’est en anglais asteur. (QU84) c’est tout en anglais là maintenant. (QU83) parce que i perdaient ben des paroissiens qui allaient à l’église irlandaise With the dissolution of the Little Canadas, the Catholic parishes have become much more diversified. Other, non French-speaking ethnic groups forced into the formerly all-French parishes. (552) (QU71) on a pas trop de Franco-Américains. n/ not’ église de nous-aut’ c’était une franco-américaine/ une paroisse franco-américaine. mais euh..i ont abandonné dire la messe en français (553) (QU47) le monde qui est descendu après la guerre. le monde qui est descendu ici de Québec. et i y avait plusieurs qui parlaient français. puis après ça-là/ mais i y en a pas trop qui de/ demeurent ici à/ qui vient de Québec qui demeurent ici après la/ disons après soixante. après soixantecinq. après soixante-dix (554) (QUU62) THERE IS A FRENCH CHURCH BUT IT’S NOT REALLY FRENCH. IT’S FRENCH CHURCH BUT YOU KNOW ALMOST ONLY A NAME YOU KNOW. MANY PEOPLE GO TO SAINT JOHN THE BAPTIST THAT AREN’T FRENCH. THEY DON’T SAY FRENCH MAS- SES OR ANYTHING 129 <?page no="130"?> (555) (QU78) c’est mélangé des Portugais des euh. des Irlandais des Polonais. c’est toute ben ben mélangé. même on a des euh quoi..des Chinois ou…VIETNAMESE on a dans la paroisse […] ben c’est un/ c’est une paroisse des Polonais. des Portugais. des Francos. des Anglais. i y a pas un cent’ assez concentré pour avoir une messe en français (556) (AC63) i ont pas la messe française là. c’est tout anglais asteur […] parce que i comptaient/ i comptaient pas assez d’Français Many Franco-Americans, especially within the young generation, do not understand French themselves any more. The older parishioners that still speak French all understand English as well, so that there is simply no need for a French mass. (557) (AC55) le monde qui vient là. c’est des Acadiens oui. mais i ont grandi dans les Etats-Unis. i ont été nés aux Etats-Unis. euh leurs parents. même si qu’i sont/ i étaient/ qu’i sont Français. i tient pas. puis i y en a plus qui parlent pas le français qu’i parlent le français. SO tout est faite en anglais. oui. pour que tout l’monde comprenne (558) (QU72) i y a pas beaucoup de/ de Canadiens euh. qui sont/ qui sont encore là. l/ les Canadiens qui sont là comprennent toutes l’anglais. ça fait qu’c’est pour ça qu’i poussent pas pour avoir um..des/ euh des messes en français (559) (AC79) ben les jeunes/ les jeunes comprennent pas. SO c’est très souvent eux-aut’ qui comprennent pas. puis nous-aut’ on comprend le/ on comprend l’anglais SO… (560) (AU75) ben c’est parce que le français c’est pas si parlé. i y en avait beaucoup qui compreniont pas les ser/ les sermons ou euh… (AC77) c’était plutôt pour le/ le/ le monde âgé qu’i tenaient..parce que i y avait ben des vieux qu’avont encore un peu difficultés sur l’anglais. i aimaient mieux aller à la messe française (AU75) ben là..là i l’ont..i l’ont arrêté. asteur c’est toutes des/ des messes en anglais (561) (QUU64) ALL THE FRENCH-SPEAKING PEOPLE COULD SPEAK ENGLISH. SO THERE’S REALLY NO POINT IN HAVING A FRENCH MASS. THEY DIDN’T CARRY IT ON (562) (AC68) c’est plutôt comme les/ les personnes âgées. qui vont là à la messe. puis euh..les jeunes ben i y en a pas beaucoup d’eux-aut’ qui/ qui vont aller à la messe française parce que. les enfants le comprennent pas 3) Mass times were not in favor of French mass. With too few people attending French-language mass to hold it in the afternoon or evening, it was 130 <?page no="131"?> often rescheduled to early morning, resulting in even fewer (mostly older) people attending until, in many cases, it was finally given up . 160 (563) (QC67) Sainte Cécile. euh il y avait une messe en français là à sept heures le matin. mais..vous me trouverez pas là à sept heures le matin certain (564) (QU58) je vas à la messe à. um. le/ le samedi ou le dimanche et puis euh..avant quand on allait à une messe de français. toute la messe était en français. mais la m/ ça que je vas pas à une messe de français parce que c’est l’heure t’sais. j’aime jouer au golf. et puis euh. je vas plutôt à la messe des fois le samedi. et puis le/ la messe de samedi à quatre heures c’est en anglais (565) (AC87) i y avait une messe à sept heures le matin en français j’pense. puis là ben. à sept heures. les vieux c’était dur sais-tu. pour aller à sept heures. après ça i l’ont discontinuée (566) (QU67) c’était seulement une messe. la messe de/ du bonne heure. la messe de sept heures mais i y avait seulement une messe qui était en français (567) (QC66) i avaient l’habitude d’avoir une messe en français le matin et euh. j’sais pas si c’est parce que c’était trop d’bonne heure ou euh… In some of the parishes that still have a French mass, the parishioners had to fight for it to be kept and often had to make compromises: (568) (QUU58) ici à not’ paroisse i y a une messe française à toutes les deux semaines. i avaient um..coutume que la messe de neuf heures le dimanche était la messe français et l’année passée i y avait question de. éliminer la messe française parce que um. i y a..i y en avait dans la communauté de la paroisse qui pensaient que. i y a/ i y avait plus autant de personnes avec la langue française euh. pour la gar/ t’sais assez de personnes avec la langue française pour la garder. mais quand qu’i ont parlé puis discuté la situation. i ont décidé de la garder mais la mett’ à toutes les deux semaines Such a situation is likely to end with the French-language mass being discontinued as well, so that, in a couple of years, the only thing left of the French national parishes in Massachusetts will be the parish names, and, on special occasions, a parish activity in remembrance of the Franco- American past. 160 The parishes that still have a French mass usually schedule it very early on Sunday, e.g., 8: 00 A.M. (Saint Jeanne d’Arc, Lowell), or 8: 30 A.M. (Saint Louis de France, Lowell). 131 <?page no="132"?> V.1.5.2 The Parochial Schools 161 Fonde de suite une école si tu ne veux pas que l’herbe pousse devant la porte de ton église (Abbé Gadoury 1888, quoted in Tétrault 1935: 86). In the early days of French-Canadian immigration, few national parishes had been founded, too few to provide education for the many thousands of immigrant children. Some mills instituted schools to guarantee basic schooling, i.e. some English and the Rs. With the growing number of Franco-American parishes, “pastors felt the need to found their own schools in order to provide proper training in a milieu regarded as a grave danger to faith and morals” (Brault 1986: 73). In their efforts to preserve their language and culture, the building of a parochial school was crucial for Franco-Americans: “A parish without a church is preferable to a parish without a catholic school for the excellent reason that where the second is lacking, the first often becomes useless” (from a 1920 French-Canadian newspaper, quoted in Daniels 2002: 262). That is why, in many cases, the school building was the first to be finished: “The school opened September 3, 1919, although work on the church was not yet complete” (Saint Thomas Aquinas Church 1983: 11). Even if the parish did not enough money for the building, a parochial school was established: [In] 1894 […] Fr. Joseph M.A. Genest took charge of the parish. He immediately began to improve the conditions of the parish property and organized a parish school of approximately 50 pupils. School rooms were provided in the basement of the church. In 1905 the parochial school was built at the rear of the church (Saint Theresa of the Infant Jesus, Aqawam, Massachusetts 1883- 1983: 5). What was to be called ‘La Survivance’ became the sacred mission of French- Canadians in New England, aimed at preserving the Catholic faith by maintaining the mother tongue: “Qui perd sa langue, perd sa foi” (cf. Brault 1986: 7) 162 . The Protestant environment in the U.S. was felt as a constant threat: “Si vos enfants […] ne respirent qu’une atmosphère protestante à l’école, comment pourront-ils se défendre de l’influence secrète que 161 Note that there were other Franco-American educational institutions besides the parochial school which can not all be mentioned here. There were a couple of high schools and academies, mostly boarding schools, which offered bilingual programs, and the renown Assumption College (including a high school), founded in 1904 in Worcester, Massachusetts by the Pères de l’Assomption from France (cf. LaFlamme et al. 1909). Until 1947 Assumption College admitted only students of French-Canadian ancestry (cf. Brault 1986: 75, 97). By now, all these schools are not particularly ‘French’ institutions any more and have stopped using French as a language of instruction (at Assumption College, for instance, the bilingual program was given up in 1960; cf. Marion 1990: 81). 162 It should be mentioned that some Franco-Americans insisted on the preservation of their language and culture because they dreamed of an annexation of New England by Canada (cf. Brault 2003: 274). 132 <?page no="133"?> leurs guides et mêmes leurs compagnons protestants exercent sur leur cœur? ” (Abbé Brouillet 1889, quoted in Poteet (Ed.) 1987: 237). Parochial schools entered a new dimension: They now aimed to “implant an ideology, not just teach subjects” (Brault 1986: 74). By 1909, Franco-Americans had established 133 parochial schools in New England (cf. LaFlamme et al. 1909). In 1920, Massachusetts counted 61 parochial schools (cf. Roby 1990: 289), and by 1937 88 (cf. Brault 2003: 271). In the centers of French- Canadian immigration, each parish had its own parochial school: “A Chicopee, chaque paroisse posséda son école: à l’Assomption elle fut fondée en 19.. [sic! ]; à Sainte-Rose de Lima, en 1915; à la Nativité, em [sic! ] 1922; à Saint Georges, en 1928” (Weil 1983: 89). For most French-Canadian immigrants, this type of school was new: “Children in the rural areas of Quebec attended écoles de rang, or one-room schoolhouses, that were almost always under the supervision of lay female school teachers” (Brault 2003: 268). (569) (QC70) quand on enseignait dans c’temps-là c’étaient des écoles…ONE- ROOM CLASS. ça fait vingt/ cinquante-deux cinquante-trois ans ça. puis on enseignait à peu près deux ans différents. on parlait dans l’temps qu’on enlevait des enfants. gentil. poli. on était les seules/ euh les seules euh. pour contrôler. des fois on avait dix quinze vingt vingt-cinq élèves. euh FIVE SIX GRADE. toutes dans la même ROOM As early as 1893, the Franco-American community had to face pressure from the Protestant government in Massachusetts. In Fitchburg, for instance, authorities refused to recognize parochial schools because the language of instruction was not English (cf. Brault 1986: 75). After World War I and the increasing intolerance of everything un-American, the pressure was even growing. In 1921 Franco-Americans opposed a law saying that parochial schools could not be certified unless they taught all subjects in English. Although the Supreme Court invalidated the law as being against the 14 th Amendment in 1923, such obstacles helped the Irish-dominated episcopacy to reinforce their intention to anglicize and assimilate national parishes and parochial schools (cf. Brault 1986: 87-93). In 1922 a law was going to be passed in Rhode Island forcing the parochial schools to teach all subjects that were also part of the curriculum of public schools in English (cf. Roby 1990: 299). This would have meant reducing French to the language of instruction of religion and Canadian history, the only two subjects not being taught in public schools. That same year, the Catechism of Catholic Education put the control of the Catholic schools in the hands of the bishops and reminded the Church members that English should eventually become the language of instruction in all parochial schools (cf. Chartier 2000: 144-145). Despite the fact that the Catholic Church required its priests to establish parochial schools because immigrants often abandoned their 133 <?page no="134"?> religion after arriving in the U.S. (cf. Larson 1972: 281) 163 , it “had no intention […] of fostering various ethnic groups” (Brault 2003: 273). This policy of Anglicization did not meet with the approval of the Franco-American Survivance movement. The situation soon got out of hand in what was to be called La Sentinelle. In 1922 the Irish bishop of Providence, Rhode Island, started a fund raising campaign for the construction of English-language schools and other institutions, i.e. institutions in which the French language was to play a minor or no part at all. Each parish was supposed to donate a certain amount; otherwise the bishop would impose a special tax on the parish (cf. Roby 1990: 303). Since the Franco-American parishes’ commitment to the drive were low, the bishop started taking money from the parish treasuries for his projects (cf. Paré 1973: 33). The Franco-Americans of Rhode Island fiercely opposed that act of dictatorship and drafted a petition to the Pope, saying that “the Catholics in the Providence diocese could not afford to pay the ‘exorbitant’ tax […] without endangering existing parish programs, including their schools and churches” (Chartier 2000: 145). Not only were the Franco-Americans against the bishop’s projects, they in general opposed a system in which the parish finances were being controlled by the diocese and not by the pastor and his parishioners, as is customary in Canada. Since Rome failed to intervene, a group calling themselves Les Croisés founded La Sentinelle, a journal to defend the Franco- American cause in New England, in 1924 (cf. Perreault 1987: 122). When the crisis was not resolved, some of the Franco-American Croisés filed a civil suit against the bishop in 1928 on the grounds of each parish treasury being independent of the bishop (cf. Paré 1973: 33). The reaction was the excommunication of 62 militant Sentinellists, all of whom signed repentance forms afterward (cf. Brault 1986: 87-88). Although the affair had revealed the strength of the Franco-American community, it “led some bishops to stop recruiting clergy in Canada for Franco-American parishes […]. The influence of Sentinellism on la survivance […] seems to have been generally negative” (Chartier 2000: 166-167). After the 1930s bilingual instruction was common in parochial schools: Half a day was taught in French (French grammar, Canadian history, music, art, and catechism), half a day in English (American history, arithmetic, and geography) (cf. Brault 1986: 75). Thereby classes were divided into two groups, with one being taught in French in the morning and in English in the afternoon, and the other one vice versa (cf. Chartier 2000: 220). French was used throughout the day for prayers, public announcements, or conversation with teachers (cf. Brault 1986: 95). 163 In 1875, the Vatican had officially condemned attendance at public schools (cf. Chartier 2003: 239). 134 <?page no="135"?> (570) (QU72) not’ curé voulait pas qu’on parle anglais. on apprenait une demijournée de français puis une demi-journée de/ de/ d’anglais (571) (QUU58) c’était avec les sœurs. les sœurs qui vien/ venaient de/ de Québec. euh en particulier de Trois-Rivières. et il y avait des sœurs qui ne parlaient pas l’anglais. i y avait une sœur en particulier dans l’huitième année. on l’appelait ‘FRENCHIE’ (LAUGHING). parce qu’elle ne parlait pas l’anglais du tout […] on apprenait le français. on apprenait à lire et à écrire en français et en anglais. le catéchisme était en français. on étudiait la Bible. c’était en français. mais les mathématiques. la science. la géographie éta/ étaient en anglais (572) (QU60) la manière qu’i faisaient ça en matin c’était l’anglais puis l’aprèsmidi c’était le français. puis on a appris nos prières en français puis le catéchisme en français. puis toute euh um..c’était comme i l’faisaient. la moitié de la journée c’était l’anglais puis la moitié en français (573) (AUU71) quand nous étions p’tits enfants. à l’école secondaire. GRAM- MAR SCHOOL. YEAH. parce que les classes étaient en an/ en français et en anglais. ça c’était à l’école Saint Rosaire à GARDNER Of all the participants in the survey who grew up in Massachusetts, i.e. the participants of the second, third and forth immigrant generations, 79.1% went through parochial schools with bilingual programs . 164 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 AU/ QU AUU/ QUU AUUU/ QUUU French English Bilingual The schools thought of various methods to make sure the children spoke French outside the classroom: In order to encourage the French language be spoken on school grounds, students were given an incentive. They would begin a week by receiving about 20 tickets [jetons]. At certain times during that week, a student, if heard speaking English, would have to surrender a jeton upon the request of 164 Note that of all the participants who went to school in Canada, 71% had French as a language of instruction, 6.4% English, and 22.6% went to schools that had bilingual programs. 135 <?page no="136"?> another student saying “Donnez moi un jetons” [sic! ]. At the end of the week the nuns would collect the jetons and give an award to the student with the greatest amount. Another prize was awarded to the student with the greatest annual total of jetons (75 Years Holy Family 1994: 19). (574) (QU72) on gardait des jetons quand on avait plusieurs jetons on avait des/ des cartes euh. des p’tites affaires des p’tites bébites (LAUGHING) By 1930, however, English had become the language children generally spoke among themselves (cf. Brault 1986: 98): “Schooling was the most important promoter of English dominance, whether children were in an all English class or in a bilingual program. After one year in school, young children spoke to each other increasingly in English” (Zentella 1997: 78). One of the problems affecting the use of French - in parochial as well as in American public schools - was the fact that the language of instruction was often Standard French and not Canadian French: (575) (QU51) vous prenez euh des cours aux Etats ici pour le français. c’est plutôt le français de la France In many parishes, the schools’ teaching staff, commonly members of religious orders, came from France (cf. Chartier 2000: 175) . 165 (576) (QU72) i y en avait [des sœurs] qui/ i venaient de France/ qui étaient/ étaient en France durant la Première Guerre. et puis um. euxaut’ parlaient…correct. ça fait nous parlaient pas nous-aut’ comme ça..i parlaient mieux que nous-aut’ parce que nous-aut’ on parlait comme..dans l’ancien temps comme i parlaient (577) (AC87) puis l’école on appren/ on ét/ on était bilingue à l’école. ben. euh les religieuses venaient d’France Also, the majority of textbooks used in the French programs were edited by religious communities in Canada (cf. Ducharme 1990: 95); in some cases, however, French language catechisms from France were used (cf. Saint Raphael Church 1990: 8). Both circumstances contributed to considerable linguistic problems. The language the children were used to speaking at home was not “good enough” for school, either because it was not Standard French, or because it was the “old Canadian French”, which discouraged them from using it: (578) (QU77) à l’école d’la cathédrale. il y a avait une euh. maîtresse. c’était/ c’était une sœur. qui um. elle n’était pas canadienne. fait son fran- 165 Note that, in parochial schools, “in an overwhelming majority of cases, the teaching responsibilities were entrusted to religious congregations of women” (Brault 2003: 267). For an overview of the various religious orders involved in teaching, see Chartier 2003: 248-258. 136 <?page no="137"?> çais était pas trop bon et puis elle accusait/ me rappelle que ma fille. elle avait pris un cours de français. J. et puis euh. elle critiquait son français (579) (QU67) quand elle l’a appris c’était la can/ euh la/ le français euh. au France..parce que c’est ça. qu’ils ont um. fait nous parler. euh euh. le français en France. mais quand je parle avec mes parentés c’est le français canadien (580) (QC61) au HIGH SCHOOL i voulaient apprend’ le français. mais c’était FRENCH PARISIAN AND c’est ben/ c’est ben ben difficile c’est ben chan/ différent/ c’est ben différent avec nous-aut’ SO i n’ont pas appris. non i n’ont pas appris (581) (QU41) i y a gros des phrases que nous-aut’ on dit que. à l’école..c’était pas pareil. puis j’venais chez nous puis je disais à mon père “on parle pas comme ça” (LAUGHING). “on dit pas ça” (LAUGHING) While there may have been many parochial schools with French as the language of instruction, French secondary schools, however, were rare in New England. So as soon as the children went on to high school there were no more bilingual programs available, except for the period of 1857 to 1898, when French, officially recognized in Massachusetts at the time, was mandatory in public grammar schools (cf. Kloss 1970: 59) 166 . Afterward, French was, if at all, only taught as a foreign language: (582) (QU41) j’avais le français dans l’école paroiss/ paroissiale. mais um pas/ pas à l’école publique i y avait pas d’français (583) (QU75) ben le/ l’école paroissiale était bilingue mais euh. le HIGH SCHOOL c’était comme ici. un mélange-là (584) (QUU62) PUBLIC SCHOOL. IN ENGLISH AND WE S/ STUDIED FRENCH ONLY IN HIGH SCHOOL. TWO YEARS. SO FROM FIRST GRADE TO ELEVENTH GRADE/ TENTH GRADE IT WAS UH. YOU KNOW NO FRENCH. JUST SOME/ SOME WORDS. SOME CUSTOMS. SOME FOOD. AND I CAN SAY UM..EXPRESSIONS BUT NOTHING TO CONVERSE (585) (QU72) ben. l’école ioù qu’il allaient c’était pas des éco/ c’était une école publique fait que c’était toujours l’anglais In these “cours de français”, again, it was Standard French that was taught: Most Franco-Americans have memories of being punished for speaking French in school […]. Even worse for many of them was their experience in 166 In some, rare cases, French was taught in public schools in Massachusetts after 1898: “En 1909 on enseignait le français dans les écoles primaries de Worcester et Abington” (Kloss 1970: 59). 137 <?page no="138"?> the French language classes of secondary schools, colleges, and universities. Their teachers - for whom “Parisian” French was a second language - “corrected” the pronunciation of these native French speakers. […] The discriminatory banning and belittling of spoken North American French in schools and colleges fostered low Franco-American self-esteem” (Doty 1995: 91). For a long time, the parochial school was considered the most influential means of preserving both the Catholic faith as well as the French language. In 1952, however, the 3ème Congrès de la Langue Française concluded that “nos institutions religieuses […] évoluent en un sens unique vers une anglicisation de plus en plus marquée […] Le clergé abandonne; les éducateurs abandonnent: la culture sans la langue! ” (Landry 1962: 36, 46). Nowadays, most of these institutions of the Survivance have disappeared: between 1960 and 1986 56% of Franco-American parochial schools went out of existence (cf. Brault 2003: 277). In Massachusetts there were only 26 out of 86 parochial schools left in 1986 (cf. Brault 1990: 52-56). The remaining few were forced to adapt by turning French into a subject, i.e. basically into a foreign language, taught for one hour a day (cf. Dugas 1976: 48). By 1965 “il est bien évident que le français n’est plus considéré comme langue d’enseignement, mais tout au plus comme matière d’enseignement” (Le Comité de Vie franco-américaine 1965: 19) 167 . Later on, it was even given up as such or reduced to being taught a couple of times a week: “Few Franco- American parochial schools still cling to teaching French. To be sure, this usually amounts to no more than two, three, or four hours per week” (Brault 2003: 277-278). (586) (AC59) oui paroissiale. et on avait seulement une classe de français. le/ le reste c’était en anglais (587) (QU60) la moitié de la journée c’était l’anglais puis la moitié en français. et puis um… (QU59) asteur i ont changé (QU60) oui ça/ les sœurs i y en a plus de ça (588) (QUU58) c’te paroisse-là avait une école euh primaire puis une école secondaire. puis la/ l’école secondaire um euh..c’est/ c’était pour les élèves euh de les environs. euh i y a/ i y avait plusieurs euh euh élèves de CHICOPEE puis de/ de HOLYOKE puis euh. de SPRINGFIELD puis de/ c’est/ c’était pour les paroisses d’environ. ceux qui voulaient rentrer dans une école où le français était euh une des matières um euh. importantes dans les cours de/ de c’t école-là. um quand j’ai gradué de la grande école. j’pense qu’on était quatre-vingt-neuf dans not’ euh classe comme ça on/ on peut dire que i y avait peut-êt’ à l’entour de quat’ cents 167 Note that outside New England, bilingual education in parochial schools was “virtually eradicated” (Crawford 1999: 29) by the late 1930s already. 138 <?page no="139"?> élèves. dans c’t école secondaire là […] elle/ ça existe plus euh. l’école grammaire ni l’école secondaire It is important to mention, however, that there were several factors responsible for this development other than the above discussed pressure from American society and the discontinuance demand by Church authorities. The parochial schools had always been considered to be the base of cultural survival by the Franco-American intellectual elite: L’école paroissiale reste […] la pierre angulaire de notre survivance nationale aux Etats-Unis. Nous pouvons voir des paroisses, des sociétés, des journaux, des œuvres de toutes sortes, si nos enfants ne vont pas aux écoles paroissiales, nous perdrons tout cela” (Verrette 1938: 256). However, from its early days on, a considerable percentage of Franco- Americans was critical of this institution. In the 1930s already “le nombre des parents qui considèrent les écoles paroissiales avec mépris et préfèrent diriger leurs enfants vers les écoles publiques, augmente sensiblement” (Roby 1990: 268). There were several reasons for less and less children being sent to parochial schools : 168 1) Decline of Catholicism As mentioned above, there has been a decline in Catholicism in the U.S. in general (cf. Larson 1972: 185), and in the New England States in particular (cf. Rossilion 1995: 31), so that a growing number of Franco-Americans people did not attach importance to sending their children to Catholic schools. 2) Lack of a standard curriculum Franco-American parochial schools did not have a common standard curriculum. The programs depended much on the preference of the respective parish (cf. Chartier 2000: 220). 3) Quality of education and curriculum From the turn of the century an ever-increasing number of Franco- Americans thought that the education provided in parochial schools “no longer met the requirements of modern life” (Brault 2003: 277). There were numerous calls for a change in the curriculum of parochial schools: “[On demande] des écoles paroissiales mieux adaptées à la réalité américaine […] [et] un apprentissage plus rapide de l’anglais” (Roby 1990: 269). More and more parents were afraid of their children not being fully integrated into American society, which is also the reason why many parents stopped sending their children to high schools and colleges in Canada, as had been 168 Although not a specific problem of Franco-American parochial schools, the fall in the birth rate following the post-war baby boom of course affected them as well (cf. Brault 2003: 277). 139 <?page no="140"?> customary for a long time: “L’étude de la langue anglaise laisse à désirer dans presque tous les collèges de Québec. Il s’ensuit que la connaissance imparfaite de l’anglais handicape bien des jeunes diplômés dans la poursuite de leur carrière” (Roby 1990: 247) 169 . Franco-American parochial schools that insisted on French as a language of instruction soon came to be seen as “un obstacle à l’américanisation” (Weil 1990: 257) as well. In fact, many Franco-Americans questioned the value of bilingual education in general; they were afraid of their children falling behind in English if they concentrated too much on French (cf. Brault 1986: 174). The American public schools, gaining in quality and prestige, were thought to provide a better preparation for American society. (589) (QUU73) on avait comme la moitié de la journée c’était français puis moitié anglais. on avait certains sujets en français. comme la religion puis euh. l’histoire de Canada. on nous teachait ça. […] les sœurs qui nous enseignaient comme l’anglais même eux-aut’ parlaient pas trop l’anglais trop trop. t’sais i venaient toutes du Canada puis..des fois i nous enseignaient l’anglais en français t’sais c’était (LAUGHING). puis comme mon père je m’souviens. i a/ i aimait pas ça. comme maman. puis comme mes deux sœurs. les deux plus vieilles-là avaient assez d’la misère avec l’anglais […] puis i dit “je sais pas pourquoi i peuvent pas parler l’anglais. i y a pas un qui peut parler l’anglais” 4) Shortage of (French-speaking) teaching staff (cf. also Brault 2003: 277) (590) (QU51) i y avait pas assez/ euh j’pense à la grande école étaient juste deux cents. deux cent cinquante. pour les quatre années. SO…pas assez de/ pas assez de..comment on dit…c’est dur euh. les écoles avec les/ les sœurs asteur. i y en a pas trop (591) (QUU58) ça existe plus euh. l’école grammaire ni l’école secondaire. i ont été fermés parce que um euh i y avait pas assez de/ um de sœurs. de/ euh de religieuses pour euh les entretenir. comme ça ça fait qu’i ont fermé les deux écoles (592) (QU41) quand j’étais à l’école ici. euh c’était comme j’ai dit à l’entour de premier grade ou en deuxième um. le monde parlaient moins en français parce que les sœurs qui enseignaient ici. i/ i partaient d’ici. i étaient pas encore ici ça fait qu’i enseignaient pas i rentraient des/ d’autre monde 169 It should be noted that few Franco-Americans attended high school or college at the time: “Many families took their children away from their studies to put them to work in the textile factories” (Brault 1986: 157). Also, French secondary schools were rare in New England. For the upper-class children it was therefore customary to be sent to high schools and colleges in Canada, or, from 1904 on, to Assumption College in Worcester (cf. Brault 1986: 75). If a working-class family could afford it, one child was sent to college to become a priest, if it was a son, or to enter a convent if it was a daughter (cf. Tétrault 1935: 87). 140 <?page no="141"?> pour euh enseigner qui étaient pas des religi/ religieuses. comme ça um. le/ le monde qui enseignaient étaient pas des Canadiennes ou ben non des francophones i parlaient pas français (593) (QUU69) i y avait des sœurs ici avant. puis avec des sœurs i/ i nous montraient comment dire tout en français […] après les sœurs ça commence à partir. les euh..comment/ I DON’T KNOW HOW TO SAY LAY PEOPLE. THE UH. REGULAR TEACHERS. ç’a rentré puis ç’a commencé à. diminuer. puis le français i a parti après 5) Tuition fees Public schools were free of charge, i.e. the parents did not have to pay tuition fees. For the average French-Canadian family, traditionally large and often struggling to make ends meet from the meager wages paid in the mills, the choice between the parochial and the public school was easily made. (594) (QU51) ça coûte cher. i faut payer pour toute (595) (QC62) moi le mien i y avait toujours école catholique. donc i y avait une heure de français. euh présentement dans les écoles catholiques. oui on donne/ on a des cours en français dans les écoles catholiques. mais c’est tellement tellement dispendieux. quand t’as deux enfants. que tu paies cinq/ cinq mille pias par année pour un enfant pour aller euh. à la maternelle ou première deuxième troisième. c’est très très très dispendieux. c’est pas n’importe qui peut euh..se permett’ ça aujourd’hui..très dispendieux. tu n’as seulement qu’un c’est pas pire. mais si t’en a deux c’est. difficile 6) Diversity of the parishes With an influx of new immigrants after World War II, the parishes saw themselves forced to meet the needs of more diversified parish communities: “L’ouverture plus grande de l’horizon social, la diversification ethnique à l’intérieur des écoles - en somme des phénomènes de déculturation - provoquèrent le déclin de l’enseignement du français, qui, à son tour, accéléra la déculturation du groupe” (Weil 1983: 94). (596) (QU77) l’école était bien bien mélangée. euh il y avait beaucoup de..de. Espagnols et des Noirs. fait que. c’est la paroisse. il n’avait pas assez d’intérêt. pour le français 7) Lack of interest in French among Franco-Americans With English having become the dominant language, people saw no need for French education any more. (597) (QU77) fr/ franchement euh. i/ il y avait pas assez d’intérêt […] on avait une école à Saint Joseph. pour plusieurs années. mais i ont abandonné ça 141 <?page no="142"?> aussi […] c’est ça c’qui arrive avec les Franco-Américains je pense..toute dispersés (598) (I) et vous avez des enfants vous-même? (QUU68) oui. i parlent pas français pantoute (I) est-ce que ça aurait été important pour vous qu’ils apprennent le français? (QUU68) non (599) (I) c’est dommage non? que le français n’est pas/ (QUU73) non non (LAUGHING). […] non. je pense que peut-êt’ que I’M NOT THAT…I LIKE SPEAKING FRENCH AND I/ BUT TO ME IT DOES/ I WASN’T BORN THERE YOU KNOW. I WAS BORN HERE. AND IT DOESN’T MATTER TO ME ONE WAY OR THE OTHER In general, most ethnic group schools in the U.S. have stopped teaching their respective mother tongues, mainly because “parents and children are indifferent to the mother tongue and have no interest in seeing it taught, […] [or] are actually opposed to further teaching of the mother tongue” (Fishman/ Nahirny 1966: 103). 8) Dominance of Spanish Even if French programs are offered, Franco-American parents often encourage their children to take Spanish because it is the only foreign language that is considered useful in professional life in American society. (600) (AU58) c’est ça qu’i ont dans l’école asteur. c’est plus l’français pis l’anglais. c’est tout espagnol pis anglais (601) (QC77) la plupart que. j’pense que. ils prennent l’espagnol parce que c’est plus important de l’aver icitte. qu’on sait l’espagnol (602) (QU67) je pense qu’ils poussent le/ le/ l’espagnol plus que le français. parce que um. quand vous av/ quand vous êtes/ euh vous êtes/ vous recevoir votre um. GAS BILL TELEPHONE BILL puis tout ça c’est/ c’est en espagnol puis en anglais. on voit jamais/ pas trop en/ en français (603) (AU44) SPANISH IS A REAL/ UM THERE’S A REAL PUSH FOR SPAN- ISH HERE. UM EVEN IN THE/ THE SMA/ THE LOWER GRADES THEY’RE REALLY PUSHING SPANISH AT THIS POINT. NOT ANY OTHER LANGUAGE […] I WOULD HAVE LOVED TO HAVE SEEN MY CHILDREN CONTINUE. YOU KNOW TO BE BILINGUAL IN ANY LANGUAGE IS WONDERFUL BUT YOU KNOW. FOR IT TO BE FRENCH WOULD HAVE BEEN. GOOD FOR US. I WOULD HAVE THOUGHT IT WOULD HAVE BEEN NICE FOR MY KIDS BUT..I DON’T SEE THEM DOING ANYTHING THAT’S GONNA REQUIRE HAVING FRENCH. TO ME RIGHT NOW. AT THIS POINT I’M THINKING SPANISH IS THE WAY TO GO […] I MEAN THE BI/ AS 142 <?page no="143"?> FAR AS BEING BILINGUAL IF YOU’RE SPANISH BILINGUAL. JOBS ARE PRETTY ABUNDANT. FRENCH BILINGUAL I DON’T BELIEVE IS AS ABUNDANT. THERE’S NOT THAT MUCH CALL FOR IT Not only is Spanish more useful than French, it is often thought to be “easier” . 170 (604) (QU41) i pensent que c’est plus facile l’espagnol (605) (AC79) i ont moins d’habitude/ i ont moins d’habitude avec le langage français. les enfants. le SPANISH est plus aisé In most public schools, Spanish is the dominant foreign language nowadays (cf. Pécheur 1996: 33). (606) (QU72) aux Etats-Unis. je crois moi c’est parce que euh. dans les/ les/ les petites écoles et les/ euh les lycées ils promotent le/ l’espagnol..parce que i y en a/ i y en a beaucoup de Portoricains (607) (QU41) j’pense que c’est l’espagnol qui est le plus euh. prédominant euh. langue. parce que où c/ où c’est que ma plus vieille elle va à HOLY CA- THOLIC. i y a trois l/ trois langues qu’i peuvent prennent/ prennent euh. c’est le/ l’espagnol le français et la/ latin. um. et le français. i y seulement une classe de français i y a seulement. Y’KNOW quatorze quinze étudiants. et…l’espagnol i y a/ i y a trois. quat’ (608) (QC55) à l’école Sainte Marie où c’est qu’ma petite fille elle va. i enseignent l’espagnol (609) (QU58) les Français ont été remplacés par les Poricains/ Portoricains. c’est pour ça beaucoup là dans/ dans les écoles-là. s’i y a/ s’i y a deux/ euh si tu veux/ euh apprend’ une aut’ langue. ben souvent c’est l’espagnol. pas le français V.1.5.3 Digression: Bilingual Programs in the Public School System If Franco-Americans want their children to learn French nowadays, their options are very limited. Except for some scarce (and costly) private institutions, such as the École bilingue in Boston 171 , French is hardly offered anywhere. It is part of the foreign language program of some high schools but 170 The belief that Spanish is an easy language and, in fact, easier than English or French, is wide-spread. When the Bilingual Education Act was introduced as a bill in 1967, one argument in favor of bilingual programs for Hispanic children was that “Spanish […] was easier to learn than English […]. For the Spanish-speaking child, then, the fastest route to English literacy was through Spanish” (Thernstrom 1980: 620). 171 There are two branches of the École Bilingue in Boston, one in Cambridge, and one in Arlington. 143 <?page no="144"?> the American high school system is not known to be a successful promoter of foreign languages: (610) (QU40) c’était une école anglaise. on avait des cours de français mais c’était pas..c’était juste un cours par jour (611) (QUU60) mes deux enfants sont à l’université. euh ils ont. pris le français euh au HIGH SCHOOL. ils ont pas beaucoup appris là (LAUGHING) After years of indifference and, after World War I, suppression of languages other than English 172 , the U.S. government, starting in the late 1950s, passed some laws to respond to the demands for more support of foreign languages. Or, rather, “the massive school failure of children of limited or non-English-speaking ability […] forced the authorities […] to legislate into effect BE [bilingual education] programs” (Paulston 1981: 472). In 1958, for instance, Congress passed the National Defense Education Act (NDEA), which stressed the importance of foreign language instruction, thereby supporting for example summer institutes such as at Bowdoin College, Maine, or Assumption College, Massachusetts, to train teachers of French (cf. Brault 1986: 172-174). In 1965 the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (Title I) granted financial assistance to local schools for “the education of children from low-income families, and that assistance could be used for bilingual instruction” (Thernstrom 1980: 620). In 1968 the Bilingual Education Act was signed. It was to support children (of limited means) who were “educationally disadvantaged because of their inability to speak English” (Crawford 1999: 40) by authorizing resources to support educational programs, train teachers, develop educational materials, etc. In 1972, the Elementary and Secondary Education Act led to the establishment of the National Materials Development Center for French and Creole in Bedford, New Hampshire, which published many documents on Franco-American culture. In 1982, however, it had to shut down for financial reasons (cf. Brault 1986: 173). In 1974, the Equal Education Opportunity Act required school districts to meet the educational needs of language minority students (cf. Miner 1996: 181). Each of these acts, including the Improving America’s Schools Act of 1994, authorized funding to develop programs to assist LEP (i.e. limited-English proficiency) students in learning English (cf. Christian 1999: 121). In theory, all ethnic groups would be entitled to benefit from these programs, and especially so in Massachusetts because it is 172 To give an example: When the U.S. entered the war in 1917, 25 states banned the teaching of German in schools (cf. Baron 2001: 8). Foreign languages, however, were not only suppressed in school. When a bilingual salesman, who had been hired to speak Spanish to Hispanic customers, used Spanish with a colleague at work, he was fired because the company had prohibited employees from speaking Spanish on the job. The court ruled that a bilingual person “is granted neither right nor privilege […] to use the language of his personal preference” (Miner 1998: 177). 144 <?page no="145"?> one of only nine states in the U.S. to require bilingual education in all school districts where there is a sufficient number of limited-English-proficient students (LEP) 173 . […] [In 1993-1994] 40,000 students were enrolled in bilingual programs (Rossell/ Baker 1996: 1). The problem, however, is that only Spanish-speaking students - who comprise more than half of the LEP population in the Commonwealth - are taught to read and write in their native language, while also receiving some native language instruction in other academic subjects […]. Students from virtually all other language groups, though enrolled in “bilingual education,” receive instruction almost exclusively in English, with at most a few hours per week of enrichment in their native languages and cultures (Rossell/ Baker 1996: 1). Taking a look at enrollment statistics for 1992-1993, it shows that there were no students of the French language group enrolled in transitional bilingual education programs, but 2,019 students of the French Creole language group and 2,240 of the Portuguese language group (cf. Rossell/ Baker 1996: 106-107). In 2002 a ballot initiative abolishing bilingual education in favor of English immersion won big in Massachusetts (cf. Blumenfeld 2002), which might be due to the fact that, with 118 languages within its boundaries, Massachusetts ranks 17 in the listing of the most linguistically diverse states in the U.S. 174 . In 2003 Massachusetts legislature loosened this law, allowing schools “to continue and even expand […] bilingual programs” (Lewis/ Kurtz 2003). Even if there are (few) bilingual programs in existence in Massachusetts today - only public schools in Holliston and Milton offer French immersion programs 175 -, the success of these programs is questionable. It must be kept in mind that, for most Anglo-Americans, bilingual education “is profoundly un-American and a menace to our national culture” (Crawford 1999: 13). That is why no matter how many American citizens may look back to different linguistic pasts and family documents, or be fluent in other languages now, U.S. politicians and educators have supported the steady scaling down of required language education - from the elementary grades all the way through 173 The Transitional Bilingual Education Act requires a full-time bilingual education program in every school district with 20 LEP students of a single minority group (cf. Rossell/ Baker 1996: 5). Massachusetts was the first state to mandate bilingual education in such districts in 1971 (cf. Crawford 1999: 42). 174 Cf. http: / / www-us-english.org/ foundation/ research/ lia7top50.asp. 175 It is important to mention that both programs are offered by public schools only because in order to enroll their children in these immersion programs, parents must reside in the respective city. Note that since these programs are the only ones in Massachusetts, French does not even count among the language groups to receive bilingual education - despite the fact that the programs have been in existence since the late 70s -; Haitian Creole, however, does (cf. Rossell/ Baker 1996: 6). 145 <?page no="146"?> graduate school. […] Multilingualism is a goal neither for the Right nor for the Left in the United States today (Sollors 1998: 2) If bilingual education programs are authorized and funded by the U.S. government or the governments of the respective states 176 , they are intended to extend equal educational opportunity to students whose competence in English is limited […] [and aim] at a transition or language shift from the mother tongue to English […] In these terms bilingual instruction is in the tradition of the gradualist Americanizers and does not aim at language or cultural preservation or at the cultivation of strong ethnic attachments (Olneck/ Lazerson 1980: 319) . 177 In other words: “L’un des principaux objectifs de tout programme bilingue [aux Etats-Unis] est de déboucher sur le monolinguisme” (Cummins 1996: 473). Bilingual measures only support “transitional meachanisms that accelerate the shift to English” (Bister-Broosen et al. 1992: 173). Also, most programs in support of non-English-speaking children in the U.S. are “so disorganized and complex that no one really knows how […] [they] work; no one can provide satisfactory answers to many of the most elementary questions about service and funding” (Burnaby 1998: 243). The structure of these programs vary considerably, and although they were intended to be truly bilingual, many of them are not: L’enseignement dispensé à la majorité des élèves bilingues se fait toujours seulement en anglais en raison de la pénurie de professeurs bilingues et de la mauvaise volonté que mettent les responsables fédéraux et locaux de l’éducation à élaborer des programmes bilingues (Cummins 1996: 477). No matter how good or bad the U.S. programs supporting bilingualism, no matter whether intended as transitional stages only - Franco-Americans are not likely to benefit from them any more: Maintenant qu’il est trop tard pour secourir les centaines d’écoles francoaméricaines qui étaient jadis l’exemple le plus parfait d’un enseignement vraiment bilingue et biculturel, maintenant que les évêques irlandais et l’Etat prétendent ne plus vouloir écraser les ethnies, le gouvernement américain s’apprête à promouvoir un enseignement bilingue et biculturel à ses frais…ce qui revient à dire, encore une fois, à nos frais (Chassé 1980: 53). V.1.5.4 The Tolerance of Exogamy La famille était le noyau de la communauté canadienne (Weil 1983: 84). 176 Note that due to the federalist nature of government in the U.S., government language policies are often inconsistent with one another. For details, see Huebner 1999: 3-8. 177 For CODOFIL and the success of French language school programs in Louisiana, see Valdman 1998. 146 <?page no="147"?> The factor that probably had more impact on language loss than the abolishment of the national parishes or the closing down of the parochial schools was the tolerance of intermarriage. At first, the French-Canadian clergy feared their parishioners’ mingling with Protestants. In 1910, the Guide français of Fall River, Massachusetts, read that exogamy constituted “a crime against God and a national abomination” (Chartier 2000: 188). (612) (QUUU40) MY TWO BROTHERS MARRIED TWO SISTERS. THEY’RE ITALIAN. OKAY. AND THE FIRST/ WHEN I GOT/ CAME HOME. I FINALLY REALIZED MY MUM SAYS “OH BOY I’M GLAD. GRAND- MOTHER IS NOT AWAKE/ UH NOT LIVING ANY MORE. ‘CAUSE SHE/ UH SHE WOULD GO OUT OF HER MIND. THEY’RE MARRY- ING ITALIAN? ITALIAN GIRLS? OH WHAT ARE THEY THINKING OF? ” YOU KNOW. YOU ONLY HAD TO MARRY FRENCH. FRENCH MARRIED FRENCH. IF YOU MARRIED ANYTHING ELSE..TABOO (613) (QC77) j’parle de mon temps vous savez. aujourd’hui c’est p..c’est plus ouvert. c/ c’est plus des mariages..parce que moi j’ai été chanceux. son père voulait pas qu’elle marie qu’un aut’ qu’un Canadien. là je lui ai frappé. après ça elle était perdue (LAUGHING) (614) (QU78) quand qu’on commençait l’école euh. i y avait des parents qui étaient mariés mélangés avec d’aut’ nations. SO c’était comme bilingue. i étaient bilingues on avait les deux langues. les mariages ça mixe. nousaut’ on a toujours resté les Canadiens ensemb’. c’était/ j’avais pas droit à sortir avec..un aut’ na/ euh un garçon d’un aut’ nation. ça devait êt’ un Canadien (615) (QUU60) les mariages mixtes..anciennement l/ les Francos se mariaient ensemb’ mais depuis les années. disons les années trente quarante It has been claimed that Franco-Americans had traditionally married other Franco-Americans until about 1940 (cf. Dugas 1976: 54): “The rate of intermarriage by French Canadians was very low” (Daniels 2002: 263). However, the tendency to marry outside the ethnic group arose as early as 1898, when it was concluded that “French Canadians in New England are gradually losing their identity and coalescing with other nationalities, especially the Irish” (Wickett 1913: 95-96). Indeed, if Franco-Americans were marrying outside their own ethnic group, they still married Catholic (cf. Daniels 2002: 264; Dugas 1976: 54). The Catholic Church saw itself forced to react to meet the new demands of the parishioners: “Somebody has got to do them [the mixed marriages] […]. If we say no then they go away and don’t come back” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1989: 288). With fewer and fewer French-Canadian immigrants coming to New England, religion came to be the only decisive criterion for marriage. Religion and language came to be dissociated, and ethnic background had come to be of secondary importance. Soon, even religion came to be of less importance. In 1937, the 147 <?page no="148"?