eBooks

Medieval English: Literature and Language

An Introduction

0404
2012
978-3-8233-7664-4
978-3-8233-6664-5
Gunter Narr Verlag 
Fritz Kemmler
Iryna Rieker

The fifth edition of this innovative approach to English Medieval Studies offers an expanded corpus of Old and Middle English texts. The selection from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle now includes entries recording Viking raids during the second half of the ninth century. Readers and students interested in Middle English lyrics will find two additional poems which demonstrate clearly that medieval literary production was not exclusively concerned with texts mirroring conservative moral standards. Chaucer's outstanding oeuvre is now represented by the full text of the "Reeve's Tale" and selections from the "General Prologue". While the introductory grammar has been retained with only some minor changes, the explanatory notes to the texts have been revised and substantially expanded. The glossaries have been updated and the bibliography includes additional entries. This expanded and revised guide to English Medieval Studies will introduce beginning students to the diverse and fascinating world of Medieval English with its gradually evolving literary standards and its almost unparalleled wealth of highly developed literary genres.

<?page no="0"?> Fritz Kemmler/ Iryna Rieker Medieval English: Literature and Language 5 th Edition <?page no="1"?> ! " ! " # $ $ <?page no="4"?> Fritz Kemmler / Iryna Rieker Medieval English: Literature and Language 5 th Edition <?page no="5"?> Dr. Fritz Kemmler lehrt am Englischen Seminar der Universität Tübingen. Iryna Rieker, M.A. war Mitarbeiterin am Englischen Seminar der Universität Tübingen. Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http: / / dnb.dnb.de abrufbar. 5., überarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage 2012 4., vollständig neu bearbeitete Auflage 2008 3., überarbeitete Auflage 2005 2., vollständig neu bearbeitete und erweiterte Auflage 1994 1. Auflage 1980 Die 1.-3. Auflage ist unter dem Titel „Alt- und Mittelenglische Literatur“ erschienen. © 2012 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Dischingerweg 5 · D-72070 Tübingen Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb der engen Grenzen des Urheberrechtsgesetzes ist ohne Zustimmung des Verlages unzulässig und strafbar. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und die Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronischen Systemen. Gedruckt auf chlorfrei gebleichtem und säurefreiem Werkdruckpapier. Internet: http: / / www.narr-studienbuecher.de E-Mail: info@narr.de Satzsystem: TUSTEP Printed in the EU ISSN 0941-8105 ISBN 978-3-8233-6664-5 <?page no="6"?> Preface This book continues the new approach in Medieval English Studies adopted for the fourth edition (2008). Unlike most course books on Medieval English, which focus on either Old or Middle English, we have sought to show how interconnected Old and Middle English can and must be. This is seen not only at the level of the language, but also in the texts themselves, in the topics and themes important to Medieval culture. Numerous years of teaching Old and Middle English have convinced us of the importance of looking at both of these languages in their context: Medieval English. We are confident that the interconnectedness of our approach will make learning one or both of these languages considerably easier. In order to give the reader a direct impression of Medieval literary production, several manuscript pages have been reproduced in this book: Corpus Christi College Cambridge, MS 173, fol. 10 r (p. 93), Bodleian Library, MS Hatton 20, fol. 1 r (p. 111), Bodleian Library, MS Digby 86, fol. 138 r (p. 197) and British Library, MS Harley 2253, fol. 63 v (p. 211). Special thanks to these libraries for their permission to reproduce these manuscript pages. Naturally, many have helped us extensively with this project. First and foremost, we would like to thank Richard Szydlak, Tübingen’s cartographer, for creating two maps especially for this book. Thomas Kemmler contributed the Indo-European languages diagram. Also thanks to Wendy Smith for taking care of the proofreading. We would also like to thank our publisher, Gunter Narr, and his team for their continuing support and encouragement as to a fifth edition. Finally, we wish to thank our families for their generous assistance and for putting up with us, especially during the last weeks. Candlemas, 2012 Iryna Rieker, Fritz Kemmler <?page no="7"?> Contents Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VIII Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 1. The Origins of English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Old and Middle English Dialects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Writing Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6 Pronunciation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 2. Phonology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12 Vowel Change: Post-vocalic Consonants and Consonant Groups . . . . . . . . . 13 Old English Vowels: Further Changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16 Old English Vowels and their Continuation in Middle English . . . . . . . . . . 17 English Vowels: Quantitative Changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Late Middle and Early Modern English Developments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 Vowels in Unstressed Syllables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 Consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 Loanwords . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 3. Morphology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Adjectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 Adverbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39 Pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 Numerals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47 Strong Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49 Weak Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Preterite-Present Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Irregular Verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 4. Syntax . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67 Nominal Forms: Function and Use . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Verbal Forms: Function and Use . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Negation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 Main Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Dependent Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78 Medieval English Verse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 <?page no="8"?> VII Contents 5. Old English Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 Text 1: The Old English Heptateuch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 Text 2: Selections from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90 Text 3: The Old English Bede . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Text 4: The Old English Orosius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106 Text 5: King Alfred . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 Text 6: Ælfric’s Life of King Oswold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 Text 7: Wulfstan’s Sermon to the English . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 Text 8: The Old English Apollonius . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 Text 9: The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle - Brunanburh . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Text 10: The Battle of Maldon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Text 11: The Dream of the Rood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 6. Middle English Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 Text 1: The Peterborough Chronicle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 Text 2: The Middle English Physiologus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 Text 3: Kentish Sermons . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 Text 4: Ayenbite of Inwit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163 Text 5: The South English Legendary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Text 6: Sir Gawain and the Green Knight . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175 Text 7: Piers Plowman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185 Text 8: The Fox and the Wolf . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195 Text 9: King Horn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 202 Text 10: Middle English Lyric Poetry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 Text 11: The Northern Homily Cycle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224 Text 12: York Plays . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 Text 13: Geoffrey Chaucer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241 Text 14: Robert Henryson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257 7. Glossaries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265 Old English Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267 Middle English Glossary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 318 8. Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 392 <?page no="9"?> Abbreviations The following abbreviations have been used in parts 1-6: A accusative WML West Midlands C consonant WS West Saxon D dative M 1/ 17 Middle English Texts: eMnE early Modern English Text 1, line 17 fem. feminine O 1/ 17 Old English Texts: G genitive Text 1, line 17 l., ll. line, lines a˘ short vowel lME late Middle English a¯ long vowel masc. masculine a¯˘ short and long vowel ME Middle English a˙ closed vowel MnE Modern English a˛ open vowel MnG Modern German 1-7 classes of strong verbs MS manuscript I-III classes of weak verbs N nominative * hypothetical OHG Old High German > becomes pl. plural < was RP Received Pronunciation < > graph, grapheme sg. singular [ ] pronunciation SW Southwest / / phoneme V vowel ‘ ’ meaning <?page no="12"?> Introduction The focus of this book is on Medieval English as a whole - neither exclusively on Old English nor on Middle English. This means that in the chapters which are concerned with grammar, we have placed emphasis on aspects of continuity, not difference. We treat the development of English as a continuum, not as separate periods with three separate languages. Our selection of both Old and Middle English texts also seeks to present some texts with close thematic affinities. One of these thematic affinities, for example, is supplied by the Norman Conquest of 1066 and its representation in one of the manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The Life of Wulfstan is a Middle English saint’s life devoted to the last Anglo-Saxon bishop of the diocese of Worcester - and it presents a rather surprising outlook and ‘English’ perspective on the theme of the Norman Conquest of 1066. Continuity is also shown by the maps inside the front and back covers. Many maps in handbooks illustrate the dialects of English, whereas our maps use Modern English place names and show the sites of three battles which were decisive for the history of England. By referring to the maps when studying the texts, readers will be able to contextualise the often abstract geographical information given in a specific text. Despite the emphasis on aspects of the continuity of English, Old English and Middle English, are foreign languages. This means that in order to acquire a basic competence in Medieval English, you should memorise the important inflectional paradigms (especially pronouns) in the Morphology section. You should also be familiar with the most important differences in the area of Syntax. In order to parse verbs, you have to be familiar with the conjugational endings and with the so-called ‘tense stems’ of strong, weak and preterite-present verbs. Finally, the basic paradigms of irregular verbs should be memorised, since they occur with high frequency. The ability to read Old and Middle English texts in the original is one of the many skills which can be gained by a thorough study of this book. Relying on translations of medieval texts only is a poor substitute for a direct exploration of our cultural past. To facilitate the task of reading and understanding the texts chosen for this book, we provide explanatory and textual notes for every text and detailed glossaries can be found at the back of the book. Students and readers who are prepared to take up this challenge will be able to explore on their own the fascinating world of Medieval English Literature and Language. <?page no="13"?