> Deuxième Congrès de la Langue Française saw with concern that “les années de guerre ont précipité l’évolution de la vie franco-américaine et, généralement, dans un sens qui ne fût pas français […] mariages de religion mixte, mariages de nationalité mixte, rupture de la vie franco-américaine” (Landry 1962: 25). After World War II, the rate of marriages with other ethnicities rose, which was due to a shift in values after the war: “La transformation des attitudes face au marriage fut liée à la montée de l’individualisme aux États-Unis dans les années 1950” (Weil 1983: 86). Many Franco-Americans of the war and post-war generations are married to partners of another ethnicity. (616) (QUU60) mes parents parlaient toujours en français […] j’ai jamais eu ça parce mon mari i était Polonais (617) (I) vous n’êtes pas mariée à un Acadien? (AUU45) NO NO (618) (AC58) ma fille elle a marié un Italien Intermarriage, more than anything else, worked against language transmission because “exogamy, marrying outside the ethnic group or other social unit, obviously necessitates language shift for one partner, at least within the family. The shift typically is in the direction of the language of the socio-economically favored group” (Paulston 1986: 499). Intermarriage affected the only area - that of the family - where language maintenance had taken place up to that time against all external odds: “Mixed marriages are playing an […] important part in language shift […] by drastically curtailing the transmission of French to the replacement generation” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1991: 41). With an all-Anglophone partner, it is very difficult if not impossible to keep up French - or any other language - within the family 178 : “Les enfants de ces mariages mixtes sont toujours perdus pour notre nationalité” (St. Pierre 1893: 14). (619) (I) vous parlez jamais français avec votre fils vous avez dit non? (QU41) um. pas souvent parce que mon/ mon mari parle pas (620) (QC78) quand j’suis toute seule avec mes/ mes filles me parlent français. c’est seulement leurs maris parlent pas. parlent pas en anglais puis les en/ parlent pas français puis les enfants non plus (621) (QU53) c’est difficile de parler français quand qu’i y a juste une personne qui parle français. puis euh..ma mère/ euh ma femme elle parle pas français. um… 178 Cf. also King’ results for Newfoundland: “Intermarriage typically results in the children being raised in English” (King 1989: 141). 148 <?page no="149"?> (622) (QUU60) les mariages mixtes..[…] comme l’aut’ euh. l’époux ou l’épouse ne parle pas le français. c’est perdu (623) (QUU63) i parlent pas beaucoup mais i comprennent. toute. i comprennent toute. i parlent un p’tit peu là mais i ont tous les deux marié du monde qui parlent pas français (I) et à vos enfants vous parlez toujours français ou c’est plutôt l’anglais aujourd’hui? (QUU63) des fois. mais s’i viennent avec leurs époux non parce que. c’est pas poli euh. i parlent rien qu’anglais eux-aut’ (624) (QUU69) ma sœur. elle parle français mais elle a perdu son français pas mal aussi parce qu’elle a marié un Italien (625) (QUU75) j’ai une fille qui a marié un C un Irlandais ça. euh l’aut’ qui était au collège était/ a m/ a ma/ a/ est SWISS un SWISS […] puis euh l’aut’ ma jeune à/ à Maine. i parle portugais son mari. alors c’est tout mélangé asteur In most cases, the French-speaking partner does not want to go through the trouble of raising the children bilingually all alone. And, often enough, the English-speaking partner objects to French being spoken in their presence, or even to being spoken at all. (626) (AU56) NOW IF MY CHILDREN WERE SMALL AGAIN. MAYBE I..WOULD HAVE SPOKEN MORE FRENCH TO THEM. BUT..SEE MY HUSBAND DOESN’T SPEAK IT. HE’S IRISH SO..SEE WHEN THEY’RE GROWING UP AND..IF YOUR SPOUSE OR OTHER PEOPLE AROUND ALL SPEAK ENGLISH. IT’S KINDA HARD (627) (QC66) i allaient toujours [au Canada] quand qu’i étaient jeunes parce qu’on les emmenait tout l’temps. puis/ puis i ont commencé à s’marier. après qu’i étaient mariés ben leurs/ leurs femmes ne parlaient pas français c’était..YOU KNOW fallait toujours les interpréter c’était pas très intéressant pour/ pour eux-aut’ (628) (QU42) p’t-êt’ que quand je m’aurais forcé un p’tit peu plus quand/ quand i étaient p’tites. j’aurais pu. leur montrer […] quand i étaient p’tites j’aurais dû dire que à toutes les mercredis on parle juste en français. SO ça serait/ ça aurait été la loi. puis peut-êt’ ben les filles i auraient appris comme ça. mais dans l’temps j’étais pressée (LAUGHING). puis j’ai pas pensé à faire quequ’chose comme ça (I) en plus quand le mari ne parle pas français. c’est difficile (QU42) YEAH. puis lui i avait peur un peu que..que les enfants i se mélangent puis que. i aient du troub’ après à l’école (629) (QUU58) mon premier mari était irlandais en héritier. et il préférait qu’on n’parlait pas le français. parce qu’il ne comprenait rien 149 <?page no="150"?> (630) (QU41) j’ai euh commencé de. montrer à mon plus vieux garçon de parler en français quand qu’i était bébé. puis mon mari a pas aimé ça pantoute. il a dit um “arrête ça parce qu je veux pas que i arrive une/ un jour. que tu peux parler avec notre enfant. puis moi je comprends pas” Even if the partner tries to learn the language - which is rare enough -, French can usually not be kept up in the family: (631) (QU53) moi j’avais essayé parler un peu français avec ma femme au commencement mais elle elle a pris des cours à l’école. c’était le français d’France. puis moi je connaissais pas/ je connais pas les mots d’France. fait qu’on avait d’la misère. puis. c’étaient trop de/ de problèmes. c’était mieux de pas parler In fact, exogamy becoming a common practice among the younger generation also affected the older generation’s language use: (632) (AC79) on a parlé nous-aut’. beaucoup. puis i [les enfants] ont toutes marié des Anglais. puis..c’est malaisé de parler [français] (633) (QU71) j’ai dit “on peut parler français tout l’temps”. mais elle a marié un Italien alors on a parlé en anglais tout l’temps. on va là puis quand qu’on joue aux cartes des fois on/ on dit des mots en français (634) (AU44) WHEN WE WERE YOUNGER. MY PARENTS SPOKE FRENCH TO US ALL THE TIME. AS WE GOT OLDER WHEN WE WENT TO SCHOOL. IT WAS A LITTLE BIT OF BOTH. NOW THEY’LL SPEAK TO/ FRENCH TO US WHEN WE ARE HOME. BY OURSELVES. BUT IF OUR SPOUSES ARE WITH US THEY’LL SPEAK ENGLISH To conclude it can be said that the following observation, made in 1952, seems more accurate today than ever: The number of mixed marriages by young Franco-Americans […] [was estimated] at about 50% of the total and […] even traditional households were losing ground to assimilation […]. [The] Franco-American home was, generally speaking, no longer supportive of ethnic life. This was no less true of religious institutions since the members of the clergy and the religious orders were no longer being educated in the French tradition. […] [Franco- Americans] are caught up in the whirlwind of assimilation [...]. [They] will sink to the bottom of the American abyss (Chartier 2000: 273-274). V.1.6 The Decline of the Franco-American Press and Organizations Avec le clergé et nos sociétés, notre presse franco-américaine peut se féliciter d’avoir contribué à l’érection des temples et des écoles magnifiques, où nos populations puisent la force nécessaire pour résister à l’apostasie religieuse et à l’assimilation” (Tonnancour 1887 quoted in Poteet (Ed.) 1987: 270). 150 <?page no="151"?> V.1.6.1 The Franco-American Press 179 After settling down in New England, the French-Canadians started to build up what was to be another column of the Survivance, the Franco-American press. Catholic and patriotic in character, it aimed mainly at preserving French-Canadian values in a predominantly Protestant environment: “Les journaux franco-américains se proclamaient défenseurs de la famille, de l’Église, et des traditions culturelles du groupe” (Chassé 1979: 5). Between 1838 and 1911 some 200 French-language newspapers had been founded and disappeared again in New England. Massachusetts was the center of the Franco-American press: “L’État où fusionnèrent les journaux de langue française fut sans contredit le Massachusetts” (Roy 1965: 13). It saw the foundation of many newspapers such as L’Indépendant and L’Echo du Canada (Fall River), L’Opinion Publique (Worcester) or L’Etoile (Lowell) (cf. Roy 1965: 12-18). Some of them were short-lived and existed only a couple of months like L’Ouvrier Canadien (Fall River, 1875), others several years like Le Courrier (Worcester, 1880-1892) (cf. Belisle 1911: 27-38). In its early years, the Franco-American press contributed to the establishment of Franco- American institutions. Le Protecteur Canadien, for instance, was founded in Burlington, Vermont, “to make known the need for French-speaking priests in New England” (Perreault 1987: 117), which was finally met by the diocese (cf. also Paré 1973: 15). Also, the Franco-American press played an important part in the lives of their readers because it kept them “abreast of matters relevant to the Franco-American life in their own and other communities” (Perreault 1987: 117). However, the majority of Franco-American newspapers, mostly weeklies, had “a tiny circulation, and little or no effect” (Brault 1986: 80). They lacked readership from the start, mainly due to illiteracy. When, in 1831, a journalist from Canada insisted on the importance of the establishment of a French-language press in New England by saying that “la presse périodique est la seule bibliothèque du people” (Quintal 1984: 5), he did not take into account the fact that most Franco- Americans of the first immigrant generation were of poor or no education: Les colons canadiens furent des braves gens mais la plupart étaient illettrés. […] Il y eut des écoles dans la colonie mais ces maisons d’éducation furent concentrées surtout à Montréal, aux Trois-Rivières et à Québec. […] Il fut presque impossible pour les colons canadiens de s’instruire sous le régime de France. […] Sous le régime anglais, les difficultés des colons canadiensfrançais dans le cadre de l’éducation ne se diminuèrent pas (Roy 1965: 28-29). 179 Other media will not be discussed at length in this study since they have never been very influential (cf. Warshauer 1966: 79). There are still a few French radio shows (like L’Heure française de Worcester, two hours on Sundays), the majority of which concentrates on French and French-Canadian music, and the ACA funded TV series Bonjour! , but “ce sont des programmes pour amuser beaucoup plus que pour informer le public” (Chassé 1979: 8). 151 <?page no="152"?> In the first place, the situation did not improve due to the bad economic situation: “L’homme vit de pain avant de vivre d’éducation” (Roy 1965: 30). So many of the immigrants who sought a better life in New England were illiterate Canadian farmers, who - if they were interested in newspapers at all - had the articles read to them: “À cette époque les Canadiens aimaient surtout entendre parler” (Tétrault 1935: 59). (635) (QC63) mon grand-père M a/ a été à l’école jusqu’à troisième année. i a raconté qu’i pouvait pas lire. i savait pas lire. toutes les soirs. avait/ i avait une ferme. après qu’i avait fini là. i rentrait à maison avait son repas puis toute ça. après ça ma tante J la plus vieille des filles. fallait qu’elle prenne le/ le/ le journal. et toute le lire le journal complet. parce que lui pouvait pas le lire After World War I, the Franco-American press started to decline. Again, anti-ethnic feelings in the American population played a part: “Anglo- Americans […] [had] a distrust of everything foreign especially newspapers printed in any language other than English” (Paré 1973: 31). The Great Depression put a top to the influx of immigrants from Canada, which, before, had guaranteed new, French monolingual readers (cf. Perreault 1987: 121-122). After World War II, along with the Little Canadas, Franco- American newspapers declined further in number and finally disappeared one after the other, for various reasons. 1) Disinterest There are two groups of Franco-Americans who did not subscribe to Franco-American newspapers. The first one was indifferent to this institution on the whole: “[On constate une certaine] indifference envers la presse franco-américaine de la part d’un grand nombre d’émigrants du Québec” (Roy 1965: 32). Although many immigrants of the following decades had learned to read, they often showed little interest in reading newspapers, let alone French-language newspapers. They preferred magazines: “[Ils] lisent à peine les manchettes du journal local de langue anglaise et […] aiment à regarder le s photographies des revues illustrés” (Roy 1965: 35). (636) (I) et est-ce que vous lisez des journaux par exemple. québécois ou/ (QC76) oh non (QC80) non (QC76) seulement moi je vas lire des revues. autrement on lit les papiers anglais The second group was interested in French-language newspapers but preferred high-quality journalism from Quebec: Si certains Franco-Américains (surtout parmi les plus instruits) persistèrent à souscrire aux journaux québécois, c’est qu’ils trouvèrent en ceux-ci une meilleure source de nouvelles, des articles de fond bien rédigés et une mise en page plus attrayante (Roy 1965: 33). 152 <?page no="153"?> (637) (QUU58) ma grand-mère […] était très intelligente. mais même quand elle est revenue aux Etats-Unis. elle s’est mariée. elle continuait à/ à abonnir des journaux québécois 2) Mass media With the rise of radio and TV 180 , the press, which had always been of limited access to the lower-class parts of the community, was marginalized more and more: Ils se tiennent au courant par le truchement de la radio et de la télévision. […] L’ouvrier américain, en général, ne lit pas […]. La télévision a remplacé la lecture en ce pays. L’ouvrier américain aime à se braquer devant ce petit écran magique et se laisser éduquer par cet appareil extraordinaire. Et c’est aussi ce que fait l’ouvrier franco-américain (Roy 1965: 35). So “the advent of mass media within easy reach of everyone [has] undoubtedly [exerted] […] some negative influence on French language maintenance” (Miller 1969: 12). 3) Assimilation The younger Franco-Americans turned mostly to American newspapers because English had become their only vernacular and because “le Franco- Américain […] veut être reconnu comme Américain. Or, le signe le plus tangible d’américanisation est de pouvoir se servir de l’anglais. […] Les jeunes […] veulent divorcer avec tout ce qui pourrait les singulariser” (Roy 1965: 24). Assimilation brings with it the loss of proficiency in French and therefore the lack of interest in French-language media. This, of course, is “a vicious circle; without a foreign-language media, assimilation proceeds at a faster rate of speed and with assimilation disappears the need for a foreign-language media” (Paré 1973: 41). 4) Franco-American journalism The Franco-American press itself contributed largely to its decline. From the start, it concentrated on reporting on Franco-American and French- Canadian events only (cf. S.M.-Armand-de-la-Croix 1958: 34), which made sense in the early days of immigration: À l’époque où la majorité des Franco-Américains ne parlaient ni lisaient guère l’anglais, les journaux de langue française leur étaient essentiels; en premier lieu, comme sources des nouvelles locales, régionales, nationales et mondiales. En outre, ces journaux renseignaient leurs lecteurs à propos d’événements d’importance majeure ou mineure touchant la vie française aux Etats-Unis (Perreault 1984: 27). 180 The internet did not play a part in the decline of the Franco-American press any more. 153 <?page no="154"?> Later on, however, sticking to Franco-American affairs - which had become a field of decreasing importance - and to its tradition of polemics (cf. Perreault 1987: 117) deprived the Franco-American press of readers in the Franco-American community as well as of potential French-speaking readers of other ethnic origin. Originally, it had been built up to support French-Canadian Survivance: “La presse franco-américaine fut avant tout une presse d’opinion et les journalistes n’ont pas voulu limiter leur tâche au simple travail d’information” (S.M.-Armand-de-la-Croix 1958: 34; cf. also Tonnancour 1887 in Poteet (Ed.) 1987: 270). When the fight for the survival of French culture and language was gradually neglected and finally given up, at least on a large scale, the press did not manage to adapt to the circumstances and to finally start to disseminate the news instead of voicing opinions. Instead of competing on a reasonable level with American (and French-Canadian) journalism, the remaining Franco-American newspapers fought for what was left of the French mission in New England. There was a considerable number of Franco-Americans who were not interested in the French cause (any more). Most of the articles in Franco-American newspapers, however, “dealt with the happenings and events affecting a small segment of the Franco-population. There was hardly any popular news and the great working class masses were neglected” (Paré 1973: 41). That is why many Franco-Americans subscribed to American or French-Canadian newspapers: “Beaucoup de lecteurs, attirés par la presse américaine, abandonnent les journaux francophones” (Roby 1990: 268; cf. also S.M.-Armandde-la-Croix 1958: 41). In 1958, there were only five Franco-American newspapers left in Massachusetts, one quotidien, L’Indépendant in Fall River, founded in 1885, and four hebdomadaires, Le Courrier in Lawrence, founded in 1899, La Liberté in Fitchburg, founded in 1900, La Justice in Holyoke, founded in 1902, and Le Travailleur in Worcester, founded 1931 (cf. S.M.- Armand-de-la-Croix 1958: 44). The latter was to be the last Franco- American newspaper in Massachusetts. Dedicated “exclusively to the recording and the promotion of Franco-American cultural activites”, as read its subtitle, it had to be given up in 1979 because of a manqué de lecteurs à cause de la brutalité avec laquelle son directeurpropriétaire, M. Wilfried Beaulieu, attaque les personnes qui ne sont pas conformes à ses idées vis-à-vis de la position du français dans les activités franco-américaines (Roy 1965: 43). Nowadays, most Franco-Americans only get French-language newspapers and magazines when they buy them during one of their occasional visits to Canada : 181 181 Note that the French-language papers published in the U.S., such as the Journal Français or France-Amérique, deal with France and are therefore of limited interest to the majority of Franco-Americans (cf. Chartier 2000: 399). In Massachusetts, there are no more stores that specialize in selling books, CDs and newspapers of interest to Franco- 154 <?page no="155"?> (638) (QC57) fait que les seuls journaux qu’on a c’est quand qu’on va à/ à Montréal et puis on en ramène In New England, there are no more first-rate French-language newspapers, but only newsletters of some organizations (cf. Brault 1986: 183), many of which are bilingual or have become all-English by now . 182 Bonnes Fête des Acadiens et Acadiennes to all our members and readers! […] As you peruse the pages of this issue, you may notice that Le Réveil may seem a bit deplete of our usual palate of articles, and this, for good reason…we are rapidly exhausting our cache of materials. As a result, we entreat our members and readers to help us in this regard. As the main unifying instrument of this Society, our quaterly is perhaps the most important aspect of who we are. Since we have semi-relinquished our library holdings to the care of the Public Libraby of the City of Fitchburg, and since we do not have a regular center in which our members are able to gather, nor are there any regularly scheduled events and meetings, and most of all because of the fact that our membership is quite geograohically spread out, Le Réveil Acadien is thus our main source of cohesiveness and communication. It is important then that we have everybody’s input and creativity to keep the quality of our magazine vibrant and alive. […] So without further ado, we share with you the numerous items which have come to our attention. Bonne lecture! (639) (QUU74) nos membres asteur sont plus anglais asteur. comme nos/ nos..papiers de nouvelles. euh je sais pas comment-c’qu’on dit ça. des magazines? […] une dizaine d’années peut-êt’. ben ça c’était pas tout à une fois. i avaient commencé à euh..séparer les ar/ euh..THE ARTI- CLES euh. en avaient en anglais et en français. mais le plus les memb’ étaient plus jeunes. i avaient du troub’ avec le français. comme ça i ont commencé à… (640) (AU56) [THE ACADIAN SOCIETY] THEY HAVE A/ AN ANNUAL BUSINESS MEETING. BUT THEY USUALLY HAVE AN ACADIAN DAY IN JUNE. IN TEMPLETON. WHERE THEY HAVE YOU KNOW THE poutines AND. THE/ THE ACADIAN FOOD AND THEY’LL HAVE MUSIC. SOMETIMES THEY HAVE SOME YOU KNOW..SOME PEOPLE WELL FROM QUEBEC ALSO. NOT JUST ACADIANS BUT..SO IT MIGHT ONLY BE ONCE OR TWICE A YEAR. YEAH. THEN I GET THE QUARTERLY MAGAZINE THAT COMES FOUR TIMES A YEAR. ‘COURSE IT’S ALL IN ENGLISH Not only is there a disinterest in the French language, a growing percentage of Franco-Americans are also ignorant of and indifferent to their cultural and ethnic heritage (cf. Perreault 1987: 123). When asked if they Americans, such as La Librairie Populaire, which used to have a branch in Lowell, MA, but now only exists in Manchester, NH. 182 Below: Excerpt from Le Réveil Acadien. The Acadian Awakening. Vol. XIX. N° 3. August 2003. 53. Note that the quarterly is struggling to find enough articles to publish. 155 <?page no="156"?> read anything in French, including books 183 , the majority of the participants turned out to rarely do so: “Est-ce que vous lisez des journaux ou des magazines en français? ” Regularly Sometimes Never 6.3 % 41.5 % 52.2 % “Est-ce que vous lisez des livres en français? ” Regularly Sometimes Never 4.9 % 28.8 % 66.3 % The summing up the results of “reading practice” among Franco-American revealed the following results: Regularly Sometimes Never Whereas there is easy access to French-language books, newspapers or magazines in Massachusetts, the situation is quite different as far as the audiovisual media are concerned. As mentioned above there are very few radio and TV shows available in French, and most of them are rather intended to promote Franco-American artists. Many Franco-Americans, however, have access to Canadian or French TV and radio stations but the growing distance between the French spoken by Franco-Americans and the varieties of Canadian French and the French spoken in France prevents most of them from listening to or watching these programs: (641) (AC66) t’sais à la télévision t’as des postes français. c’est plus des gros mots. que nous-aut’ on dit […] t’sais euh..les postes de télévision français. c’est un meilleur français que nous-aut’. qu’on a appris 183 Franco-American Literature is not part of this study. The limited number of Frenchlanguage works did not have an impact on language maintenance: “De 1878 […] à 1939, tous les romans ethniques franco-américains furent écrits en français, ce qui témoigne du degré de conservation de la langue chez les immigrés canadiens-français et leurs enfants de naissance américaine, à cette époque […]. Ces romans étant écrits en français, le cercle des lecteurs possibles se réduisait au public de la communauté francoaméricaine” (Sorrell 1980: 65). After World War II, more and more authors wrote in English, among them the most famous Franco-American writer Jacques Kérouac. 156 <?page no="157"?> (642) (QU51) aujourd’hui si vous allez au Canada. quand vous écoutez l/ la télévision. um. c’est plutôt encore le français ben. euh. le fran/ le français bien connu autour de/ de Paris. euh c’est/ c’est..on dit c’est/ c’est pas comme le français que..on dit..de mes onc’ et m/ mes tantes (643) (AC65) on a une station français sur télévision. pis si je la mets..pis j/ j/ je prends du temps pour les écouter. euh j’comprends qu’est-ce qu’i parlont. i parlont trop vite pour moi (QU69) ouais c’est ça. i parlent trop vite So, in fact, the questions on the audiovisual media revealed even more negative results: “Est-ce que vous écoutez la radio en français? ” Regularly Sometimes Never 1.0% 5.8 % 93.2 % “Est-ce que vous regardez la télé en français? ” Regularly Sometimes Never 3.9% 18.0% 78.1 % Summary of the results “listening practice”: Regularly Sometimes Never In conclusion it may be said that the few remaining Franco-American media, as well as the French and Canadian media accessible in Massachusetts - if they have ever contributed to language maintenance among Franco-Americans in Massachusetts at all - do not have any influence on the survival of the French language. 157 <?page no="158"?> V.1.6.2 Franco-American National Societies and Social Clubs 184 The American Civil War led to an enormous influx of immigrants from Canada. With these simple and for the most part uneducated people came “les hommes de la classe instruite, les négociants, les hommes de professions libérales” (Belisle 1911: 12). They were “les fondateurs et les pionniers de notre clergé national, et se fixèrent dans les centres les plus populeux. Avec cette classe dirigeante pour guide commença au sein des groupes l’organisation de[s] […] sociétés dans la Nouvelle-Angleterre” (Belisle 1911: 12). So, in addition to their churches and schools, the Franco- Americans “early displayed a tendency to organize their own fraternal and insurance societies […]. By 1869 there were 17 such benevolent societies […]. Subsequently more than 400 were established” (Wade 1967: 148). In the beginning, such societies often started out as local initiatives to protect the community members: “The parish priest even served as a banker, for many of these early residents. Distrustfully of strangers and unacquainted with English-speaking citizens, they did business only among their own” (Parker 1983: 14). (644) (AUU71) t’sais. n/ nous sommes une caisse populaire ici. une banque mais c’est une caisse populaire. qui a eu un commencement euh. avec l’église. Immaculée Conception. c’était Immaculée Conception en dixhuit cent vingt-huit. et en dix-neuf quarante-huit. ils ont le nom Immaculée Conception. et c’est maintenant I-C. euh c’était euh. une place où um..les parents pourraient/ pouvaient venir et ils connaissaient pas personne ici aux Etats-Unis. alors i/ i/ ils allaient voir Monsieur le Curé pour les emprunts. après ça Monsieur le Curé a commencé la banque. la caisse populaire. c’était l/ l/ les gens aidaient les uns les aut’. THEY WERE HELPING ONE ANOTHER. YEAH However, in the course of time, these multipurpose organizations - “[leur] objet était le progrès religieux, économique, social et national” (Goulet 1934: 52) - were slowly beginning to “downplay the fraternal spirit and charitable orientation that had characterized their early years in favor of economic expansion” (Chartier 2000: 290). Most of them were gradually transformed into banks and insurance companies, which still contributed to the social welfare by supporting school and college programs and giving out scholarships; they had, however, lost their fraternal and patriotic traits. In Massachusetts, such national societies were numerous, among them for example the Institut Canadien-Français (founded in 1868), the Société 184 Note that not all such organizations can be mentioned in this study. Only the most important ones will be given consideration. Note furthermore that in the big cities such as Lowell and Boston, there were organizations like the Société Historique Franco-Américaine or the Alliance française, which served the purpose of affording interaction between the French, the French-Canadians, and the Franco-Americans (cf. Brault 1986: 76-79). For an overview, see Brault 1986: 176-190. 158 <?page no="159"?> Saint Joseph (founded in 1880), or the Union Canadienne (founded in 1881) (cf. Brault 1986: 176). The most popular by far was the Société Saint-Jean- Baptiste, founded in 1834 in Montreal to “promote solidarity among French Canadians and to provide a welfare fund that includes sickness and death benefits” (Brault 1986: 177). Groups were formed in Pittsfield, Springfield, Holyoke, Fitchburg, Worcester, Haverhill, Northampton, Southbridge, Webster and Fall River from 1864 to 1871. Efforts to federate Franco- American mutuals were to no avail until two such groups formed the Association Canado-Américaine (ACA) at Manchester, NH, in 1896, and eighteen organizations merged into the Union Saint-Jean-Baptiste d’Amérique (USJB) at Woonsocket, RI, in 1900 185 . This fraternal society was especially important because of the Saint John the Baptist Day celebration - there was usually a mass followed by a parade and a picnic (cf. Brault 1986: 178) - organized by Franco-American clubs and societies. The USJB and the ACA both played a major role in Franco-American history by supporting the Franco- American community in various ways: They boasted libraries of Frenchlanguage publications and gave away scholarships for students of French. Also, their meetings were occasions to speak French and to hear speeches and communications in French (cf. Lemaire 1966: 277). As was common at the time, women were excluded from these organizations. So, at the turn of the century, the first women’s groups started to appear: “There were female Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste and Union St.-Joseph mutuals in Springfield, MA, in 1901 and 1902, respectively. The Cercle Jeanne Mance of Worcester was founded in 1913” (Brault 1986: 77). The bestknown of these women’s societies was the Fédération Féminine Franco- Américaine, which was founded in 1951 (cf. Chartier 2000: 265). After the Second World War, there was a growing demand for social clubs rather than for non-profit insurance groups. In 1954, the first Richelieu Club, an organization initiated in Ottawa in 1945 and modeled on Rotary International, was founded in Manchester, NH, from where it spread all over New England: By 1960, Fall River, New Bedford, and Holyoke had their own Richelieu Clubs (cf. Chartier 2000: 275, 362-363). There are all men’s clubs, all women’s clubs and mixed clubs. The Richelieu Club meetings offered a good opportunity to speak French - anyone using an English word was (and still is) fined: (645) (QU76) durant les réunions..tu parles anglais il faut payer euh un amende 185 In passing it should be noted that there was considerable competition between the Franco-American societies. In some cases, as with the ACA and the USJB, there was not only rivalry but serious disagreement over the Sentinelle Affair. For details, see Rumilly 1958: 490-503. 159 <?page no="160"?> Originally, membership in these organizations was restricted to Franco- Americans (cf. Wade 1967: 148). In 1982, however, non-Catholics were permitted to join the Union Saint-Jean-Baptiste d’Amérique (cf. Brault 1986: 178), a first step toward losing its independence and its status as a Franco- American organization. (646) (QUU74) la Société de L’Union Saint-Jean-Baptiste. puis moi je suis le président du conseil. mais je parle pas au/ à fran/ nos/ (QU71) on avait coutume de parler (QUU74) nos membres asteur sont plus anglais asteur It shared the fate of all formerly Franco-American societies (cf. Chartier 2000: 391): (647) (QUU60) l’Association Canado-Américaine qui existe euh encore et/ et sans doute la plus forte de/ de tout/ de tout-là/ . euh l’autre était l’Union Saint Jean Baptiste euh. basé à WOONSOCKET RHODE ISLAND qui a plus ou moins perdu son autonomie euh il y a/ il y a dix ans quand c’était acheté par CATHOLIC LIFE INSURANCE […] euh alors euh. Union Saint Jean Baptiste existe encore avec son euh. bras fraternel mais euh. euh. c/ c’est vraiment un/ un prisonnier de CATHOLIC FAMILY LIFE. c/ c’est pas autonome. il y avait un autre. appelé ‘Les Artisans’. qui euh plus tard a changé son nom à ‘Les Coopérants’. et…pendant les années euh. soixante-dix soi/ et…quatre-vingts. euh. quelque chose comme ça. euh. ça existait seulement au Canada. et finalement c’est/ c’est/ c’était. euh. devenu. euh. FIRST INVESTOR’S LIFE. puis ça existe pas maintenant. il y avait un autre. un plus petit. qui s’appelait ‘Assomption Vie’ […] mais ça fonctionne maintenant seulement au Canada. c’est basé à MONCTON NEW BRUNSWICK. euh. tous ces organai/ organisations étaient comme. um. des/ des organismes fraternels qui vendaient de l’assurance et faisaient des choses pour la culture et la langue. euh. alors donc il y a seulement deux qui existent encore. c’est A-C-A qui est très fort. euh. dans les deux pays. et euh. Union Saint Jean Baptiste qui est seulement aux Etats-Unis. euh. mais non pas. euh. autonome All other organizations, especially the social clubs such as the Cercle des Dames françaises in Springfield for instance, suffer from a lack of (young) members and have often given up French as the language of the meetings : 186 (648) (I) est-ce que vous appartenez à une organisation comme euh qu’est-ce qu’il y a j’sais pas le Cercle des Dames françaises ou les Dames francoaméricaines? (QU47) non pour moi non (I) non? (QU47) je sais que ça existe mais. um encore c’est une géré/ génération plus âgée 186 Note that the Cercle des Dames françaises in Springfield was forced to close down in the fall of 2007. 160 <?page no="161"?> (649) (QC55) ben i y avait la FRANCO-AMERICAN CLUB des années quand j’étais un p’tit garçon. mais la nationalité elle a diminué puis c’te clubs-là sont toutes fermés (650) (QU42) à not’ église i y a les Dames de. Sainte Anne c’est…um. mais je/ j’ai jamais été là […] c’est des vieilles bonnes femmes (LAUGHING) (651) (AU78) ben c’est à GARDNER. THEY HAD ONE [an Acadian social club]. UH HERE. BUT THEY DISBAN/ THEY DISBANDED THE ONE HERE. THEY YOUNG PEOPLE DON’T GET INVOLVED SEE (652) (QU78) j’avais coutume d’appartenir aux Cerc’ des Dames françaises […] quand ils avaient leurs réunions les réunions étaient en anglais […] parce que ça allait plus vite je suppose en anglais. puis i y en a qui appartenaient au club euh. que le français était pas tellement avancé. que ça allait plus vite en anglais je suppose (653) (QC62) la plus jeune dans les Dames euh..dans les Dames francoaméricaines la plus jeune on/ elle a peut-êt’ euh..cinquante-cinq. cinquante-six peut-être. la plus jeune […] les Dames françaises euh…dans les Dames françaises..je/ euh..j/ je sais qu’i y a pas personne qu’a cinquante ans. c’est officiel dans les Dames françaises. là i ont toutes soixante et plus. ah oui Even the Richelieu Club was forced to close many of its local branches in Massachusetts and other parts of New England: (654) (QU77) la même chose avec les Richelieu c’était tout en français. mais euh […] i/ il a joint le club de SPRINGFIELD..a fermé (I) le Richelieu n’existe plus? (QU77) euh oui. euh oui parce qu’il a continué avec WOONSOCKET. i ont un gros club. à WOONSOCKET (I) mais pas ici? (QU77) non. pas à SPRINGFIELD. et puis le club de HARTFORD la même chose (655) (QC62) vois-tu les hommes i y avait la Ligue Sacré Cœur. i y avait euh..i y avait le Club Richelieu […] c’est toute des/ c’est toute fini ça ces choseslà. i y a plus rien de ça […] i avaient d’la misère eux-autres aussi avoir des membres. et puis ont décidé que ça valait pas la peine (656) (QUU75) j’étais membre du Richelieu mais. ça a failli parce que il y avait pas assez de membres. il fallait euh au moins six membres pour euh exister Most of the other Franco-American organizations have (more or less) ceased to exist: (657) (QUU60) la/ la Fédération féminine. euh…franco/ franco-américaine euh C Q était le président d’ça pendant un temps. euh..j’pense la dernière 161 <?page no="162"?> présidente était M P de..la région de Lowell […] oui. euh. ce n’est pas actif pour le moment. euh. elle est devenue. euh. assez vieille. mais toujours très. euh…um…elle/ elle connaît. euh. qu’est-ce qu’elle fait. euh. elle pense très bien. euh. ils sont en cherche pour du LEADERSHIP nouveau. pour le moment il y a pas de LEADERSHIP nouveau. alors c’est/ c’est un peu comme Actfane. euh. c’est. euh. c’est endormi pour le moment. la même chose avec. um. euh. la Société historique des Franco- Américains In other cases the organizations dropped the French language and continued to exist on the basis of French-Canadian ancestry only: (658) (QC62) les Dames franco-américaines i donnent des SCHOLARSHIP. pour les enfants. donc on a eu un gros partie de cartes la semaine dernière. et puis on a/ le SCHOLARSHIP est pas beaucoup. mais on leur donne deux cent cinquante dollars. on avait dix applicants. et puis au lieu de donner cinq cents ou cinq cents six cents pers/ dollars à la même personne/ parce qu’aujourd’hui c’est la plupart c’est les petits-enfants qui font l’application. parce que les mères i ont plus de jeunes. i ont pas d’enfants. les enfants sont toutes grandis. donc la plupart des memb’ c’est leurs petits-enfants. donc on essaie de donner à tous ceux qui font application à place. tu sais euh..ouais. mais euh. les memb’ c’est très très difficile d’avoir des nouveaux membres. très très difficile (659) (I) vous êtes membres vous deux? (QUU48) oui. j’ai commencé/ WELL nous-aut’/ j’ai commencé le même temps. WE STARTED THE SAME TIME […] YEAH. parce que i donnent euh…SCHOLARSHIP. parce que YOU KNOW FOR FRENCH HERI- TAGE. AND. THAT’S WHY WE JOINED. SO MY DAUGHTERS COULD TAKE ADVANTAGE OF THAT (I) mais on parle pas français non? dans le club? (QU78) on parle un peu le français (QUU48) on/ on dit les/ euh le..la prière au commencement (QU78) oui pour commencer […] on dit le ALLEGIANCE ensemb’. le/ le Canada. on ouv’ l’assemblée en français puis on finit en anglais Some of the organizations that are in existence today are social clubs that have never been very much attached to the Franco-American cause: “Many of the clubs merely served as places to drink, to play cards, or to shoot a game of billiards” (Albert 1979: 43). They managed to survive because they disposed of French as the obligatory language and opened their doors to Americans and members of other ethnic groups: (660) (AC82) le club acadien. de GARDNER. c’était seulement quand-c’que j’suis devenu memb’ faulait que t’es catholique français. pis ta parenté s/ soit ta mère ou ton père est français. autrement tu pouvais pas rentrer. aujourd’hui c’est n’importe quelle nation. parce que i y avait pas gros monde. pis c’est un gros club puis..c’est comme ça que..i a appris à……toutes les nations les Chines. les Polonais. pas mal de Polonais 162 <?page no="163"?> (661) (QU72) elle a d’la misère la présidente. elle d’la misère à dire “bonsoir mesdames” (LAUGHING). […] les femmes parlent français. t’sais celles qui viennent d’arriver du Canada. parlent encore français. mais quand qu’i/ quand qu’on joue aux cartes. là i parlent toutes en anglais All that is left of the Franco-American societies today, is, in many cases, only the organizations’ name: (662) (AC82) ACADIAN SOCIAL CLUB. ben je dis là moi ça m’fait depuis quarante-huit que je suis memb’ là. ben ici i prend toutes sortes de/ euh différents sortes de nationalités là. faut ôter le mot acadien. c’est club euh. club social c’est toute V.1.7 The Loss of Canada as a Back-up In all human languages three words have a very great importance, as they also have in the life of nations; altar, flag, home. The altar stands for religion; the home for family; the flag for the homeland. Of these three words, I shall retain but one - homeland, because this word includes the two others (Rev. Rozier 1902, quoted in Arsenault 2003: 43). There are two ways in which the mother country can contribute to the maintenance of a minority’s culture and language: There can be a steady influx of new immigrants from this country, and emigrants can regularly visit this country or, at least, maintain contact of some kind, which is why the geographical proximity of a minority’s mother country is considered to be in favor of language maintenance (cf. Vander Zanden 1972: 278). Geographic proximity and easy access are both given in the case of the Franco-Americans. Mass immigration, however, is a phenomenon of the past, and not only are there not enough new French-Canadians coming to Massachusetts to keep the Franco-American community alive, the ones that do immigrate all speak (some) English nowadays; but only monolingual immigrants contribute to language maintenance: It appears to require considerable social pressure for such a [minority] […] to remain bilingual for any length of time. As long as the group is a true link between monolinguals, this pressure exists. But if the monolinguals on one side disappear, becoming bilinguals or going over to the other language entirely, the reason for bilingualism disappears and its functional importance is reduced (Haugen 1969: 7). So, new immigration from the mother country has ceased to contribute to the survival of the Franco-American community in Massachusetts. As far as the emigrants’ contact to the country of origin is concerned, Franco-Americans saw Canada as their home, their native country for a long time. After the First World War Canada’s influence started to wane. Franco-Americans, loyal to their adopted country, showed little understanding for Canada’s lack of support for the war (cf. Chartier 2000: 181). 163 <?page no="164"?> The following generations took less and less interest in Canada, which was not their native country, and which “they viewed as a land of suffering from which their families had fled” (Chartier 2000: 181). However, Canada managed to stay the number one vacation spot for decades because visiting the relatives keep the families tied together. This holds still true for the older generation: (663) (AC66) toutes mes frères puis mes sœurs sont toutes là. j’en ai encore…j’ai dix sœurs puis trois frères (I) et est-ce que vous y allez souvent? (AC70) ah oui (AC66) deux trois fois par an Although the country is of some importance for them, the younger generation has mostly lost contact. They rarely visit their country of origin, and if so, only as tourists. (664) (QUUU19) I’LL DEFINITELY TAKE MY KIDS TO CANADA LIKE MY PARENTS DID. JUST TO CARRY ON THE LIKE CULTURE So once the older generation - in Canada and the U.S. - dies off, the exchange is likely to come to a complete stop. Not only does the younger generation lose contact with the remaining relatives, they very often do not think of Canada as their native or home country any more. (665) (QU41) on allait souvent. euh quand mes grands-parents é/ étaient vivants on allait presque chaque se/ chaque/ euh chaque été on allait. […] des fois pour des mariages des anniversaires pendant l’année. alors on parlait/ il fallait/ il fallait parler français quand on allait (I) et aujourd’hui est-ce que vous allez toujours au Canada? (QU41) oui mais pas si souvent. um. on essaie d’aller. une fois tous les deux années. YOU KNOW mais… (666) (I) est-ce que vous/ est-ce que vous allez toujours au Canada? (AUU45) NOT REALLY. NOT REALLY. MY PARENTS STILL DO A LOT BUT WE DON’T AS MUCH. I DON’T KNOW (667) (QU58) quand on allait au Canada. t’sais on allait au Canada des fois trois quat’ fois par se/ par année. t’sais visiter mes cousins mes onc’ mes tantes et euh..là je parlais français tout l’temps là-bas t’sais. avec mes cousins avec mes/ avec ma parenté t’sais. là je parlais français. t’sais (I) et est-ce que vous allez au Canada? (QU58) ça fait à peu près..oh..une vingtaine d’années que. j’suis pas allé là (I) est-ce que vous avez encore de la parenté au Canada? (QU58) tous mes cousins. tous mes cousins et tous mes cousines. i restent tous là au Canada. euh Montréal. Trois Rivières. Sherbrooke. ici j’ai un cousin qui reste pas loin d’ici. c’est la rue PALM VIEW. mais je le vois de temps en temps mais. on s’parle pas 164 <?page no="165"?> (668) (QC50) mes cousins um. je vois pas assez souvent. i y en a oui mais pas trop. mais c’est venu une grande grande famille. ma grand-mère a décédé l’année passée. avait quatre-vingt-quatorze. […] là on allait la visiter plus souvent. AND là que elle/ um mes tantes et tout c’est. um j’ai/ comme dit/ on est pas/ comment on dirait ça..proche If people keep in touch with their relatives in Canada, they see themselves confronted with the following situation. More and more French-Canadians speak English fluently nowadays. Then, people were forced to speak French when they went to see their relatives in Canada, so going there two to four times a year contributed enormously not only to keeping up the language but also to enriching it with new words. The situation in Canada has changed though. The educational system, the influence of the media and sociocultural factors have led to a growing bilingualism, as the following Canadian Census data show . 187 Percentage of Knowledge of English and French Year of Census 1951 1971 1991 2001 New Brunswick 18.6 21.5 29.5 34.4 Quebec 25.6 27.6 35.4 40.8 Despite the fact that the English influence on Quebec French is not necessarily obvious in the written domain (cf. Grobe/ Dahmen 2005: 264), it is definitely so in the spoken one. To keep track of new technologies, inventions and concepts (of mostly American origin), English words are frequently borrowed due to a lack of suitable French forms - which is why Henriette Walter speaks of an “anglomanie nécessaire” (Walter 2001: 240). Also, English is the language of the politically and economically influential neighbor, which is why Canadians nowadays can hardly do without English: (669) (QU41) pour les Canadiens qui ont une dépe/ dépendance sur les Etats- Unis. i faut/ faut apprend’ l’Amérique/ euh l’anglais si on veut faire. euh. les transactions avec la/ les Etats-Unis. SO c’est différent pour eux. i faut appr/ apprend’ l’anglais (670) (QC77) au Canada. on s’aperçoit. qu’i sont influencés par les Américains. beaucoup d’monde au Canada parle anglais asteur. dans mon temps une personne sur trois paroisses parlait l’anglais. asteur dans les jeunes i ont été influencés par les Etats-Unis The increasing knowledge of English in Canada often prevents Franco- Americans, even of the first immigrant generation, from practicing French 187 Cf. Census of Canada. 1971. Vol. 1. Part III (1931-1971), P.3. Population by (A) official language, (B) language most often spoken at home, for Canada and Provinces; Statistics Canada. at http: / / www40.statcan.ca/ 101/ cst01/ demo15a [or 17a].htm. 165 <?page no="166"?> with their relatives; firstly because it is easier for them to speak English, and, secondly, because their Canadian relatives often want to practice their English: (671) (AC62) souvent tu sais j’suis au téléphone avec mes frères au Canada. même euh. i y a deux mes frères au Canada i y a souvent que j’parle anglais avec eux-aut’ (672) (QU51) j’aimerais aussi/ au/ qu’on va au Canada pour deux trois ans ça serait/ ça serait assez/ même euh j’ai des cousins qui restent à Montréal..puis eux-aut’ sont Canadiens puis ils parlent bien le français parce que euh euh..ma cousine […] son marié euh vient de Montréal. i sont déménagés i restent à Montréal asteur. leu/ leur enfants. quand qu’i étaient jeunes ils parlaient toujours le français puis i appreneraient l’anglais à l’école. là même au Canada leurs enfants i aiment à parler l’anglais plus que le français […] j’ai des cousins et des cousines qui savent parler un peu l’anglais. SO aussitôt que/ qu’on va les visiter. ils veulent se pratiquer en anglais plus que. on dit A et M veulent se pratiquer en français. SO ils vont lui parler en anglais puis euh. AND THEY THINK IT’S GREAT (673) (QU47) OF COURSE I MEAN ALL MY COUSINS. FROM CANADA THEY ALL SPEAK VERY VERY GOOD ENGLISH (674) (QU47) à Montréal c’est plutôt on dirait v/ vous al/ vous pouvez aller à Montréal puis pas euh pas parler français pantoute. on dirait c/ c’est comme on dirait aller à NEW YORK (675) (QUU64) IT SHOCKED ME. I/ I DIDN’T REALIZE THAT. WHEN WE TRAVELED ALL THROUGH CANADA. UM MONTREAL. UP INTO NOVA SCOTIA. NEW BRUNSWICK AND ALL THAT AREA..I JUST THOUGHT EVERYBODY IN CANADA SPOKE FRENCH. […] IT’S ALL ENGLISH. COULDN’T FIND ANYBODY SPEAK FRENCH (676) (QUU69) I HAD A COUSIN IN MONTREAL. BUT HE DIDN’T/ HE SPOKE FRENCH BUT HE SPOKE ENGLISH TOO SO..THAT TOOK CARE OF THE FRENCH For the ones who do get to practice their French, there is yet another problem. Due to the growing distance of the varieties - it must be kept in mind that most Franco-Americans speak the French that their ancestors spoke, who often came from very remote areas of Quebec or the Maritime Provinces (cf. Pöll 1998: 92-93) - the Franco-Americans often face linguistic difficulties. (677) (AC55) même le langage qu’on parle. comme moi puis mon mari. c’est le vieux. langage acadien. ça fait trente ans/ ben c’est trente ans qu’on est aux Etats-Unis. ben on a gardé juste les/ les mêmes/ les mots simp’ a/ acadiens […] j’ai déménagé de là. ça/ comme ça j’ai vraiment gardé le 166 <?page no="167"?> langage simple. parce que même ma sœur on se/ quand on se voit les étés-là. j’entends tout l’monde parler puis i disent les/ les bons mots si vous voulez. tu sais. nous-aut’ on a encore les simp’ (678) (QC66) je parle/ mais des mots i faut du temps. même en français aussi. parce. le français du Canada asteur c’est plus comme icitte. ça a bien changé là (679) (QC63) moi je parle de..ce que j’ai parlé dans les années cinquante au Québec. mes frères puis mes sœurs asteur parlent plus comme moi. parce que t’sais ça ç’a changé. le parler a changé un peu. i y avait des mots que moi je dis qu’eux-aut’ i savent plus. eux-aut’ sont rendus plus proche de t’sais. du français de Paris. que/ que moi j’suis (680) (QU47) toutes mes cousins et mes cousines i sont en Canada. et puis quand/ quand j’y vas je trouve qu’i parlent bien. euh j’ai quelques cousins qui parlent bien trop vite pour moi. j’ai/ i faut je dise toujours “plus lentement s’il vous plaît” Especially new words or words that have never been part of their (limited) vocabulary cause problems. (681) (QU72) i venaient visiter souvent. quand on parle comme on dit. quand i y a les mots nouveaux là. euh..COMPUTER..ordinateur j’me rappelle asteur. ça fait dix fois qu’i me disent comment c’est c’que ce faut que je dise ça. i trouvent ça drôle parce que je parle/ c’est pas pire moi parler français parce que c’est la manière qu’i parlent en anglais eux-aut’ aussi. SO on transcrit. j’sais pas c’est transcrit? SO on parle en an/ en fran/ en anglais. puis/ non on parle en français puis euh. si c’est pas ça que je suis supposée d’dire. i me le disent. comme les n/ les noms de les maladies puis les/ les docteurs puis toute ça-là. c’est tout à fait ces mots-là je les ai pas jamais appris. parce que ici après qu’on a venu. c’était toujours l’anglais. à moins qu’on ait d’la visite du Canada (682) (QC58) ça a changé. parce que même i y a ben des choses là. que des fois que j’écoute eux-aut’ là quand je vois ma mère. i y a ben des choses que je comprends pas. beaucoup d’mots que je comprends pas (683) (QUU51) si. i ont besoin quequ’un qui peut/ qui peut parler français. on peut toujours m’appeler. seulement des fois c’est difficile un peu parce que. ma langue c’est une langue de/ de/ les mots sont seulement les mots que j’ai appris. parler. entre famille. toute ça mais des mots médicales des fois… (684) (QU51) MY COUSIN USED TO ALWAYS. REFER TO A BATHING SUIT. UH. AS A “maillot de bain”. AND I SAID ”WHAT IS THAT? ”. ‘CAUSE WHEN I WAS YOUNGER. WE USED TO ALWAYS CALL IT “costume de bain”…YOU KNOW. AND I/ AND I GUESS. BATHING COSTUME. RIGHT? SO “maillot de bain”. “maillot”. WHAT IS THAT? 167 <?page no="168"?> YOU KNOW. IT’S A WORD I’VE NEVER EVEN HEARD OF. YOU KNOW In some cases the distance between the varieties has grown to the extent that Franco-Americans do not understand the language in Canada any more: (685) (QUU81) (w) When we travelled to Quebec, I found it difficult to understand them because they speak Canadian French and too fast. (686) (QC58) ça a changé. parce que même i y a ben des choses là. que des fois que j’écoute eux-aut’-là quand je vois ma mère. i y a ben des choses que je comprends pas. beaucoup d’mots que je comprends pas. […] même à Coaticook..euh. même à Coaticook euh..euh i y a ben des mots que là tu dis “qu’est-ce qu’i disent? ”. je comprends pas (687) (QU41) i ont invité toute euh. la parenté de/ du Canada. SO i ont venu icitte. puis on parle ensemb’. puis..oui c’est dur parce que. je parle pas. tout l’temps. SO pour parler avec eux-aut’ i y a des mots que j/ Y’KNOW i y a des affaires que je comprends pas qu’i parlent parce que. eux-aut’ la langue ça/ ça change So, in fact, a factor once considered decisive for language maintenance, the proximity and (easy) access to the homeland (cf. Vander Zanden 1972: 278), in fact the presence of a “roof language” (“Dachsprache” cf. Kloss 1978: 60- 61), i.e. Canadian French in Canada, surely contributed to a slower rate of assimilation for a while but could eventually not prevent Franco- Americans from giving up the ties with their country of origin. It has definitely ceased to contribute to the maintenance of the French language among Franco-Americans. V.1.8 Diversity among Francophones One criterion of language loss that has not yet been taken into account is the diversity of the Francophones in Massachusetts. Although one might suppose that a high number of different francophone groups like Franco- Americans, French-Canadians, French and Haitians would contribute to a promotion of the language, it has not at all done so in Massachusetts: (688) (QUU60) qui est francophone en Nouvelle-Angleterre ça se divise vraiment en quelques camps First of all, the geographic distribution of the various groups works against an intermingling of the ethnic groups. Whereas Franco-Americans are spread all over Massachusetts, the other francophone groups, the Haitians, the French-Canadians and French-speaking immigrants from Europe, 168 <?page no="169"?> in particular from France and Belgium 188 , are concentrated in Boston and the greater Boston area, the economic center of Massachusetts. Secondly, the groups are - or at least consider themselves to be - very different from each other in various aspects such as language, culture and identity. Haitians and Franco-Americans do not mix, neither on the level of the (parish) community nor on the level of the individual. One reason is because the Haitians’ language is difficult to understand for Franco- Americans: (689) (QC67) ils parlent français ou euh..créole… (690) (QUU58) c’est/ c’est comme les Haïtiens. quand on/ quand on écoute leur parler. on entend un mot français de temps en temps t’sais. mais on est pas habitué à comment qu’i euh prononcent d’autres mots. puis on/ on comprend pas toute Also, the Haitians’ social background and community structure seem too different from the Franco-Americans’ to allow close contact. Franco- Americans tend to consider Haitians to be “a different kind”: (691) (QC55) on s’adonne pas toujours avec les aut’ nationalités. on dit comme euh. i y a une grosse partie de monde qui disent i aimeraient se marier entre les blancs et les noirs ben c’est des relations qui sont déjà…forcées (692) (AC64) i y a qu’une messe à dix heures le/ en fran/ en français. pourtant on va pas à celle-là ça. […] c’est plus pour les euh/ pour le monde de Haïti qui vient à la messe (693) (QUU60) il y a aussi les Haïtiens. très grande population à Boston..euh mais ils sont/ ne sont pas Francos. euh c’est euh. une source complètement différente The Boston area, being the economic center of the state, is also particularly attractive to French-Canadians and French people because it is home to the Consulate general of France and the Délégation du Québec, and offers an École bilingue and a considerable number of French-language cultural activities (cf. http: / / www.cityofboston.gov). Many upper-class people from France and Belgium live in or around Boston and take advantage of these institutions. With these immigrants or temporary residents from Europe, there is, again, the problem of the varieties being different: (694) (QC72) le français de France ça c’est beaucoup/ euh bien différent (695) (QU59) on trouvait très dur que au/ à Paris puis en France. ça parlait un/ un français. différent 188 The latter group will be subsumed under ‘the French’. 169 <?page no="170"?> (696) (QU84) ben ça vient d’Paris. fait que i y a une différence avec le/ avec le français canadien puis euh pari/ parisienne (697) (QUU65) IT WAS PARISIAN FRENCH. IT WAS COMPLETELY DIF- FERENT THAN. CANADIAN FRENCH. OR ACADIAN. ONE OR THE OTHER Also, despite the fact that many Franco-Americans (and French-Canadians) idealize Standard French (see also chapter V.1.9), they are often intolerant of its use: (698) (QC42) il a plus l’accent français. et lorsqu’il allait au Québec. et. qu’il essayait d’parler en français. et ses onc’ et ses tantes se moquaient un peu d’lui à cause de son accent Much more important than the linguistic difficulties is the fact that there is a tradition of mutual dislike. Especially Franco-Americans have never been in favor of the French: (699) (QUU69) Vive la France et tous les p’tits pays (LAUGHING). ah ouais. ils sont pauv’ dans la tête huh. les Hexagonaux. ben on les aime quand même (LAUGHING)….il faut parler lentement pour qu’ils comprennent To give a (more “serious”) example from the early times of French- Canadian immigration: Due to a shortage of French-Canadian priests, the bishop appointed a priest from France to meet the needs of the Frenchspeaking parishioners. However, “the parishioners were disappointed […] because for them, there was no difference between a French priest and an Irish priest” (Roby 2003b: 204). New immigrants from France nowadays rarely mix with Franco-Americans, possibly due to the higher educational and social level of the former and due to mutual prejudice. Most of the Franco-Americans, for instance, consider the French to be arrogant, often on the grounds of bad personal experience in Europe: (700) (QU53) les gens de France. euh..j’étais là à l’année deux mille et puis um à Paris. à la ville de Paris. les/ les/ les Parisiens i/ i. i faisaient comme qu’i m’comprenaient pas pantoute..i voulaient que je parle anglais avec euxaut’ au lieu de parler français. i disaient qu’i m’comprenaient pas (QC72) ils ont un peu. le/ le nez en l’air […] les Qué/ les Québécois aiment pas les Parisiens puis […] les Parisiens aiment pas les Québécois (701) (QU78) sa mère venait de Belgi/ Belgique (IN A MOCKING ACCENT) son français [frõs ] est comme le français [frõs ] de France [frõs] (LAUGHING) […] mon J parle pas français. même que sa mère vient de la Belgique et qu’elle parle un français [frõs ] (LAUGHING) comme les Français [frõs ] (LAUGHING) (702) (QU72) des fois des/ quand qu’on va à des occasions puis i y a du monde là qui parle français. des Canadiens qui restaient à/ à SPRINGFIELD et 170 <?page no="171"?> un peu partout. c’étaient toutes des Canadiens. i venaient du Canada. c’étaient toutes des contracteurs. et puis euh les femmes ben i parlent français. puis i ont d’la misère à parler anglais. ça fait s’i/ s’i savaient/ s’i savent que vous parlez français. i vont vous parler en français. j’aime ça. i y avait un coup’ qui était/ qui venait de France. toutes les deux venaient de France. j’ai jamais parlé avec eux-aut’ (LAUGHING) (703) (QU71) je suis allée à Paris une fois parce que/ oui mais immédiatement quand j’ai parlé à quelques gens. ils ont dit “oh Madame vous êtes canadienne” (LAUGHING). i y a une différence euh? […] j’ai pas trouvé qu’i étaient tellement..accueillants t’sais franchement (704) (QUU60) les Français de WOONSOCKET et les Francos de WOONSOC- KET ne s’arrangeaient pas beaucoup. parce que les Français de la France considéraient. les Francos comme….comme des bêtes. euh dominés par euh l’Eglise catholique euh. pas éduqués Finally, new French-Canadian immigrants tend to form a separate group as well. There is, once more, the language barrier (see also chapter V.1.7): (705) (QU41) i ont invité toute euh. la parenté de/ du Canada […] pour parler avec eux-aut’ i y a des mots que j/ Y’KNOW i y a des affaires que je comprends pas qu’i parlent parce que. eux-aut’ la langue ça/ ça change Also, in contrast to their predecessors, many of the recently immigrated French-Canadians are highly qualified and well-educated, so they belong to a different social class than the majority of Franco-Americans, which is why they tend to look down upon the Canadian “peasants”: (706) (I) vous êtes membre d’un club ou quelque chose? par exemple le Club Richelieu ou le Cercle des Dames françaises? (QC40) non non ça fait biz (LAUGHING). ben non je tricote pas avec les clubs/ euh les clubs des fermières As has become obvious, Franco-Americans do not form a group with any other francophone minority in Massachusetts. In addition, and even a greater obstacle for the maintenance of community life and the preservation of the language, there is diversity within the group of Franco- Americans themselves. In spite of them sharing the same language 189 , religion and the same fate - emigration due to the miserable economic situation in Canada, persecution and discrimination in the U.S. - Quebeckers and Acadians have not managed o stand as one group. In the early times of immigration, both groups even opposed intermarriage between Acadians and Quebeckers (cf. LeBlanc 2003: 190). Although eventually attitudes about this changed, both groups did not necessarily intermingle freely: 189 Despite the fact that Quebec and Acadian French differ in various aspects (see also chapter III). 171 <?page no="172"?> (707) (AC55) je connais euh, quelqu’un. qu/ québécois. pas beaucoup. […] c’est juste. qu’un Québécois que je connais. pas beaucoup (708) (QUU68) on a des/ des Acadiens. i parlent français beaucoup. um..mais c’est pas le/ le cercle/ THE CIRCLE OF FRIENDS THAT I HAVE […] THEY MIX IN WITH THE/ UH WITH THE REST OF THE CONGRE- GATION TOO. BUT YOU CAN SEE THAT THEY ARE SOMEWHAT OF A TIGHTKNIT CIRCLE (709) (QC78) j’en ai presque pas [d’amis du Nouveau-Brunswick]. quelques couples mais pas que.. […] on connaît bien du monde du Nouveau- Brunswick mais pas/ pas pour dire des amis ben proches. non Very often, linguistic differences are named as a reason by both sides for not mingling with one another: (710) (I) est-ce qu’il y a une différence la langue? (QC78) ah oui beaucoup (711) (AC65) DIFFERENT EXPRESSIONS THAT YOU KNOW. YOU’LL SAY ONE THING AND I’LL SAY. YOU KNOW ANOTHER WAY (712) (QC52) i y a beaucoup d’Acadiens oui. c’est pas le/ c’est pas le même français (713) (AC78) ben i parlent/ i parlent pas tout à fait la/ la même langue (714) (QC67) quand j’étais à Saint Bernard les sœurs ont dit “ah quelqu’un pour toi”. ils ont parlé français puis. venaient du Nouveau-Brunswick (LAUGHING). j’avais pas/ j’avais aucune idée qu’est-ce que c’est qu’i me disaient. et puis ben..ça a pas marché trop trop (715) (AC55) c’est/ c’est différent. puis même euh. quand que j’étais jeune. une maison euh. un Québécois. puis on l’écoutait parler puis ben souvent on comprenait pas toute/ toute c’qu’i disait. la manière qu’i tournait des mots. puis i y a des tels mots qui est pas pareil. comme nous-aut’. je veux dire la diction euh. ça sonne pas comme qu’on a euh. coutume à entend’ là. je comprenais pas trop c’qu’i voulait dire (LAUGHING). après des années i a compris. si qu’i voulait qu’on comprend. i parlait plus not’ langue (716) (QU41) c’est une autre patois Y’KNOW. i y a des mots qu’on dit qui sont différents c’est…[…] c’est ben différent. parce que ma mère elle elle était ben amis avec um. pour ben des années. avec des euh. des personnes qui restaient um. le bord de rue de nous-aut’. puis eux-aut’ i étaient Acadiens. puis ça a pris longtemps. pour. comprend’. quoi qu’i disaient parce que les/ YOU KNOW. les accents aussi c’est/ c’est différent 172 <?page no="173"?> (717) (AC68) la langue est différente. i parlent pas pareil. i/ i ont toutes des/ c’est/ c’est tout à fait différent. du Québec. ouais. ouais (718) (AC70) les Québécois. moi des fois je les comprends pas. c’qu’i disont However, from a linguistic point of view, the varieties are close enough for speakers to understand each other 190 , especially if they are willing to understand each other: (719) (QC52) i y a beaucoup d’différences oui. mais on peut parler pareil pour euh. se comprend’ The primary cause of the mutual lack of understanding, so it seems, is rather the fact that both groups have reservations about one another. The Quebeckers tend to look down upon Acadians and think of them as uneducated farmers who speak a “patois”: “Some of the French Canadians from Quebec sometimes criticized us because we talked different. They evidently thought that their language was better than ours. This made us a bit timid” (LeBlanc 2003: 189). (720) (QC67) pour dire vraiment. je n’ai pas trouvé/ j’ai/ j’ai beaucoup de/ d’amis qui sont du Nouveau-Brunswick mais ils ont pas beaucoup d’éducation […] certain qu’il y en a beaucoup qui ont pas beaucoup d’éducation mais ceux qui sont/ c’est du monde dans sa soixantaine. ou plus vieux. um…i ont pas tellement de/ d’éducation […] on dirait c’est un peu comme à Haïti. le français puis le créole euh. le français et le patois […] c’est des/ des patois. i ont beaucoup d’patois (721) (QU71) le français au Québec est supérieur à celui de l’Acadie (722) (QUU64) NEW BRUNSWICK. THERE WAS A BIG RIP ALL THE WAY BACK FROM THEIR COMING IN FROM FRANCE. THEY NEVER GOT ALONG. THEY WERE ALWAYS PUT DOWN. THEY WERE AL- WAYS..UM LAUGHED AT. YOU KNOW CRITICIZED AND/ THAT GOES WAY WAY WAY BACK. THE ACADIANS AND THE CANADI- ANS NEVER GOT ALONG. THE CANADIANS WERE ALWAYS BET- TER THAN THE ACADIANS. NOT THAT THEY WERE. BUT THEY ALWAYS BELIEVED THEY WERE. THEY ALWAYS BELIEVED THEY WERE […] ALL I WOULD HEAR WAS NEGATIVE ABOUT THESE PEOPLE […] THE ACADIANS HAD A TOUGH TIME COMING INTO LEOMINSTER. I REMEMBER THAT. ‘CAUSE THERE WERE TOO MANY FRENCH PEOPLE AND THEY DIDN’T/ THEY WOULDN’T MIX The Acadians deplore their fate as the most neglected and disadvantaged francophone group in Canada and tend to consider Quebeckers as arrogant: 190 See also chapter III. 173 <?page no="174"?> (723) (AC65) i parlent/ tu parles pas mieux tu parles différent. pis i croyont qu’i parlent mieux (724) (AC63) i parlent ben français eux-aut’ au Québec. les Québécois i parlent ben français (725) (AU74) I THINK THE ACADIANS…WERE..PROBABLY….WHEN THE ENGLISH CAME HERE THEY WERE KIND OF PUSHED OUT SO THEY NEVER HAD THE OPPORTUNITY MAYBE LIKE THE OTHER ONES. YEAH THAT’S WHAT I THINK. THAT THEY NEVER HAD THE SAME OPPORTUNITIES (726) (AC79) i trouvent qu’on parle pas bien. pis nous-aut’ on trouve qu’i parlent pas bien trop trop non plus (LAUGHING). nous-aut’ on est plus mélangé de l’anglais […] les Canadiens zeux avaient/ avaient une meilleure chance pour l’éducation […] dans/ dans l’temps d’mon père puis/ puis moi puis avant ça. les/ les Canadiens de Québec é/ étaient beaucoup plus développés de/ d’éducation que nous-aut’ When put together in parochial schools, conflicts were to be expected between children of Acadian and Quebec origin: “Certaines de nos sœurs […] disent qu’il y avait une différence [entre les Acadiens et les Franco- Américains du Québec] qui causait un peu de désaccord. La même chose se produit aussi dans les autres écoles où se frottent les deux éléments” (Marc-Aurèle 1990: 248). Both groups seem to be deeply convinced of differences in mentality and culture between Quebeckers and Acadians: (727) (AC65) c’est beaucoup beaucoup différent. puis eux-aut’ c’est pareil. le/ le nourriture est différente que la not’. puis. la…la v/ la/ la vie qu’i vivent c’est/ c’est différent eux-aut’ (728) (QC78) il y a une grosse différence. la mentalité est pas pareille non plus […] le Nouveau-Brunswick eux-aut’ qui arrivent n’ont rien qui nous appartient. qu’est-ce que j’appartiens. vous savez. pour vous donner un exemp’. il y a plusieurs années de ça-là. V A avait huit neuf dix enfants. ou plus que ça. et puis son frère um..i s’appelle D. sa femme est morte. i avaient dix enfants. le plus jeune avait rien qu’à peu près…quat’ cinq. quat’ cinq ans. et puis les deux familles-là quand qu’i venaient aller magasiner là. V i apportait tous les/ toutes les enfants. au mitan/ au mitan de tout l’monde. et puis/ et c’est du monde qui aime mieux um. qui aime beaucoup la musique et puis toute ça plus que les gens du Québec. ce sont des très bons danseurs puis des très très très…mais très euh. j’ai rien dit mais la mentalité. la mentalité et tout est toute différente 191 191 It is interesting to see that music and dance are considered as ‘more Acadian’ here since Quebeckers are known to have a comparable tradition of folk music and dancing (cf. Dupont 1982: 51-53). Note furthermore that Quebeckers used to have large families as well (cf. Violette 1976: 53). 174 <?page no="175"?> (729) (AC68) i ont de différents/ la vie/ la vie est différente d’eux-aut’/ eux-aut’ (I) ah oui? (AC68) ah oui. c’est beaucoup beaucoup différent. puis eux-aut’ c’est pareil. le/ le nourriture est différente que la not’. puis. la…la v/ la/ la vie qu’i vivent c’est/ c’est différent eux-aut’ (I) en/ en quoi? (AC68) mais euh…j’sais pas. on dirait qu’i ont pas la même…j’sais pas/ j’sais pas. c’est comme qu’on dit nous-aut’ on sait qu’est-ce qui est les Acadiens puis qu’est-ce qui est les/ les (LAUGHING) j’sais pas pourquoi là i y a une distinction là. euh j’ai une de mes cousines qui est mariée avec un Québécois puis on le dit t’sais là le Québécois i est pas comme nous-aut’ (LAUGHING) i est/ on peut dire tout de suite qu’i est/ qu’i est Québécois Even though rivalry and hostility between inhabitants of different regions is a common phenomenon and not exceptional, one would think that the fact that Quebeckers and Acadians were forced to live closely together in the U.S. for decades would have helped them to overcome some of their reservations. But, contrary to the findings of LeBlanc, who claimed that the “social and cultural factors in the new country […] had led to the emergence of a new identity which could be shared equally by both groups - that of being Franco-American” (LeBlanc 2003: 191), the survey has revealed that their common fate has not welded them together; mutual prejudice has not been given up but has, quite on the contrary, often been carried on for generations. It has thereby, more than any possible language barrier, prevented the union of Quebeckers and Acadians that would have been necessary for them to be recognized as a minority group and to stand up for official support with regard to measures promoting bilingualism and, in general, with regard to measures supporting cultural survival of an ethnic minority. As a result, “few publicly-funded attempts have been made to increase cultural awareness and ethnic pride among Franco- Americans […] though other minority groups, particularly Afro- Americans, are benefiting from such programs” (Gagné 1993: 166). The failure to unite can therefore be said to have had a considerable impact on the loss of culture and language among Franco-Americans in Massachusetts. V.1.9 Language Attitude V.1.9.1 Stigmatization of Franco-American French “Heaven is all white” (le ciel yé tout blanc, in the little child patois we spoke our native French in) (Kérouac 1963: 11). 175 <?page no="176"?> The external setting may or may not be favorable to language maintenance; a decisive factor for the survival or the loss of a language is the speech community’s attitude toward the language, in other words, its value within this community. Speakers of Canadian French often think of their variety as “lousy French” (Pöll 1998: 69) and are known for feeling inferior to French-speaking people from France: “Malgré toutes les déclarations contraires, la variété de français socialement valorisée par la majorité des Québécois, c’est…le français international! ” (Nemni 1993: 33-34). Although “le fond de la langue est le même, au Canada, en Acadie, et en France […] on doit […] concéder à nos frères d’outre-mer plus d’élégance dans la structure de la phrase et plus de propriété dans les termes” (Poirier 1928: 293). Franco-Americans 192 , being of French-Canadian origin, have the same attitude - and always had, even at times when the Franco-American communities were still strongholds of the French language. As early as 1913, a negative attitude towards their native tongue was witnessed: “I have myself heard French Canadians say that they were ashamed to speak French in their United States home” (Wickett 1913: 96). Nowadays they still feel the same about their variety as opposed to the French spoken in France: (730) (AU40) THE NEW BRUNSWICK FRENCH IS I THINK A SLANG LANGUAGE (731) (AC69) on a un langage mêlé dans l’anglais au Nouveau-Brunswick. euh. qui est pas parfait (AC63) c’est pas le ben/ le bon/ le bon…bon français qu’on a appris (AC69) c’est pas un. français parfait en Acadie comme nous-aut’. qu’on a appris (732) (AU40) THE FRENCH THAT IS TAUGHT IN THE SCHOOLS IS NOT THE SAME FRENCH. THIS/ THE/ THE NEW BRUNSWICK FRENCH IS I THINK A SLANG LANGUAGE (733) (QU78) mais comme on dit on parle pas..le jargon on peut dire un français c’est um..c’est pas le/ (QUU48) c’est pas le vrai français. oui c’est un SLANG. […] IT’S LIKE A SLANG IN ENGLISH. YOU KNOW HOW THE ENGLISH SLANG. A LOT OF THE WORDS WE SAY IT’S SLANG IT’S NOT/ (QU78) pas le propre. en français on dit on parle en termes. on parle pas en termes (LAUGHING). on parle um. pas correct (QUU48) WE DON’T SPEAK RIGHT IN FRENCH. IT’S NOT THE FRANCE FRENCH 192 Despite the fact that many Quebeckers feel superior to Acadians as for the level of education and the “quality” of the language (see also chapter V.1.8), they still suffer from the same feeling of inferiority towards the French. 176 <?page no="177"?> (734) (QUU74) on dit le bon français parce que c’est la/ la/ la langue qu’i parlent en France. pas la langue qu’i parlent au Canada (735) (QUU65) elle aussi elle parlait rien qu’[ k] le français. était un. plus beau français. était m/ mieux comme un/ un parisienne français. et bien. A SINGSONG. YOU KNOW. WILTING comme ça (736) (QU51) IT’S [Canadian French] VERY VERY SLANG. OH HALF OF IT IS DROPPED OR RUNNIN’ TOGETHER (737) (AC77) que vous le croyez ou pas. euh i ont/ i ont des Français même canadiens ou acadiens. euh apparence..de/ pour…euh..on dirait qu’i y a une apparence qu’i/ qu’i ont honte de parler français (738) (AU42) c’est le PARISIAN FRENCH. euh c’est le PROPER FRENCH (LAUGHING). nous-aut’ on parle pas PROPER In addition, a considerable percentage of Franco-Americans consider their language to be inferior to the French spoken by French-Canadians as well. Of all the participants in the survey, only a little more than half thought that their language was the same as in Canada: “Comment est-ce que vous jugeriez votre français? ” Comme le français au Québec/ en Acadie 57.9% Différent du français au Québec/ en Acadie (“old, mixed, pas si bon”) 42.1% (739) (I) est-ce que vous trouvez que. au Canada. ça a changé aussi. la situation du français? (AC66) ah oui. c’est beaucoup meilleur français. i y en a beaucoup qui parlent un bon français. pas c’qu’on parle nous-aut’-là (LAUGHING) […] c’est comme on dit c’est du me/ c’est du meilleur français. des mots des fois. on dit des mots/ ben nous-aut’ on dit des mots anglais des fois parmi. mais eux c’est toute du vrai français (740) (AC63) moi je dis le bon français là c’est le/ asteur i parlent ben au Nouveau-Brunswick. asteur. dans l’temps non. là i avaient anglais et français toute mêlé ensemb’. mais asteur i parlent ben français (AC69) i vont à l’école pis i écoutent la télévision. i/ i i avont plus de bon français qu’on avait (741) (QUU58) moi j’ai été/ j’suis Franco-Américaine. j’ai été élevée aux Etats. puis je parle un jargon (LAUGHING) (742) (QU51) même aujourd’hui si vous allez au Canada […] c’est/ c’est pas comme le français que..on dit..de mes onc’ et m/ mes tantes. pas de SLANG 177 <?page no="178"?> (743) (QC72) le français du Québec à l’heure actuelle est beaucoup plus/ est/ est beaucoup meilleur que le not’ à nous-aut’ parce que. là ça fait trop longtemps qu’on est parti là. quand je parle avec ma/ ma jeune sœur elle m’écrit des belles lett’ des fois. je comprends pas toutes les mots qu’elle me dit YOU KNOW. c’est/ c’est elle parle un français d’France là. elle parle comme les Français en France (744) (AC77) c’est comme n’importe qui de nos familles qu’ont été travailler à Montréal. moi j’ai une sœur qui était là. puis elle parlait comme… (AC59) le bon/ elle parlait le/ le/ (AC77) elle parlait le bon français (AC59) le bon français So there is, in fact, a double stigmatization of the Franco-American French (cf. also Chartier 2000: 304), leading to conscious avoidance of the language. Without a belief in the value and quality of a language, it will hardly be considered worth transmitting. Thus it is not surprising that most Franco- Americans also have a negative attitude as for the future of the French language in Massachusetts. The question “How do you see the future of French in your area? ” was answered as follows: 0 10 2 0 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0 7 0 8 0 9 0 10 0 AC/ QC AU/ QU AUU/ QUU AUUU/ QUUU It will s urv iv e It will dis a ppe a r Even within the first immigrant generation (QC/ AC), 74% of immigrants believe that French will disappear, and so do 81.8% of all the people asked in the survey. When asked what they thought of this development, 41% said that it was “sad”, whereas 59% said that it was “normal”. There were two reasons given for the loss of French: “There’s too much Spanish in the area” (examples 745-746) 11% “The young ones don’t speak it (any more)” (examples 747-749) 89% (745) (I) est-ce que vous croyez que ça va continuer avec la jeune génération? le français? (QU58) si quoi? (I) si ça va continuer le français ici? 178 <?page no="179"?> (QU58) non. non. non j’pense pas […] les Français ont été remplacés par les Poricains/ Portoricains (746) (QU72) ici aux Etats-Unis. je crois moi c’est parce que euh. dans les/ les/ les petites écoles et les/ euh les lycées ils promotent le/ l’espagnol (747) (AC63) les jeunes par icitte. j’pense pas. ceux-là avec qu’on parle en français. vraiment i y en a pas trop (AC69) t’sais faulait l’apprend’ nous-aut’ le français. ben eux-aut’ i/ i sont pas trop intéressés dans le français 193 (748) (AC55) les jeunes j…j’crois pas qu’i y en ait du tout. i peuvent/ c’est comme je dis. i peuvent dire quelques mots. mais pas pour faire les conversations. non (749) (AC68) not’ génération à nous-aut’-là. on parle/ on parle le français. nos enfants. i y en aura plus d’français (AC59) après/ après zeux i y aura plus d’français The latest U.S. census data confirm that supposition for Massachusetts : 194 Age 5-17 years 18 years and over Number of speakers of French 7,634 76,850 The problem, however, is that it is rarely the young members of an ethnic group who decide not to learn a language. They depend on their parents and grandparents to teach them the language at home. (750) (AUU71) l’avenir du français. euh ça/ ça va êt’ tout oublié. YEAH. c’est une génération qui va s’passer […] parce que les parents comme moimême. n’ont pas transporté ça à nos enfants So if the older members of the speech community think that it is too late for the language to be transmitted and therefore do not transmit it any more, the young group members do not get a chance to learn it - and therefore do not speak it: Bilingualism is additive or subtractive whenever the individual maintains or loses aspects of his/ her first language, in terms of linguistic competence, affective disposition, or actual behavior. […] When bilingualism becomes ad- 193 Note that Péloquin-Faré claimed that “chez les jeunes aujourd’hui existe le désir d’être franco-américain. Ils ne se contentent pas d’étudier le groupe de façon détachée. Être franco-amércain […] signifie prendre un engagement envers la communauté […] [et cela] commence à se traduire par un intérêt au français […] ils veulent l’apprendre” (Péloquin- Faré 1990: 154). This attitude could not be found at all among young Franco-Americans in Massachusetts, quite on the contrary. They are blamed, by the older generation, to have lost interest not only in their language but also in their origin and culture. 194 See also chapter I.3.3. 179 <?page no="180"?> ditive or subtractive is largely determined by the relative ethnolinguistic vitality of the language groups. Ethnolinguistic vitality [can be defined] […] as that which permits a linguistic group to behave as an active and distinct collective entity (Landry/ Allard 1994: 184). In fact, the individual’s perspectives of a group’s vitality or subjective ethnolinguistic vitality may be more important in influencing language behavior than its actual objective ethnolinguistic vitality (cf. Landry/ Allard 1994: 187). Attitude can indeed make a big difference - or rather could have made. From the above results it can be seen that there is no subjective ethnolinguistic vitality within the Franco-American community any more. V.1.9.2 Insecurity Ayant le sentiment de ne pas maîtriser le français, les Québécois sont […] de grands «insécures» sur le plan de la langue (Cajolet-Laganière/ Martel 1994: 178). Resulting from the above mentioned feeling of inferiority, French- Canadians, as well as Franco-Americans, are very self-conscious about their language use: (751) (QU58) je parle/ je parle français. oui. mais comme vous voyez je parle..BROKEN FRENCH (LAUGHING) (752) (QC72) on parle pas le/ le français d’France là. on parle le français canadien mais. ça fait longtemps qu’on est ici nous-aut’. euh. on a oublié un peu (753) (QU59) je n’sais pas si je parle bon le français Many Franco-Americans do not dare to speak a language they either do not master well and/ or do not think too highly of: (754) (QU72) i savent i savent. parce qu’i ont été à l’école i l’ont appris à l’école. mais i veulent pas le parler parce. i savent qu’i parlent pas correct (755) (AC58) ma fille elle peut ben parler elle aussi. elle peut parler aussi ben que moi (LAUGHING). mais elle a honte. euh elle a/ elle est gênée (756) (QU72) les deux aut’ comprennent mais i ont/ i ont peur de parler (757) (QUU69) ma femme parle pas trop français. elle comprend. elle comprend ben le français mais elle parle pas. puis je pense qu’elle était gênée un peu pour aller là. moi aussi. j’ai d’la misère à parler […] i a pris le/ le français à (…) dans le CONNECTICUT. i est pas trop pire. mais i parle plus là. i est gêné 180 <?page no="181"?> (758) (QU42) j’ai deux frères. le plus jeune i parle..i comprend. i/ i parle pas souvent..i est capab’ mais euh. i aime pas ça. i est gêné un peu puis ça/ i aime pas ça (759) (QUU60) mes frères. LIKE I SAY les/ les deux plus vieux qui peuvent parler. i parlent jamais SO I/ c’est peut-êt’ que i/ i est pas…CONFIDENT ENOUGH. TO TALK. THAT COULD BE. YOU KNOW (760) (QU47) avec ma mère je/ euh j’suis pas gênée du tout de parler le français. mais quand nous allons en Canada je parle avec eux-aut’ comme/ même quand je parle avec vous parce que vous parlez très bien. je suis un peu gênée parce que je sais que euh. i y a des affaires que j/ je dis pas..trop bien The particular problem of the Franco-Americans is that they are not only insecure about the quality of their language, but they actually show linguistic deficits, especially in terms of vocabulary, resulting from their lack of practice (in which case they could be defined as “rusty speakers”) as well as from their often very limited access to the language (in which case they could be defined as “semi-speakers” ). 195 (761) (QUU68) j’ai arrêté parler français quand que j’étais. six/ seize ans. AND UH..le voca/ vocabulaire c’est pas trop gros (762) (QU41) i y a des mots/ c’est le vocabulaire qui me manque YOU KNOW. PASSIFIER et YOU KNOW des mots euh. on peut parler des petits mots bébé mais. des fois..c’est difficile à trouver des mots (763) (QUU58) je parle beaucoup en anglais. comme ça j’ai des problèmes en parlant en français. […] comme ça euh les verbes sont pas toujours placés à bonne place. des fois euh. je. euh. j’ajoute des mots que j’ai/ j’ai pas vraiment besoin d’ajouter (764) (QU41) moi je cherche les mots souvent (765) (QU58)…i a sa vie puis moi j’ai ma vie à viv’ t’sais. mais euh..à part de ça toute ma parenté. i restent toutes au Canada (I) aha. et um/ (QU58) HOW AM I DOIN’ SO FAR? (LAUGHING) (766) (QU47) je veux. vous avertir avant. que c’est. des fois c’est ça. i y a le masculin le féminin le/ le GRAMMAR. c’est/ des fois ça/ c’est un peu difficile pour moi […] des fois euh. j’ai un peu de troub’ à trouver mes/ mes mots 195 See chapter V on the different speaker types. 181 <?page no="182"?> (767) (QU69) des fois faut je/ euh je cherche les mots. parce que on parle pas assez […] parce que. la majorité du temps on parle anglais […] i y a des mots que je comprends pas parce que j’ai jamais euh. Y’KNOW euh. accompli à parler français (768) (QC63) i y a des affaires des fois qu’on va oublier un mot. un mot qu’on va chercher t’sais mais..quand tu parles pas souvent on va chercher ou des affaires des fois qu’on entend pas dire souvent (769) (QC61) on oublie un mot de temps en temps comme ça-là qu’on entend pas souvent. ça arrive un mot qu’on est à la recherche This insecurity, however, has not only been caused by a lack of practise. Due to a lack of teachers from Canada, parochial schools were often staffed by nuns from France, so it has often also resulted from a mixture of varieties. Also, with many parochial schools closing down after the 1940s and 1950s, Franco-American children were exposed to the public school system, where teachers “have been […] indoctrinated concerning the Standard Parisian dialect […]. Too many have humiliated and scared […] young Franco-Americans out of continuing French” (Dugas 1976: 52; cf. also chapter V.1.5.2). (770) (QUU65) IT WAS FRENCH AND THAT’S WHAT/ AND IT WAS PARI- SIAN FRENCH. IT WAS COMPLETELY DIFFERENT THAN. CANA- DIAN FRENCH. OR ACADIAN. ONE OR THE OTHER Knowing - or thinking - that they are imperfect speakers does, of course, reinforce their insecurity and, in its turn, discourages them from speaking, which is why most Franco-Americans simply stop using French: “Many semi-speakers avoid speaking a language in which they cannot easily express themselves and which they conceive of as a bastardised, pidginized non-language” (Sasse 1992: 17). V.1.10 Speech Behavior Factors such as economic, cultural and social processes, which Sasse refers to as the “External Setting” (Sasse 1992: 10), influence the speech behavior of the members of a speech community, i.e. the use of the languages involved in the multilingual setting. To what degree language loss has taken place within a speech community only becomes visible by taking into account the speech community members’ linguistic behavior within the family because that is where language transmission takes place. There are two areas to illustrate speech behavior within the family, the participants’ parental home and the participants’ own home. 182 <?page no="183"?> 1. Language behavior within the participants’ parental home 1 = grandparents 2 = parents 3 = siblings 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 0 10 Whereas French is the dominant language among first generation immigrants, it becomes less important among the following immigrant generations. It is still the dominant language of all participants used with their grandparents, except for the fourth immigrant generation (AUUU/ QUUU), who predominantly (66.67%) used both languages. With the parents, both languages are frequently used except for the first immigrant generation, who uses mainly French. With the siblings, usually part of the peer group, English is the dominant language, again except for the first immigrant generation: Of the second immigrant generation (AU/ QU), almost 54% exclusively use English with their brothers and sisters, despite the fact that 85% exclusively use French with their grandparents and 64% with their parents. In the third immigrant generation (AUU/ QUU), 67% use English with their siblings, and in the fourth generation none uses French exclusively when speaking with their brothers and sisters, but as many as 75% use English only: (771) (I) est-ce que vous avez des frères ou des sœurs? (AU44) UH THREE SISTERS (I) et est-ce que vous avez jamais parlé français avec elles? (AU44) NEVER (772) (I) avec vos frères et sœurs [vous parlez français] aussi? (QU41) oui. ben on parl/ là quand qu’on s’parle là. on parle en anglais 2. Language behavior within the participants’ own home The following example illustrates speech behavior within all-Franco- American families, i.e. with families in which both parents are of French- French English both 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 1 2 3 AU/ QU AUU/ QUU AUUU/ QUUU AC/ QC 183 <?page no="184"?> Canadian origin (76.1% of all interviewees with partners 196 ) - so, in fact, the ones that could be expected most to keep up and transmit the language. There were three patterns of language use between partners of French- Canadian origin: Group 1: French is always spoken with the partner 29.7% Group 2: French is sometimes used with the partner 51.7% Group 3: French is never used with the partner 18.6% As far as the language use with the children and grandchildren is concerned, there is the following scheme for group 1. French is spoken A(lways), S(ometimes), N(ever) to spouse (level 1), children (level 2), grandchildren (level 3): A 72 (64) A 24 (19) S 30 (26) N 10 (9) A - S 5 N 14 A - S 7 N 19 A - S - N 9 To explain the scheme: Out of the 72 participants who always speak French to their partner, 64 have children. Of these, only 37.5% (24) also always speak French to their children, the majority (30 = 46.9%) sometimes speak French to their children, and 15.6% (10) never speak French to them. Of the ones who always speak French to their children, 19 have grandchildren, but none of them always speak French to them, etc. For group 2, there is the following pattern of language use with the children and grandchildren: 196 Despite very few exceptions, the participants with American spouses or partners of other ethnicities did not speak French at home at all and are therefore not considered here. 184 <?page no="185"?> A 125 (116) A - S 59 (52) N 57 (49) A - S - N - A - S 15 N 37 A - S - N 49 Only a little more than half of the ones who sometimes speak French to their partners also sometimes speak French to their children, and most of theses, 71.2% (37), never do so with their grandchildren. As for group 3: Of all the ones who never use French with their spouses, none use it with their children of grandchildren. The main reasons given for not using French at all, even if both partners are able to speak French, were “too complicated”/ “too difficult”, and “we are in the U.S.”/ “this is America”. The above results require no further comment as far as the survival of French within Franco-American families is concerned. The question that remains to be answered, however, is how and why exactly language transmission came to be neglected among the Franco-Americans who originally used French with each other. While typically the most stable element in a speech community, the family is open to changes induced by family members: La famille représenta un élément conservateur, vis-à-vis des tentations offertes par les Etats-Unis; inversement, elle laissa faire, si elle ne les provoqua point, des transformations jugées inévitables. En somme, la famille francoaméricaine fut à la fois la gardienne de la tradition et un agent de changement (Weil 1983: 84). There is a typical scheme of this process of “changement” among Franco- Americans: “The mechanism of language shift is bilingualism, often but not necessarily with exogamy, where parent(s) speak(s) the original language with the grandparents and the new language with the children” (Paulston 1986: 495). The parental generation spoke French as their mother tongue and used it in the family in the beginning. The children, at least the older ones, were brought up with French only and rarely spoke a word of English when they entered school. After they had entered school (even a parochial school with a bilingual program), they switched to English, mostly because it was the language of the peer group: (773) (QC58) lui quand qu’i a commencé là à jouer avec les amis dehors là. les Ang/ les Anglais-là ça a toute changé là […] c’est ça. à l’instant qu’i parlent/ qu’i commencent l’école-là t’sais (774) (AU58) c’était tout anglais quand i sont avec YOU KNOW les FRIENDS 185 <?page no="186"?> (775) (QUU68) quand j’ai commencé. à l’école. j’pouvais pas parler anglais pantoute. […] après que j’ai commencé à parler anglais. um. j’ai arrêté d’parler français. quasiment toute (776) (I) avec vos parents à l’époque. c’était plutôt français ou anglais? (QU41) quand/ quand j’étais née c’était français parce que je/ je ne parlais pas un mot de/ d’anglais quand j’suis rentrée à l’école. j’ai appris mon anglais à l’école (777) (I) SO WHEN YOU WERE A CHILD YOU SPOKE ONLY FRENCH? (QU58) ONLY FRENCH YOU KNOW UNTIL I WAS OLD ENOUGH TO GO OUT AND. MEET SOME FRIENDS. AND OF COURSE I WENT TO FRENCH-CANADIAN SCHOOL YOU KNOW (778) (AC79) au début les enfants on parlait français ben. au/ aussitôt qu’les enfants ont pu apprendre/ commencer l’école… (779) (QU60) i vont garder quand/ quand qu’i sont jeunes mais..quand qu’i vont à l'école… (QC58) mais quand qu’i vont à l’école là..même N là elle commence/ elle commence/ i y a ben des choses qu’elle comprend plus. quand qu’elle était jeune là i/ mon frère disait “parlez-y en français”. fait que. ben on lui parlait en français. mais là qu’elle est rendue à l’école là ben des fois qu’elle veut/ elle veut pas parler (780) (QUU54) les grands-parents parlent français. les parents commencent à le perd’. les enfants très peu The parents had already acquired at least some bilingual skills at the time due to the external setting requiring English: (781) (I) votre mère aujourd’hui est-ce qu’elle parle plus l’anglais que le français? (QU41) je pense que oui parce que surtout l/ les/ les personnes où c’est qu’elle travaille ses amis parlent tous anglais alors elle parle en anglais avec eux (782) (AC77) ben ici c’est différent. BECAU/ euh parce que euh. travailler dans les que ça/ ça soit dans les shops ou dans les magasins..ou euh. dehors à la charpenterie. euh ça fait pas d’différence. où. c’est tout en anglais In some cases the parents stuck to French whereas the children switched to English: “Most Franco-American parents do not object to having their children address them in English” (Brault 1986: 169). (783) (AU75) mon père parlait français. ben on lui parlait anglais. pis i nous répondait en français 186 <?page no="187"?> (784) (QUU70) ma mère. euh voulait qu’on/ qu’on euh parle français et elle ne/ ne/ dans la maison elle nous parlait toujours en français. on répondait en anglais (785) (QC42) la mère quand elle leur parle elle parle en français mais les enfants avaient tendance à répond’ plus en anglais (786) (AC55) quand ils ont commencé aller à l’école ou aller dehors avec leurs p’tits amis. i y avait pas d’français pantoute. puis je remarquais. i parlaient plus l’anglais. on leur parlait français. puis i retournaient tout en anglais. i nous répondaient tout en anglais (787) (AU44) ACTUALLY THEY SPEAK FRENCH TO US. WE SPEAK ENG- LISH TO THEM. SO IT’S BOTH/ LIKE THEY’LL SPEAK TO US IN FRENCH. WE’LL RESPOND IN ENGLISH (788) (AU56) mes parents. ont parlé français. mais nous avons répondu en anglais The older community members who still use French, however, are not likely to uphold the French-speaking community much longer: “La mortalité entamera rapidement les effectifs qui parlent le français, surtout parmi ceux qui en font un usage quotidien” (Veltman 1987: 60). In many other cases, the parents adapted to their children and started using English at home as well, until, eventually, the whole family switched to English completely. (789) (QU41) je pense que c’était mélangé je pense que moi j’étais la seule qui a appris l’anglais à l’école je pense qu’elle/ quand elle est venue au monde on parlait plutôt l’anglais euh on parlait en français aussi mais euh. je pense qu’elle par/ parlait les deux langues quand elle est allée à l’école (790) (AC68) nous-aut’ on a beaucoup appris not/ notre anglais avec les enfants. parce que là les enfants à mesure que ça a grandi/ moi j’ai déménagé par ici j’avais cinq enfants. le plus vieux parlait seulement français mais là i était obligé d’apprend’ son anglais. SO. tout automatiquement dans la maison. t’entendais anglais tout l’temps t’sais là (791) (QU41) le plus/ le plus de temps qui s’est passé que mes/ mes parents étaient ici le plus qu’ils ont um appris l’anglais et il était plus facile pour eux de parler en anglais um alors. je pense que c’était une progression. Y’KNOW surtout français puis finalement surtout anglais (792) (I) alors avec votre mari est-ce que vous parlez jamais français? (QC42) um des fois. mais c’est plutôt anglais entre lui et moi (793) (AC59) on/ on parle français à la maison. mais avec les enfants. bien souvent. ça tourne sur l’anglais (LAUGHING). ça tourne sur l’anglais 187 <?page no="188"?> (794) (I) et vous entre vous. est-ce que vous parlez jamais français? (AU75) des fois (AC77) pas/ pas souvent (AU75) pas souvent (AC77) pas souvent (AU75) plutôt c’est l’anglais (AC77) euh..pas tant icitte euh. depuis c’que les/ les enfants sont icitte. euh pas tant on parle français parce que/ mais si qu’i y a/ s’i y a un des enfants qui sont icitte. ben ça sera toujours l’anglais BECAUSE que euxaut’ peuvent pas le/ i vont pas pou…respon/ répondre ça. t’sais si qu’c’est en français (795) (AU40) MY MOTHER SAID “YOU KNOW NOW DAD AND I EVEN SPEAK ENGLISH”. AND THEY’VE BEEN HERE FOR FORTY YEARS. SO YEAH. BUT/ BUT BEFORE THAT THEY WERE ALWAYS INTO FRENCH JUST THE TWO OF THEM The younger children ended up not learning French any more in the families 197 : “Of thirteen siblings, now aged forty-five to sixty-nine, the eldest are fully bilingual […]; the youngest speak only English and comprehend very little French” (Williams/ Riley 2001: 63). (796) (I) en fait juste cinq enfants parmi vos enfants ont appris le français. et les autres quatre? (AU75) les au/ les aut’ le comprennent un/ un peu mais. j’pense pas qu’i pourraient le euh. le parler (AC77) non (AU75) les quat’ plus jeunes (797) (AC59) on a quat’ enfants. not’ plus vieille peut parler français. not’ deuxième c’est un garçon. i le comprend. les deux aut’ le comprennent un peu. i peuvent chanter des p’tites chansons françaises. mais pour le parler… (798) (QC66) toutes nos enfants/ nos enfants parlent français. mais euh..euh..surtout le plus jeune a beaucoup d’misère. les aut’ parlent pas mal bien 197 Interestingly, the younger children of the survey’s participants often have English first names, another indicator of a change in attitude (cf. Stäbler 1995: 33). In other cases, French first names are the only thing identifying people as Franco-Americans: (QUUU19) IT’S VERY FRENCH. MY WHOLE NAME IS […]. MY DAD TOOK [THIS NAME] ‘CAUSE HE THOUGHT THAT WAS OUR FAMILY NAME BACK IN FRANCE OR WHATEVER I MEAN LIKE TRYING TO REVIVE IT. HE’S JUST SUCH A/ HE LOVES THE WHOLE THING (QUU75) i ont tout des noms français par exemple j’ai sai/ insisté sur ça […] mais i parlent pas 188 <?page no="189"?> So, in fact, there is more than one generation involved in the abandonment of French: The young generation is found to speak English as well as community members of the same age (cf. Parker 1983: 42). 198 The reasons given for switching to English were the following: 1) The parents wanted to improve their skills in English and the children were often the only people for them to practice with. (799) (QC73) on a commencé à parler en anglais entre nous..quand les enfants parlaient en anglais. euh. à l’école. euh ils ont appris l’anglais. c’est comme ça qu’on a commencé à parler plus en anglais. puis je voulais pratiquer aussi. euh l’anglais (800) (I) alors vos parents. est-ce qu’ils ont eu des problèmes à apprendre l’anglais? (AU44) NOT REALLY. THEY LEARNED WITH US (801) (QU58) mon père voulait pratiquer à parler l’anglais. donc en parlant anglais avec moi..j’y donnais la pratique. [...] mon père euh. lui avait d’la pratique en parlant anglais quand i parlait avec moi on s’aidait comme ça (LAUGHING) (802) (AC79) après qu’i ont pouvé apprend’ l’anglais. i parlaient anglais ent’eux-aut’. quand même qu’on a parlé français i parlaient anglais. t’sais nous on a appris avec les enfants (803) (QC78) j’parlais pas un mot d’anglais. j’ai appris à parler en anglais avec mes enfants (804) (QC66) quand on était jeune on parlait toujours français mais après ça les enfants. parlaient juste en anglais […] c’était bon pour moi qu’i parlaient en anglais parce que je parlais pas 2) Franco-Americans often argue in favor of English as being “easier” and “faster”, even if they were born and grew up in Canada. (805) (I) vous êtes quand même tous les deux Canadiens. en fait c’est votre langue maternelle. pourquoi vous parlez anglais? (AC62) juste une habitude. actuellement/ actuellement c’est..quand/ quand tu viens habitué à rester dans/ dans une ville anglais. toutes nos affaires sont faites anglais […] tu viens que tu penses anglais […] ça devient plus facile de parler anglais. parce que toutes choses que tu fais. tu penses en anglais 198 Parker pin-points the breakdown of French language and culture as having occurred within 10 years (approximately 1960-1970), with the advent of televisions, higher mobility and changes in occupational patterns (cf. Parker 1983: 61-62). 189 <?page no="190"?> (806) (AC77) un autre affaire aussi qui/ qui les force plutôt d’apprend’ l’anglais. c’est aussi que l’anglais est le langage à peu près le plus court qu’i y a..d’abord ça s’fait le plus facile à apprend’. le français est à peu près le langage le p/ le plus long..qu’i y a (807) (QU71) ma plus vieille sœur. um on avait/ on s’faisait des promesses qu’on gardait le français. SHAME. mais c’est/ comprends-tu là? mais aujourd’hui on est toutes pressés. faut faire ci faut faire ça…on parle en anglais. parce ça va..plus…HOW DO YOU SAY ‘EASY’? (808) (QU41) le plus de temps qui s’est passé que mes/ mes parents étaient ici le plus qu’ils ont um appris l’anglais et il était plus facile pour eux de parler en anglais (809) (QU72) [l’anglais] ça vient plus vite (810) (QU81) c’est plus facile l’anglais (I) c’est plus facile vous trouvez? (QU81) ah oui c’est plus facile..t’sais… (811) (QUU70) on parle anglais. c’est/ c’est plus naturel. c’est plus facile (812) (QC82) nous pensons en anglais..alors toute…ça va plus vite This opinion on English being easier than French could also be found among Acadians in New Brunswick: “À la question «Le français est-il une langue facile ou difficile? », les témoins répondent que le français est une langue difficile pour aussitôt faire la comparaison avec l’anglais qui, lui, est facile” (Boudreau/ Dubois 1993: 154). 3) When the children started to mix English and French - which is just a stage in becoming bilingual, of course -, their parents were often discouraged from the use of French at home by (American) teachers or doctors. (813) (QU77) ils comprennent mais euh. franchement ils parlent pas..c’est la/ euh la/ la plus vieille on lui parlait toujours en français. quand elle était toute toute bébé et/ mais quand on a eu not’ deuxième. lui il avait toute mélangé. il comprenait pas. il voulait pas..l’assimiler. fait que. on a arrêté de parler français au bébé (814) (AC68) là/ là on/ là/ là j’étais obligé d’apprend’ à parler en anglais aux enfants…i comprennent toute par exemple j’y parlais français. t’sais là. mais plutôt c’est ça que les maîtresses ont dit qu’on..on les mêlait beaucoup par rapport à ça (815) (QC73) puis A avait beaucoup de misère avec les langages. euh...en premier il avait toujours étudié euh le/ toujours parlé entendu le français. mais euh à un certain point il ne pouvait plus euh. faire la différence. euh et puis les. spécialistes nous ont dit de/ de parler seulement 190 <?page no="191"?> anglais. c’est comme ça qu’on a commencé à parler seulement anglais à cause de A le deuxième des garçons. on a toujours euh..parlé pour/ parce qu’il était confus. ouais. c’est assez difficile pour les/ euh pour certains enfants. euh. apprend’ les deux langues. i y en a/ euh il avait assez d’misère avec une (816) (I) qui vous a dit d’arrêter de parler français à vos enfants? c’était un docteur? (AC71) c’est un docteur oui. ça mêlait toute puis/ (AC69) vraiment i était pas français (AC71) ben i était/ i était/ c’était un enfant qu’on avait ala/ apo/ adopté. puis i était anglais sur les deux côtés. puis i pouvait pas apprend’ le français. ça mêlait toute. puis euh ma fille elle. elle est Française. puis elle c’était OKAY. ça le mêlait pas. mais lui on avait été obligé d’arrêter. SO il a jamais appris (817) (AC59) je parlais tout le temps à ma p’tite GRANDDAUGHTER. parlais tout l’temps tout l’temps français. pis là quand-c’qu’elle était pour un PHYSICAL. euh elle m’avait dit ça. que t’sais. que je parlais français. elle a dit elle devrait pas. ça va toute la mêler. ça fait i a fallu que j’arrête (818) (AC46) c’est pour ça que je voulais pas mêler mes enfants. parce que les p’tits gars à ma sœur. i parlont anglais puis français. mais i savont pas que c’est une langage ou l’aut’. i alliont/ i alliont à l’école. quand-c’que i étiont p’tits ben i sont grandis asteur. mais quand-c’qu’i étiont p’tits i alliont à l’école puis la maîtresse les comprenait pas parce que i parliont pas anglais. i parliont pas français non plus. c’était toute mêlé (819) (AC68) avec les enfants jusqu’à un tel/ un tel temps quand c’que. euh. mon cinquième quand c’qu’il entrait à l’école. lui aimait trop mêler dans les deux langages. puis commençait un mot français puis i disait en an/ non i commençait anglais puis i finissait français puis les maîtresses ont dit “oh. quoi c’est que ça là. y a-t-il un problème? ”. c’était pas qu’un pro/ un problème c’était juste que. comme qu’on disait i était franglais là (LAUGHING) (820) (AC63) on parlait français aux enfants quand-c’qu’i étiont plus jeunes là. quand qu’i/ i parlaient pas anglais pantoute quand qu’i allaient à l’école. à l’école on m’a callé me dire que je parle anglais à eux. faulait pas leur parler français. faulait parler anglais. c’était une école française à/ à part de ça. SO moi je parlais pas anglais dans c’temps-là. j’avais/ on m’a donné des liv’ pour apprend’ l’anglais du français (821) (AC66) on a parlé français jusqu’à temps qu’la plus vieille est allée à l’école. pis quand alle a commencé aller à l’école euh. alle avait d’la misère parce qu’elle parlait pas l’anglais. ça fait i nous aviont dit faulait parler en anglais 191 <?page no="192"?> All immigrant groups in the U.S. have been confronted with similar situations. Parents who raise their children bilingually are often told that their children have to “forget about [their mother tongue] […] so that they can progress more rapidly in their classes” (Bayley 2004: 272). Regardless of all counterproof, the view that language development is a zero-sum game in which maintenance of an immigrant language inevitably leads to problems in language development and even cognitive development has exerted considerable influence in popular and educational circles alike (Bayley 2004: 272). 4) Many Franco-Americans found it too stressful and complicated to raise their children bilingually. (822) (QC67) quand qu’il était très p’tit le plus vieux. et puis euh. i était toujours malade puis i était dans l’hôpital beaucoup et puis..c’est/ c’est un EXCUSE là je sais mais um. j’ai arrêté de parler français après ça. on a pas continué (823) (AU58) asteur je crois j’aurais peut-êt’ essayé. dans c’temps-là c’était YOU KNOW… (824) (QU42) jamais essayé. euh. ma mère a gardé la plus vieille. qui/ euh parce que je travaillais. um puis elle a s’assayé un p’tit peu avec elle. mais elle la gardait juste un coup’ de f/ jours par semaine. fait que. c’était un peu dur. um. puis ça n’aurait été trop tannant de um. parler en français puis après ça toute dire. euh qu’est-ce que je veux dire en anglais aussi. c’est compliqué. c’est compliqué élever des enfants très très. très très compliqué de parler dans deux langues […] j’aurais dû dire que à toutes les mercredis on parle juste en français. SO ça serait/ ça aurait été la loi. puis peut-êt’ ben les filles i auraient appris comme ça. mais dans l’temps j’étais pressée (LAUGHING). puis j’ai pas pensé à faire quequ’chose comme ça (825) (AU40) I’M NOT SURE WHY YOU KNOW. I THINK. YOU KNOW. EVERYTHING IS SO AMERICANIZED. TELEVISION IS AMERICAN- IZED. IT’S FAR ENOUGH AWAY THAT IT’S/ AND IT’S ANOTHER COUNTRY ENOUGH AWAY THAT/ THAT/ THAT THE TWO NEVER REALLY MEET. SO IT’S EASY TO/ TO JUST NOT BOTHER Although there are some group-external factors like the English-dominated school system or the intolerance of bilingualism in American society involved in the interruption of language transmission among Franco- Americans, it cannot be denied that “ la disparition de notre langue en Nouvelle-Angleterre a été voulue” (Bolduc 1976: 102). Many parents made a conscious decision not to transmit the French language to their children, a decision which many have actually come to regret: 192 <?page no="193"?> (826) (QU81) elle me demande si on/ si on peut retourner au français. j’ai dit “NO WAY. NO WAY” c’était trop dur. j’aurais pas dû dire ça. mais j’ai/ j’ai toujours regretté. parce que. dans l’école ça/ ça l’aidait à parler français. à bien pratiquer. j’avais pas pensé à ça. j’ai pensé à moi seulement. puis j’ai regretté (827) (AC65) i vouliont parler français. comment ça s’fait que nous avons pas. parlé français quand-c’qu’i étaient jeunes? (I) alors ils ont/ ils ont regretté? les enfants? (AC65) oui. oui. euh je crois moi si tu/ t’as deux/ deux langages. t’es deux personnes. i y a rien qu’un langage. t’as rien qu’un personne (828) (I) et est-ce que vous avez regretté que vos enfants ne parlent pas français? (QC82) oui oui (829) (QUU60) I JUST NEVER PUSHED IT WITH THEM YOU KNOW (I) est-ce que vous avez regretté ça? (QUU60) mhmm mhmm YEAH. puis ma/ ma fille euh. elle m’a dit/ elle m’a demandé ça comment ça s’fait (830) (I) est-ce que vos parents ont regretté que vous/ que vous n’avez pas continué le français? (AU40) I THINK THEY DO FIND IT A LITTLE SAD. YEAH (831) (AU76) I GAVE IN. SO WE LET GO UH. QUITE A BIT OF THE FRENCH. UNFORTUNATELY YOU KNOW. QUITE A BIT. I MEAN I WISH I WOULD HAVE KEPT THAT UP MORE IN THE HOUSE So a good part of the failure of language transmission lies with the Franco- Americans, especially with Franco-American women. Even if the percentage of monolinguals is approximately the same for the two sexes (cf. Veltman 1983: 109), women generally have more influence on the future of a language: “The mother plays the most important role in the formation of her children. […] In the home, the responsibility rests with the mother, for it is from her that children learn their ‘mother tongue’” (Albert 1979: 45). That is why “language shift frequently begins with women […] as manifest in choice of code […]; in choice of marriage partner […]; and eventually in the language in which they choose to bring up their children” (Paulston 1986: 495-496). If French is used within these formerly French-speaking families nowadays, it is often reduced to a secret language, spoken when someone, most of the time children, is to be excluded from the conversation. Such a use is typically an indicator of one of the last stages of language death (cf. Sasse 1992b: 64): 193 <?page no="194"?> (832) (QUU63) i y a des fois si on veut dire des secrets on parle français (LAUGHING). des fois si les enfants sont icitte puis not’ garçon veut nous dire quequ’ chose que les enfants. qu’i veut pas qu’i entendent i le dit en français (833) (I) et entre vous. jamais parlé français? (QUU65) OH YEAH WHEN WE DON’T WANT THE KIDS TO KNOW. SOMETHING THAT’S GOING ON. ESPECIALLY WHEN THEY WERE SMALL (QUUU40) I PICKED UP SOME BUT PRETTY MUCH WHEN THEY WANTED TO KEEP A SECRET THEY TALKED FRENCH (834) (AC62) surtout quand les enfants étaient jeunes. qu’on voulait dire quequ’chose et qu’on voulait pas que les enfants comprennent. on disait en français (835) (QU69) quand les enfants étaient p’tits. de temps en temps on voulait dire quequ’chose qu’on voulait pas qu’i comprend’. on parlait en français (836) (QU71) on avait coutume de parler en français quand qu’on voulait pas qu’les enfants comprennent. quand qu’on s/ quand on est pour s’coucher (LAUGHING) (837) (QU50) THEY DIDN’T WANT US TO KNOW WHAT THEY WERE SAY IN’ (QC52) s/ s’i voulaient pas qu’les enfants savent de quoi qu’i parlaient. i parlaient en français (838) (AC66) quand qu’i voulaient dire de quoi-c’qu’i veulent pas que les enfants comprennent (LAUGHING). i l’ont dit en français (839) (AU58) quand-c’que les enfants étiont p’tits. on parlait français. si que on voulait pas que/ qu’i savent qu’est-ce qu’on disait. et pis c’était toute. asteur on parle jamais français Who […] is responsible for the assimilation of the Franco-Americans? The answer can be found no farther than one’s front door - the family. The foundation of every human being’s life, that is, the individual’s personality, perception of reality, values, habits, language, and identity all originate at home with the family. […] As soon as the parents begin to neglect the ethnic formation of their children, the forces of assimilation will immediately take over (Albert 1979: 45-46). 194 <?page no="195"?> V.2 “Comme vous voyez je parle…Broken French” - Intralinguistic Consequences of Language Loss V.2.1 Insecurities in French V.2.1.1 The Domain of Written Language The domain of written language can be expected to be heavily affected by language loss since French has never been used regularly as a written language by the majority of French-Canadian immigrants, many of whom (especially the early ones) were illiterate: They received little or no education in their mother tongue, which is a quite common phenomenon within the older generation in the French parts of Canada (cf. King 1989: 141). After this generation emigrated to the U.S., the following generations often had to experience equally limited access to the language because they could not yet depend on schools but learned their language exclusively within the family: (840) (QUU77) (w) AS YOU’LL OBSERVE MY SPELLING OF MY FRENCH LANGUAGE IS DEPLORABLE. SOME OF US OF COURSE REGRETA- BLY WERE REARED BY GOOD GOD FEARING PEOPLE, BUT UN- EDUCATED PEOPLE, TAUGHT US FROM WHAT EVER THEY WERE TAUGHT FROM THEIR PARENTS. The situation improved with the establishment of parochial schools, where French was the language of instruction: (841) (QU51) c’était la moitié journée français. c’était toujours le français. on ne répondait pas en/ en anglais. on parlait pas en anglais. SO on commençait le cours/ c’était/ même la cla/ la classe français. c’est toujours le français. le/ le/ le catéchisme. cette classe euh. euh..puis i y avait un/ une aut’ classe. je pense/ j’sais plus si ce/ c’était l’histoire. ou quelque chose d’aut’. c’était en français. la moitié d’la journée c’était toujours le français (I) aussi les/ les examens par exemple? (QU51) oui. oui. oui (I) alors il fallait écrire aussi? (QU51) fallait écrire le français. il fallait lire le français. c’était tout… In high school, however, French was reduced to a subject, which is why the language came to be not only preponderantly but exclusively used as a spoken language at home. The consequences are the following: 34% of all the participants in the survey did not fill out the language section of the questionnaire, which consisted of a grammar, a vocabulary and a translation part. Especially the latter caused too many problems: 195 <?page no="196"?> “NOT ENOUGH FRENCH SPELLING + GRAMMAR TO BE ABLE TO WRITE TRANSLATIONS” “Quand/ t on manque de pratique! ! ! ! ! ! ” 196 <?page no="197"?> Other comments on the questionnaires equally reveal the participants’ insecurity and lack of practice in the written domain: (842) (QC75) (w) Je n’ecris plus le français, je peux lire et parler. (843) (AU72) (w) I’M REALLY RUSTY! (844) (QU42) (w) I COULD SAY ALL THE FOLLOWING PHRASES BUT TO WRITE THEM DOWN WOULD TAKE A LONG TIME AND THERE WOULD BE MANY MISTAKES. (845) (AU41) (w) I CAN TRANSLATE BUT I CAN’T SPELL WELL. (846) (QUU51) (w) THIS WAS A REAL STRUGGLE. THE FRENCH WORDS DON’T COME TO ME. HOWEVER I UNDERSTOOD MOST OF THE SURVEY IN FRENCH. (847) (AU41) (w) I CAN TRANSLATE, BUT CAN’T SPELL WELL. (848) (QUUU56) (w) I HAVE NOT SPOKEN OR WRITTEN FRENCH FOR 25 YEARS. PLEASE EXCUSE MY POOR GRAMMAR. (849) (AU44) (w) I CAN READ&UNDERSTAND FRENCH HOWEVER I CANNOT WRITE IT. The result of the lack of practice is insecurity concerning French as a written language. Whereas the majority of the participants claim to understand written French without problems, they feel unable to actively write French without making mistakes: “Est-ce que vous savez lire le français? ” Without problems With some difficulty Hardly 59.4 % 34.3 % 6.3 % Without problems With some difficulty Hardly “Est-ce que vous savez écrire le français? ” Without problems With some difficulty Hardly 41.5 % 45.3 % 13.2 % 197 <?page no="198"?> Without problems With some difficulty Hardly Despite the fact that more than half of the participants answered “yes” when asked if they had any occasion to write in French, it must be taken into account that writing is only “occasional” and often aimed at special events like birthdays, Christmas, Easter, baptisms or funerals, which mostly do not require a lot of creative writing but rather ask for conventionalized wording. “Est-ce que vous avez des occasions pour écrire en français? ” Oui Non 52.3% 47.7% Lesquelles? Lettres/ courriels occasionnels à la parenté au Canada Cartes de Noël/ d’anniversaire 63.2% 26.8% Due to a lack of occasions, French has been marginalized and mostly expelled from regular informal or formal written use. (850) (QC55) (w) J’écris une lettre dans 25-30 ans. (851) (QUU69) je parle plus. parle plus. parle plus que j’ai/ comme écrire là. j’espère/ j’ai eu d’la misère pour euh. um. écrire le français. mais ça fait depuis la/ la petite école que j’ai pas écrit le français SO… (852) (QU78) et puis j’écris aux fêtes..autrement on/ on s’appelle. là j’ai dit asteur que quand qu’on écrit pas. les accents. les..oh accent aigu puis oh (853) (QUU73) mais j’ai plus d’misère à l’écrire que..quand euh. pour le Cerc’ des Dames françaises-là ça fait un coup’ d’années j’étais. la secrétairearchiviste. je prenais toutes les..puis faulait j’écrive un compte rendu de toutes les assemblés puis..j’avais d’la misère avec ça The insecurity and the lack of practice result in a high number of mistakes in orthography (“orthographe populaire”) and grammar: (854) (AC65) (w) les mois tranquille ‘laisse-moi tranquille’ (855) (QUU42) (w) si pas vraite ‘c’est pas vrai’ 198 <?page no="199"?> (856) (AC81) (w) a la les œufs blue ‘elle a les yeux bleus’ (857) (AC63) (w) vutu pas dasoir ‘veux-tu pas t’asseoir’ It can be seen from most questionnaires that the participants have an idea of the relation between orthography and pronunciation but are unable to relate orthography and grammatical structures. To give an example out of the language section: The translation of the sentence ‘THE WOMAN I TALKED TO YESTERDAY IS MY NEIGHBOR’ revealed a considerable amount of variation with regard to the verb form j’ai parlé/ je parlais. The following forms could be found: j’ai parlez, je parley, jai parler, j’ai parler, je parlez, jais parlée, je parlé, j’ais parle, je parlai, j’ai parlais. Other examples of this kind are: (858) ‘I DON’T WANT TO WALK, LET’S TAKE THE ELEVATOR’ (QC78) (w) je ne veux pas marché (AC49) (w) je ne veux pas marches (AC68) (w) je veus pas marcher prenond ascenseur (859) ‘AFTER THEY HAD CALLED HIM, THEY LEFT THE HOUSE’ (AC64) (w) après qu’il ont telephoner, il ont laisser la maison (QU51) (w) après qu’ils l’on appeler, ils sont quitter leurs maison (AU83) (w) apres qu’il long appeler il ont laissey la maison (860) ‘HER EYES ARE BLUE, HIS EYES ARE GREEN’ (AC46) (w) el ses seux son blue, lui ses seux son vere (QUU52) (w) c’est d’jeux son blu; c’est d’jeux son vert (AC69) (w) c’est yeux sont blues, c’est yeux son vert However, it must be taken into account when analyzing such cases of “l’oral dans l’écrit”, grammar mistakes cannot be considered as such since, in most cases, no mistakes would be spotted if the respective structure was uttered orally. Judging from the written competence shown in the questionnaires on the whole, few Franco-Americans can be characterized as ‘bilateral’ (cf. Sebba 1997: 12). V.2.1.2 The Domain of Spoken Language In this chapter, a few examples will be listed that exemplify insecurities in French caused by a lack of practice or, possibly, incomplete language acquisition. There are insecurities in pronunciation (partly due to English influence): 199 <?page no="200"?> (861) (QC55) faut que j’la force. mais elle a une très bonne prononciation [pr n nsjasi ] […] c’était. important que toute le monde. arrivait à un moment que les anciens nationaités/ nationalités [na nalite] soient cachées puis ça sera toutes des Américains (862) (QU51) elle m’a pas demandé ça en français. elle pensait être touriste [turi t] (863) (QU77) un Irlandais. et l’aut’ un Juif. qui est juif. euh toute/ toute sorte de nationalité [na nalite] There are many cases of self-correction after false starts: (864) (QU41) je pense que/ qu’ils étaient dans leur vingt/ dans leur vingt ans […] et mon pè/ mon père travaillait construction. alors il a dit “viens donc à la maison j’ai des sœurs qui sont ici tu peux. YOU KNOW peux aller sortir avec les/ un de mes sœurs (865) (AU78) on allait à l’école. on a/ on a/ c’était une école anglaise (866) (QC639) mais i avait marié une fille de/ du Canada […] i a appris l’français. après ça/ I MEAN/ je veux dire le/ l’anglais (867) (QU81) mon père i était/ travaillait le bois mon père travaillait sur une terre..puis i sont/ i ont été là un an There are utterances accompanied by pauses or hesitation markers: (868) (QC55) on peut donc…c’est euh……c’est classé pour faire des différentes…um….des différentes affaires (869) (QUU60) oui. euh. ce n’est pas actif pour le moment. euh. elle est devenue. euh. assez vieille. mais toujours très. euh…um…elle/ elle connaît. euh. qu’est-ce qu’elle fait. euh. elle pense très bien. euh The most obvious indicators of insecurity in French are (very frequent) utterances that are accompanied by metalinguistic comments or questions: (870) (QU41) mon père est venu pour le travail de la France et ma mère pour du travail aussi du Canada. um. elle euh. elle était comme um…c’est pas douane que j’cherche mais. euh comme une gardeuse des enfants […] les Américains. quand ils parlent il ont l’accent américain et ils étaient. euh. un peu. euh…euh. j’peux pas trouver le mot. mais c’est pas/ i étaient méchant avec des amis parce que i aiment pas beaucoup les Américains (871) (QC55) c’est plus comme les anciennes granges c’est toute fait comme…des (…) puis des…euh um. ça c’est des mots que j’ai de la misère avec là. mais c’est/ c’est toute…faite…euh um…um… 200 <?page no="201"?> (872) (QU75) ben c’est euh..l/ le/ le monde sont/ sont mariés euh t’sais dans/ dans différentes comment on dit? ..différentes nations t’sais (873) (QU47) mon père lui a commencé dans une usine. puis après ça i a travaillé euh..euh comment on dit ça? ...i a travaillé dans les bois avec ses/ ferroviaire/ avec ses euh..avec ses amis […] ceux qui sont plus jeunes. i parlaient pas au/ aussi euh..je sais pas comment dire ça mais euh. même euh..mais c’est toujours le plus vieux qui parle plus (874) (QU67) i y avait beaucoup de personnes qui ont euh. comment on dit? comprend pas le français (875) (QU72) dans c’temps-là je savais toutes sortes mais asteur j’ai oublié comme les/ les/ la/ la um……comment qu’on dit ça donc? (LAUGH- ING)..um les verbes puis les/ ces choses-là là (876) (AC58) pis ça c’est mon p’tit/ comment se dit ça? (877) (QU47) je l’ai laissé dans le garage un gros euh..pas une serviette mais un gros um..couverte (878) (QU51) lui i a moins peur de faire euh. des…faux on dit? (879) (QU59) il travaillait deux/ deux positions euh pour cinq ans je m’rappelle et euh d’autres fois il/ euh il....euh je cherche le mot-là um…. (880) (QUU75) huit grand-petits/ euh grand/ grand-enfants puis trois..grandp’tits-enfants. c’est ça comme t’disais ça? (881) (QU77) on m’a d’mandé de leur donner une conférence en français à la fin de l’année où ils allaient euh..je cherche les mots parce que je/ le français j’ai pas pu parler..les verbes euh… (882) (QC50) mes tantes et tout c’est. um j’ai/ comme dit/ on est pas/ comment on dirait ça? ..proche (883) (QUU81) i travaillait ici à MILLBURY pas trop loin. ouais. là i faisait le..i faisait euh. que c’est comme on dit..j’sais pas juste quoi c’est… In both domains, the insecurities can clearly be interpreted as an indicator of severe language loss. 201 <?page no="202"?> V.2.2 Code-Switching V.2.2.1 A Theoretical Outline Despite the fact that there are numerous different theoretical frameworks for the concept of code-switching, not all of them can be mentioned or discussed here 199 . However, the following outline will try to consider the bestknown theories and their implications in order to establish a framework suitable for the analysis of the data gained in this survey. The Types of Code-Switching Code-switching 200 can be described as a common, language-contact based phenomenon, which Gumperz has defined as “the juxtaposition within the same speech exchange of passages of speech belonging to two different grammatical systems or subsystems” (Gumperz 1982: 59) 201 . There are different levels at which code-switched items can be embedded in another language: “À l’intérieur d’une même conversation, d’un même discours, d’une même phrase ou expression” (Gardner-Chloros 1985: 51). According to these different levels, the following types of code-switching are commonly distinguished : 202 1) Tag-switching 203 , which Poplack calls ‘emblematic’ switching because it “may be used as a discourse strategy to achieve certain interactional effects” (Poplack 1980: 614), involves the insertion of an exclamation, a tag or 199 For a detailed summary of different approaches, see Clyne 2003: 70-76. 200 The term ‘code’-switching basically allows for considerations on all levels of language, i.e. due to its shallowness it may not only refer to switching of languages or varieties, but also to switching of registers within a conversation. In this context, however, such cases will not be taken into account. 201 Although code-switching does not necessarily include only two languages, it is by far the most common constellation and the only one relevant in this context; furthermore the types of switching and their possible implications do not depend on or change with the number of languages involved, which is why I will only speak of two varieties or languages hereafter. 202 Cf. for instance Appel/ Muysken 1987: 118; Gardner-Chloros 1991: 61-68; Myers-Scotton 1997: 3-4. 203 Note that switched tags are sometimes counted among code-mixing (cf. Lee 2003: 150; see also below). They can, however, also appear as inter-sentential switches (e.g., interjections like Oh boy! ). Poplack categorizes them separately because she otherwise excludes single-word items from her theory of code-mixing. Since the tags that are discussed in this study, i.e. discourse markers, can be code-mixes as well as inter-sentential codeswitches, and since these switched markers may have particular implications (see below), they will be treated separately. 202 <?page no="203"?> idiomatic expressions in one language into a sentence which is otherwise in the other language. (884) (QU47) j’ai pensé WELL. peut-êt’ ça serait mieux d’aller une place un peu plus p’tit ‘I thought well, maybe it would be better to go to a smaller place’ 204 (885) (AC55) puis ça a juste tourné avec ça I GUESS. on a juste. mis les mots avec ‘and this has just turned with that I guess, we just put the words with that’ As will be shown below, the use of switched discourse markers, however, may also have a different implication than that of emphasizing parts of the utterance. 2) Inter-sentential code-switching involves a switch between sentences. It is generally considered not to require the same degree of fluency as intrasentential code-switching since the integration of the rules of either language is not necessary. (886) (AC87) I HAVE RELATIVES IN GARDNER AND. THEIR PARENTS SPEAK ENGLISH. THEY SPEAK ENGLISH. ça force. puis euh..l/ les enfants i/ i parlent pas..quelques mots ‘I have relatives in Gardner and their parents speak English, they speak English, which puts on pressure to speak English, and the children don’t speak, some words’ (887) (QC70) celui-là va êt’ un avocat. SHE’S GOIN’ TO BE A SCHOOL TEACHER ‘he is going to be a lawyer. she is going to be a school teacher’ There is a great deal of disagreement on terminology. Although most linguists (e.g., Appel/ Muysken 1987: 118; Myers-Scotton 1997: 24; Thomason 2001: 132) agree on what ‘inter-sentential switching’ denotes, it should be mentioned here that some (e.g., Romaine 1989: 112-113) subsume under this term the switching between sentences and clauses, which I find contradictory with regard to ‘inter-sentential’. It must be admitted that it is not always possible to clearly determine a sentence boundary in spoken language, which is why the more neutral term ‘utterance’ is often used instead of ‘sentence’. Also, it might be true that intra-sentential code-switches at clause boundaries do not require the same bilingual competence as intrasentential code-switches within the clause boundary or even within the word boundary. Still, intra-sentential code-switches at clause boundaries and intra-sentential code-switches within the clause boundary are closer than intra-sentential code-switches at clause boundaries and inter- 204 Translations will only be given in the theoretical outline. 203 <?page no="204"?> sentential code-switches, regarding structural similarity (and therefore bilingual competence since speakers must be able to identify the clause boundary and to integrate the switched clause correctly into the context, i.e. pay attention to the accord of the pronouns, singular and plural forms, tenses, etc.), motivation for as well as possible awareness of the switching (speakers might switch between sentences because of a change of topic or a change of conversation partner, so inter-sentential code-switching has a tendency to be the one speakers are most aware of). Thus, ‘inter-sentential code-switching’ will be used hereafter to refer to switching at sentence boundaries only. Within inter-sentential code-switching, there is the special case of what I would like to call ‘passive code-switching’: The phenomenon of understanding a language A, i.e. mastering it passively, but being unable to use it, i.e. not mastering it actively, using a language B to answer language A questions or communicate with a language A partner. Such a practice is, in fact, part of inter-sentential code-switching: The “non-speakers” still switch from one language to the other during a conversation, only passively. Passive code-switching can therefore be considered as the equivalent of ‘passive bilingualism’ (level of competence) on the level of performance. (888) (I) et quand vous avez/ alors quand vous étiez petite. vous êtes allée à une école paroissiale? ‘and when you were little, did you go to a parochial school? ’ (QUU65) YEAH I WENT TO SAINT JOSEPH. UM CATHOLIC SCHOOL. UH THEY SPOKE/ WE HAD FRENCH..ONCE A DAY. AND THEN WHEN WE WENT TO HIGH SCHOOL IT WAS ONCE A DAY TOO. UM THE SUBJECT WAS FRENCH (889) (I) alors vos parents. est-ce qu’ils ont eu des problèmes à apprendre l’anglais? ‘so did your parents have trouble learning English? ’ (AU44) NOT REALLY. THEY LEARNED WITH US. (I) qu’est-ce qu’ils ont fait comme métier vos parents? comme profession? ‘what was your parents’ profession? ’ (AU44) OH MY MOTHER WAS A HOUSEWIFE AND MY DAD WORKS AS A CUSTODIAN. PRIOR TO THAT HE WAS A MECHANIC 3) Intra-sentential code-switching, often referred to as ‘code-mixing’, implies a switch within the sentence boundaries, at points in discourse that allow syntactic integration in either language, i.e. “at points around which 204 <?page no="205"?> the surface structures of the two languages map onto each other” (Poplack 1980: 586) . 205 (890) (QUU60) je pense que MAYBE I WOULD TAKE A CHANCE IF I COULD FIND SOME GOOD FRENCH GUY ‘I think that maybe I would take a chance if I could find some good French guy’ (891) (QC83) ils m’ont toute coupé les jambes. ils ne trouvaient pas les veines. euh il fallait qu’ils enlèvent des veines ON MY CHEST ‘they cut my legs, they didn’t find any veins, they had to take out veins on my chest’ According to Muysken three 206 subcategories of code-mixing can be distinguished (cf. Muysken 2000: 60-64, 96-105, 122-135): Insertion involves the embedding of an item - often nouns or noun phrases, adjectives or verbs - into another language, i.e. one word or a combination of words which form a unit (the former being called ‘lexical transference’, the latter ‘multiple transference’ by Clyne 2003: 74) is switched: (892) (QC70) vous devez avoir ça aussi à GERMANY ‘you must have this as well in Germany’ (893) (QU70) ses parents c’est des docteurs et toute, mais i y a rien d’extravagant. sont beaucoup DOWN ON EARTH. ben elle a trente-cinq ans je crois ‘her parents are doctors and everything, but there’s nothing fancy, they are very much down to earth, well she is 35 years old I think’ Insertions tend to exhibit a nested A-B-A structure and to be morphologically integrated, i.e. the grammar of the matrix language is maintained. (894) (AC65) ben. c’est THE WAY-là que j’trouvais ça moi ‘well, that’s the way I found it’ 205 Cf. for instance Thomason 2001: 132. Note, however, that the terms ‘code-switching’ and ‘code-mixing’ can be found to refer to “functional”, i.e. motivated, and “nonfunctional” switching (cf. Krefeld 2004: 96). It should further be mentioned that many linguists (e.g., Picone; Poplack/ Meechan) use the term ‘code-switching’ to refer to ‘codemixing’ since they exclude the phenomenon of inter-sentential code-switching from their studies. The terminology in the following chapters will be used as follows: “Codeswitching” will be used as the generic term including all phenomena of switching between languages, whether interor intrasentential. “Intersentential code-switching” will be referred to as such, whereas “intra-sentential code-switching” will be called “codemixing”. 206 Muysken’s theory is much more complex than the overview given in this chapter, which does not have enough room to discuss every aspect of it in detail. His concept, however, is very useful in this context to distinguish the possible implications of codemixing. 205 <?page no="206"?> Alternation involves code-mixing with both languages being relatively separate. The switched string can be preceded and followed by elements from the other language without structural relation, i.e. is not part of an A-B-A but rather of an A…B…A sequence. Moreover, alternations often consist of more words than insertions and also reveal a more complex structure : 207 (895) (QU70) puis quand on a commencé parler de ça. SHE REMEMBER EV- ERYTHING ‘and when we started to talk about that, she remembered everything’ (896) (AU76) parce qu’i aime assez la musique. HE CAN PICK UP ON ANY- THING ‘since he loves music so much, he can pick up on anything’ Congruent Lexicalization involves a shared grammatical structure which can be filled with lexical items from either language 208 . Here, neither language is the dominant matrix language, so the switches may be bidirectional. Bilingual homophones may act as trigger-words for a switch. This concept is close to though not identical with Clyne’s triggering (see below). My corpus lacks such an example; in the following one, taken from Gardner-Chloros, the bilingual homophone annonces (French) - Annoncen (German) ‘ads’ triggers the switch from Alsatian to French. (897) Ich läs d’Iwwerschrifte […] und hinte dann, nochhär, do hesch e Portion annonces, et puis après c’est les régionales (Gardner-Chloros 1991: 125) ‘I read the titles and then, afterward, there were ads and then the local news’ There has been some controversy (cf. Clyne 2003: 89) on whether codemixing requires most fluency from the speaker (cf. for instance Sebba 1997: 12-13) since there is a risk of violating the morphosyntactic rules of either language or whether it is, quite on the contrary, an indicator of a restricted level of bilingualism. I will come back to this problem later. Some Frameworks of Code-Mixing There are numerous, often very contradictory frameworks of code-mixing, which cannot all be discussed here. I will neither go into detail as for the possible grammatical constraints on code-mixing - for this is not the pur- 207 Note that regardless of these criteria of length and complexity, Muysken (cf. 2000: 106) counts tag switching among alternation, due to the fact that discourse markers or adverbs are often syntactically unintegrated. However, since discourse markers are among the words most often switched in the MASSFrench corpus, they will be treated separately. 208 For a wider perspective on congruent structures as the basis of code-switching, see Sebba 1998: 7-14. 206 <?page no="207"?> pose of this study - nor pursue the question of which of the frameworks is the most accurate one but restrict myself to presenting some of the most important ones. Poplack’s theory 209 is based on linearity, as is obvious from her ‘equivalence constraint’ on code-mixing: “[Code-mixing] tends to occur at points in discourse where juxtaposition of L[anguage] 1 and L[anguage] 2 elements does not violate a surface syntactic rule of either language” (Poplack 1980: 581). According to this theory, in a sentence like Je lui ai parlé de ce problème only the last part de ce problème could be mixed with English since the English sentence I talked to him about this problem does not have the same surface structure as the French one. Because of these rather complex restrictions on code-mixing Poplack (1980: 581) insists on it being a phenomenon of “perfect” bilingualism, i.e. a sign of linguistic skill in both varieties or languages involved: While fluent bilinguals tended to switch at various syntactic boundaries within the sentence, non-fluent bilinguals favoured switching between sentences, but the rule-governed nature of code-switching is upheld by even the non-fluent bilinguals (Poplack 1980: 615). So in fact code-mixing behavior “may be used to measure bilingual ability” (Poplack 1980: 615). Another theory is about dependency (‘government constraint’): If one element governs another one, both elements must be taken from one language (cf. Appel/ Muysken 1987: 124; Clyne 2003: 85). So if attendre quelqu’un was to be exchanged for to wait for someone, it could only be done including the preposition for: One could say je wait for le bus tous les jours but one could not say *je wait _ le bus tous les jours. Clyne developed the theory of triggering, distinguishing “externally conditioned switching” (Clyne 1972: 70) and “internally conditioned switching” (Clyne 1972: 24). Externally conditioned switching is caused by extra-linguistic factors such as the speaker’s will to emphasize a bicultural identity or to use the language considered most appropriate in a certain context. Also, cases of quoted passages can be counted among externally conditioned switching; when switched passages are “clearly identifiable either as direct quotations or as reported speech” (Gumperz 1982: 75-76), they can be said to have been triggered by “the consideration that these were the actual words said by the people that [are being quoted]” (Tay 1989: 411) : 210 209 Poplack’s (1980: 585-586) free morpheme constraint, which says that the constituent after which a switch occurs may not be a bound morpheme, unless one morpheme has been integrated phonologically into the other language, is not of relevance here since no such cases appeared in the MASSFrench corpus. 210 Note that such cases of code-switching will not be considered in this study. 207 <?page no="208"?> (898) (QC83) fait que j’ai dit “IS THERE SOME MEDICATION? I DON’T WANNA HAVE SURGERY” ‘so I said “is there some medication? I don’t wanna have surgery”’ (899) (QU41) quand qu’elle. elle m’appelle. on parle français tout l’temps. puis les enfants i dit “OH GRANDMA’S ON THE PHONE” ‘when she calls me we speak French all the time, and so the children say “oh grandma’s on the phone”’ Another case of code-switching can be considered as externally conditioned; when one conversation partner switches (for instance due to the subject seeming more apt to be discussed in that language), the other speaker may also switch: (900) (QC80) on a pas un en français ‘we do not have any in French’ (QC76) THEY/ THEY/ THEY TOOK OVER. THE SPANISH (QC80) THEY TOOK OVER. SPANISH TOOK OVER (901 ) (QU60) c’était en polonais. et puis euh...euh. Sainte Anne en français ‘that was in Polish, and then Saint Anne was in French’ (QC58) YEAH THE FRENCH SCHOOL AND THE POLISH SCHOOL (QU60) THE FRENCH SCHOOL AND THE POLISH SCHOOL. YEAH (902) (QU71) ça fait. des années asteur qu’i ont pas ça parce que/ ‘it’s been years since they haven’t had that because/ ’ (QUU74) IT MUST BE OVER TEN YEARS (QU71) NOT THAT LONG This type of switching “may be done without knowing due to politeness in agreeing with the other speaker language [sic! ]”(Lee 2003: 171). However, it might imply that the speaker prefers one language because it is more convenient (cf. Lee 2003: 171). Such a case of a switching implying a preference for one language might indicate, consequently, a personal dominance of this language in the speaker’s linguistic repertoire. Internally conditioned switching implies that some linguistic elements, i.e. certain lexical items like culture-specific importations or proper nouns, trigger a switch from one language to another, which then often goes on being used for the rest of the utterance (cf. Clyne 1967: 84-99; 2003: 162-168). As mentioned above, his concept is close to Muysken’s ‘congruent lexicalization’ but is broader for he includes for example triggering by words that have become part of the individual speaker’s language or by proper names. In most cases the switch follows the trigger-word, which Clyne calls “consequential triggering” (Clyne 1967: 84): 208 <?page no="209"?> (903) (QC83) j’ai dit il pourrait êt’ placé à la SOLDIERS’ HOME. I DIDN’T THINK OF IT ‘I said he could be put into the soldiers’ home. I didn’t think of it’ (904) (QC70) puis mes p’tits-enfants étaient HONOR STUDENTS. AND SHE LOVED ‘EM. SHE LOVED ‘EM. ‘and my grandchildren were honor students, and she loved them, she loved them’ In some cases, however, the switch can precede it. In a sentence like Nous avons habité IN NEW YORK the upcoming English place name is responsible for the use of the English preposition. Clyne calls this kind of triggering “anticipational” (Clyne 1967: 86). (905) (QU35) j’ai pas pris les um. cours de français euh. peut-êt’ une. quand j’étais IN HIGH SCHOOL ‘I didn’t take French classes, maybe one when I was in high school’ (906) (QU59) là on parlait français. NEAR WATERLOO. dans ce coin-là ‘they spoke French there near Waterloo, in those parts’ The structure words that are “sandwiched” between two overlapping areas are often - though not always - switched as well, since “the speaker is unable to switch […] quickly enough to avoid adapting the sandwich word” (Clyne 1967: 89): (907) (AC87) quand les grands-parents viennent de l’Ile-du-Prince-Eduard. ces/ ces/ ceux de MONCTON c’est pépé et mémé. les aut’ c’est GRAND- PY AND GRANNY ‘when the grandparents come from Prince-Edward-Island, those from Moncton are ‘pépé’ and ‘mémé’, the others are ‘grandpy’ and ‘granny’’ Except for Muysken’s ‘congruent lexicalization’ Clyne’s framework is the only one which tries to analyze the way certain items cause or at least facilitate a switch and to explain the basic principles of this facilitation. Myers-Scotton has designed the so-called ‘Matrix Language Frame- Model’, which is based on the supposition that code-switching can only take place within the semantic and morphosyntactic structures and processes of one of the languages involved, which is called the ‘Matrix Language’ (ML), whereas the other one is referred to as the ‘Embedded Language’(EL) (cf. Myers-Scotton 1997: 75,82-86). So, unlike Poplack and others, Myers-Scotton basically follows Thomason/ Kaufman (cf. Thomason/ Kaufman 1988: 35-38) in assuming that one language is the dominant one: “The M[atrix] L[anguage] frames the morphosyntax for ML and EL constituents” (Myers-Scotton 1992a: 422). Therefore speakers must have more competence in this language than in the embedded one, although it need not necessarily be their mother tongue: “What is required is that speakers have sufficient command of a set of principles of well-formedness 209 <?page no="210"?> for the ML - whether or not these principles coincide exactly with those of native speakers of the variety - in order to construct frames” (Myers- Scotton 1997: 8). There are different types of switches, i.e. (1) mixed constituents with morphemes from the Matrix and the Embedded Language, like in j’ai watché le match, (2) Matrix Language islands, and (3) Embedded Language islands, with constituents from either language only and in accordance with the respective grammatical structures, like in I saw him ce matin (with the English or the French part being the respective island, depending on which language is the ML and which one the EL). A very important aspect of this theory with regard to immigrant languages is the fact that the Matrix Language and the Embedded Language can switch roles, a process which is called ‘turnover’: The speakers respond to environmental pressures by a turnover in code-switching to L2 as the ML. Although, as Myers-Scotton points out herself (Myers-Scotton 1997: 223), code-switching may not always be involved in the process of language shift, but it sure facilitates it in most cases. In conclusion it might be said that despite considerable differences concerning the constraints on code-mixing, most recent frameworks agree on code-mixing occurring in all language-contact situations where the varieties or languages involved are used for oral discourse and on it being a means of measuring bilingual competence of a speech community: “In stable bilinguals communities, speakers conventionally make use of both languages with the same interlocutors, in the same domains, and within the same conversational topic” (Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 128). Despite this agreement on the general implication of code-mixing, there remain many controversial matters within this field, one of which I will turn to now, the distinction between code-mixes and borrowings. Code-Mixing and Borrowing One of the biggest problems when analyzing language contact phenomena is the categorization of lone other language items, i.e. the question whether they can be seen as code-mixes or as borrowings. Whereas some researchers consider “the morphosyntactic procedures they [code-mixes and borrowings] undergo during language production” (Myers-Scotton 1997: 182) too similar to necessitate such a distinction, others (e.g., Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 132 211 ) insist that the two phenomena have to be treated separately due to considerable differences in morphosyntactic structures. Appel/ Muysken have pointed out: “Using the distinction introduced by Ferdinand de Saussure, we could say that in abstract terms borrowing involves the integration of two languages at the level of langue, and codemixing at the level of parole” (Appel/ Muysken 1987: 121). In less abstract 211 For a detailed overview, see Heller/ Pfaff 1996: 601-602; King 2000: 86-89. 210 <?page no="211"?> terms three criteria of distinction are generally considered relevant: bilingualism, integration, and frequency of use. Bilingualism. Whereas borrowings may be used by monolinguals, who have command of one grammar and consider loan words as embedded elements of this grammar, code-mixes can only be used by speakers who are bilingual and therefore have two grammatical systems at their disposal, at least to a certain extent (cf. Myers-Scotton 1992b: 35, Romaine 1989: 114). As soon as the domain of research is within a bilingual community, however, this criterion is invalid, since bilingual speakers may use borrowings and code-mixes alike. Integration. Although not fully reliable to some (cf. Myers-Scotton 1997: 163) - since borrowings can but need not be fully adapted to the borrowing language - the degree to which an item is morphologically, syntactically and phonologically integrated has traditionally been among the criteria employed to differentiate between borrowings and code-mixes. There is quite a lot of disagreement on what type of integration is the decisive one; some focus on the phonological (cf. Clyne 2003: 142), some on the morphosyntactic one with code-mixing being based on the grammatical constraints of both languages, and borrowings being grammatically constrained by the recipient language (cf. Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 132). Either way, the criterion of integration fails to be reliable. Morphological integration is an unreliable criterion when the two languages involved are typologically similar to a certain extent because then “few if any surface syntactic or morphological indices of integration may be observed” (Turpin 1998: 221), as is the case for instance with singular English-origin nouns in French. (908) (QC70) mon GRANDSON va venir me l’installer ‘my grandson is going to install it for me’ (909) (QU41) je m’suis assise sur le COUCH. puis j’ai essayé de trouver une station ‘I sat down on the couch and then I tried to find a channel’ In such cases, some plead for the phonological criterion, “in the absence of any sociolinguistic information about the degree of community acceptance of [such] forms, there is no immediately available contrastive criteria, other than the phonological, to determine whether [such] words are being processed as borrowings or as switches” (Picone 1997: 152). Phonological integration, however, has proven to be variable because fluent bilinguals often “preserve the original donor-language phonology of a loanword, less fluent bilinguals and monolinguals are more likely to assimilate the loanword to the phonology of their native language” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1989: 305). Also, phonological integration may be a question of degree: “In some cases, 211 <?page no="212"?> social factors may mitigate against complete integration. Borrowings into English from a language such as French […] have proven resistant to complete integration, due […] to the relative prestige of French” (King 2000: 87f.). Frequency and Distribution. The more speakers use an item, and the more often this item is used in one language, with a particular meaning and without competing with the language’s own expression, the more probable its status as a borrowing (cf. Clyne 2003: 145). The question that is yet to be answered, however, is how frequently an item has to be used by how many speakers to be considered a borrowing, i.e. how large a corpus is needed as the base of a quantitative analysis. Also, many varieties have not been sufficiently taken into account by lexicography, i.e. there are no dictionaries available that would allow one to determine whether an other-language word has been established within a speech community as a loan word. The line between switches and borrowings remains fuzzy. That is why single other-language items - in contrast to unambiguous loanwords, i.e. lexical items attested in dictionaries - remain a problem notwithstanding the criteria listed above. While some claim that it is “not possible to distinguish individual cases of code-mixing from not-yet integrated borrowings” (Appel/ Muysken 1987: 173; cf. also Dorian 1981: 99-100), others have established a category for such cases: Poplack/ Meechan call them ‘nonce borrowings’ 212 , claiming - by referring to studies of for instance Persian and Turkish, which showed that lone English-origin nouns behaved like attested loanwords (cf. Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 133) - that “[they] [differ] from code-switching, and [resemble] established borrowing in all but its extralinguistic characteristics of recurrence and diffusion” (Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 135). They argue that when comparing lone otherlanguage items with unambiguous recipient-language items, including attested loanwords, most of the lone other-language items turn out to pattern morphologically like recipient-language items. According to their theory, phonological criteria for integration are to be ignored because a bilingual speaker may simply want to produce accented forms, and because it is impossible to determine whether a speaker failed to adapt a nonce borrowing to the recipient language or whether the word has been borrowed including its phonemes (cf. Poplack/ Meechan 1985: 133-137). In my opinion, this concept is quite questionable for the following reasons. Morphological integration is, as mentioned above, an unreliable criterion when the two languages involved are typologically similar. Englishorigin nouns in the singular pattern like French and English nouns, i.e. take no inflections at all. According to Poplack/ Meechan such items may still be characterized as nonce borrowings or borrowings, especially when they 212 “Nonce” meaning ‘ad hoc’. 212 <?page no="213"?> show “the extralinguistic characteristics of loanwords, i.e. recurrence, diffusion, and dictionary attestation” (Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 135). However, even items that meet these criteria are far from being clearly categorized. “High school”, for example, is among the English-origin nouns most often used by the participants of my survey, and it counts, in fact, among unambiguous, i.e. phonologically and morphologically integrated, loanwords in Quebec (cf. Meney 1999: 953). Yet none of the participants pronounces it the French way [‘ajskul] (cf. Boulanger 1993: 575), neither regarding the h 213 nor the l-sound. The criterion of phonological integration could of course be excluded (as Poplack suggests), so borrowing the word including its phonemes might be a specifically Franco-American development, and there are indeed cases in which ‘high school’ is integrated smoothly like a loan: (910) (QU72) tout l’monde est allé à l’école catholique. mais pour le HIGH SCHOOL par exem’. i y en avait plus asteur ‘everybody went to a Catholic school but there is no more such high school today’ (911) (QU78) il a quarante-huit ans puis ça c’était dans son temps de HIGH SCHOOL. puis le plus vieux il a pris des cours de français au collège ‘he is 48 years old and that was in his high school times, and then the older one took French classes in college’ Some uses of the word, however, - such as accompanying hesitation and pauses, translation of the word, or such as its acting as a trigger word (for consequential and anticipational triggering) - would still not allow considering it to be an (phonologically unintegrated but) embedded loan word or a nonce borrowing in the MASSFrench corpus. A loan word or a nonce borrowing can both be expected to be integrated smoothly in the utterance; cases in which the word is not properly integrated syntactically, i.e. cases in which the speakers obviously do not consider the word to be appropriate or an acceptable choice within French, can therefore only be cases of codemixing: Hesitation before the switch, metalinguistic comment (intonation as a question), repetition/ use of the French equivalent (912) (QUU65) j’étais au um..HIGH SCHOOL? euh j’étais à une/ un um..c’était plus ir/ irlandais. SO on a pas parlé d’français du tout à. um haute école ‘I was in high school, I was at a/ it was more Irish, so we didn’t speak French at all in high school’ 213 Note that Canadian French, i.e. varieties of Quebec and Acadian French, maintain the pronunciation of the [h] in some lexical items (cf. for instance King 2000: 32); high school can nonetheless be clearly categorized as pronounced the English way by the survey’s participants due to the dark l. 213 <?page no="214"?> Repetition/ use of the French equivalent (913) (QU81) la langue est finie dans HIGH SCHOOL. quand i ont été à la grande école-là ‘the language is finished in high school, when they were in high school’ Repetition/ use of the French equivalent, metalinguistic comment or question (914) (QUU75) toutes mes enfants étaient là. mais i étaient/ après i étaient à l’école sup/ supérieure ou quoi l’école HIGH SCHOOL on appelle ça l’école supérieure ou quoi? ‘all my children were there, but afterward they were in high school or whatever, high school, you call that high school or what? ’ Trigger word in anticipational triggering (915) (QU35) j’ai pas pris les um. cours de français euh. peut-êt’ une. quand j’étais IN HIGH SCHOOL ‘I didn’t take French classes, maybe one when I was in high school’ (AC77) les cinq premiers. i l’ont tout le temps gardé/ même i l’ont gardé un/ un peu..euh THROUGH THE HIGH SCHOOL. après. là là ça a commencé à diminuer ‘the five first children kept it, even a little bit through high school, but afterward it started to diminish’ Trigger word in consequential triggering (916) (QUU65) i y a les jeunes qui ont pris le français à HIGH SCHOOL. AND UH/ BUT ça c’est pas assez pour apprend’ ‘there are young people who took French in high school but that is not enough to learn it’ So whereas for some speakers in the community, “high school” seems to be a loanword, others use it like a (flagged 214 ) switch and not - yet - like a fully integrated loan, which gives way to the assumption that there is indeed a continuum between code-switches and borrowings. English-origin nouns in the plural show two different forms. They pattern English grammar, i.e. take an s-inflection, or show no inflection at all. Poplack/ Meechan and others (e.g., Turpin) count phonologically unintegrated English-origin nouns which lack plural marking in French as morphologically integrated forms, i.e. as borrowings: “Morphological integration [of English-origin nouns] into French should involve both the use of a French article and the plural mark” (Turpin 1998: 228). Poplack/ Meechan 214 I.e. ‘unsmooth’ or ‘unskilled’; cf. Poplack/ Sankoff 1988: 1176. See also below. 214 <?page no="215"?> (and other supporters of the nonce borrowing concept 215 ) admit that not all lone other-language content words are (nonce) borrowings, and that some are indeed code-mixes, referring to Turpin’s study (cf. Turpin 1998: 228-231) of Acadian French: She [Turpin] finds that patterns consistent with English grammar are most common in lone English-origin nouns which, on independent analysis, do not show the extralinguistic characteristics of loanwords (i.e. recurrence, diffusion, and dictionary attestation), and which had in addition been uttered by speakers also showing high rates of unambiguous (multiword) codeswitches to English. These facts, taken together, make it likely that at least some of the lone English-origin nouns in French discourse are also codeswitches” (Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 135). With nonce borrowings another category is added to the framework of code-mixing, but exceptions have not been treated in a satisfactory way. If, in the MASSFrench corpus, one and the same informant uses the same word differently within the same utterance, (917) (AC65) i m’ont complimenté sur mon français. ben..les/ les [a] ADULTS. pas si tant qu’les enfants. SO je parle plus comme les enfants que les [b] ADULT ‘they complimented me on my French, well the adults not as much as the children so I speak more like the children than like the adults’ (918) (AC77) c’est rien qu’comme les [a] IRISH STEPDANCERS. BUT euh c’est toute euh..c’est différent. […] i y a des [b] STEPDANCER qui vont pas stepper. si vite que d’aut’. […] on était juges pour/ pour euh ces [b] STEPDANCER-là ‘it’s like the Irish step dancers but it’s different; there are stepdancers who won’t step as fast as others; we were to judge these stepdancers there’ would [b] be a case of (nonce) borrowing because the bare English noun patterns the French phonetical zero-determination, and would [a] then be an exceptional case of code-mixing because it follows the English plural marking? Sometimes the patterning or non-patterning may be due to the speaker’s imperfect knowledge of one language or the other - English in this case - regardless of the speaker’s basic bilingualism: Il ne faut pas se surprendre de l’absence de la désinence du pluriel [in English nouns]: sa suppression n’est pas directement attribuable au procédé du transfert du vocable anglais au français puisque la flexion était déjà absente dans la langue d’origine (Picone/ LaFleur 2000: 16). The informants cited above grew up in New Brunswick and use English fluently but not always correctly, so their adaption of the English words 215 Cf. for instance King, who takes nonce borrowings to be uttered by one speaker only, but admits that “it is theoretically possible that these might also be single-word codeswitches” (King 2000: 89). 215 <?page no="216"?> ADULT and STEPDANCER in [b] may simply have been caused by their insecurity in English. In the MASSFrench corpus, mainly first immigrant generation speakers (i.e. of French mother tongue) often do not make use - or only inconsistent use - of the correct English noun plural forms in English. Furthermore, they also use 3 rd -person uninflected verb forms in English passages : 216 (919) (QC57) IT’S EASIER FOR ME TO TALK FRENCH YOU KNOW. WHEN I KNOW SOMEBODY TALK FRENCH I PREFER TO TALK FRENCH (920) (QC70) LAST SATURDAY. WE’RE TAKING PICTURE. WE HAD A HARD TIME TO TAKE PICTURE THEY WERE LAUGHING SO MUCH. […] THIS IS MY OLDEST ONE. HE’S A BUILDER. HE BUILD BIG BIG HOUSES. […] THIS ONE WORK UH. LIKE A PSYCHIATRIST AT A HOSPITAL. THIS ONE WORK FOR A BIG HOSPITAL. […] SHE WORK FOR A DENTIST FOR THIRTY YEARS. HER/ SHE WORK AT BAY STATE THE BIG HOSPITAL FOR TWENTY-NINE YEARS. THEY NEVER CHANGED JOB. […] SHE GOT TWO LITTLE KIDS. SHE’S GOT TWO KIDS. SHE’S GOT TWO KID. THOSE TWO OVER THERE THAT’S HERS. […] SHE GOT TWO LITTLE GIRL. AND YEAH. THAT’S P. HE WORK AT THE HOSPITAL On the other hand, it is also possible that fluency in both languages is at the origin of unintegrated forms. (Perfect) bilingualism within a speech community may work against adapted forms, whether considered as switches or borrowings: Si l’emprunt est moins fréquent […], c’est sans doute à cause […] du bilinguisme. C’est-à-dire que l’emprunt va de plus en plus à contre-courant de l’économie linguistique du fait que, avec la généralisation du bilinguisme, tout le monde finit par comprendre les mots anglais sous leur forme non assimilé (Picone/ LaFleur 2000: 17). So, in fact, there seem to be too many - extraand intralinguistic - phenomena involved to add such a category as nonce borrowings, which is based on grammatical integration only. Thomason/ Kaufman already no- 216 Note that within this study, only older, first-generation immigrants of French mother tongue, who are also affected heavily by “phonic interference” (Winford 2003: 212), have been found to use such forms. That is why their English can be considered to be “imperfect” despite the fact that for instance English 3 rd person singular verb forms in the present tense are commonly found without the -s inflection in colloquial English as well (cf. Montgomery/ Fuller 1996: 212; Wolfram 1991: 57-58). Also, they make inconsistent use of the forms in question, i.e. they sometimes use the inflected and sometimes the uninflected forms (cf. example 920). That is why in contrast to other francophone groups like the Cajuns, among whom speakers of different age groups make consistent use of uninflected forms (cf. Dubois/ Horvath 2003: 42-52), it cannot be claimed that there is a variety of Franco-American English comparable to Cajun English (despite a study by Ryback/ Nagy 2000 on English spoken by Franco-Americans in Manchester for their study was based exclusively on variation in pronunciation). 216 <?page no="217"?> ticed that many structural constraints fail “because linguistic interference is conditioned in the first instance by social factors, not by linguistic ones” (Thomason/ Kaufman 1988: 35). Another argument against morphological integration being generalized as the main criterion for the distinction of code-mixes and borrowings is the fact that different speech communities show various ways of integrating loan words. In Canada, for example, unambiguous English-origin loanwords have a strong tendency of morphological and phonological integration in Quebec and Acadian French (cf. Rottet/ Golembeski 2000: 103). In Louisiana, quite on the contrary, we find “la fréquente non-intégration des mots anglais dans le français” (Rottet/ Golembeski 2000: 103; cf. also Picone 1997: 159; Neumann-Holzschuh 2005a: 281-284) 217 . So borrowings may show very different degrees of integration even within comparatively similar speech communities. And, in such cases, integration may be a question of interpretation. To give an example: Whereas phonologically unintegrated English-origin nouns without plural inflection - like in Prends mes deux GRANDDAUGHTER de mon garcon là, eusse comprend tout (cf. Rottet 2001: 127) - are considered to be morphologically integrated forms in French by some (e.g., Poplack/ Meechan; Turpin, see above), others put them, in contrast, into one category with phonologically and morphologically unintegrated verbs, i.e. consider them to be code-mixes, such as Picone for Louisiana French: The suppression of plural inflection in Louisiana French is an operator for creating and manipulating switches, […] [it] enhances the phonological signature of nouns that are to be flagged as switches (Picone 1997: 158). Uninflected English-origin nouns and verbs (like in examples 919 and 920) are classified as “code-neutral phenomena” (Picone 1997: 161) in this context: Code neutralization […] may exist as a buffering device allowing CF [Cajun French] to access the much-needed lexical resources of English while maintaining a semiindependent stance by simultaneously disallowing both assimilation of English-origin material into the code and wholesale switching to the unmodified English code. Thus, code buffering serves as a peripheral lexicogenetic strategy that allows for unlimited appeal to English lexical resources while attenuating the directness of the contact (Klingler et al. 1997: 176). 217 There are numerous fully adapted English-origin items in Cajun French as well, but whereas the phonological and morphological integration of such loan words seems to be a phenomenon of the past (cf. Neumann-Holzschuh 2005a: 282; Störl 2002: 159), the nonintegration has survived: “Ce phénomène de la non-intégration des emprunts faits à l’anglais n’est pas tout à fait nouveau […]. Mais il semble devenir de plus en plus commun avec le temps. […] Les emprunts qu’on peut estimer assez récents […] ne sont pas intégrés du tout au français” (Rottet/ Golembeski 2000: 108-109). 217 <?page no="218"?> Since the situation of Canadian French in Massachusetts seems comparable to that in Louisiana as to exposure to English and need of appeal to English lexical resources, and since single unadapted English-origin items in the corpus, such as zero-inflected plural nouns, cannot be clearly categorized as shown above, they will be considered to be (code-neutral) codemixes here. There are also more general arguments against the category of nonce borrowings and the denial of a continuum between code-mixing and borrowing. It has been argued that function words, which are almost always part of a switched unit, do not become loanwords but they would have to if there was a continuum code-mixing borrowing. Function words, however, have been borrowed (cf. Heller/ Pfaff 1996: 602; Stolz/ Stolz 1996), so this argument against a continuum has not turned out to be reliable 218 . Also, the exclusion of other-language nouns from a theory of code-mixing does not appear to be justified either, since nouns in particular are likely to serve the expressive and the referential function of code-mixing 219 , as is obvious from the following example: In […] [some] cases the conditioning factor appears to be the cognitive link with activities performed in English on a regular basis: Une personne de chaque household ‘One person in each household’ The Standard French equivalent foyer would have bee quite appropriate but the speaker, a social scientist, is obviously used to the vocabulary of surveys (Lindenfeld 1998: 97). So can other-language nouns be excluded from a theory of code-mixing? A borrowing usually becomes an attested loanword by being used frequently (except for cultural loans 220 , which mostly enter the language as abruptly as the object or concept they stand for). The question is if, for every attested loanword in bilingual communities, the point of departure is so clearly determinable to fully exclude code-mixing as a possible - even if not the only - mechanism of borrowing. So whereas Poplack/ Meechan deny that 218 Which is why Poplack excluded other-language function words and discourse markers from the theory of nonce borrowings (cf. Poplack/ Meechen 1998: 127). 219 See the chapter on the functions of code-switching below. 220 According to Myers-Scotton (Myers-Scotton 1992b: 34-35; cf. also Jones 2005: 8) there are two basic types of lexical loanwords. Cultural borrowings stand for an object or a concept that does not exist in the respective society. For some cultural borrowings there is a native-language synonym, like Computer and Rechner in German, for others there isn’t: Laptop in German or zeitgeist in English. Core loans on the other hand, describe objects or concepts that already exist in the respective society and have an indigenous term to be referred to, i.e. are therefore not “necessary”, which is why in German they are called Luxuslehnwörter - ‘luxury loanwords’. Borrowing, of course, is not limited to lexical forms; it may also involve morphosyntactic structures. For an overview of lexical and semantic borrowings, see Fischer 1985: 98. 218 <?page no="219"?> there is a continuum between code-mixing and borrowings (at least as far as content words are concerned), others (e.g., Gardner-Chloros; Mougeon/ Beniak; Myers-Scotton; Lindenfeld), on the contrary, reject the category of nonce borrowings in the context of code-mixing. Myers-Scotton argues quite simply that code-switches - need not but - may become loans “through an increase in their frequency, and their adoption by monolinguals […]. They already resemble each other in the morphosyntactic procedures they undergo during language production” (Myers-Scotton 1997: 182). From her point of view borrowings and code-switches are all subject to “the same morphosyntactic procedures - those of the ML” (Myers-Scotton 1997: 183), although she admits that borrowings typically show higher morphological integration than code-mixes. Mougeon/ Beniak also tend to adhere to the same concept and characterize “core lexical borrowing (or at least some of its manifestations) […] [as] a by-product of code-switching” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1987: 344), as does Gardner-Chloros: If [an innovation] is frequently used in [a] community - whether or not in free variation with a native element - then it is at least on its way to becoming a loan. In short, a loan is a code-switch with a full-time job (Gardner- Chloros 1987: 102). Due to such cases like the above discussed “high school” I will stick with Myers-Scotton, Gardner-Chloros, and Mougeon/ Beniak and assume that borrowings “may start out as code-switches (either as single words or as part of switched sentences) which by dint of repetition became loanwords” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1987: 344). However, I agree with Poplack/ Meechan in that lone items cannot simply be collapsed with other types of code-mixing into one global category […] [because] to include them in a theory of codeswitching (or borrowing) without appropriately determining their status […] may obscure any patterns of true codeswitching that exist (Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 136). Although I consider code-mixing to be a possible mechanism of borrowing, one has to differentiate between lone other-language items and more complex code-mixes. Making this distinction allows an answer to the question whether code-mixing indicates a high or a low level of bilingualism. Whereas Weinreich claimed that the ideal bilingual switches from one language to the other according to appropriate changes in the speech situation (interlocutors, topics, etc.), but not in an unchanged speech situation, and certainly not within a single sentence (Weinreich 1967: 73), more recent surveys have claimed that all three types of switching mentioned above occur among bilinguals. Especially code-mixings are “a sensitive indicator of bilingual ability” (Poplack 1981: 581) since speakers must 219 <?page no="220"?> master the syntactic and/ or morphological structures of both languages involved. So if Poplack argues that code-mixing requires most skill from bilinguals but excludes single other-language items from her concept of code-mixing (cf. Poplack 1980: 613), she is right, of course: Code-mixing involving phrases or clauses requires an advanced level of bilingualism. But if single other-language items are subsumed under the category codemixing - as I have done in this study for the reasons mentioned above - code-mixing cannot be generally said to be an indicator of bilingual ability. As mentioned above, lone other-language items such as nouns or adjectives may not ask for much morphosyntactic integration (regardless of the fact that Muysken counts them among insertions) when the two languages involved are typologically similar to a certain extent. They might be used frequently without enough bilingual competence to fill lexical gaps. So the implication of frequently used lone other-language words - even if phonologically and/ or morphosyntactically integrated - is the same regardless of their categorization as smoothly switched items or borrowings. They tend to indicate lacking dynamics of the embedding variety, since they may not only be used because of their “expressive load” (Lindenfeld 1998: 97) or because they seem more appropriate due to their designating activities or items closely linked to English but also merely serve to fill lexical gaps - therefore they may be considered to be “tell-tale signs of imperfect mastery” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1989: 309). In general it can be said that whether it is about code-mixing of single items or whole passages, or about the often neglected or excluded phenomenon of inter-sentential code-switching: Most important of all when trying to categorize switches as skilled or unskilled, i.e. as indicators of bilingual competence or as indicators of lacking bilingual competence, is to take into account why and how the code-switching takes place, i.e. the functions and the manner of such code-mixes. The Functions of Code-Switching 221 Gumperz claimed that code-switching does not necessarily indicate imperfect knowledge of the grammatical systems in question. Only in relatively few passages is code alternation motivated by speakers’ inability to find words to express what they want to say in one or the other code. In many cases, the code switched information could equally well be expressed in either language (Gumperz 1982: 65). 221 This chapter mostly follows Appel/ Muysken 1987: 118-120, who have outlined an overview based on numerous sources. The poetic function (e.g., bilingual language use involving switched puns or jokes) is excluded since it is not relevant here. It should be noted that the functions of code-switching may vary considerably according to the speech community. 220 <?page no="221"?> If the information could as well be expressed in either language, why do people switch between languages? Generally speaking, code-switching represents a linguistic ability that monolinguals do not have: Code-switching offers bilinguals a way to increase their flexibility of expression, going beyond the style-switching of monolinguals. That is, switching is a means to index the nuances of social relationships by exploiting the sociopsychological associations of the languages employed (Myers-Scotton 1997: 1). The following functions, 1)-4), can be subsumed under what Petit calls “jonglerie de bilinguisme accompli” (Petit 1997: 1237), i.e. an unstigmatized, commonly accepted practise in stable bilingual communities, so codeswitching serving these purposes can be considered as an indicator of fluent bilingualism, whereas 5) need not but can, quite on the contrary, be an indicator of the opposite under certain societal circumstances. 1) The phatic function By code-switching certain parts of the utterance or the conversation may be stressed in order to give them a certain nuance. For instance, these switched parts could be meant to be especially funny or ironic. 2) The directive function Code-switching can be due to (a) conversation partner(s), either to exclude them from a conversation because they are not meant to understand the conversation or at least the switched parts of the conversation, or to include them in the conversation because they are known to be more comfortable in one language than in the other, or because they have not mastered one of the languages involved. Inter-sentential code-switching often serves this function. 3) The metalinguistic function If code-switching is used to somehow comment on the languages involved in the conversation, its purpose is commonly to “show off”, i.e. to impress the other participants. This kind of switching can occur in very different contexts; it may be a good flirtation strategy as well as a means to underline one’s authority or to enhance one’s chances in professional life. 4) The expressive function By continuously using two languages, speakers can emphasize their “mixed” identity, i.e. code-switching can serve as a “marque identitaire” (Petit 1997: 1237). As Myers-Scotton has put it: 221 <?page no="222"?> Under CS [Code-Switching] as un unmarked choice [ 222 ] each switch is not intended as a negotiation of interpersonal relations; rather, the overall pattern of switching indexes the negotiation which is one of coordinate identities” (Myers-Scotton 1992b: 41). So in fact “code-switching is itself a discrete mode of speaking” (Poplack 1980: 615). This kind of switching, which occurs in stable bilingual communities, requires that speakers are fluent in both languages and “[…] hold certain positive attitudes toward them” (Myers-Scotton 1992b: 40) because “it is often seen by members of those communities as being appropriate to the dual identities they wish to highlight for themselves” (Jones 2005: 3). 5) The referential function There are two very different ways in which code-switching can serve the referential function. Firstly, a switch may be topic-related. An expression or a whole passage may seem “semantically more appropriate for a given concept” (Appel/ Muysken 1987: 118) in one language than in the other because the concept or object it refers to is part of this one language and its cultural background rather than of the other one. The reason why something is better expressed in one language may be obvious or, quite the contrary, very subjective: In a French interview conversation about economics and politics in general, the speakers suddenly switched to English because they came to speak of George Bush’s foreign policy, a topic that they are only used to discussing or to reading about in English. Such a switch is quite obviously due to the subject. When, on the other hand, an informant speaks French and then switches to English because she is speaking of a friend of hers who does not speak French herself and who she therefore only sees in an English context, the switch is less comprehensible and can only be 222 According to Myers-Scotton (Myers-Scotton 1986: 405-407; Myers-Scotton 1992b: 39-40) code-switching can either be a) an exploratory, b) a marked, or c) an unmarked choice. a) Speakers may switch “in order to settle upon a code which will be mutually acceptable as a vehicle for the exchange” (Myers-Scotton 1986: 407). b) An unexpected change in language that is not due to situational features such as a new topic or a new participant in the conversation, but rather for instance a means of negotiating a change in the social distance between the conversation participants, is called a ‘marked choice’. c) If a change in language is unmarked, it occurs due to situational features such as a new topic or a new participant in the conversation and is therefore the one that would be most expected in a given conversation. Without denying that there are cases of exploratory switching and that marked switching commonly occurs, only the unmarked code-switching is the one of interest in this study. 222 <?page no="223"?> identified as serving the referential function with sufficient background information . 223 Secondly, code-switching can serve as a means to bridge the gaps in the speaker’s knowledge of one language, especially in the area of lexis. Since the speakers are in need of a word, i.e. are looking for an expression before they switch, this is the type of switching they are usually most aware of: “We mix so much English into our speech..it’s terribly mixed up…we switch over so easily..you know we have to mix, for nobody can remember all the Norwegian words” (Haugen 1969: 63). Although some exclude this function from the theory of (“true”) code-switching, like for instance Poplack, who says that “code-switching is used for purposes other than that of conveying untranslatable items” (Poplack 1980: 601), it is in general (and within this study) considered a common and very important function of code-switching, regardless of its possible implications and within a broader definition of the term ‘code-switching’, of course. In both cases, these switches can lead to or at least facilitate lexical borrowing. Even if an expression is chosen by an individual only because it seems more appropriate in a given context, there is a chance that other speakers will find the switched word more appropriate as well. In the other case, when an expression is chosen because of a lack of vocabulary as is often the case within immigrant groups who lose contact to their native country and therefore also lose track of new expressions in their mother tongue, the continuum between code-mixes and borrowings is even more obvious. The more such switches denote words generally lacking in the speech community, the more they are used by the members of this community and the more easily such words become loans. An example would be ordinateur and COMPUTER, and computer-related vocabulary among Franco-Americans. Although some of them have heard of the French words in this context, many of them use the English ones because they have never learned the French ones and are also aware of this fact. (921) (AC59) pas mal ben sur le COMPUTER. j’ai été/ j’ai commencé/ j’ai fait ça par le/ sur le COMPUTER. là sur la liste tu as comme les générations ‘I did a lot on the computer, I did that on the computer, the list where you got like all the generations’ (922) (QU72) quand on parle comme on dit. quand i y a les mots nouveaux là. euh..COMPUTER..ordinateur j’me rappelle asteur. ça fait dix fois qu’i me disent comment c’est c’que ce faut que je dise ça. i trouvent ça drôle parce que je parle/ c’est pas pire moi parler français parce que c’est la manière qu’i parlent en anglais eux-aut’ aussi. SO on transcrit. j’sais pas c’est transcrit? SO on parle en an/ en fran/ en anglais. puis/ non on parle 223 It becomes obvious from these examples that jumping to conclusions should be avoided when analyzing corpus data including switched passages. 223 <?page no="224"?> en français puis euh. si c’est pas ça que je suis supposée d’dire. i me le disent. comme les n/ les noms de les maladies puis les/ les docteurs puis toute ça-là. c’est tout à fait ces mots-là je les ai pas jamais appris ‘when there are new words like computer, I remember that one now, they told me ten times how I am supposed to say it in French, they think that’s funny but I don’t speak worse than they speak English, so we translate, we speak French and if I don’t speak like I’m supposed to, they tell me, like the words of illnesses and doctors and all that, those are all words I’ve never learned’ (923) (QUU60) je pense que c’est vrai que..une fois qu’on/ on connaît une langue…comme on dit en anglais. euh c’est des mots de/ de ordinateur. IT’S HARD/ HARD-WIRED IN THE BRAIN. c’est toujours là et si on commence à l’utiliser encore. de/ de/ on commence très tranquillement. on fait des efforts très faibles etcetera. mais la langue commence à revenir ‘I think it’s true that once you know a language, like you say in English, these are computer words, it’s hard-wired in the brain, it’s always there and when you start using it again very slowly, when you make an effort, the language starts to come back’ To conclude, it can be said that the functions of code-switching may vary within a bilingual community, one being more dominant than another one in a given situation; however, if the major function is to compensate for lacking linguistic knowledge it can definitely be seen as an indicator of language decay. The Manner of Code-Switching The Manner of Code-Mixing Whereas code-mixing could, in theory, serve all the functions listed above, it generally serves the referential function among Franco-Americans, i.e. it is used, mostly consciously, to fill a lexical gap. Poplack has set up criteria for a certain manner of code-mixing that she calls “flagged” (Poplack/ Sankoff 1988: 1176) or “unskilled” (Poplack 1980: 601; cf. also Poplack/ Meechan 1998: 132-133), i.e. code-mixing that shows a lack of sufficient fluency by the speakers and thereby suggest that it does indeed serve as a means to bridge the gaps in the speaker’s knowledge of one language. Unskilled code-mixing implies an abrupt transition between the switched element and the elements it is embedded in, marked by false starts (example 924), hesitations or lengthy pauses (example 925) (cf. Poplack 1980: 601). (924) (QU42) on parlait les deux ensemb’ mélangé ou disons séparemment des fois seulement en anglais et des fois seulement en français. ça dép/ ça dépen/ IT WAS DEPENDING ‘we spoke both mixed or separate, sometimes only English sometimes only French, it was depending’ 224 <?page no="225"?> (925) (AU42) ça/ ça a pas pris longtemps pour um..BECOME AN AMERI- CAN CITIZEN ‘it didn’t take long to become an American citizen’ a metalinguistic comment or question (in either language) (examples 926 and 927) - including non-verbal phenomena such as laughing (expressing embarrassment and insecurity; example 928), or rising intonation suggesting a question (example 929) -, i.e. the speaker is or at least seems fully aware of the switch. (926) (QU59) je n’ai/ je n’ai jamais euh..euh…euh enseigné en français seulement um je n’sais pas comment dire ça le SUB/ SUBSTITUTE TEACH- ER j’ai fait une année de ça ‘I never taught French, it’s just that I don’t know how to say this, substitute teacher, I did that for one year’ (927) (QU67) elle demeure à/ à Nicolette. c’est un euh c’est un/ comment tu dis? ON THE OUTSKIRTS. euh jusque le bas de/ de Drummondville ‘she lives at Nicolette, which is, how do you say? on the outskirts, towards Drummondville’ (928) (QU51) i y avait la moitié de les messes en français et puis de temps en temps en…LATIN (LAUGHING) ‘half of the masses were in French, and then sometimes in Latin’ (929) (QU47) euh mon père est venu ici um. peut-êt’ cinq six ans avant euh. la famille parce que i travaillait ici comme euh..CARPENTER? ‘my father came here maybe five, six years before the rest of the family because he worked here as a carpenter’ a repetition, i.e. the switch constitutes either a repetition of the preceding segment (example 930), or it is repeated by the following segment (example 931) . 224 (930) (QU51) c’est plutôt pour les pages de l’aide. HELP PAGES ‘it’s more for the help pages’ (931) (AC82) et la/ l’ARTERY/ l’artère depuis/ qui va du cœur à la cervelle était bouchée ‘and the artery that goes from the heart to the brain was blocked’ I would like to adapt Poplack’s concept but include single-word items (for the reasons mentioned above) and add a another category: Code-mixing 224 Although theoretically, such a reiteration might also “amplify or emphasize a message” (Gumperz 1982: 78), it is more likely “to serve to clarify what is said” (Gumperz 1982: 78), especially in contact situations with one overly dominant language. 225 <?page no="226"?> that appears as a sudden interruption in the the flux of the utterance (which I will call ‘interruptive code-mixing’ here): (932) (QUU65) puis on a visité une fois. puis j’avais un p’tit peu de/ ALTHOUGH THEY SPOKE. A LOT OF ENGLISH TOO. SO UM. YOU’RE JUST (…). IT JUST DOESN’T HAPPEN YOU KNOW Code-mixing under the above listed circumstances will be subsumed under the term ‘evasive code-mixing’ since the speakers evade the problem of insecurity and lacking knowledge by switching into the other language. If a word or passage is switched under one or several of these circumstances, it can indicate lacking linguistic security because the speaker a) thinks about the switch or a possible alternative in the other language before the switch, b) feels a need to comment on it because of a possible mistake or misunderstanding or simply because the switch seems inappropriate, or c) is insecure about what he/ she just said or is going to say in one language or wants to make sure the information was transmitted correctly. The Manner of Inter-Sentential Code-Switching This type of code-switching is likely to occur due to a change in topic (referential function) or in conversation partner (directive function) 225 . As for the circumstances of a switch being indicators of lacking knowledge, intersentential code-switching is much harder to categorize than code-mixing. In theory, inter-sentential code-switching could equally be called ‘evasive code-switching’ when it is used to avoid French as the language of conversation; but for inter-sentential switches it is much harder to prove that the speakers choose one language because they are unable to find their words in the other since there is almost always a pause between sentences. In other words, the criterion of hesitation as a sign of unskilled switching is not as easily applicable for inter-sentential switches. Of course, there are obvious cases of evasive inter-sentential code-switching as well, based on the same criteria valuable for code-mixing, i.e. when a) there is obviously an abrupt transition between the switched element and the elements surrounding it: (933) (AU56) on visite. dans l’été mais mon père..a resté ici pour l’hiver..um..S/ WE BROUGHT HIM BACK. HOME AND…UM. WELL I’VE BEEN THERE TWICE IN THE LAST COUPLE OF MONTHS. ‘CAUSE HE WAS IN THE HOSPITAL 225 It can, however, also serve the phatic, the metalinguistic or the expressive function. Note that the research on code-switching concentrates on code-mixing only; therefore there are no data available concerning the most frequent uses of inter-sentential codeswitching. 226 <?page no="227"?> ‘we go there to visit in the summer but my father stayed here for the winter, we brought him back home…’ b) the switch is accompanied by a metalinguistic comment or question: (934) (QUU58) je vais le dire en anglais parce que c’est plus facile. OKAY PROPOSITION TWO AND A HALF (…) CUT MANY FOREIGN LAN- GUAGE POSITIONS IN/ IN THE SCHOOLS ‘I’m going to say it in English because it’s easier, okay proposition two and a half…’ c) the switch constitutes a repetition of the preceding segment or is repeated by the following segment: (935) (AUU71) les gens aidaient les uns les aut’. THEY WERE HELPING ONE ANOTHER ‘people were helping one another…’ All switches, whether intraor inter-sentential, that are accompanied by these phenomena of hesitation and insecurity will be subsumed under ‘evasive code-switching’ since the implication, i.e. lacking linguistic competence, is the same, independent of the syntactic construction. Even if inter-sentential code-switches occur without any signs of insecurity, they may still be considered signs of either o lacking knowledge in one language or o lacking frequency of use of one language if the circumstances of their use suggest the tendency for a participant to switch to a certain language as soon as possible. In the MASSFrench corpus, for instance, inter-sentential code-switching tends to occur whenever the “artificial” interview situation is interrupted or considered to be over. In example 936, the interviewee - raised in Canada - did not consider her question “CAN I OFFER YOU SOMETHING TO DRINK? ” to be being part of the French interview and therefore switched to English, the language she feels more comfortable in or possibly uses more naturally when asking someone such a question: (936) (I) vous avez une jolie maison! ‘you have a nice house! ’ (QC62) merci. CAN I OFFER YOU SOMETHING TO DRINK? A GLASS OF SODA OR SOMETHING? ‘thank you, can I offer you something…’ In another example (937) the interviewee switched to English (after an interruption of the interview) when talking about family affairs because that seems to be the language she associates with private events or family matters: 227 <?page no="228"?> (937) (I) il y a évidemment plutôt des quartiers espagnols maintenant que des quartiers français? ‘there are obviously more Spanish quarters here now than French quarters? ’ (QU51) c’était un gros quartier canadien. parce que/ même euh. quand j’allais à l’école i y en avait ben. leurs héritages étaient canadiens. […] (INTERRUPTION) MY MUM HAD REMARRIED WHEN MY DAD DIED AND UM…THE MAN SHE MARRIED WAS THE NEXT DOOR NEIGHBOR. DIDN’T KNOW FRENCH AT ALL. HE LOVED TO GO TO CANADA. HE’D GO TO CANADA AND LET/ AND JUST SIT THERE AND LISTEN ‘it was a big French quarter here because when I went to school there were many people of French-Canadian heritage, my mum had remarried…’ In such cases, the switching may - but need not (yet) - imply that the speakers lack competence in French. It most certainly suggests that the speakers do not use French often, not even for every-day conversation or when talking about their families; inter-sentential code-switching of this kind shows that French is rather well on its way to being replaced by English in all situations and domains. Alien Discourse Markers - A Special Case Characteristics, Functions and Types of Discourse Markers - An Overview Before discussing switched discourse markers and their possible implications, I would like to briefly consider the following general questions on discourse markers : 226 1) What are discourse markers, i.e. how can they be defined? 2) Why do we use discourse markers, i.e. what is their function? 3) How can they be classified? There are many partly contradictory ways of defining discourse markers, and no agreement has been reached yet on which words to subsume under this category and on how exactly to classify them (cf. Hölker 1990: 77). According to Schiffrin discourse markers can be defined as “sequentially dependent elements which bracket units of talk” (Schiffrin 1987: 31) . They mark the beginning or the end of a unit that is rarely iden- 227 226 Note that interjections such as oh, uh, um, etc., which are distinct from the so-called “secondary interjections (“sekundäre Interjektionen”; Koch/ Oesterreicher 1990: 65) like oh gosh, damn’, good heavens, etc. in that they are not formed of words or phrases, will not be considered in this study. 227 Note that Schiffrin has been criticized for her classification of individual markers based on their functions (cf. Mosegaard Hansen 1998: 24-26). However, her work is still among the best-known on this subject, and the comprehensiveness of her study of various English markers makes it the most suitable one for the purpose of this study. 228 <?page no="229"?> tical with a syntactic unit, and they don’t depend on the smaller units of talk but rather work on a discourse level (cf. Schiffrin 1987: 37). They are generally considered to show the following characteristics: They may belong to different word classes (e.g., adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions or interjections) or even be complex expressions (e.g, you know or I mean) (cf. Mosegaard Hansen 1998: 65; Hölker 1990: 78-80). They “have a core meaning […] and their more specific interpretation is ‘negotiated’ by the context” (Fraser 1999: 931), i.e. they tend to be semantically fuzzy. Although not void of meaning, they can be understood literally only to a certain extent - Fischer calls them “lexemes with under-specified meanings” (Fischer 2000: 284) - which makes them for instance hard to translate into other languages 228 . In fact they figure somewhere between system and content morphemes. The process of their grammaticalization (or, in a more restricted sense, pragmaticalization; cf. Dostie 2004: 27-29) moves them away from their literal meaning (cf. Mosegaard Hansen 1998: 224-225; Schorup 1999: 252- 254): “En contexte, [les marqueurs discursifs] […] s’éloignent de leur role grammatical et de leur contenu sémantique originels pour jouer un rôle à un autre niveau de l’organisation de la langue” (Vincent 1993: 44). They tend to have “a range of prosodic contours” (Schiffrin 1987: 328), i.e. discourse markers may show phonological reduction compared to to their source forms: you know, for example, tends to form a tone unit when used as a discourse marker (cf. Müller 2005: 5). Being formally invariable, they do not ask for morphological integration (cf. Brinton 1996: 34). Furthermore they may be syntactically integrated relatively freely in informal oral communication 229 230 (a characteristic, by the way, which can be seen as a possible reason for their 228 That is why the commonly used term “bleaching”, or “désémination”, is rejected by some: “En se pragmaticalisant, une unité devient souvent sémantiquement plus complexe” (Dostie 2004: 39). However, although they may become semantically more complex, they definitely lose (parts of) their original meaning: “Certains MD [marqueurs discursifs] assument des fonctions où les sens d’orgine ne sont plus transparents” (Dostie 2004: 39). That is why, instead of speaking of ‘semantic loss’, we should speak of ‘semantic shift’ with regard to discourse markers in the process of their grammaticalization (or pragmaticalization). 229 That depends on the type of marker. Note that some markers like interjections, which “do not enter into syntactic construction with other word classes” (Mosegaard Hansen 1998: 38), can occur in any position in the sentence, whereas others, like modal particles (uncommon to English; German examples: also or doch), are syntactically integrated into the sentence (cf. Mosegaard Hansen 1998: 43; cf. also Lipski 2005: 6). 230 Note, however, that their use is not restricted to oral communication (cf. Gülich 1970: 5- 6). Discourse markers used in the written code (which is not of interest in this context) might differ in form and function from discourse markers used in the oral code (cf. Radtke 1983: 178). 229 <?page no="230"?> being frequently switched), which is why Muysken counts them among alternations despite the fact that they are single words or phrases (cf. Muysken 2000: 106). Although it is often claimed that they appear in sentence-initial position, they do, in fact, occur in medial and final position as well (cf. Brinton 1996: 33), due to their multifunctionality and syntactic flexibility. To sum up the above characteristics: Discourse markers can be defined as formally invariable and semantically fuzzy linguistic items of various forms that are frequent optional features of predominantly informal oral communication in which they bracket units of talk. Now the question is why we need them to bracket units of talk, which takes me to the second question, namely why do we make use of markers? Discourse markers are a predominant feature of informal oral communication (cf. Vincent 1993: 44). Their appearance is in fact “a result of the informality of oral discourse and the grammatical fragmentation caused by the lack of planning time” (Brinton 1996: 33). In spoken language we are forced to bring our non-linear thoughts into a linear order: Speakers are thus, unlike writers, under continuous pressure, and, depending on the turn-taking conditions that prevail, they may be under additional interactional pressure to manage their contributions so as not to lose the floor permanently. […] Speakers will experience a need to negociate actions, meanings, and relevancies with their interlocutors, and extralinguistic phenomena may intrude and change existing conditions (Mosegaard Hansen 1998: 109). So, in fact, discourse markers function in various areas of discourse. Their polyfunctionality, the source of which is their having undergone “internal lexical semantic change” (Lewis 2006: 52), explains the syntactic flexibility of discourse markers. They do, for example, not only take sentence-initial position, i.e. initiate discourse or signal a new topic, they may also be placed at the end of an utterance, i.e. close it, or occur in medial position, i.e. act as fillers, delaying discourse to hold the floor in a conversation. Also, they may appear in various positions to help to repair one’s own discourse. So, despite the fact that they differ in lexical category, discourse markers function as connectives of some sort on the pragmatic level. Every discourse marker has a primary function, but it can often be found to function on different planes of talk, due to its semantic shallowness. It should be pointed out that some markers also have a role in the grammatical system - so, because, or and for instance also work as conjunctions (see table of English discourse markers below) -, which is why sometimes a distinction is made between semantic markers and pragmatic markers (cf. Hölker 1990: 78). Semantic markers contribute to an utterance being true or not, pragmatic markers do not do so. To give an example: In Jean est médecin ou architecte, ou is a semantic marker because Jean is either a doctor or an ar- 230 <?page no="231"?> chitect; the utterance is true if Jean has either occupation. In Jean est ophtalmologue ou oculiste, ou is a pragmatic marker because the utterance is true under all circumstances since only different terms for the same occupation are given (cf. Hölker 1990: 78). The line, however, cannot always be clearly drawn. Schiffrin even claims that if a marker has a role on the discourse level and in the grammatical system, it has these two roles at the same time: “And has two roles in talk: it coordinates idea units and it continues a speaker’s action. […] And has these roles simultaneously” (Schiffrin 1987: 128) 231 . Such markers, however, would have to be analyzed separately from markers like well, whose discourse function is rather limited, because there is a “possibility that grammatical properties of the items themselves contribute to their discourse function” (Schiffrin 1987: 128). Since this study is not about analyzing individual discourse markers, such elements will not be treated separately here, due to the simultaneity of functioning on the level of grammar as well as on the discourse level (cf. also Lee 2003: 151). Discourse markers can be classified either according to their position in discourse, to their functions or according to their forms. With regard to the function of discourse markers, Leech/ Svartik classify them by focusing on the degree to which certain discourse markers function as such, and distinguish particles that are only interactive, e.g., French oui, or English yeah, mainly interactive, e.g., French ben, or English well, and also interactive, e.g., French justement, or English in fact (cf. Leech/ Savartik 2002: 13-15). Within their theory, a discourse marker can only belong to one of the three categories. Vincent is more specific as for the functions on the discourse level and categorizes discourse markers as follows (cf. Vincent 1993: 45-70) : 232 1) Interactive markers (marqueurs d’interaction) serve to initiate a conversation, hold the floor, or work as a turn-taking signal (cf. also Roy 1979: 89- 90). Also, they may count among the particles that “facilitate the interpretation process” (Blass 1990: 126), e.g., signal the speaker’s intentions or express their feelings . They are “orientés vers les interlocuteurs. […] Ils 233 231 Note that there are theories which deny such simultaneity and clearly distinguish the conjunction’s roles: “I consider coordinating and subordinating conjunctions to be discourse markers when they are used pragmatically, but not when they are used semantically” (Mosegaard Hansen 1998: 56). 232 The distinction of these three classes of discourse markers is common although the terminology differs: Dostie/ Léard, for example, name the categories “marqueurs interactifs”, “marqueurs de structuration”, and “marqueurs illocutoires” (cf. Dostie/ Léard 1996: 131). 233 Well, for example, can express embarrassment (cf. Clyne 1967: 75), surprise (cf. Haugen 1969: 604) or, in utterance-initial position in a response, signal disagreement (cf. Chevalier 2000: 91; Petra 2005: 281; Schourup 2001: 1035). To give an example: In a conversation implying well in utterance-initial position in a reaction to a previous statement, like “John 231 <?page no="232"?> existent en vertu du principe de coopération dans la communication” (Vincent 1993: 62-63). Examples are French tu sais, and English well or so. (938) (AU44) WELL GRADE ONE TO EIGHT WAS..YEAH WAS THROUGH THE PARISH. BUT IT WAS SPRICT/ STRICTLY ENGLISH (939) (QUUU19) THE EUROPEAN CULTURE IS VERY DISTINCT AND NOW THE CANADIAN CULTURE IS BECOMING LESS DISTINCT SO… 2) Structural markers (marqueurs de structuration), which establish argumentative links or link the individual parts of the discourse in general, are “orientés vers le discours pour en assurer la coherence” (Vincent 1993: 63). Examples are French ça fait que, and English so or but. (940) (QUU65) TWO OF MY SISTERS DIED LAST YEAR. MY BROTHER DIED. ‘ROUND SIX YEARS AGO OF CANCER. SO UM. MY SISTER D SPEAKS VERY GOOD FRENCH. R I THINK STILL SPEAKS FRENCH (941) (QUU64) I DON’T THINK ANYBODY SPEAKS FRENCH. IT’S A/ A FRENCH VETERANS’..BUT THEY’RE LONG GONE. THE/ THE OR- GANIZATION STILL EXISTS BARELY 3) Prosodic markers (marquers de prosodie), sometimes referred to as “filled pauses” (Vincent 1993: 60), follow the intonation rules and “contribuent à la construction prosodique de la phrase en ajoutant un élément à l’intonème du syntagme prosodique qu’ils marquent” (Vincent 1993: 46). Examples are French ben, and English well. (942) (QUU56) THE KIDS WOULD LOVE TO YOU KNOW. LEARN LIKE GERMAN OR/ UH LATIN ACTUALLY WAS..WELL I’D SAY POPU- LAR. YOU JUST CAN’T GET ALL THESE SUBJECTS IN WITH THE NUMBER OF TEACHERS THAT WE HAVE According to their respective function, discourse markers take a certain position in an utterance unit (cf. Koch/ Oesterreicher 1990: 54), e.g., at the end when they serve as turn-taking signals. Within Vincent’s theory, a discourse marker may belong to different function classes. English so, for example, can be a structural marker as well as an interactive one (see examples 939 and 940), when it is used elliptically in an utterance-final position as a turn-taking indicator (cf. Müller 2005: 86). English you know may serve as an interactional marker as well as a prosodic one (e.g., as a filler) (cf. Vincent 1993: 81). Also, a discourse marker may serve more than one function at the same time. Fillers or hesitators like well, for instance, may help to hold the floor (interactive) and ensure the flow of is a nice person”. - “Well, I’m not sure about that”, well already implies that the speaker’s following utterance is a statement of dissent with the interlocutor’s previous statement. 232 <?page no="233"?> speech according to the rules of intonation of the respective language (prosodic). So in fact “la fonction effective n’est pas facile à identifier, les particules jouant à la fois sur le discours et sur l’interaction” (Vincent 1993: 63). With regard to their form, discourse markers may be classified as morphologically simple (e.g., French alors, or English well), morphologically complex (e.g., any French marker inflected -ment, or any English marker inflected -ly), syntactically simple (e.g., French donc, or English well), syntactically complex (e.g., French en conclusion, or English you know) (cf. Hölker 1990: 82). Within a classification according to form, a discourse marker only belongs in one category. In the following, some English discourse markers 234 and their specific functions and classes will be listed according to the above discussed theoretical frameworks. English Discourse Markers The following table is designed on the basis of different approaches to how to classify discourse markers 235 . Note that only the English markers relevant for this study, i.e. the ones appearing in the corpus, have been considered . 236 234 This study concentrates on interference phenomena, and the only markers relevant in this context are English discourse markers. Note that the focus is on discourse markers used in American English. 235 Cf. Brinton 1996: 30-35; Clyne 1967: 75-77; Dostie/ Léard 1996: 131; Fischer/ Drescher 1996: 856-858; Fuller 2003: 27-30; Hölker 1990: 78-80; Schiffrin 73-311; Vincent 1993: 45-82. 236 For a detailed analysis of the possible functions of various English discourse markers, see Müller 2005: 61-240. Note that the very common English discourse marker like, which has been identified to function as “hedging, quotative and assuming commonality of knowledge, […] [and which] signals loose interpretations of the speaker’s beliefs” (Clyne 2003: 226) is mostly in use among young Americans (cf. Müller 2005: 42, 199). That is why it could not be found within the French discourse of the MASSFrench corpus, but only in an all-English interview: (QUUU19) LIKE WHEN I UM WENT TO MONTREAL OVER UM. FOR MY SPRING BREAK WITH SOME KIDS FROM COLLEGE AND. EVERY RESTAURANT EVERY. LIKE DANCE CLUB EVERYTHING ENGLISH MUSIC. LIKE PLAYING IN THE BACKGROUND. IN ALL THE STORES EVERYTHING WAS ENGLISH. SO I THOUGHT THAT WAS KIND OF LIKE I THOUGHT “YOU HAD YOUR OWN CULTURE” LIKE YOU KNOW. LIKE I GUESS THAT. LIKE ADOPTING AMERI- CAN CULTURE IS LIKE GOOD FOR MONEY. AND FOR LIKE PEOPLE THINK THAT AMERICAN TEENAGERS ARE LIKE HIP SO THEY LIKE TRY TO MARKET IN THAT WAY However, it is interesting to see that in the case of two young French-speaking participants, like seems to have been loan-translated into French: (QC8) [français est plus facile] à cause que comme. pour moi c’est ma première langue. puis il faut continuer à apprend’ 233 <?page no="234"?> Marker Word class Type Function oh boy complex exclamation/ interactional/ hesitator/ filler interjection prosodic well exclamation/ interactional/ marker of response (question/ answer sequences); hesitator/ filler; means of rephrasing/ correcting interjection prosodic yeah exclamation/ interactional/ marker of response; marker of reinforcement of idea units; organization of transitions in participation framework (turn-transition device) interjection prosodic okay exclamation/ interactional/ marker of response; interaction (hearer approval) interjection prosodic and, but, or coordinating structural discourse connectives (coordination; continuation; contrast; option) conjunction because subordinating structural marker of subordinate idea units (cause) conjunction so subordinating structural/ complementary marker of main idea units (result); organization of transitions in participation framework (turn-transition device) conjunction interactional anyway adverb structural/ marker of idea units (change of topic); organization of transitions in participation framework (turn-transition device) interactional you know complex interactional/ interaction (transitions in information state within participation framework) interjection prosodic I mean complex structural/ modification of information (speaker orientation toward own talk) interjection interactional I guess complex structural/ modification of information; marker of response interjection interactional now, (then) adverb structural/ complementary marker of idea units (now); relate an utterance to its time coordinates prosodic If, and in how far, these functions come into play when English discourse markers are switched (or borrowed), i.e. in our case, appear in French sequences, will be discussed in the following. (QC10) toutes mes amis parlent puis toute ça. c’est comme ça m’aide beaucoup maintenant. et là c’est plus facile. mais euh. le français c’est quand même comme. important puisque comme c’est quand même comme. plus cool aussi 234 <?page no="235"?> Theories on the Switching/ Borrowing of Discourse Markers Within the MASSFrench corpus, there is an abundance of examples of various English discourse markers in French, as there is, to various extents, in other corpuses of varieties of North-American French (for Louisiana, see Brown 1986, Rottet 2001, Stäbler 1995b, and Valdman et al. 2003; for Ontario, see Mougeon 2000; for New Brunswick, see Boudreau 1996, and Wiesmath 2006; for Prince-Edward-Island, see King 2000 ): 237 (943) (QC80) oh…..WELL euh. toute que c’est qu’c’est fait icitte c’est en anglais ‘oh well, everything here is done in English’ (944) (QU81) puis i est mort de ALZHEIMER’S. i est mort à quatre-vingt-un ans. YEAH ‘then he died of Alzheimer’s, he died at 81, yeah’ (945) (AC55) puis là tu vas à peu près dix-huit milles à Moncton. trois quarts. tout c’que t’entends c’est l’anglais. SO je pense là. c’est là où t’as passé où i y avait beaucoup d’Anglais mêlés avec les Français. puis ça a juste tourné avec ça I GUESS. on a juste. mis les mots avec. à place de juste toute dire en français ‘then you go about 18 miles towards Moncton, three quarters of the way, everything you hear is English, so I think where you passed by there were many English people mixed with the French, and that’s why it turned I guess, we just mixed the English words in instead of saying everything in French’ (946) (AC82) ça m’étourdit quand j’en prends de temps en temps là (LAUG- HING). ANYWAY UH..mais i ont/ i ont/ “va chercher ton violon. va chercher ton violon”. j’ai venu chercher mon violon. j’ai joué une partie de la veillée ‘it makes me dizzy when I have one from time to time, anyway..but they said “go get your violin”, I got it and I played for some time’ Now, the questions that arise are the following: 1) Are discourse markers frequently switched/ borrowed 238 elements, and if so, are they among the first elements to be to be switched/ borrowed? 2) Why are discourse markers switched/ borrowed? As for 1), i.e. as for their frequency, there are numerous studies that prove the high frequency of alien discourse markers in situations of close language contact (cf. for instance Brown 1986: 403; Lee 2003: 149-150). As for 237 To give some examples: There are occurrences of well and so in Rottet 2001; occurrences of anyway, okay, well and yeah in King 2000; occurrences of well and yeah in Stäbler; occurrences of well, yeah, but and so in Valdman; occurrences of but, because and so in Wiesmath 2006. 238 Since I consider code-switching to be a mechanism of borrowing as discussed above, a distinction between (frequent) switching and borrowing is not necessary in this context. 235 <?page no="236"?> their status among other borrowings, Myers-Scotton claims that they are not the first elements to be switched/ borrowed: The processus of core borrowing probably begins with nouns and verbs (because they have the most psychological salience) and then proceeds to discourse markers and adverbs (because they have positional salience) (Myers- Scotton 1992b: 44). This concept, however, seems to generalize too much. Even if there are only a few quantitative studies on discourse markers becoming loanwords (cf. Mougeon/ Beniak 1987), I do not think the order of core borrowings can be maintained. Discourse markers might be the most commonly switched elements and, therefore, among the first loanwords because they are “lexemes hovering on the border between content and system morphemes” (Myers-Scotton 1992b: 44): Fillers, e.g., […] I mean; interjections, e.g., […] oh, my God! , shit! ; tags, e.g., […] you know; idiomatic expressions, e.g., […] no way […], are segments which are less intimately linked with the remainder of the utterance, insofar as they may occur freely at any point in the sentence (Poplack 1980: 596). Their syntactic and morphological independence is very much in favor of their being switched and, eventually, borrowed. In order to be sure about a loanword, it would have to be attested, i.e. appear in several large enough corpora or, ideally, be listed in a dictionary 239 . Nouns or verbs definitely have the advantage of being accepted as borrowings much more easily than discourse markers for the following reasons. In contrast to most nouns and verbs discourse markers belong predominantly to oral discourse; in addition, they are generally “stylistically stigmatized and negatively evaluated” (Brinton 1996: 33), which makes it harder for them to appear in a dictionary. In other words, many discourse markers may have become loanwords already, but it will take them much longer than nouns or verbs to be registered as such. So, in fact, they may well be among the most commonly switched elements, and therefore among the first loanwords (cf. also Stolz/ Stolz 1996: 111). As for 2), i.e. as for the question why discourse markers are switched, it can be said that it is commonly agreed on why they are not switched. They are not switched to fill a lexical gap because of their semantic fuzziness, but figure, quite on the contrary, among “des emprunts inutiles” (Weinreich quoted in Chaudenson et al. 1993: 71; cf. also Stolz/ Stolz 1996: 97): [Ce] type d’emprunt [commonly referred to as ‘core borrowing’ or ‘emprunt noyau’] se fait au dépens des éléments lexicaux communs et donc ne vient pas combler un vide. […] Les exemples d’emprunt noyau qui reviennent le 239 Dictionary attestation, however, occurs mostly long after an expression has established itself in spoken language. 236 <?page no="237"?> plus souvent dans la littérature mettent en jeu des conjonctions, interjections, marqueurs d’interaction et substantifs” (Chaudenson et al. 1993: 70). Also, they are not switched because one of the two language systems involved in the switching does not have any native discourse markers, but quite on the contrary. They have found to be switched only between systems that both make use of discourse markers (cf. Clyne 1972: 30). As for the reason of discourse markers being switched, there are several, partly contradictory theories, some of which will be discussed here. Hamel claims that discourse markers are switched as part of the process of language shift. Language shift affects different domains at different speeds, and discourse markers are part of the discourse domain, which can be expected to be affected by shift earlier than for instance the domain of linguistic structures (cf. Hamel 1995: 158-160). The counterarguments, however, are that there are cases of borrowed discourse markers without language shift and that language shift can occur without the switching of discourse markers (cf. Muysken 2000: 113). Rooij sees the pragmatic advantage of alien discourse markers at the origin of their being switched. According to his theory, other-language discourse markers are used on purpose to help highlight certain parts of an utterance (cf. Rooij 2000: 448-453). That theory suggests that awareness or even purpose is implied when people use alien discourse markers. But discourse markers often used as fillers, hesitators etc. are therefore possibly the feature of oral language most unconsciously used, which shows in the fact that, in formal (planned) speech, people deliberately try to avoid using them. In fact it can be said that discourse markers are switched/ borrowed “not because but despite the fact that [they] […] belong […] to a separate system” (Matras 2000: 526). If there were a pragmatic advantage, discourse markers could be expected to be borrowed in monolingual speech communities as well, i.e. in situations where there is no close language contact. We would have to find, for instance, English discourse markers in the German spoken in Germany or in the French spoken in France, both languages in which one can find numerous English-origin loanwords. Such speech communities, however, do not borrow English discourse markers: “L’emprunt noyau est associé aux situations de contact intense” (Chaudenson et al. 1993: 70) . 240 Mougeon/ Beniak follow Thomason/ Kaufman by taking a look at the extralinguistic correlates, discovering a connection between lower social class and the use of so in French (cf. Mougeon/ Beniak 1987: 342). Lower class people, however, are known to be likely to generally use discourse markers more frequently (cf. Östman 1981: 68), so the question remains to be answered whether the lower class participants in their study also use 240 Note that there is the exception of okay, which, for instance, is used as a marker of response in for instance German and French. 237 <?page no="238"?> more French discourse markers in French and more English discourse markers in English than upper class people. Finally, Chevalier (cf. Chevalier 2000: 92), using the example of well being used along with ben in the French of south-eastern New Brunswick, suggests that a marker’s functional specialization may be at the origin of its being used frequently without replacing the native-language marker 241 . This explanation may be true for this particular marker but is it generally true for all switched markers, i.e. do all switched markers functionally specialize with regard to their recipient language equivalents? Well is a free form, polyfunctional and without inherent semantic meaning, and therefore more suitable for switching than other markers. I agree that multifunctional discourse markers will probably be switched earlier and more often than the ones whose use is restricted. Also, they may well specialize after being used frequently in competition with their native-language counterparts. However, I do not think that specific functions of individual discourse markers are the cause of their being switched, which I will try to demonstrate in the following. Rather I suggest basically following Clyne (cf. Clyne 2003: 225-228; cf. also King 2000: 111), who claims that the use of alien discourse markers is caused by the habitual use of another language in close language contact situations. An Attempt at Explanation: Discourse Markers as Indicators of Pragmatic Dominance Some of these theories regarding the use of alien discourse markers seem more satisfactory and universally applicable than others. Before establishing or discarding a possible explanation, I would first like to take a closer look at the communities that make use of such switches, for the different explanations could be due not to specific markers and their functions. If specific markers and their functions were at the origin of the switching, a marker like the English anyway(s) (or anyhow), which is the only one not to have a comparable counterpart in French, could be expected to be among the most frequently switched markers. However, it is, quite on the contrary, among the least frequently switched discourse markers 242 . So the switching of discourse markers is rather due to different societal structures and linguistic situations: “Le fait que les emprunts noyaux manquent de motivation structurale et […] vont ‘au-delà des véritables besoins de la 241 Note that Chevalier’s corpus is fairly small (6 conversations of 15 minutes duration) and does not really allow for a comprehensive analysis of well, which is obvious from the fact that she has not found well in one of its most frequent uses, i.e. that of a device of introducing an utterance (cf. Chevalier 2000: 91). 242 Anyway(s): Only 0.8% of all switched English discourse markers in the MASSFrench corpus; it is equally among the least frequently switched markers in Acadian French (cf. Petra 2005: 284). 238 <?page no="239"?> langue […] incite à en rechercher des explications au niveau extralinguistique” (Chaudenson et al. 1993: 70). As Mougeon has pointed out for use of the discourse marker so in Ontario French: “On comprend mal que des mots aussi fondamentaux […] soient concurrencés par un de leurs équivalents anglais. […] Il [the use] échappe aux explications linguistiques” (Mougeon 1993a: 67). So the explanation is possibly an extralinguistic one, and there may indeed be a common criterion to explain the switching of discourse markers independent of their individual characteristics and functions, even if the implications of these switches may be totally different ones. Discourse markers are a predominant feature of oral discourse. I would even go further and say that with regard to their frequency of occurrence as well as their stigmatization, they are the general characteristic of informal oral discourse in many languages. They are, in other words, a kind of common denominator of languages that may differ in other respects such as morphology or syntax. Now if we recall what discourse markers are commonly used for, we may say that they are a sign of fluency in a language although a discourse marker itself might of course be used as a hesitator in an individual conversation. For learners of a foreign language, for example, discourse markers are among the last things to be acquired 243 , mainly because the structuring of a conversation based on discourse markers requires the ability to have a conversation without concentrating too much on the necessary grammar or vocabulary. Also, “discourse marker use is […] regarded as being related to informal contexts, [so] it must be assumed that competence in this use accordingly can only be acquired in such contexts” (Müller 2005: 47). Informal “real conversation” (Müller 2005: 47), however, is not likely to be found in the classroom 244 . That is why The Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs (U.S. Department of State) offers classes to teach the appropriate use of discourse markers “for smoother discourse flow” for advanced EFL and ESL learners 245 : “Pragmatic competence in terms of knowing the cultural values of the second language […] is recognized as being essential for successful communication” (Müller 2005: 1). So the use of discourse markers in general can be seen as a sign of fluency in a variety/ language that is used for oral communication. 243 It should be noted that not much research has been done on discourse markers in second language or foreign language acquisition (cf. Müller 2005: 1). 244 Cf. also Hays: “[The use of discourse markers] would not be expected [among ESL or EFL learners] unless there has been exposure to that discourse community” (Hays 1992: 29). 245 Cf. www.exchanges.state.gov/ education/ engteaching/ pragmatics/ lee.htm. 239 <?page no="240"?> Switched discourse markers seem to be a phenomenon of situations of close language contact 246 , at least no example is known of a monolingual community that uses switched/ borrowed other-language discourse markers (which seems obvious with regard to the fact that, in contrast to other possible core loans like for instance nouns and verbs, they carry little or no lexical meaning). To be more specific, switched discourse markers seem to be a phenomenon of language contact situations in which the language that is the source of the switched markers is used to a considerable extent for every-day conversation. In other words the simple knowledge of a language is not enough for it to be the source of switched discourse markers. Canada is a good example for that criterion. In those parts of Canada where English and French are used regularly and English is the predominant language of the media, i.e. in Ontario and parts of the Maritime Provinces, English discourse markers appear frequently in French (cf. Flikeid 1989: 185; King 2000: 110-115; Mougeon 2000: 32; Perrot 1995: 234-236). In Quebec (except for Montreal), an area known for its resistance against English, they rarely do (cf. Meney 1999; Mougeon 2000: 32; King 2000: 111), regardless of the high percentage of “Knowledge of Official Languages” : 247 Canadian Census 2001 Mother tongue French Mother tongue English Knowledge of both Novia Scotia 3.8% 92.9% 10.1% New Brunswick 32.9% 64.7% 34.4% Quebec 81.2% 8.0% 40.8% Language spoken at home French English Novia Scotia 2.2% 96.2% New Brunswick 30.3% 69.0% Quebec 83.1% 10.5% Knowing a language, even fluently, does not necessarily imply using it for daily oral communication (cf. also Mougeon/ Beniak 1991: 23), or being exposed to it as the dominant vernacular or the dominant language of the media. As mentioned, discourse markers, however, are predominantly - although not exclusively - a feature of oral and especially of informal oral communication, because “[they] are stylistically stigmatized and negatively evaluated […]. They are deplored as a sign of dysfluency and carelessness” (Brinton 1996: 33; cf. also Schiffrin 1987: 310). Therefore a language which is 246 Cf. Chaudenson et al. 1993: 70. They need, however, not occur in every language contact situation (cf. Muysken 2000: 113). 247 Cf. Langue maternelle and Langue le plus souvent parlée à la maison at http: / / www.statcan.ca (Canadian Statistics 2001). 240 <?page no="241"?> mainly used for written or formal oral communication is supposedly not a source of switched discourse markers. But why switch and/ or borrow discourse markers at all? They usually count among core loans, i.e. are “unnecessary” with regard to language economy (cf. Chaudenson et al. 1993: 70) 248 . Different bilingual communities switch/ borrow them to different extents and with different implications. It has been pointed out that the fact that discourse markers are free forms, i.e. easily integrable, polyfunctional, with no or little meaning, has often been claimed to be the reason for their switching and/ or borrowing; but these characteristics can more or less be applied to all discourse markers, i.e. to the native-language ones as well. The fact that discourse markers have these special forms and functions explains why they are predominantly a feature of informal oral communication but it does not explain their switching. In my opinion there seems to be a more general explanation for the switching/ borrowing of discourse markers independent of their functions and implications, an explanation that is based on the different language constellations within a speech community. For a bilingual community that switches or borrows (depending on the frequency) discourse markers, the following constellations of the languages involved are theoretically possible: 1) It might be a community where we find diglossia with bilingualism (cf. Fishman 1971: 288-294), i.e. where the two varieties/ languages involved are functionally separate and where most members of the community have mastered both varieties or languages. In such a linguistically (relatively) stable community there are again different possible constellations: 1a) A community in which the varieties/ languages involved are both used for every-day conversation but restricted to different social settings or conversation partners (cf. Fishman 1972: 96). In many African or Asian countries 249 , for instance, the languages of the former colonial intruders serve not only as the high variety for written discourse but also as a lingua franca because of the diversity of the native dialects/ languages. So if discourse markers are switched in such a context, it is often bidirectional (cf. Wee 2004: 117-118) - because due to the situational separation no language is the dominant one in oral discourse - and may simply indicate the fact that the 248 Note Chevalier on well: “Il ne remplit pas un vide dans la langue emprunteuse” (Chevalier 2000: 88), but has become functionally specialized compared to its French equivalent ben. So in some cases a functional specialization may occur but it has most certainly developed after the frequent switching/ borrowing; the basic assumption is for alien discourse markers to have the same functions as their native-language equivalents when being switched. 249 Like in the Congo and in Cameroon (cf. Pöll 1998: 102-103), or in Malaysia and Singapore (cf. Lee 2003: 151-153; Sebba 1998: 15; Wee 2004: 117-126). 241 <?page no="242"?> two varieties/ languages involved are both used regularly, in one way or the other, in informal oral communication. 1b) A community in which one variety/ language is clearly the high variety and therefore restricted to formal conversation and written use, and the other one the low variety used predominantly for informal oral conversation, like it is the case in the Swiss-German cantons (cf. Fishman 1967: 31). In such a community discourse markers will be switched only rarely, namely when the variety/ language commonly restricted to formal occasions comes to be (exceptionally) used in an informal situation. In such a case the use of switched markers would be unidirectional, i.e. from the low variety into the high variety. So the use of switched discourse markers may indicate a lack of fluency or practice in the variety/ language that is commonly used for other purposes than that of every-day conversation. It does not, however, indicate a lack of fluency or practice in the variety/ language when used for the purpose which it is predominantly used for, such as written communication for example, nor does it act as an indicator of a language shift, of course. 2) It might be a community where we find bilingualism without diglossia, i.e. where there is no strict functional or situational separation but where the members of the community (need to) speak two varieties/ languages, as is often the case with immigrant groups. Again two situations are possible, both of which might not be stable but just different stages of the same development, i.e. language shift. The situation of Spanish in the U.S. has given way to the assumption that 2a is a stable situation - which in fact it is not (cf. Swarns 2004: 5). It is rather most likely the first phase of assimilation and monolingualism. For the moment, however, let us suppose that the situations described below remain stable, at least for a certain time. 2a) Both varieties/ languages are used for every-day conversation, but their use has a tendency to occur in certain social settings or with certain conversation partners; therefore a bidirectional use of switches is possible. So we could say that although there is no diglossia within the society itself, there is a functional or at least situational differentiation of the varieties/ languages within the speech community. In the U.S., for instance, many Hispanics speak Spanish within their families or with other Hispanics but English at school or with monolingual English friends (cf. Veltman 1983: 213). The switching of discourse markers can be expected to be bidirectional (cf. Lance 1979: 261; Zentella 1997: 107-110), and it may simply indicate the regular use of both varieties/ languages in every-day conversation. 2b) If, on the other hand, the varieties/ languages used in such a minority speech community (start to) compete with each other, and their use loses its restriction to different conversational situations and partners - which 242 <?page no="243"?> can be the case when one variety/ language is the one that dominates the bigger social context, i.e. the country of immigration - this one variety/ language may also become the dominating one in oral conversation. This would show in the unidirectional use of switched markers. Now if, as in 1b and 2b, the use of other-language discourse markers is unidirectional, it can be claimed that it indicates a lack of fluency or at least of practice in the embedding language, notwithstanding the general bilingualism of the speakers. This shows in the fact that that users of alien discourse markers do not necessarily use other switches or loanwords from the language of the discourse markers (cf. for instance Chevalier 2000: 89- 90), and that discourse markers rarely act as trigger-words for code-mixes. Chevalier, for example, says that for the region of southern New Brunswick, “en aucun cas well ne marque-t-il le point de départ d’un passage à l’anglais” (Chevalier 2000: 89; cf. also examples from the Cajun French corpus of Rottet 2001: 126-127, 134, 154-155). Turpin, on the other hand, finds that “the presence of discourse flags can mark the insertion of a codeswitch” (Turpin 1998: 225). In the MASSFrench corpus, there are (few) examples of discourse markers preceding a switch: (947) (QUU60) c’était…à une temps c’était…WELL..I DON’T KNOW HOW TO PUT IT (LAUGHING). AT ONE TIME THEY WERE. REALLY PROUD TO BE FRENCH ‘it was/ at one time it was…well, I don’t know…’ (948) (QUU65) puis asteur i veut faire toutes les/ les choses que/ pour aid’ les Espagnols de. comprend’..YOU KNOW THEY’RE NOT AS FORCED TO LEARN ENGLISH AS WE WERE ‘today they want to do everything to help the Hispanics to understand..you know they…’ It should be kept in mind, however, that these cases may be examples of anticipational triggering. Discourse markers are semantically fuzzy, i.e. serve a discourse function in the first place. Other items like function words such as articles and prepositions, or even auxiliaries, which are comparably low in meaning, are among the most common items to be involved in anticipational triggering (cf. Clyne 1967: 86-88), so it can be assumed that the discourse markers are not responsible for the triggering. If one language is constantly used in every-day conversation, it seems more than natural that it is the predominant features of every-day conversation, i.e. discourse markers, which are the first items to be switched when speaking another language that is not used as often for this particular purpose. In other words, the donating language may simply be the pragmatically dominant one (cf. Matras 2000: 520). As already mentioned, this does not necessarily imply a shift, of course, but within a situation of competing languages it might do so, especially in an asymmetric situation, i.e. in a 243 <?page no="244"?> situation where one of the two competing languages exists mainly or only as a spoken variety whereas the other one serves in oral and written communication. If functional or situational separation (which is clearly given in 1b but which is lacking in 2b is eliminated, i.e. if one variety/ language can be exchanged for the other one in any given situation and for any given purpose, it is only according to the law of linguistic economy that it will sooner or later be eliminated. The use of other-language discourse markers may be a first step in that direction. This is supported by the fact that the more speakers use both varieties in their private life (often the only remaining area of use for the dominated language), the more they apply discourse markers from the dominant language (cf. Mougeon 2000: 31). Also, the use of alien discourse markers by older members of a 2b-type speech community (cf. Chevalier 2000: 89) speaks in favor of this theory. In such a setting, young speakers rarely make use of alien discourse markers because for them the dominated variety/ language has already become one that is mainly taught in school and is not used in every-day life. These younger speakers are not strictly bilingual any more but rather behave like learners of a foreign language, i.e. their language is highly affected by the influence of the standard variety they were taught at school, free of - alien and indigenous - discourse markers and in general unaffected by switches or loanwords (cf. Mougeon, 2000: 36, 39). Scheme of possible implications of alien discourse markers Level of society Diglossia with Bilingualism without bilingualism diglossia Type of speech community 1a 1b 2a 2b Level of speech community both languages used in IOC mainly one langue used in IOC diglossic restriction of use to loss of diglossic restriction of use to setting setting Direction of bidirectional unidirectional bidirectional unidirectional use of ADM Use of ADM no no no yes as an indicator of language shift IOC = informal oral communication; ADM = alien discourse markers For many immigrants in the U.S. English is the language that dominates their lives, abruptly or step by step, depending on whether they are dispersed or rather live in ghettos, which allows them to continue speaking their native tongue at least for a while. Most Franco-Americans are confronted with the following situation: English has become the only language 244 <?page no="245"?> important for their professional career, it is the language of the peer group, i.e. it is the language everyone starts to speak sooner or later, so that there are rare or no occasions to practice French; and, most important, there is simply no need to do so. Most speakers participating in the survey that the MASSFrench corpus is based on can therefore be considered semior rusty speakers, who are affected most by signs of language shift. Semior rusty speakers have been found to be the most frequent users of switched discourse markers (cf. Mougeon/ Beniak 1991: 203). Also, French has come to be used almost exclusively as a spoken language, although the majority of the participants went through bilingual schooling 250 . So the only domain French has managed to persist in is the oral one, i.e. it has lost its back-up by a relatively stable and less easily influenced domain of written language, which is why the use of English discourse markers and its implications are particularly meaningful as far as the status of French in this area is concerned. Despite the fact that many Franco-Americans of the first and second generation born in the U.S still remember their French and might even use it sometimes at home, the lack of conversational practice is quite obvious, which explains their frequent and often exclusive use of English discourse markers: They undergo a gradual pragmatic Anglicization. In summary I assume the following: Discourse markers, multifunctional and free of morphological and syntactic restrictions, are a sign of fluency and regular use of a language as a spoken variety in informal conversation. Discourse markers may be a feature that two languages (that possibly differ with respect to morphosyntactic structure and lexis) have in common. Switched discourse markers indicate in general that a language other than the embedding one is used to a certain extent in every-day conversation. They are taken from a language that is either more important than or at least as important for informal oral communication as the language they are embedded in, i.e. the donating language is equal to or even dominates the embedding language with regard to pragmatic structures. Reinforced by the setting (asymmetric bilingualism without diglossia with one overly dominating language), discourse markers that are switched exclusively unidirectionally despite the fact that the two languages involved are both used for informal oral communication are an indicator of less fluency or practice in one and therefore a sign of dominance of the other language. This imbalance - need not but - can 250 Cf. chapter V.1.5.2. 245 <?page no="246"?> finally lead to language shift, i.e. to the loss of the embedding language. V.2.2.2 Code-Switching in the Survey General Observations First of all it is striking to notice that Franco-Americans are in general highly aware of their switching: (949) (AU78) mon père a monté le premier. THEY/ THEY/ THEY KNEW EACH OTHER SO UH. mon père a monté le premier. travailler dans les bois. puis..HE ENDED UP à GARDNER. FRENCH AND ENGLISH DID YOU NOTICE? (950) (QC72) on mélange beaucoup le français avec l’anglais. c’est euh on devient habitué. je/ je sais pas pourquoi (951) (QU53) je parle plus français avec mon père et D mais euh i y a bien d’anglais. euh mêle/ qui est mêlé avec/ avec le langage. on/ on parle en anglais puis en français puis les deux (952) (QUU60) j’sais pas pourquoi ou pour um. quelle raison que ma grandmère est venue. mais elle a/ SHE MET MY GRANDFATHER HERE. AND UH i se sont mariés um. puis elle avait une sœur qui est venue avec elle. um. AND SHE WENT BACK. SHE UH/ elle a pas resté. YOU KNOW (LAUGHING) HERE WE GO (LAUGHING) HALF FRENCH HALF ENGLISH (LAUGHING) Not only are they aware, they do not see the switching as a natural part of their double identity but rather judge it as a deficit, as something that one should not do: (953) (QU42) quand je parle en français. je mélange t’as pas/ tu m’a pas pognée? (LAUGHING) [‘have you not yet caught me mixing the languages? ’] (954) (I) parfois est-ce que vous mélangez l’anglais et le français? (QC76) oui (QC80) OH YEAH OH YEAH (I) pourquoi qu’est-ce que vous croyez? pourquoi vous faites ça? (QC76) parce qu’on parle pas bien anglais. on parle pas bien français (955) (QUU69) si..je t’parle. puis je/ j’essaie pas de mélanger l’anglais avec le français mais. j’ai d’la misère faire ça. parce que quand je parle français avec eux-aut’. mélange ça avec l’anglais 246 <?page no="247"?> Furthermore it is interesting to see that as many as 95.7% of the Frenchspeaking participants of the survey make use of code-switching. There are 143 participants in the survey, 129 of whom speak French in the interview, but only 115 of these (89.1%) form full and independent sentences, i.e. do not only give one-word or short-sentence answers reusing the words of the question asked by the interviewer (for an overview, see table below). This distinction is important especially with regard to discourse markers, which tend to appear in (longer) sequences of individual language production. Of these 115 speakers, only 5 (4.3%) - exclusively of the first immigrant generation, 4 Quebeckers and 1 Acadian, of both sexes and different age groups - do not switch to English at all. 86 (78.2%) out of the remaining 110 participants switch disourse markers and use some other kind of codeswitching. 10 (9.1%) only switch discourse markers and 14 (12.7%) do not switch discourse markers but make use of code-mixing or inter-sentential code-switching. Participants Number Percentage Total 143 100 French-speaking 129 90.2 French-speaking 129 100 Elaborately French-speaking 115 89.1 Elaborately French-speaking 115 100 Code-switching 110 95.7 Code-switching 110 100 All kinds of code-switching 86 78.2 Only discourse markers 10 9.1 Only code-mixing and inter-sentential 14 12.7 code-switching The Switching of Discourse Markers As mentioned above the frequent use of English discourse markers in the French of Massachusetts Francos is particularly interesting because it counts among the signs of language shift within this speech community. Of the 110 participants who switch to English in French discourse, 96 (87.3%) switch discourse markers. 10 (10.4%) of these switch only discourse markers. These 10 are of different age groups, both sexes, both ethnic groups and of the first three immigrant generations. 247 <?page no="248"?> Type of participant Number/ participants Number/ SDM* Average Total 96 880 9.2 (100%) (100%) Sex Men 37 243 6.6 (38.5%) (27.6%) Women 59 637 10.8 (61.5%) (72.4%) Ancestry Quebeckers 65 620 9.5 (67.7%) (70.5%) QC 21 161 7.7 (21.9%) (18.3%) Acadians 31 260 8.4 (32.3%) (29.5%) AC 23 195 8.5 (24%) (22.2%) Immigrant generation QC/ AC 44 356 8.1 (45.8%) (40.5%) QU/ AU 34 354 10.4 (35.4%) (40.2%) QUU/ AUU 18 170 9.4 (18.8%) (19.3%) Age group II 31 364 11.7 (32.3%) (41.4%) III 55 480 8.7 (57.3%) (54.5%) IV 8 34 4.3 (8.3%) (3.9%) *SDM=switched discourse markers There are a total of 880 English discourse markers in the interviews, which comes down to an average use of 9.2 English discourse markers per participant (for an overview, see table below). The influential (extralinguistic) factors for the use of switched discourse markers that have been considered here are the ones that can be considered relevant for the use of discourse markers in general (cf. Müller 2005: 40-44) : 251 251 With the exception of social class and educational level since the group is too homogeneous in this respect to get reliable results. Note that ‘ethnicity’ has been replaced by ‘ancestry’ in this context. 248 <?page no="249"?> Sex. Women (average of 10.8) of all age groups and immigrant generations use English discourse markers more often than men (average of 6.6), but they tend to generally use more discourse markers than men: Women’s speech seems in general to contain more instances of “well,” “y’know,” “kinda,” and so forth: words that convey the sense that the speaker is uncertain about what he (or she) is saying, or cannot vouch for the accuracy of the statement. […] The speaker is perfectly certain of the truth of the assertion, and there’s no danger of offense, but the tag appears anyway as an apology for making an assertion at all. […] Another manifestation of the same thing is the use of “I guess” and “I think” prefacing declarations or “I wonder” prefacing questions, which themselves are hedges on the speechacts of saying and asking (Lakoff 1976: 53-54). Except for two studies (Holmes 1986; Lee 2004), this theory has been backed-up by several works (e.g., Erman 1987; Östman 1981; Romaine/ Lange 1991), which all find that women use more discourse markers in general, and especially more of the kind that express hesitation or insecurity (cf. Brinton 1996: 35). It should be noted, however, that many studies do not take into account in what particular function a specific discourse marker is used by which sex and with what conversation partner. Considering the exact functions of the markers used, and relating them to different speech situations would be necessary to get reliable results because it has been found that men and women use markers in different functions in general, and use certain markers more frequently in same-sex interaction (cf. Müller 2005: 41). Within this study, however, no particular marker could be found to be used in a particular function more frequently by a specific sex; it can only be said that women show a higher frequency in the use of switched discourse markers than men. Ancestry. Quebeckers (average of 9.5) switch discourse markers more often than Acadians (average of 8.4), despite the fact that English discourse markers appear frequently in certain parts of New Brunswick for example (cf. Chevalier 2000). That explains why the use of English discourse markers among first immigrant generation Acadians (average of 8.5) is more frequent than among first immigrant generation Quebeckers (average of 7.7), who might not have acquired the pragmatics of the use of English discourse markers. Quebeckers may know English (see above) but do not use it regularly whereas Acadians from the Maritime Provinces are in closer contact to English and use it more often for ever-day conversation. Considering all the immigrant generations, however, Quebeckers have proven to assimilate faster because they end up switching discourse markers more frequently than Acadians. Immigrant generation. Second and third immigrant generation participants, who have been exposed to English longer and more intensely, switch more often than first immigrant generation ones. 249 <?page no="250"?> Age. Taking a look at the age groups, it turns out that the participants of age group II use more English discourse markers than the ones of group III, who use more than group IV participants (excluding age group I with only 2 participants). Analyzing the individual discourse markers, it can be said that the English discourse markers most commonly switched into French in the MASS- French corpus, so, yeah, and you know, are also among the most commonly used discourse markers in English (cf. Fuller 2003: 41; Jucker/ Smith 1998: 176; Müller 2005: 67, 139, 190), as well as among the most commonly switched markers in other varieties of French. So, for instance, turned out to be the most frequently switched marker among Franco-Americans, as it is in the varieties of Acadian French in Canada: “Parmi les connecteurs anglais qui se sont introduits dans le français acadien, so est de loin le plus fréquent” (Wiesmath 2001a: 140). English discourse markers Number Percentage Total 880 100 and/ but/ or 86 9.8 anyway 7 0.8 because 16 1.8 I guess 4 0.5 I mean 4 0.5 oh/ oh boy/ oh God 9 1.0 okay 30 3.4 so 295 33.5 well 22 2.5 yeah 192 21.8 you know 175 19.9 Combined forms 40 4.5 Examples of English discourse markers from the MASSFrench corpus: (956) (QU72) l’école a/ a brûlé pre/ premièrement. AND i l’ont/ i l’ont pas euh. rebâtie (957) (AC82) pour trois mois elle connaissait personne pis elle est/ elle a revenu c’est pas/ elle est plus la même. ANYWAY (958) (QU71) on oublie BECAUSE quand qu’on est vieux c’est pire (959) (QUU69) des cours en français. oui oui. français puis euh. je pense c’était latin. latin puis..um..c’est tout I GUESS 250 <?page no="251"?> (960) (AC68) P a marié un T. puis i était même pas français I MEAN euh. le nom était français mais… (961) (QU77) oui. on a des amis à..OH BOY…quelle partie du Canada c’est? (962) (QUU60) même si je me considère pas un Québécois. et la France comme. la grand-mère OKAY? alors pour nous ce/ c’était assez intéressant (963) (QC67) mon mari. déteste conduire la machine. SO il va pas souvent (964) (AC69) soixante-neuf. puis euh. WELL dans c’temps-là pour aller/ pour aller au collège c’était/ mais euh..c’était loin pis faulait payer la tuition (965 ) (QU41) ils étaient vraiment méchants. YEAH. mais c’était pas surtout je pense parce que j’étais canadien ou américain (966) (AC64) mes belles-sœurs puis ça. YOU KNOW. on parle français avec zeux (967) (AC70) des fois i y a des/ quelqu’un de mon âge. qu’ont d’la misère parler français pis i ont d’la misère à parler anglais. YOU KNOW SO i s’parlent entre zeux en anglais As discussed above, the functions of the individual discourse markers cannot be considered to be the reason for their being switched. This becomes obvious from the fact that various markers are switched in various functions in the MASSFrench corpus, as will be exemplified here with three discourse markers, so, well, and yeah. DM Type Function Position % use structural complementary marker of idea units (result) middle 89.8 so interactive turn-transition device final 10.2 Examples: (968) (QC50) elle comprenait le français. parlait le franç/ euh français. SO euh elle m’a aidée de comprend’ (969) (AC55) i voulait sortir. il avait pas de/ d’amie pour sortir avec. SO ma sœur m’a appelée (970) (QUU60) elle a trouvé des photos. ça fait des années que ma mère avait ça dans une armoire SO… (971) (AU74) moi j’ai pas travaillé. j’avais quatre enfants SO… 251 <?page no="252"?> DM Type Function Position % use interactive marker of response (question/ answer sequences) initial 54.5 well prosodic hesitator/ filler; means of initial/ middle 45.5 rephrasing/ correcting Examples: (972) (I) et pourquoi ça? (AU56) WELL j/ je ne me rappelle pas (973) (AC55) i pratiquent pas beaucoup. j’pense WELL..le seul monde qu’i pratiquent avec ça c’est seulement avec nous-aut’ (974) (QUU48) oui. j’ai commencé/ WELL nous-aut’/ j’ai commencé le même temps DM Type Function Position % use marker of response (question/ answer sequences) initial 40.6 interactive yeah 252 marker of reinforcement of idea units initial/ middle 28.1 (final ) 253 turn-transition device final 29.2 prosodic filler (after pauses) middle 2.1 Examples: (975) (I) c’est-à-dire au moment où les familles avaient plus d’argent. ils s’en allaient pour habiter autre part c’est ça? (QU72) YEAH. ôter d’avec le monde pauv’ (976) (QC61) i ont toutes perdu leur français. puis aujourd’hui c’est l’anglais. c’est/ c’est difficile YEAH. c’est/ c’est ben difficile (977) (AC64) on parle français avec zeux parce toutes mes belles-sœurs viennent du euh. Nouveau-Brunswick SO plusieurs parlent français avec zeux. mes beaux-frères aussi. YEAH (978) (QU77) la plupart des Canadiens qui venaient. i avaient pas les papiers pour euh demeurer ici..YEAH..et puis c’était le temps d’la Dépression 252 Including the use of yes (twice) and the use of yep (once). 253 In utterance-final position, yeah can theoretically function as a reinforcement of idea units as well as an organiser of transitions in the participation framework (turn-transition device). The line between these functions cannot be clearly drawn. Yeah in utterance final positions was counted as a turn-transition device. 252 <?page no="253"?> Participants, however, do not exclusively use English discourse markers but also French ones, such as (ça) fait (que), et puis/ pis, oui/ ouais, mais, ben, etc., and it would be of interest to see in what proportion. It is hard to say, however, how many English ones are used in comparison to the corresponding French ones, and if English discourse markers have come to replace some of the French because the implications and functions of the respective markers may not be exactly identical. That is why I chose a comparison using the only discourse markers which can be assumed to have the same functions in both languages, i.e. the respective markers denoting ‘you know’, English you know (and its variant y’know) and French tu sais (and its variants t’sais, sais-tu, vous savez, savez 254 ). They may be used as fillers (cf. Hölker 1988: 74-74; Müller 2005: 158-189) but, primarily, as a reference of shared knowledge, and as an appeal for understanding, i.e. as “an addressee-centered presentation marker” (Fuller 2003: 27): (979) (QU69) i était pas éduqué non plus. i a été peut-êt’ à deuxième grade YOU KNOW. puis i a jamais a/ appris à l/ à lire ou à écrire bien (980) (AC63) toutes mes FRIENDS sont toutes français. pas mal toutes. i parlent anglais mais on parle tout en français avec zeux. YOU KNOW (981) (AU56) je ne me rappelle pas quand j’étais. plus p’tite..YOU KNOW c’est… (982) (QU41) ils ont une désir de/ d’apprendre le français parce qu’on y va souvent puis ils aiment aller mais. peuvent pas comprend’ Y’KNOW. leurs/ leurs tantes. euh puis leurs cousines puis leurs…Y’KNOW. souvent i y a les enfants 254 Note that in Louisiana, another area within the U.S. where Acadian French is in use, an additional discourse marker of this kind can be found: (tu) connais/ connais-tu, possibly a loan translation of English you know. Examples are J’croit c’était un wagon. I n avait un aut’ nom, connaît, pas un vrai wagon à fret, les aut’. SO iz avait, connaît, là si tellement différents affaires (Smith 1994: 171). Tout ça était plein d’eau ces rangs là. On allait tout de suite, tu connais, après la pluie, mais les écrevisses marchaient tout partout dedans (Valdman 2003). Quand il est largue il vient. Je peux pas y faire faire ça je veux tu connais. Parce que il est largue (Stäbler 1995b: 155). In the MASSFrench corpus tu connais is only used in its literal meaning: (QU72) on déménage par ici que CHICOPEE FALLS..euh t/ tu connais ça? (QUU58) est-ce que tu connais la chanteuse euh. Josée Vachon? It should be noted, however, that, in various other cases in the corpus, connaître can be characterized as a semantic loan with the additional meaning of ‘to know’ (‘savoir’): (QUU60) elle est devenue. euh. assez vieille. mais toujours très. euh…um…elle/ elle connaît. euh. qu’est-ce qu’elle fait. euh. elle pense très bien […] pour la plupart c’est assez vrai que. les Francos connaissent l’anglais 253 <?page no="254"?> (983) (QC62) la plupart des memb’ c’est leurs petits-enfants. donc on essaie de donner à tous ceux qui font application à place. tu sais euh..ouais (984) (QUU73) elle a dû s’marier pour sortir du moulin (LAUGHING). ça fait que là c’est pour ça qu’elle est venue avec les grands-parents. c’est ça l’histoire t’sais (985) (AC87) p/ pour longtemps quand qu’i y avait encore sais-tu des personnes âgées. qui étaient des..avaient passé leur vie à FRENCH HILL. ben i savaient pas trop l’anglais (986) (QU71) eux-aut’ aiment plus euh..i aiment plus à/ à parler le français que moi vous savez. moi j’ai plus d’amis qui sont Américains (987) (QC77) j’étais habile dans ma langue savez. comment-c’qu’on dirait ça ‘habile dans ma langue’? The results of the comparison were the following: Discourse marker meaning ‘you know’ Number Percentage Total 380 100 French 205 53.9 English 175 46.1 The use of the French markers and the (third-ranking) English marker has turned out to be fairly balanced. It is interesting to see that of all the participants (80) who use a discourse marker denoting ‘you know’, 46 (57.5%) use only the French ones, 17 (21.25%) only the English ones and another 17 (21.25%) both. Of the ones who use only French tu sais and its variants, 30 (65.2%) are first immigrant generation of both sexes and all age groups. Within only one immigrant generation, however, the French markers come to be used along with their English counterparts or even to be replaced by those completely. So not only do Franco-Americans use English discourse markers quite abundantly, which can be considered a sign of pragmatic dominance of English and therefore also as a sign of the loss of French (as discussed above); they also make exclusive use of English discourse markers to quite a considerable extent as shows the example of you know - yet another indicator of the loss of French. Code-Mixing Subsumed under ‘code-mixing’ are all the cases of (skilled) intra-sentential switching, including single-word items. 65 participants switched 348 times, which results in an average of 5.4 per interview. Interestingly, the results 254 <?page no="255"?> below appear to be the exact opposite of the results found when analyzing the switching of discourse markers: Type of participant Number/ participants Number/ CM* Average Total 65 348 5.4 (100%) (100%) Sex Men 21 133 6.3 (32.3%) (38.2%) Women 44 215 4.9 (67.7%) (61.8%) Ancestry Quebeckers 44 215 4.9 (67.7%) (61.8%) Acadians 21 133 6.3 (32.3%) (38.2%) Immigrant generation QC/ AC 30 175 5.8 (46.2%) (50.3%) QU/ AU 24 124 5.2 (36.9%) (35.6%) QUU/ AUU 11 49 4.5 (16.9%) (14.1%) Age group II 22 95 4.3 (33.8%) (27.3%) III 36 234 6.5 (55.4%) (67.2%) IV 7 19 2.7 (10.8%) (5.5%) *CM=code-mixes Sex. Men (average of 6.3) show more code-mixes than women (average of 4.9), which might be explained by the fact that first immigrant generation men often have better knowledge of English because they learned it outside the house in their work place. Women, on the other hand, were often forced to stay at home and only learned English with their children: (988) (AC70) [male] nous-aut’ on était..où-c’qu’on travaillait i y avait l’An/ des Anglais SO. on était habitué pis on peut s’défend’/ on pouvait s’défend’ (AC66) [female] moi oui j’ai trouvé ça dur (989) (AC68) [female] j’ai déménagé par ici j’avais cinq enfants. le plus vieux parlait seulement français mais là i était obligé d’apprend’ son anglais. SO. tout automatiquement dans la maison. t’entendais anglais tout le 255 <?page no="256"?> temps t’sais ah. SO moi c’est plutôt comme ça que je l’ai appris. mais R lui mon mari lui c’était plutôt. à l’ouvrage. tout allait (…) l’anglais puis lui c’était toute/ son anglais lui. c’était plus l’ouvrage oui Knowing both languages well is likely to lead to skilled switches (cf. Poplack 1980: 615). Ancestry. Acadians (average of 6.3) show more code-mixes than Quebeckers (average of 4.9). Again, it might be due to the fact that Acadians often spoke English quite fluently prior to coming to the U.S. (New Brunswick is the only officially bilingual region within Canada; cf. Erfurt 2005: 58), and therefore know the language better: (990) (I) est-ce que c’était difficile d’apprendre l’anglais? (QC76) très difficile (991) (I) est-ce que vous avez eu des problèmes apprendre l’anglais? (AC82) non je/ j’savais l’anglais avant. à l’école. je l’apprenais à l'école. à lire l’anglais à l'école. faulait/ toutes les/ les/ les/ le/ le/ les langages. le langage français et le langage anglais. dans les liv’ faulait apprend’ les deux. pour graduer. pour graduer de l'école. et je savais l’anglais assez pour me défend’ Immigrant generation. First immigrant generation participants (average of 5.8) use code-mixing more often than second (average of 5.2) and third immigrant generation speakers (average of 4.5). In this case it might be due to the fact that they know enough English, but also enough French to show such behavior. Second and third immigrant generation speakers know English perfectly but have considerable deficits in French. Age. Participants of age group III mix the most often (average of 6.5). They are exactly the generation that has comparatively good control of both languages. The older group often masters French better (even if they are of different immigration generations, older people have all undergone bilingual or even uniquely French schooling), the younger one usually has better control of English. As mentioned in the theoretical outline, it is important with codemixing to distinguish between longer passages and single-word items. Furthermore, in the MASSFrench corpus, the following types of skilled single-word switches can be distinguished : 255 255 Note that single-word lexemes designating proper names, especially place names, were omitted except when there was a French alternative (like Vermont and VERMONT). Note furthermore that English items that are attested loanwords in the varieties of Canadian French such as fun (cf. Meney 1999: 878) or cookie (cf. Cormier 1999: 146) are excluded as well unless their pronunciation and variation in their integration suggests their status as a code-mix. 256 <?page no="257"?> 1 = lexem/ noun phrase in the singular following French syntactic structure Example: elle venait de la GERMANY 2 = lexem/ noun phrase in the singular following English syntactic structure Example: elle va commencer HIGH SCHOOL 3 = lexem/ noun phrase in the plural following English morphology Example: des FRENCH FRIE S 4 = code-neutralized lexem/ noun phrase in the plural Example: des POOL TABLE Type of codemixing Number Percentage Total 348 100 1 216 62.1 2 50 14.4 3 18 5.1 Single-word item/ phrase 308 88.5 4 24 6.9 Longer passage/ clause 40 11.5 Examples of single-word items/ phrases: Type 1 (992) (AC82) i veulent rentrer pour visiter prend’ un verre de bière. cela me fait moins d’affaires mais du WHISKY ça m’étourdit quand j’en prends (993) (QUU69) j’parlais à une femme au bord de/ d’un petit magasin qui était là. puis elle était surpris j’avais ma UNIFORM américain Type 2 (994) (QU81) la langue est finie dans HIGH SCHOOL (995) (QUU65) je/ je/ i/ i savaient BOTH Type 3 (996) (QUU75) l’hiver i veulent/ on ferme les ZIPPERS-là puis et tout (997) (AC65) les Espagnols..i y en a beaucoup qui viennont de c/ ces COUN- TRIES-là. […] i voulont êt’ comme leurs PEERS. i voulont parler Type 4 (998) (QC83) je ne regrette pas ce que j’ai fait. acheter des SNOW SUIT (999) (AC59) i y a des fois que je mets les CHANNEL-là 257 <?page no="258"?> Examples of longer passages/ clauses: (1000) (QC70) elle avait juste soixante et cinq ans SHE START HAVING ALZ- HEIMER’S DISEASE. elle est venue cet hiver (1001) (AU78) je parlais anglais pis français. SO les Anglais THEY THOUGHT THAT WAS. FUNNY The fact that type 1 is the most frequent singe-word switch is not very meaningful since the two languages involved are typologically similar, i.e. many examples could be said to follow the English as well as the French syntactic structure: (1002) (AC65) deux ans passés on a eu un/ un CHOIR. les/ les enfants qu’ont venu d’la France (1003) (AC63) je travaillais là vingt ans. pis là je suis RETIRED It is interesting to see that type 3 and type 4 mixes are close in frequency and that neither of them is overly dominant, a fact which, again, illustrates the heterogeneous character of interference phenomena and speaks against excluding such items from a theory of code-mixing. Most important of all is the observation that within skilled code-mixing, single-word switches are the most frequent ones (88.5%). As has been illustrated above, the frequent use of such items, even if switched in a skilled way, may indicate lacking lexical proficiency, and therefore a shift towards the donating language. Inter-Sentential Code-Switching Despite the fact that inter-sentential code-switching is likely to require less bilingual skill than code-mixing, not everybody can switch languages smoothly at sentence boundaries, which is why this type of switches should be considered. Smooth inter-sentential code-switching is among the less frequent code-switching phenomena in the MASSFrench corpus. Number/ participants Number/ ICS Average ICS* 35 88 2.5 *ICS=inter-sentential code-switching Examples: (1004) (QU41) I DON’T KNOW HOW I’D DO IT (LAUGHING). j’en ai deux [enfants] puis j’sais pas où que j’vas (LAUGHING) (1005) (AC87) I HAVE RELATIVES IN GARDNER AND. THEIR PARENTS SPEAK ENGLISH. THEY SPEAK ENGLISH. ça force. puis euh..l/ les enfants i/ i parlent pas..quelques mots 258 <?page no="259"?> (1006) (QU35) je parle pas français avec mes parents. MY PARENTS TALK TO ME IN FRENCH. je parle anglais (1007) (QU71) j’étais pas accoutumée d’aller à la messe de sept heures. puis i font tout en français. THAT WAS SOME TIME AGO. I WOULD SAY IT’S MORE LIKE..I WOULD SAY FIVE MAYBE SEVEN No factors could be found that influence the use of skilled inter-sentential code-switches. Neither sex, ancestry, immigrant generation nor age showed significant differences 256 . The circumstances of the switching, however, revealed interesting results. In most cases, the speakers switched to English when they were a) making a personal comment: (1008) (AC63) oh allemand. OH WOW THAT’S NICE (1009) (QU71) WHAT SCHOOL ARE YOU GOIN’ TO? quelle école? (I) moi? je suis Allemande (QU71) vous êtes Allemande? NO KIDDING b) asking the interviewer a (personal) question (despite the fact that the whole interview was conducted in French): (1010) (I) vous avez une jolie maison! (QC62) merci. CAN I OFFER YOU SOMETHING TO DRINK? A GLASS OF SODA OR SOMETHING? (1011) (I) j’ai pas l’impression que. le français est important aujourd’hui (QUU70) NO UH/ ARE YOU GONNA TEACH? parce que si vous a/ si on va enseigner en français c’est quelque chose… (1012) (QU58) à part de ça toute ma parenté. i restent toutes au Canada (I) aha. et um/ (QUU58) HOW AM I DOIN’ SO FAR? (LAUGHING) (1013) (AU78) on est six. on était six. six enfants. Y a mort âge jeune. pis mes sœurs sont à FITCHBURG. (…) mort. DO YOU UNDERSTAND WHAT I SAY? (1014) (AC87) j’appartiens. société généa/ généalogique. acadien. oui ACA- DIAN. YEAH..SOCIETY. là i y en a qui parlent français. ben i y en a qui parlent pas français du tout non plus..OH THAT’S WHERE YOU GOT INTO CONTACT WITH ME NO? (1015) (I) ben l’anglais c’est plus important (QC70) oui oui. c’est partout 256 To give an example: Men have an average use of 2.4, and women an average of 2.6. 259 <?page no="260"?> (I) parce que c’est la langue universelle (QC70) UH YOU’RE NOT GOING TO CANADA? c) adding some information on the side, especially after the interview had been interrupted or was over (examples 1016 and 1017), or saying something personal (examples 1018, 1019, and 1020): (1016) (QU51) il y a ben de fois que j’les ai emmenés au Canada. quand qu’ils étaient jeunes. puis même um. ça fait pas longtemps on était au Canada. on va ben des/ des fois…[INTERRUPTION] AND THEN ACROSS THE STREET OVER HERE ON MAIN STREET THERE WAS ANOTHER DE- PARTMENT STORE. THREE OR FOUR STORIES HIGH. AND THERE WAS ANOTHER ONE. BUT THOSE STORES HAVE SINCE CLOSED AND MOVED ON AND THAT WAS ESSENTIALLY THE DEATH OF THIS PLACE […] (1017) (I) bon je vous remercie (QU47) …YOU KNOW THE BRIGHTWOOD AREA OF SPRINGFIELD. YES. AND THAT’S ROUND UM ON MAIN STREET THE WHOLE MAIN STREET AREA BY BAY STATE MEDICAL CENTER. BY THAT CANCER CENTER THERE. THAT USED TO BE/ BEFORE THE INTER- STATE WENT THROUGH. IT USED TO BE..JUST FULL OF CANADI- ANS […] (1018) (QC70) ah oui les enfants..j’ai toute ma famille. ensuite j’ai des photos de chacun d’eux-aut’ mais là on va regarder ça. c’est là i sont tous ensemb’ là..I CAN’T/ I/ I LOSE CONTROL OF THEIR/ THEY GOT SO MUCH FUN. THEY HAD MY SEVENTY/ SEVENTY BIRTHDAY LAST SAT- URDAY. WE’RE TAKING PICTURE. WE HAD A HARD TIME TO TAKE PICTURE THEY WERE LAUGHING SO MUCH. LOOK OVER HERE. THEY HAD TO START TEN TIMES BEFORE THEY CAN STOP LAUGHING. OKAY THIS IS MY OLDEST ONE. HE’S A BUILDER […] (1019) (QU51) c’était un gros quartier canadien. parce que/ même euh. quand j’allais à l’école i y en avait ben. leurs héritages étaient canadiens. ben je connaissais/ i y en a ben que je connaissais pas aussi les enfants. je connaissais euh. la mère ou le père parce que on allait souvent à CHI- COPEE. quand mes parents i allaient là. ben là c’est toutes des quartiers..espagnols. [INTERRUPTION] MY MUM HAD REMARRIED WHEN MY DAD DIED AND UM…THE MAN SHE MARRIED WAS THE NEXT DOOR NEIGHBOR. DIDN’T KNOW FRENCH AT ALL. HE LOVED TO GO TO CANADA. HE’D GO TO CANADA AND LET/ AND JUST SIT THERE AND LISTEN […] (1020) (QUU73) mon garçon. ben lui a marié une Catholique. puis elle/ lui aussi mais. lui a mairé un/ une Protestante. puis sont mariés dans sa/ dans son église à elle. SHE’S VERY. VERY RELIGIOUS IN HER CHURCH AND I THINK SHE’S…j’sais plus qu’est-ce qu’elle est. I THINK SHE’S METH- 260 <?page no="261"?> ODIST. TO HIM IT DIDN’T MATTER. SOMEBODY SAID “DOESN’T IT HURT YOU THAT HE CAN’T GET MARRIED IN A CATHOLIC CHURCH? ”. I SAID “NO”. I’M SORRY YOU KNOW IT’S HIS LIFE AND. HE’S A GOOD MAN I MEAN. WHAT DO I CARE WHERE HE GOES TO CHURCH YOU KNOW. THEY GO TO HER CHURCH WITH/ UH WITH THE CHILDREN AND I DON’T CARE […] d) addressing their partner: (1021) (QUU81) mon père travaillait à une manufacture ici à MILLBURY. UH..GO GET THOSE SHUTTLES AND I’LL SHOW IT TO HER (QUU81) WHERE’S THE SHUTTLE? (QUU81) UNDER MY BED. mon père travaillait une manufacture de carton. i faisait des cartons (1022) (QU72) i s’arrangent bien avec tout l’monde. surtout les enfants. mais i ont pas/ i ont pas honte de demander à quelqu’un quelque chose. puis des fois i commencent encore. puis là on s’comprend (Husband) DO YOU UNDERSTAND IT? (I) OH YEAH I DO. PERFECTLY. YEAH (Husband) YEAH? I’M GOING DOWN THE STREET TO PICK UP MY TOOLS (QU72) OKAY. SEE? on parle jamais français (1023) (QUU81) ah oui ah oui ah oui. ah oui ah oui. mon frère/ mon frère/ GET THAT PICTURE (QUU81) WHICH ONE? WHICH ONE YOU WANT? (QUU81) ON TOP OF THE CORNER. MY BROTHERS’..WAY AT THE TOP (QUU81) WAY AT THE TOP (QUU81) ouais on était quat’/ on était quat’ fr/ euh quat’garçons puis deux filles Also, externally conditioned triggering counts among the most frequent phenomena within inter-sentential code-switching. The participants tended to switch after their conversation partner used an English expression: (1024) (I) vous pouvez penser à aut’chose? différentes expressions? (AC65) um. j’sais pas. je suis sûre que i y en a mais je peux pas..penser asteur… (QU69) WHAT? (AC65) DIFFERENT EXPRESSIONS THAT YOU KNOW. YOU’LL SAY ONE THING AND I’LL SAY. YOU KNOW ANOTHER WAY (1025) (QUU74) mais euh. pour dire que ça m’a aidé…..I DON’T THINK SO (QU71) I THINK IT HELPED. BECAUSE..YOU KNOW YOU MEET ALL KINDS OF PEOPLE. I’M NOT SURE BUT DURING WORK IT MUST HAVE HELPED ME 261 <?page no="262"?> (1026) (QC58) non je pense pas ça leur dit rien là. les jeunes. non non. I/ I WOULD SAY NOT (QU60) YEAH I DON’T THINK THERE’S A/ A LOT TIED TO IT..euh mais c/ c’est la même chose pas mal dans toutes les/ les euh/ (1027) (QUU69) ils avaient pas trop d’argent. puis mon père i voulait..s’en venir ici au/ à MASSACHUSETTS. puis/ puis trouver un/ pas trop pire un job (I) alors vos grands-parents ont travaillé dans les/ dans les usines. dans les MILL TOWNS c’est ça? (QUU69) YEAH THAT’S WHAT MANCHESTER NEW HAMPSHIRE WAS. A MILL TOWN. YEAH. YOU KNOW THEY CALL THAT SCAM SHOPS […] (1028) (QU71) ça fait. des années asteur qu’i ont pas ça parce que/ (QUU74) IT MUST BE OVER TEN YEARS (QU71) NOT THAT LONG. pas dix années. non. mais des années. mais pas dix In all above cases, the switching suggests that the speakers do not use French as often or as easily as English, not even for every-day conversation or when talking about their families; they even switch when addressing their (francophone) partners, which is a clear indicator for the regular use of English in the households. Inter-sentential code-switching of this kind and under these circumstances shows that English is the more “natural” language of conversation in the personal domain, i.e. the language the speakers feel more comfortable in, so that French seems to be well on its way to being replaced by English in all situations and domains. Passive Code-Switching The practice of switching between languages and thereby not using one of them actively is referred to as ‘passive code-switching’ in this study, in which it could be found among all age groups (age 5-80). Of a total of 143 participants, 13 (9.1%) used passive code-switching in (parts of) the interview. It is interesting to see that 6 (46.2%) of these are of the second immigration generation (5 of the third immigrant generation, and 2 of the fourth), despite the common supposition that such a process would set in within three or four generations only. But previous research has already proven that “duration of stay is probably overshadowed by other influences on linguistic behaviour after two years” (Poplack 1980: 592). As we have seen in chapter V.1.10, it is a common practice for children to learn French (at least to a certain extent) at home and English in school or with their friends, and then, after a while, use English at home. If (or as long as) their parents do not start to use English at home as well, there are two languages used at home: English by the children and French by the parents, with the children answering French questions in French. After not practic- 262 <?page no="263"?> ing French for a while, their ability to speak the language diminishes and they turn into what is called ‘passive bilinguals’ (cf. Sasse 1992b: 64), i.e. although the participants perfectly understand questions asked in French, they answer them in English. (1029) (I) quand est-ce que vous avez arrêté de parler français? (AU40) HMM…I THINK..WHEN I WAS YOUNGER WE WOULD GO TO CANADA IN THE SUMMERTIME. AND IT SEEMS AS LONG AS I WAS GOING ONCE A YEAR AND SPEAKING FRENCH WITH EI- THER RELATIVES. OR F/ OR FRENCH-SPEAKING PEOPLE I WAS ABLE TO MAINTAIN IT. […]I PROBABLY STOPPED SPEAKING IT..UM..I WOULD SAY EARLY TEENS. YEAH (I) et um. alors aujourd’hui est-ce que vous parlez jamais français? je sais pas. votre mère votre père? (AU40) I TRY. LIKE I TRIED WITH YOU. AND I’M STILL TRYING BUT IT WON’T COME OUT. I KNOW WHAT I WANNA SAY I JUST CAN’T GET IT OUT […] (I) mais vous comprenez parfaitement? (AU40) OH YEAH. YES I DO. I UNDERSTAND EVERYTHING. PRET- TY MUCH. PRETTY MUCH. YEAH It cannot always be determined, however, whether these “non-speakers” would actually be able to utter sentences in French if they wanted to, i.e. if they just make the choice of avoiding French due to their insecurity or if they actually lack active competence in French. In some cases, the participants give short or one-word answers in French and then switch to English for more complex utterances, so some of them might have been able to conduct the interview in French. Others answer in English from the start; although some of them claim to speak French occasionally, their active linguistic abilities cannot really be determined but can be classified as very limited. (1030) (I) est-ce que vous avez des frères ou des sœurs? (QUUU56) une sœur (I) et est-ce que vous avez jamais parlé français avec elle? (QUUU56) euh. non. non (I) mais avec vos parents? (QUUU56) non non. on..on voulait..en anglais (I) alors les parents parlaient français? (QUUU56) les parents/ euh ma mère. mon père ne parlait pas (I) d’accord. et votre mère était canadienne? (QUUU56) oui (I) mais née ici aux Etats-Unis? (QUUU56) euh oui (I) mais elle parlait français? (QUUU56) quand ma grand-mère parlait avec nous. et ma grand-mère parlait français. on…(LAUGHING) I HAVE TO THINK UM…WE WOULD HEAR IT. UM…[…] WE WOULD HEAR IT. MY FATHER 263 <?page no="264"?> DIDN’T SPEAK FRENCH. THOUGH HE CAME FROM A FRENCH FAMILY THEY DIDN’T SPEAK FRENCH. SO MY MOTHER AND FA- THER NEVER SPOKE FRENCH TOGETHER (1031) (I) tu parles encore français? (QUU5) YEP (I) YEP? ça veut dire quoi? (QUU5) oui (I) oui tu parles encore français. tu me dis quelque chose en français? (QUU5) euh..chat (I) tu parles français avec qui? (QUU5) UM MY MUM MY AUNTIE. MY OTHER AUNTIE AND MY OTHER AUNTIE AND THEN MY COUSINS (I) et tu prends le français à l’école aussi? (QUU5) NO ONLY ENGLISH (I) et tu parles français à ton frère? (QUU5) NO HE DOESN’T UNDERSTAND IT YET (1032) (QUUU8) DAD HOW DO YOU KNOW THESE PEOPLE STILL LIVE HERE? (QUU46) regarde dans l’aut’ cahier S! .....alors j’ai..on a été/ j’étais avec mon ami qui habitait/ (QUUU8) I’LL DO IT AFTER I CALL X. ‘CAUSE X NEVER CALLED ME BACK (QUU46) c’est peut-êt’ trop tard S. c’est presque huit heures/ (QUUU8) NO ‘CAUSE HER MOTHER SAID SHE WOULD CALL ME BACK LIKE AT EIGHT-THIRTY OR SOMETHING (QUU46) va voir ta mère S! va voir ta mère! si c’est plus tard que huit heures et demie c’est pas permis. j’ai pas/ j’ai pas regardé la/ (QUUU8) I THINK I WILL CALL HER (QUU46) non non c’est trop tard. va demander à maman! va demander à maman! (QUUU8) IT’S ONLY NINE SIXTEEN (QUU46) c’est trop tard S! (QUUU8) BUT SHE GOES TO SLEEP AT NINE-THIRTY. AT NINE/ (QUU46) non huit heures et demie (QUUU8) NINE. SHE DIDN’T EVEN SAY THAT. SHE SAID SHE WOULD CALL ME BACK LIKE WHEN I CAME BACK. BECAUSE SHE WENT TO L’S (QUU46) elle m’a dit huit heures et demie (QUUU8) NO SHE DIDN’T. SHE DIDN’T SAY EIGHT-THIRTY (1033) (I) et vos parents entre eux. ils ont parlé français ou anglais? (QUU65) UH THEY SPOKE BOTH. FRENCH AND ENGLISH (I) et est-ce que vous avez des frères ou des sœurs? (QUU65) OH YEAH (LAUGHING). UM THERE’S/ UH THERE’S TEN OF US. WELL NOW THERE’S ONLY SEVEN ‘CAUSE..TWO OF MY SISTERS DIED LAST YEAR. MY BROTHER DIED. ‘ROUND SIX YEARS 264 <?page no="265"?> AGO OF CANCER. SO UM. MY SISTER D SPEAKS VERY GOOD FRENCH. R I THINK STILL SPEAKS FRENCH. THE REST OF ‘EM… (I) et entre vous/ alors entre vos frères et vos sœurs vous avez toujours parlé français? (QUU65) UM MY/ MY SISTER D WILL/ NOW UH SHE’LL TALK TO ME IN FRENCH. I KNOW WHAT SHE’S TALKIN’ ABOUT. IF SHE DOESN’T WANT SOMEBODY ELSE TO KNOW WHAT WE’RE TALKIN’ ABOUT. BUT UM..VERY SELDOM DO WE SPEAK FRENCH AMONG BOTH OF US. UM..SHE’LL SPEAK FRENCH..SHE’LL START OFF IN ENGLISH AND THEN CHANGE INTO FRENCH. AND I/ LIKE I SAYS I KNOW WHAT SHE’S TALKIN’ ABOUT. SO I’LL EITHER AN- SWER IN FRENCH OR I WON’T. YOU KNOW I’LL S/ SPEAK ENG- LISH SO… (1034) (I) vous avez parlé français? (AU40) oui (I) tout le temps? (AU40) tout le temps (I) est-ce que vous avez des frères ou des sœurs? (AU40) deux frères (I) et avec eux. est-ce que vous avez parlé français? (AU40) avec l..WITH THE OLDER ONE..WE WERE CLOSE IN AGE WE WERE TWO YEARS APART. SO WE WERE ABLE TO ALL SPEAK FRENCH AT THE TABLE IN THE HOUSE. THAT WAS THE PRIMARY LANGUAGE […] (1035) (I) et avec vos enfants est-ce que vous avez jamais parlé français? (AC78) ah oui. j’ai tout l’temps parlé français avec eux-aut’. i parlent le français. depuis/ depuis c’qu’i ont laissé i parlent plus l’français (AUU45) NO BUT I CAN UNDERSTAND IT. I DON’T SPEAK IT BUT I KNOW EXACTLY WHAT YOU’RE SAYIN’ (1036) (I) alors vous êtes née ici vous avez dit. et vos parents sont d’origine acadienne c’est ça? (AU44) oui (I) et ils sont venus pour/ euh pour le travail? (AUU44) YES. TO WORK (I) et est-ce que vous avez/ à la maison est-ce que vous avez parlé français? (AU44) UNTIL WE WENT OUT/ WHEN WE WERE YOUNGER. MY PARENTS SPOKE FRENCH TO US ALL THE TIME. AS WE GOT OL- DER WHEN WE WENT TO SCHOOL. IT WAS A LITTLE BIT OF BOTH Even if some of the participants were potentially able to speak French, what is decisive is the fact that they do not. It is precisely their not practicing the language which will eventually lead to deficiency and loss of linguistic skills, which is why this linguistic behavior counts among the ones typical of the last phases of language death. 265 <?page no="266"?> Evasive Code-Switching All switches - whether intraor inter-sentential 257 - that are accompanied by phenomena of hesitation and insecurity, such as false starts, lengthy pauses/ primary interjections, metalinguistic questions/ comments or translations (i.e. repetitions of passages in the other language) will be subsumed under this category . 258 Type of participant Number/ participants Number/ ECS* Average Total 88 512 5.8 (100%) (100%) Sex Men 36 218 6.1 (40.9%) (42.6%) Women 52 294 5.7 (59.1%) (57.4%) Ancestry Quebeckers 64 419 6.5 (72.7%) (81.8%) Acadians 24 93 3.9 (27.3%) (18.2%) Immigrant generation QC/ AC 33 134 4.1 (37.5%) (26.2%) QU/ AU 35 209 6.0 (39.8%) (40.8%) QUU/ AUU 20 169 8.5 (22.7%) (33.0%) Age group II 32 150 4.7 (36.4%) (29.3%) III 47 317 6.7 (53.4%) (61.9%) IV 9 45 5.0 (10.2%) (8.8%) *ECS=evasive code-switching Significant differences in the use of evasive code-switching can be found in the following categories: 257 As mentioned above, the implication of evasive code-mixing and evasive intersentential code-switching, i.e. lacking linguistic competence, is the same, independent of the syntactic construction. 258 Note that evasive code-switching is a common phenomenon in all New England States (cf. for instance Maury/ Tessier 1991: 300). 266 <?page no="267"?> Ancestry. Acadians (average of 3.9) show less evasive switches than Qubeckers (average of 6.5). Immigrant generation. The longer people have lived in the all-English environment, the more they lose their French, which is illustrated by the high frequency of evasive switches in the third immigrant generation (average of 8.5). However, the first immigrant generation shows a comparatively frequent use of this type of switching already. As for the different types of evasive code-switching, the following results could be found: Type of ECS Number/ ECS Percentage Total 512 100 ECS after false starts 119 23.2 ECS after pauses/ fillers 186 36.3 ECS accompagnied by a comment 94 18.4 ECS before or after a repetition 113 22.1 Examples: ECS after false starts (examples 1037-1042) and interruptive codemixing (examples 1043-1045): (1037) (QU67) i y avait beaucoup de personnes qui ont euh. comment on dit? comprend pas le français alors. ils ont discon/ euh...DISCONTINUED. ils ont/ ils ont um. i ont pas de messe maintenant (1038) (QU72) i savent pas comment transl/ trans..TRANSLATE IT (1039) (AU56) ben. la club. euh..la s/ soc/ THE ACADIAN SOCIETY. SO..à TEMPLETON. WELL. YEAH I THINK THAT’S WHERE I GOT IT (1040) (QU72) au commencement c’était pour les dames qui appartenaient au club. après ça i ont monté un grand..amon/ euh AMOUNT OF MONEY pour euh… (1041) (QU71) dans la Floride vous avez des euh..euh voyons les Cuba/ CUBANS (1042) (QU42) on parlait les deux ensemb’ mélangés ou disons séparemment des fois seulement en anglais et des fois seulement en français. ça dép/ ça dépen/ IT WAS DEPENDING (1043) (QU72) oui. et puis i faulait faire ça. quand c’était/ si on voi/ on connaissait quelqu’un qu’est correct. ça lui était/ MY BEST GIRLFRIEND. parce que les garçons étaient dans la cour-là puis nous sommes là dans not’ cour 267 <?page no="268"?> (1044) (QUU60) j’sais pas pourquoi ou pour um. quelle raison que ma grandmère est venue. mais elle a/ SHE MET MY GRANDFATHER HERE (1045) (QU60) ah oui. c’est tout asteur c’est/ THEY GOT A FRENCH CLASS LIKE ANY OTHER COLLEGE ECS after lengthy pauses/ fillers: (1046) (QU41) les plus vieux comprend parce que ils avaient leurs parents à parler et maintenant i y a plus de flamille/ famille pour parler en français alors..c’est plus/ de plus en plus…euh/ euh…REMOVED (1047) (AU76) oui. mais elle parlait l’anglais. chez nous on parlait l’anglais pas mal et quand…WE WERE TAUGHT UH FRENCH/ UH I MEAN EN- GLISH BUT IT WAS ALMOST THE SAME THING YOU KNOW (1048) (QC83) c’est une personne. faut qu’il ait un/ un/ un euh…um. um BELT euh. BELT YOU KNOW (1049) (AU42) ça/ ça a pas pris longtemps pour um..BECOME AN AMERICAN CITIZEN (1050) (QU44) euh i comprend. mais i parle pas trop mais…HE UNDER- STANDS MORE THAN HE SPEAKS IT (1051) (QUU60) i y a/ i y a ben des Polonais i y a ben des Irlandais. i y a ben du/ du monde du village du…FROM THE SPRINGFIELD AREA THAT ARE MOVING INTO THIS AREA AND IT’S/ IT’S MORE DIVERSIFIED I GUESS (1052) (AC77) c’était une manufacture de/ de…de FURNITURE. de/ des/ des chaises. euh. embourrées (1053) (QU81) i bâtissent des offices puis des/ des um..HEALTH CARE. beaucoup de HEALTH CARE (1054) (QU47) oui c’est ça. mais elle ét/ était/ était un peu plus...CAUTIOUS. elle parlait un peu moins ECS accompanied by a metalinguistic question/ comment (examples 1055-1063), including rising intonation suggesting a question, laughing as an expression of embarrassment, and the use of discourse markers such as okay or you know (examples 1064-1065), or code-switching with the metalinguistic question/ comment being the switched part (examples 1066-1071): 268 <?page no="269"?> (1055) (QU59) je n’ai/ je n’ai jamais euh..euh…euh enseigné en français seulement um je n’sais pas comment dire ça le SUB/ SUBSTITUTE TEA- CHER j’ai fait une année de ça (1056) (QU67) elle demeure à/ à Nicolette. c’est un euh c’est un/ comment tu dis? ON THE OUTSKIRTS. euh jusque le bas de/ de Drummondville (1057) (QUU58) la première raison que j’ai décidé de prend’ cette um…euh…ste mot-là j’ai/ j’ai jamais…euh…CHALLENGE. t’sais. um…c’est parce que j’aime le français. puis j’ai toujours aimé écrire puis euh la grammaire (1058) (QUU75) et puis j’étais un…ALTAR BOY comment dit-on ça..um..j’ai dû apprendre mes/ mes prières en français (1059) (QU40) oui je pense ça..ça va devenir euh..j’sais pas le bon mot là…MOSTLY SPANISH. YEAH (1060) (AC68) c’est certain parce que. quand nous-aut’ si qu’on veut parler l’anglais...WE’RE NOT/ NOT MANAGE j’sais pas comment dire ça en français (1061) (QU47) euh mon père est venu ici um. peut-êt’ cinq six ans avant euh. la famille parce que i travaillait ici comme euh..CARPENTER? (1062) (QC82) il y a d’origine français dans mon...dans mon…SON-IN-LAW? (1063) QU51 la/ la..la sœur elle/ elle parlait toujours le français. même quand que euh l’église où on/ où i y avait la moitié de les messes en français et puis de temps en temps en…LATIN (LAUGHING) (1064) (AC46) mon grand-père qui était un..JUSTICE OF THE PEACE. OKAY? . puis euh. i faisait des contrats (1065) (QU41) on me um…HARRASS. Y’KNOW. parce que j’ai pas…“pourquoi t’as pas appris le français à tes filles” (1066) (QU71) on parle en anglais. parce ça va..plus…HOW DO YOU SAY ‘EASY’? (1067) (QUU70) je pouvais pas laisser ça. euh..et euh une autre fois….I DON’T KNOW HOW TO SAY THIS IN FRENCH AT ALL…j’avais à peu près sept ans/ (1068) (AU56) um. j’étais à..HOW DO YOU SAY ‘MEETING’? 269 <?page no="270"?> (1069) (QC83) elle enseigne..OH HOW DO THEY CALL IT? ........c’est pour les um..les gardes-malades..AND UM..c’est/ c’est pour les..OH I FORGET THAT NAME… (1070) (QUU74) on a célébré not’ euh..HOW DO YOU SAY ‘HUNDREDTH’? (1071) (AU56) j/ je ne me rappelle pas quand j’étais. plus p’tite..YOU KNOW c’est..I GET STUCK AND THEN I HAVE TO TURN TO ENGLISH (LAUGHING) ECS representing a translation: the code-switch to English is a repetition of a preceding French phrase, clause or sentence (69 switches of this type = 13.5%): (1072) (QUU75) ils s/ sont/ sont devenus tisserands. WEAVERS. dans les/ les usines euh en Nouvelle-Angleterre (1073) (QC82) c’est euh. c’sont des/ des patates frites. FRENCH FRIES. a/ avec une/ une sauce. et du fromage. c’est bon mais c’est pas des poutines acadiennes (1074) (QC83) toute est différent alors i a fallu qu’elle change um. sa manière. sa WAY (1075) (QU44) j’ai/ j’étais/ um..j’ai aidé à parler en anglais avec lui parce qu’i ne parlait pas l’anglais. I/ I WAS A TUTOR FOR HIM. AND I THINK IT WAS IN FORTH OR FIFTH GRADE. HE DIDN’T SPEAK ANY ENGLISH SO. I HELPED HIM OUT (1076) (AUU71) c’était l/ l/ les gens aidaient les uns les aut’. THEY WERE HELPING ONE ANOTHER. YEAH (1077) (QU51) ils veulent. amener au Canada. c’est plutôt pour les pages de l’aide. HELP PAGES. puis ils veulent écrire ça en français (1078) (AC69) i ont toutes appris à eux-mêmes/ avec eux-mêmes. THEY LEARNED THEMSELVES (1079) (QUU48) j’ai commencé/ WELL nous-aut’/ j’ai commencé le même temps. WE STARTED THE SAME TIME the code-switch to English is repeated by a following French phrase, clause or sentence (44 switches of this type = 8.6%): (1080) (AC82) elle était à WORCESTER à l’hôpital pour s/ six semaines. et la/ l’ARTERY/ l’artère depuis/ qui va du cœur à la cervelle… 270 <?page no="271"?> (1081) (QU72) ça c’était toujours en anglais puis en polonais. j’ai appris le polonais et un peu des/ de SPANISH. espagnol. c’était assez pour dire… (1082) (QUU75) m/ m/ ma plus vieille son NAME est D/ euh son nom est D. i ont tout des noms français (1083) (AU58) c’était tout anglais quand i sont avec YOU KNOW les FRIENDS. avec les/ les amis. pis asteur je crois j’aurais peut-êt’ essayé (1084) (QU35) oui um. une école. ALL GIRLS. tous les femmes um… (1085) (AC61) UH I THINK SO. euh j’pense que oui. c/ c’est différent. oui. différent (1086) (QC76) Vermont. YEAH YOU’RE RIGHT. FIRST YEAR. VERMONT. YEAH. la première année. YEAH. la première année dans le Vermont. c’était le Vermont la première année… (1087) (QUU60) ils attendent de nouveau. euh. LEADERSHIP. des/ des nouveaux chefs In the cases of repetitions of English passages in French, there are three possibilities in theory: 1) The speakers are unsure of what they are going to say in French and make sure they say it in English first. 2) After having switched to English, the speakers suddenly remember the French word and “correct” themselves. 3) After having (unconsciously) switched to English, the speakers remember that they are supposed to speak French and “force” themselves back to the language of the interview. Either way, these examples illustrate very well again that English is the more “natural” choice of language for them. In general it can be concluded that if a word or passage is switched under one or several of these above circumstances, it can indicate lacking linguistic ability and security. The speakers either think about the switch or a possible alternative in the other language before they switch, or feel a need to comment on it because of a possible mistake or misunderstanding or because the switch seems inappropriate. And finally, the speakers may simply be insecure about what they just said and, by repeating it in the language they feel sure about, i.e. English, want to make sure the information was transmitted correctly. 271 <?page no="272"?> V.2.2.3 Summary To sum up the results it can be said that analyzing code-switching phenomena in the survey clearly reveals severe signs of language loss among Franco-Americans. First of all, 95.7% (110 out of 115) of the participants who speak French in the interviews switch to English in one way or the other. Secondly, the functions and the manner of the different types of switching indicate insecurity and the need to fill lexical gaps. Type of code-switching Number/ switches Percentage Total 1828 100 Switched discourse markers 880 48.2 Code-mixes 348 19.0 Inter-sentential code-switches 88 4.8 Evasive code-switches 512 28.0 As for the frequency of the respective types of switches, it can be said that discourse markers are the most commonly switched elements (48.2%) in the MASSFrench corpus, which, as has been discussed, can be interpreted as an indicator of language shift because of the pragmatic dominance of English and its implications. Evasive code-switches are the second most frequent type of switching, illustrating the speakers’ deficiency in French, most of all in the lexis. Code-mixes, which can theoretically be an indicator of fluency of bilinguals, are not as common. Furthermore, these code-mixes consist preponderantly (88.5%) of single-word items or phrases, which turns them - even if smoothly switched - into potential fillers of lexical gaps as well. And although inter-sentential code-switches, the least frequent switching phenomenon in the corpus, cannot by themselves be determined to be signs of lacking fluency, the circumstances in which most of them appear illustrate the speakers’ preference for English, and thereby reveal, if not a lack of fluency, at least a lack of practice in French, which, eventually, can be expected to result in the same, i.e. in the loss of French, the dominated language. 272 <?page no="273"?> V.2.3 Selected Interference Phenomena 259 V.2.3.1 Calques 260 In this chapter, a selection of calques, i.e. loan translations (on the lexical as well as on the morphosyntactic level) will be given to illustrate the English influence on Franco-American French. On the morphosyntactic level, there is the very common phenomenon of preposition stranding in interrogative clauses 261 , passive constructions, and relative clauses, i.e. cases in which the preposition is put at the end of the clause or phrase. This type of construction can be found in français populaire (“les femmes qu’il a couché avec”; Bauche 1951: 132) as well as in varieties of French spoken in Canada (“le gars que je sortais avec”; Léard 1995: 103). Some argue that in French there is no preposition stranding but rather a phenomenon referred to as ‘orphan prepositions’ (Zribi-Hertz 1984: 1-4), and the constructions may indeed be different in deep structure. However, it is outside the scope of this thesis to analyze the possibly differing theoretical implications. It suffices to say that “l’emploi des prépositions orphelines […] semble beaucoup plus libre en FAM [français parlés en Amérique du Nord] qu’en FN [français normé]” (Roberge 1998: 49). Most researchers confronted with this phenomenon in French-English contact situations in which French is heavily influenced by English, such as in Louisiana or on Price-Edward-Island, have agreed that, whether distinct phenomena in deep structure or not, the similarity of the construction on the surface structure suggests that the English construction enhances the frequency of clauses with orphan prepositions in French (cf. Heine/ Kuteva 2005: 54; Maury/ Tessier 1991: 305; King 2000: 47; Rottet 2001: 167-169) . 262 259 The following chapter intends to illustrate certain tendencies and interference phenomena in Franco-American French. Examples are taken from the interviews as well as from the language section of the questionnaires. Note that, quite surprisingly, no sociolinguistic factors could be related to a specific phenomenon: All cases of interference appeared among male and female participants of both ancestries, all immigration generations and all age groups alike. 260 Calques, or loan translations, can be classified as ‘loan shifts’, i.e. as interference phenomena involving complete substitution (cf. Haugen 1968: 59-60). 261 Note that there is no such example in the MASSFrench corpus. 262 Note that the following examples are taken out of the interview section, i.e. of samples of spoken Franco-American French. This supports the assumption that, if this phenomenon occurs frequently in the below analyzed language section of the questionnaire, it is not only due to the fact the participants were tempted to translate literally from English into French but that preposition stranding is a common construction in Franco-American French. 273 <?page no="274"?> (1088) (QC76) je restais là à l’hôtel puis mangeais puis toute couchais puis toute ça c’était payé pour (1089) (QU40) puis i y a d’aut’Canadiens que j’travaille avec. on/ on parle français (1090) (AC55) le seul monde qu’i pratiquent avec ça c’est seulement avec nousaut’ (1091) (QU59) les aut’ jeunes qu’on jouait avec ça parlait toutes anglais (1092) (QC58) on a des patients à l’office qu’on parle français avec (1093) (QU72) ma sœur. des fois. ma sœur. euh ma cousine que je travaille avec (1094) (AC62) quand j’ai commencé à travailler à la charpenterie. j’ai mentionné un monsieur V que je travaillais avec. lui i venait de Saint Paul Joli dans la Province de Québec Also, the fact that such constructions appear in combination with so-called ‘weak prepositions’ such as e.g., de, chez, or à, which can never be orphaned in French (cf. Léard 1995: 103; Motapanyae 1997: 44; Zribi-Hertz 1984: 10), accounts for the influence of English. King/ Roberge, for instance, found stranded weak prepositions in their study of the French spoken on Prince- Edward-Island, another highly anglicized area (cf. King/ Roberge 1990: 345) . 263 (1095) (QU51) (w) le femme que j’ai parlé à hier est mon voisin (1096) (QC57) même i y a/ i y a un magasin ici. un magasin elle m’a parlé de. um. un magasin ici. um à MANCHESTER qui vend des cartes en français (1097) (QUUU52) (w) la femme que j’ai parlée à hier (1098) (QU59) (w) la femme que jai parler y ire [sic! ] In the questionnaire, the language part contained the relative clause “THE WOMAN I TALKED TO YESTERDAY IS MY NEIGHBOR”. Of the 259 participants who filled out this section of the questionnaire, 92 (35.5%) circumscribed the relative clause: 263 Note that, in addition to the English influence, there is also the possibility of analogy: “Sans exclure l’influence de l’anglais, l’extension des prépositions orphelines aux prépositions à et de s’inscrit avant tout dans le français zéro, puisque toutes les variétés du français (le français populaire de France inclus) utilisent le procédé des prépositions postposées. Si donc les prépositions de et à entrent en usage dans l’acadien dans ce contexte syntaxique, elles seraient également introduites par analogie aux prépositions postverbales telles que pour et avec par exemple” (Wiesmath 2006: 214). 274 <?page no="275"?> (1099) (QU74) (w) hier j’ai parler avec ma voisine Construction Number Percentage Total 259 100 Circumscription 92 35.5 Total relative clauses 167 64.5 (100) Standard relative clauses 55 32.9 Preposition stranding 39 23.4 Preposition omission 73 43.7 Of the remaining 167 who used a relative construction in the French translation, 55 (32.9%) did it according to Standard French: (1100) (QU84) (w) la femme a qui jai parlé hier est ma voisine 39 (23.4%) constructed relative clauses involving preposition stranding, and, in some cases, the omission of the relative pronoun (in 1: 1 accordance with the English construction) : 264 (1101) (QUU75) (w) la femme que je parlais avec hier est ma voisine (1102) (AC46) (w) la femme que je parles avec hier est ma voisin (1103) (QUU55) (w) la femme que j’ai parlez avec hier est mon voisin (1104) (QU48) (w) la madam jais parlez avec hier etais ma voisine (1105) (QUU64) (w) la femme jais parlez avec hierre est mon prochain The most common way of dealing with the relative clause (73 participants = 43.7%) was preposition omission 265 , sometimes combined with the omission of the relative pronoun: (1106) (QUU52) la femme que j’ai parlez yaire est ma voisine (1107) (QC77) la femme que jai parler hier est ma voisine 264 There are also cases of omitted prepositions in relative clauses without prepositions in the corpus: (AC62) dans c’temps-là les premiers/ les premiers dix ans j’étais par icitte. la plupart du temps on parlait français à l’ouvrage 265 Note that Rottet found the same in his study of Acadian French in Louisiana (cf. Rottet 2001: 170-171). For the omission of que in other varieties of Canadian French in Canada, see Martineau 1993: 78-80, and Wiesmath 2006: 196. Note furthermore that there is a general tendency in several varieties of French to eliminate que functioning as an object in relative clauses, which may be due to a “convergence de structures anglaises et de tendences évolutives françaises qui procèdent de facteurs intrasystématiques” (Wiesmath 2006: 196). 275 <?page no="276"?> (1108) (AC64) la femme que je parlais français c’est ma voisine (1109) (AU27) la femme j’ai parlé hier est ma voisine This might be a simplification strategy related to the fact that the preposition is omitted in cases where “the meaning is inferable from context” (Rottet 2001: 171), i.e. in cases where it is dispensable. Furthermore, there is quite an abundance of various other examples of calques de l’anglais (on the lexical as well as on the morphosyntactic level), such as the following: ‘TO BE xxYEARS OLD’ 266 (1110) (QUU75) et M est dix ans plus jeune que moi (1111) (QU51) ma sœur euh elle a plus du trouble avec le français parce que elle est jamais/ est...trois ans plus jeune que moi (1112) (QUU64) i a venu icitte quand i était huit ans (1113) (AUU71) les gens sont à peu près quatre-vingt/ quatre-vingt. quatrevingt-cinq (1114) (QUU68) tous les deux sont plus vieux que moi. um. le plus jeune est onze ans. et treize ans pour l’aut’ […] j’ai arrêté parler français quand que j’étais. six/ seize ans (1115) (QU41) ma sœur. elle/ elle est six ans plus vieux que moi (1116) (QUU65) j’pense que j’étais euh douze (1117) (QU47) je suis pas mal certaine que quand mes/ mes sœurs qui étaient dix treize ans à ce/ à ce temps-là. qu’i avaient des sujets qui étaient en. les deux langues (1118) (AU42) euh j’étais quatre ans (1119) (QU47) c’est moi qui est déménagé à WESTFIELD. quand j’étais vingtcinq j’pense ‘TO GO PLACES’ (1120) (QU51) i y avait plus de monde um. à des alentours. on pourrait aller/ euh des/ des places euh. n’importe où puis. i y avait ben du monde qui parlaient le français 266 Common in the French spoken in Woonsocket, RI, as well (cf. Fox 2005: 45; cf. also S. Marie-Francia/ S. Marie-Anaïs 1958: 93). 276 <?page no="277"?> ‘TO PLAY AN INSTRUMENT’ (1121) (QU41) mon plus vieux i a commencé mais um. i j/ i joue la/ la flûte ‘TO OFFER THE CHANCE TO’, ‘TO MAKE SOMETHING EASIER’ (1122) (QU41) des fois il y a des um...PARISHIONERS qui appellent qui euh i ont d’la misère à parler en anglais. comme ça j/ j’offre euh le chance de parler en français pour eux-aut’ pour faire le communication plus facile ‘TO GIVE/ SHOW SOMEONE SOMETHING’ (1123) (QUU60) on faisait application d’êt’ citoyen canadien et on pouvait prouver que. on avait un parent qui était canadien originalement. le gouvernement était...constraint de donner la personne la citoyenneté canadienne..maintenant c’est m/ même plus facile (1124) (QUU51) et puis i voulaient montrer leurs amis où-c’que je travaillais ‘TO GIVE A TALK’ (1125 ) (QU78) i dit “ben je vas dire ma messe en français mais. ça fait trop longtemps que j’ai pas conversé en français pour donner un discours en français” ‘AT A PLACE WHERE xx IS’ (1126) (QU71) c’est le gouvernement euh t’sais. et puis on avait une table là où ces conférences étaient ‘TO TRY NOT TO’ (1127) (QUU69) si..je t’parle. puis je/ j’essaie pas de mélanger l’anglais avec le français ‘TO DECIDE FOR’ (1128) (QUU65) est-ce qu’on peut discuter pour euh le mois prochain. quand le L sera présent aussi que pour euh. R qui sort de charge. est-ce qu’il y a quelqu’un qui a décidé pour procéder à cette aventure-là? ‘IT TAKES SOMETHING’ 267 (1129) (QC10) j’avais pas d’ami qui m’a aidé et puis toute ça. ça prend des amis puis toute ça ‘ALL (THE) YEAR ROUND’ (1130) (AC82) là c’était l’année ronde l’été l’hiver 267 Expression common in Quebec French (cf. Meney 1999: 1363-1364). 277 <?page no="278"?> ‘FOR REAL’ (1131) (QUU73) puis j’ai retourné…mais j’ai commencé en dix-neuf cent soixante pour réellement ‘ACTUALLY’ (1132) (AC62) quand/ quand E était p’tite. euh actuellement euh. quand on s’est marié. J s’ennuyait chez elle (1133) (I) vous êtes venu tout seul? (AC62) euh. actuellement oui. ben une d’mes sœurs restait icitte ‘A LITTLE HOLIDAY’ (1134) (QUU69) j’étais trois jours là pour une p’tite vacance à Paris ‘NAMED AFTER’ (1135) (QU51) je l’ai montré euh..une rue qui est/ est appelée après mon grandpère ‘ON THE JOB’ (1136) (AC62) j’étais l’seul Acadien. sur la job 268 ‘TO CLASS/ AT HOME/ IN MASS’ (1137) (QC59) quand qu’i y a quelqu’un à maison qui sont pas/ qui parle pas français elle va parler l’anglais. […] quand qu’on était plus jeune on parlait plutôt français à maison (1138) (AC87) puis euh. lorsqu’on allait à classe là. on avait toujours des bénéfices là pour/ pour ramass’ l’argent pour l’église neuve. quand j’allais à classe là (1139) (QUU81) faulait parler français à maison (1140) (AC65) tu devrais parler anglais. dans les magasins. à maison 269 (1141) (QU60) ma mère. à maison i parlent/ on parlait en français (1142) (QC50) quand qu’on était plus jeune on parlait plutôt français à maison parce que. ma mère parle pas gros l’anglais 268 Sur meaning ‘dans’, ‘à’ can also be found in Quebec French (cf. Meney 1999: 1679). 269 This structure may also be the result of the contraction of à and la. In that case, however, the vowel [a] (à) could be expected to be lengthened; in Franco-American French, such an ‘allongement’ is lacking completely, which rather speaks in favor of the influence of the equivalent English expression ‘at home’. 278 <?page no="279"?> (1143) (QU41) i reste à maison (1144) (QC50) i parle souvent à maison. en français (1145) (QU78) j’ai faite l’ouvrage à maison pour deux ans (1146) (QU41) quand qu’i donne la communion um. à messe. i dit tout en français ‘TO HAVE THE NEED TO’ (1147) (QU41) quand qu’i ont quelque chose en espagnol qu’i ont pas le besoin d’apprend’/ euh de comprend’ l’anglais ‘TO KNOW SOMETHING’ (1148) (QUU60) elle est devenue. euh. assez vieille. mais toujours très. euh…um…elle/ elle connaît. euh. qu’est-ce qu’elle fait. euh. elle pense très bien. […] pour la plupart c’est assez vrai que. les Francos connaissent l’anglais ‘NORTH OF’ (1149) (QC61) c’est un p’tit village ben loin/ à peu près quin/ euh quatre-vingt milles de Québec. nord de Québec ‘GRAMMAR SCHOOL’ 270 (1150) (QC83) et puis l’aut’ il va graduer de la/ l’école grammaire. puis il va rentrer à CHICOPEE HIGH ‘TO TRY HARD’ (1151) (QU71) on a essayé de parler français. on a pas essayé..dur. on a pas essayé assez dur The two following examples may simply be loan translations but they may also show that the deep structure of French has been affected by interference: Use of possessive determiners adapting to the possessor: ‘HIS COUSIN JANE’ (1152) (QU41) (w) son cousin Jane (1153) (AC63) (w) sont [sic! ]cousin Jane (1154) (QUU67) (w) son cousine Jane 270 Cf. also S. Marie-Francia/ S. Marie-Anaïs 1958: 87. 279 <?page no="280"?> (1155) (AC64) (w) son cousin Jane (1156) (QUU81) (w) son cousin Jane (1157) (QC77) (w) son cousin Jane Use of emphatic pronouns as a replacement of the clitic object, which can be considered as a “decliticization, under the language contact with English” (Motapanyane 1997: 42): (1158) (AU78) j’ai rencontré elle dans dix-neuf quarante-sept. on s’est marié dans cinquante (1159) (QU51) quand j’appelle lui. puis on parle français (1160) (AC63) i ont mis elle avec des bons Anglais. ben pis moi avec des bons Anglais (1161) (AC63) (w) apprest avont caller lui, il en laisse la maison (1162) (AC65) (w) apres quil appels lui - is avon lesse leur maison (1163) (QUU50) (w) après ils ont télephone luit, ils ont quitte l’eurs maison (1164) (QU69) (w) apres que ils on appeler lui, ils on partir de la maison Although few above listed loan translations are found in the varieties of Canadian French in Canada as well, it cannot be denied that the close contact with English favors their frequency and distribution, which is why they can be considered to be specific of Franco-American French in New England due to its exposed position to English (cf. also Fox/ Smith 2005: 137) . 271 V.2.3.2 A Special Case: Lexical False Friends Some forms that could be detected in the corpus do not seem to fit into any category of interference phenomena, i.e. they cannot be classified as (“classical”) borrowings or code-mixes, and they are neither sham (or pseudo-) loans nor so-called ‘false friends’. Code-mixing implies switching from one language into another. Some items may be partially integrated, they can, however, still be classified as alien items. Borrowings may be fully integrated but, at the beginning of their way into another language, they rarely are. Even if they were partially 271 And, possibly, typical of other varieties of French exposed to English to a comparable extent. 280 <?page no="281"?> integrated from the start, they would still be perceived as other-language items in the beginning of the borrowing process. Sham (or pseudo-) loans are words that are perceived as loans but in fact do not exist in the donor language (cf. Carstensen 1981: 175). There are two different kinds: 1) Lexical sham loans Words are built based on similarly structured loans or based on word formation rules of the pseudo donor language, and thereby give the impression of being borrowed, e.g., German Showmaster (in analogy to English quizmaster), meaning ‘host of a TV show’. 2) Semantic sham loans Words are borrowed but the recipient language adds meanings that the words do not have in the donor language, e.g., German Start, which is an English borrowing, but which, in German, also denotes English ‘take-off’(cf. Carstensen 1980: 77). The latter are often partial false friends, although not all partial false friends are semantic sham loans. False friends are pairs of words whose form is similar in two languages and therefore give way to the assumption that the words have the same meaning(s) in both languages - but they do not at all (total false friends) or at least not in parts (partial false friends). So, for instance, an English demonstration is also a démonstration in French, but a manifestation in French in a political context (partial false friend). It is important to keep such cases of interference in mind to understand in how far the following phenomenon is different. Franco-Americans sometimes use English-origin words that are perfectly integrated into French in all respects. These words are therefore not code-mixes, but they cannot be classified as borrowings either due to their degree of integration, their frequency and distribution (except for one case, they are single occurrences only 272 ). In fact, the speakers do not seem to perceive the words as loans, i.e. as coming from English, but rather assume that they are French. Such words could be called ‘lexical false friends’ (in accordance with the terminology used with sham loans). “Normal”, i.e. 272 Such words, however, may become part of a language or variety if used frequently. Their being fully integrated even suggests that they can enter the language easily, even if they occur singularly: “In a minority speech community, whole groups of speakers sharing particular patterns of language use and dominance can indeed innovate ‘simultaneously without reference to each other’” (Mougeon/ Beniak 1991: 14). Directions, ‘DI- RECTIONS’, is an example of such a lexical false friend being lexicalized in Quebec French (cf. Meney 1999: 688): (QUU65) toute vous achetez. pour la maison. les/ les directions sont dans espagnol et dans l’anglais When lexicalized, such cases can be referred to as ‘emprunts directs’ (cf. Meney 1999: 688). 281 <?page no="282"?> semantic, false friends tempt speakers to assume a meaning that a word has in one but not in another language, like in the following examples in which the participants meant to say bibliothèque but chose librairie (‘book store’) due to the English library: (1165) (QC73) elle euh travaille dans DARTMOUTH COLL/ UH UNIVERSITY. et elle travaille dans la librairie (1166) (QU72) maman me laissait pas même aller à la LIBRABY...librairie. oui. faulait rester chez nous puis s’mêler de nos affaires In the case of lexical false friends, however, a whole word (or rather its form, including its meanings) is thought to exist in a language but does not, in fact, which is why they are defined as follows: Lexical false friends are words of a language A which, based on the fact that their form is similar - phonetically as well as morphologically - to words in a language B, give way to the (false) assumption that they also exist in a language B, including one or several meanings they have in language A. To give an example: (1167) (QC83) il est sur les. soins du docteur. et puis on voit un gros improuvement ‘IMPROVEMENT’ Improuvement does not exist in French but the bilingual speaker assumed it did: The phonetic form is similar, English [ mpru v] - French [ pruv], and the morpheme -ment is used for word formation in both languages (and is also phonetically similar). Other examples of lexical false friends: (1168) (QUU58) j’ai faite des leçons pour la prononciation du français. pour montrer la différence entre le/ le prononcement des voyelles euh. puis les consonants […] i vont êt’ capab’ de/ […] comment employer des adjectives/ adjectifs. même euh um euh. les/ les verbes comment les différents tenses des verbes ‘CONSONANTS’/ ‘TENSES’ (1169) (QUU75) (w) c’est un disappointement ‘DISAPPOINTMENT’ (1170) (QU51) (w) j’ai l’abilité de parler deux langue ‘ABILITY’ (1171) (QC73) elle est une thérapiste ‘THERAPIST’ (1172) (QC62) i parlent toutes anglais français espagnol là. dans ma famille à moi. disons que. c’est/ c’est pas fluent là..mais euh. i/ i sont capab’ de s’faire comprendre ‘FLUENT’ (1173) (QU72) fait que. i mettent toutes les enseignes puis toutes les/ les annoncements en deux lignes ‘ANNOUNCEMENTS’ (1174) (QU72) dans les/ les/ les petites écoles et les/ euh les lycées ils promotent le/ l’espagnol..parce que i y en a/ i y en a beaucoup de Portoricains ‘PROMOTE’ 282 <?page no="283"?> (1175) (QC82) quand j’étais euh. dans l’armée. j’avais/ c’était pour aller comme interpréteur. mais i y avait plu/ plusieurs puis euh. j’ai pas passé. j’allais aller comme interpréteur. ouais ‘INTERPRETER’ There are a few cases in which it is not clear whether the participants mispronounced the French word (being close to the English one), or whether these examples are cases of lexical false friends as well: (1176) (QC82) i voulait la convenience de/ de le/ des parents à moitié en français et anglais. oui ‘CONVENIENCE’ (‘convenance’) (1177) (QC77) i y a toujours eu des resentements ent’ les nations. comme le nord puis le sud des Etats-Unis. […] en fait i y a un p’tit resentement. voilà. comme la génération des Polonais. les Irlandais. dans le temps les Italiens/ le monde..se tenait dans leur district savez ‘RENSENTMENT’ (‘ressentiment’) (1178) (QU67) j’ai un cou/ euh sa niece [ni: s]. c’est un/ un cousin de nous-aut’ um. c’est um. elle demeure à/ à Nicolette ‘NIECE’ (‘nièce’) In some cases, the words could be considered to be false friends or as semantic loans (calques sémantiques; cf. Bußmann 1990: 443), since they also exist in French. Semantic loans are cases in which a word exists in language A and language B with similar meanings. However, it takes on a meaning or a nuance of a meaning in language A (that it did not have before) because of the influence of language B (in which it has this meaning). To give an example: In (1179) (AC77) c’est là qu’on a les bingos asteur. c’est usé pour euh. les facilités de la paroisse the French facilités has taken on the meaning of English facilities because of the French being close in meaning already (‘facilités de paiement’). So, in cases where a word formally exists in both languages, it is hard to say which interference phenomenon it is. However, the semantic distance often suggests that such cases are lexical false friends as well. This is particularly obvious in example 1180: The French noun relative ‘relative clause’ is not likely to take on the meaning ‘family members’, nor is it possibly a false friend . 273 (1180) (QC70) les uns disent Lauri-enne les aut’ disent Lauri-ane. mais pour toutes mes relatives c’est Lauri-ane ‘RELATIVES’ (1181) (QU41) c’est triste parce que l’gouvernement um fait des accommodations à ceux qui parlent en espagnol ‘ACCOMMODATIONS’ 273 Note that such cases are classified as ‘loan shifts’ by some (cf. Lindenfeld 1998: 94). 283 <?page no="284"?> (1182) (QC55) pour toutes les nationalités qu’i ont dans le pays qu’i donnent. seulement une translation. on veut dire tu vas à l’hôpital à SPRING- FIELD c’est en anglais c’est en espagnol ‘TRANSLATION’ (1183) (QU41) i/ i/ toutes les formes sont/ les/ les papiers um d’importance sont en/ en espagnol. aussi en anglais ‘FORMS’ (1184) (QU78) le Père G pour qui je travaille travaille/ parle bien français. c’est lui qui nous avait donné les formes ‘FORMS’ Lexical false friends, which, by the way, are common among learners of foreign languages, are rarely found in the varieties of Quebec and Acadian French spoken in Canada, and seem to be, just like the other interference phenomena illustrated above, fairly specific of varieties like Franco- American French, i.e. of varieties or languages fully exposed to Englishdominated surroundings. 284 <?page no="285"?> VI. “No French no mo’ ‘round here” - Conclusion French […] will continue to be spoken in New England (Lemaire 1966: 278). This prediction may still be true for the northern areas of New England 274 but is, as this survey has revealed, not valid for Massachusetts. The formerly French-Canadian communities of Massachusetts are in majority already beyond a stage of linguistic and cultural transition. Whereas many elderly Franco-Americans were born into communities where French was the only vernacular and often the only language people knew, there are no French-speaking monolingual people of French-Canadian origin living in Massachusetts nowadays. In fact, as early as 1906, “young people, those who had learned a trade in the United States, had become Americans in behavior and often in language” (McClymer 1992: 20). As has been attempted to demonstrate, various factors have contributed to turning Canadian French in Massachusetts from a once vividly practiced language into a dying one. It had been predicted that “si les circonstances continuent de les favoriser, il n’est pas impossible que les Franco-Américains conservent leur langue” (Fournier 1957: 22). Circumstances have turned out not to be favorable; in fact, no condition of language maintenance was fulfilled: The economic situation caused the dissolution of the French-Canadian quarters and therefore contributed to the dissolution of the French-speaking community. After 1940, young Franco-Americans rejected the symbiosis which had existed between home, church, school, “national” society, and the Franco-American newspaper - the major existential components that taken together constituted the organic and harmonious entity required by survivance ideology (Chartier 2000: 183). In addition, Franco-Americans saw no support from American society, in which they were not a recognized minority group […]. As a result, few publicly-funded attempts have been made to increase cultural awareness and ethnic pride among Franco-Americans […] though other minority groups, particularly Afro- Americans, are benefiting from such programs (Gagné 1993: 166). These factors have contributed to an interruption of intergenerational language transmission, and, to the majority of remaining speakers being predominantly semior rusty speakers with serious deficits in the written as well as in the spoken domain. Participants of both sexes and ancestries as well as of all age groups and immigrant generations make frequent use of switched discourse markers, which illustrates the pragmatic dominance of 274 See also chapter I.3.3. 285 <?page no="286"?> the English language over French. Code-switching is in general the most frequent interference phenomenon among Franco-Americans and clearly reveals the gaps in French caused by incomplete acquisition and/ or lacking practice, impoverishing the linguistic abilities of the speakers: 28% of all code-switching in the survey is evasive and 88.5% of the skilled code-mixes (19% of all the code-switching) consists of single-word items or phrases. The high frequency of calques and lexical false friends are other intralinguistic indicators of language loss. Extralinguistically, there is a strong correlation of language choice with age and immigrant generation. The majority of participants still speaking French on various occasions are older than 60 years, and the only ones to use French with their brothers and sisters, i.e. with people belonging to the peer group, are first immigrant generation participants. Yet of all the participants who have partners of French-Canadian origin, only approximately 30% always speak French to their partners and of these only 37% always speak French to their children. No participant in the survey claimed to always speak French to their grandchildren, which suggests that in their children’s households, French is not or only rarely spoken. As far as identity is concerned, people in the U.S. in general have developed a growing interest in their ethnic origin and in the lives of their ancestors. Franco-Americans are no exception to that trend. In 1997, for instance, the very well-received Museum of Work and Culture, documenting French- Canadian mill life, opened in Woonsocket, RI. Even young people are increasingly aware of their identity. At Williams College, MA, for instance, one of the defining criteria for choosing a potential dating partner on “ephmatch”, a college dating page, is the partner’s ethnic origin - thereby a distinction is made between the newly arrived and the second + -generation immigrants: 286 <?page no="287"?> Despite this increasing awareness, not only the language but also the cultural traditions that used to be linked to ethnic origin have been given up. Even the French-Canadian cuisine - the traditional cuisine is, as can be seen in Louisiana, among the parts of traditional ethnic life most easily preserved - is losing ground: “Le nouveau mode de vie altère les habitudes. On n’a plus le temps de faire une cuisine difficile et longue” (Péloquin-Faré 1981: 206). But then, again, even if the cuisine was carried on: “Le fait de manger de la tourtière à Noël et au Jour de l’an ne suffira pas à maintenir notre identité culturelle” (Quintal 1980: 56). It would have been desirable to be able to agree with Lambert, the French-Canadian worker in the 1988 production of Les Tisserands du Pouvoir (directed by Claude Fournier), who, after fighting in vain for a Frenchlanguage TV program, exclaimed at the end of the movie: “Tu peux êt’ sûr! Dans cent ans d’ici il y en aura encore pour se battre! ”. Unfortunately, it is rather likely that, in one hundred years, French will still be among the foreign languages taught at high schools and colleges but that there will be no more visible traces of French-Canadian presence in Massachusetts . 275 275 Below: Memorial stone for the Little Canada in Lowell, MA. Picture taken by the author. 287 <?page no="288"?> Appendix The Questionnaire A Questions préliminaires - Origine A1 Sexe A2 Année de naissance A3 Religion A4 Lieu et région de naissance A5 Lieu et région de résidence A6 Occupation professionnelle A7 Ça fait combien de temps/ générations que votre famille reste aux Etats-Unis? A8 Pourquoi vote famille est-elle venue aux Etats-Unis? A9 De quelle région du Canada votre famille vient-elle? A10 Lieu où le grand-père paternel a grandi A11 Lieu où la grand-mère paternelle a grandi A12 Lieu où le grand-père maternel a grandi A13 Lieu où la grand-mère maternelle a grandi A14 Lieu où le père a grandi A15 Lieu où la mère a grandi A16 Est-ce que vous avez toujours de la famille au Canada? Est-ce que vous allez toujours au Canada? A17 Si oui, pourquoi? Est-ce que vous êtes déjà allé en France? A18 Si oui, pourquoi? Est-ce que vous sentez que vous avez des liens spéciaux avec A19 a) le Québec b) l’Acadie c) la France d) pas de liens spéciaux A20 Est-ce que vous avez jamais fait des recherches sur vos ancêtres? B Contexte d’apprentissage du français B1 Quelle langue vos grands-parents paternels parl(ai)ent-ils entre eux? B2 Quelle langue vos grands-parents maternels parl(ai)ent-ils entre eux? B3 Quelle langue vos parents parl(ai)ent-ils entre eux? Vous avez appris le français B4 a) à la maison b) à l’école c) à la maison et à l’école Qui de votre famille parlait français avec vous? B5 a) les grands-parents paternels b) les grands-parents maternels c) votre père d) votre mère B6 Si vous avez des frères et des sœurs, quelle langue parlez-vous avec eux? 288 <?page no="289"?> a) français b) anglais c) les deux B7 Quelles écoles est-ce que vous avez fréquenté? La langue d’enseignement à l’école était B8 a) français b) anglais c) les deux B9 Les cours de français étaient-ils obligatoires à l’école? B10 Les professeurs de français à l’école étaient-ils des Francos? La langue parlé entre les élèves était B11 a) français b) anglais c) les deux Si vous êtes allé au College (université), y avez-vous pris des cours de français? B12 Avec vous amis vous parliez B13 a) français b) anglais c) les deux Est-ce que l’Eglise a contribué à votre apprentissage du français? B14 Si oui, dans quelle mesure? C Usage actuel du français C1 Si vous êtes marié(e), votre époux/ se est-il/ elle Franco-Américain(e)? Parlez-vous français à votre époux/ se? C2 a) toujours b) de temps en temps c) jamais Si non, pourquoi pas? Si vous avez des enfants, parlez-vous français avec eux? C3 a) toujours b) de temps en temps c) jamais Si non, pourquoi pas? Si vous avez des petits-enfants, parlez-vous français avec eux? C4 a) toujours b) de temps en temps c) jamais Si non, pourquoi pas? C5 Avec qui d’autre parlez-vous français? A quelles occasions parlez-vous français? C6 a) chez vous b) au travail c) aux magasins d) autres Est-ce qu’il vous arrive de ne pas parler français pendant quelque temps? C7 a) non b) oui, pendant quelques jours c) oui, pendant quelques semaines C8 Est-ce qu’il vous arrive de mélanger le français et l’anglais? D Les média et les activités franco-américaines Est-ce que vous regardez la télé en français? D1 a) régulièrement b) de temps en temps c) jamais Si oui, quelles chaînes et quelles sortes d’émissions? Est-ce que vous regardez la radio en français? D2 a) régulièrement b) de temps en temps c) jamais Si oui, quelles stations? Est-ce que vous savez lire le français? D3 a) sans problèmes b) avec quelques problèmes c) à peine D4 Est-ce que vous lisez des journaux ou des magasines en français? 289 <?page no="290"?> a) régulièrement b) de temps en temps c) jamais Si oui, lesquels? Est-ce que vous lisez des livres en français? D5 a) régulièrement b) de temps en temps c) jamais Si oui, lesquels? Avez-vous lu des auteurs franco-américains? Si oui, lesquels? Est-ce que vous écoutez la musique franco-américaine? D6 Si oui, quels sont vos chanteurs préférés? Est-ce que vous savez écrire le français? D7 a) sans problèmes b) avec quelques problèmes c) à peine Avez-vous des occasions pour l’écrire? Si oui, lesquelles? Est-ce que vous participez à des activités franco-américaines? D8 Si oui, lesquelles? Si non, pourquoi pas? Etes-vous membre d’une association franco-américaine? D9 Si oui, laquelle/ lesquelles? Si non, pourquoi pas? E Identité En premier lieu vous vous décririez comme E1 a) Américain b) Franco c) Québécois d) Acadien e) autre: _________________________ Qu’est-ce qui est la langue la plus importante pour vous? E2 a) français b) anglais Pourquoi? Comment est-ce que vous jugeriez vote français? E3 a) comme le français au Québec/ en Acadie b) meilleur que le français au Québec/ en Acadie c) différent du français au Québec/ en Acadie d) autre: ____________________________ Est-ce que vous pensez que vous vous distinguez des autres Américains? E4 Si oui, dans quelle mesure? Est-ce que vous vous apercevez d’une disparition du français dans votre région? E5 Si oui, qu’en pensez-vous? Est-ce que vous croyez qu’il est avantageux de savoir parler le français? E6 Pourquoi? Est-ce que vous croyez qu’on fait assez pour la survie du français? E7 Si non, qu’est-ce qu’on devrait faire? Comment voyez-vous l’avenir du français dans votre région? E8 a) le français survivra b) le français disparaîtra Pourquoi? 290 <?page no="291"?> F La Langue Écrivez le pluriel ou le singulier des mots suivants: 1. des yeux ___________ un animal ___________ un festival ___________ Complétez les phrases suivantes: 2. a) Je parlais à cet homme hier; je _____ parlais hier. b) J’ai dit à mes voisins de venir; je _____ ai dit de venir. c) J’ai peur de ces hommes; j’ai peur _____. d) Il faut que tu (faire) ___________ tes devoirs. e) Je voudrais qu’il (lire) ___________ plus de livres. Traduisez les mots et expressions suivants: 3. breakfast, ice cream, blueberry, driver’s license, darkness, cupboard, birthday, shopping, the States, blanket, ice cubes, snowball, twins, quarrel, raccoon, perfume; You’re welcome/ Don’t mention it.; Don’t you want to sit down? I get along with her. There’s no stopping him.; You’re kidding. 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