> 1. The Origins of English English belongs to the family of Germanic languages which is part of the even larger family of Indo-European languages. Because there are so many cognates in most of the modern European languages, Sir William Jones hypothesised in 1786 that all of these languages must have a common origin. As a Sanskrit scholar, he noticed strong similarities between Sanskrit and other European languages, for example English father, German Vater, Icelandic faðir as well as Greek and Latin pater, Spanish padre, French pe`re, Persian pedar and Sanskrit pitar. These languages and many others are all descendants of a single language which is now called Indo-European (see diagram). It was probably spoken around 5000-3000 BC. Indo-European underwent an initial split into an eastern and a western family. The k sound, for example in the Indo-European word for hundred (*kmto´ m), became an s in the eastern languages; thus, the Indo-European languages can be divided into centum (western) and satem (eastern) languages. The western branch divided again, and Proto- Germanic (the theorised root of all Germanic languages) had developed by around 100 BC. The main characteristics which all Germanic languages share include initial syllable stress, the appearance of weak verbs as well as a strong and weak declension of adjectives, a simplification of the tense and the case system, and the First Sound Shift (Grimm’s Law and Verner’s Law). The First Sound Shift had three steps: voiceless stops became fricatives: p, t, k → f, θ , h voiced stops became voiceless stops: b, d, g → p, t, k voiceless aspirates became voiced stops: bh, dh, gh → b, d, g. As shown above, the Germanic languages all have an initial f sound in the word father, where the original Indo-European had (and indeed, most surviving descendants still have) a p. Similarly, *treyes becomes three, *krnbecomes horn and so on. An exception to Grimm’s Law can also be seen in the development of the word father. We would expect the t in Indo-European *p ə te´r to become a θ in West Germanic. However, in words in which stress had shifted from the second to the first syllable, according to the normal Germanic development, t (provided it was not followed by a voiceless sound; see § 30), first became θ , and then ð. This can still be seen in Icelandic faðir, whereas the d in Old English fæder is a further West Germanic development of ð. Proto-Germanic was spoken in southern Norway and Sweden, Denmark and the area around the River Elbe. It then split further into West Germanic (English, High and Low German), East Germanic (Gothic) and North Germanic (Scandinavian). After the Romans left Britain in the early 5th century, the West Germanic tribes on the Continent were able to invade and conquer the island. Old English developed out of West Germanic partly due to the subsequent isolation of the Angles and Saxons in Britain. One of the biggest changes was to the vowels, especially lengthening in a nasal context (e. g., *uns becomes u¯ s, *andar becomes o¯ þer and *fimf becomes fı ¯f). <?page no="15"?> 4 The Origins of English The table below provides examples which indicate both similarities and differences of cognate words. Examples from Latin and the medieval and modern varieties of both German and English are depicted here to show similar vowel qualities to Indo- European. IE Latin OHG MnG OE MnE a ager ackar Acker æcer acre e edo¯ e nn an essen etan eat i vidua wituwa Witwe widewe widow o octo ahto acht eahta eight u -- sunu Sohn sunu son ə pater fater Vater fæder father a¯ fra¯ter bruoder Bruder bro¯ þor brother e¯ se¯men sa¯t Saat s毯 d seed ı ¯ suı ¯nus swı ¯n Schwein swı ¯n swine o¯ flo¯ s bluoma Blume blo¯ ma ‘bloom’ u¯ mu¯ s mu¯ s Maus mu¯ s mouse ai haedus gei n Geiß ga¯t goat ei -- stı ¯gan steigen stı ¯gan - oi -- ein ein a¯n one au auge¯re ouhho¯ n -- e¯acian ‘to eke’ eu -- cheosan, kiosan ‘küren’ ce¯osan to choose ou ru¯ fus ro¯ t rot re¯ad red Old and Middle English Dialects Our knowledge of ‘early English history’ derives to a considerable extent from the Venerable Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (Church History of the English People - see O 3), written in the early decades of the 8th century. In book I, chapter xv, a detailed account of the arrival of the Germanic tribes in England is provided: The 449th year of the incarnation of our Lord, Marcian having with Valentinian obtained the kingdom, the 46th in succession from Augustus, held it seven years. In whose time the nation of the English or Saxons, being sent for of the said king into Britain, landed there in three long ships . . . Now the strangers had come from three of the more mighty nations in Germany, that is, the Saxons, the Angles and the Jutes. Of the Jutes came the people of Kent and the settlers in Wight, that is the folk that hold the Isle of Wight, and they which in the province of the West Saxons are called unto this day the nation of the Jutes, right over against the Isle of Wight. Of the Saxons, that is, of that region which now is called of the Old Saxons [i. e. Holstein], descended the East Saxons, the South Saxons and the West Saxons. Further, of the Angles, that is, of that country which is called Angeln [i. e. Slewsick] and from that time to this is said to stand deserted between the provinces of the Jutes and the Saxons, descendeth the East Angles, the Uplandish Angles, the Mercians and all the progeny of the Northumbrians, that is, of the people that inhabiteth the north side of the flood Humber, and the other nations of the Angles. <?page no="16"?> 5 Old and Middle English Dialects In the Old English translation of Bede’s Historia this account is somewhat more difficult to understand and also shorter: Ða wæs ymb feower hund wintra 7 nigon 7 feowertig fram ures Drihtnes menniscnysse, þæt Martianus casere rice onfeng 7 vii gear hæfde. Se wæs syxta eac feowertigum fram Augusto þam casere. Ða Angel þeod 7 Seaxna wæs gelaðod fram þam foresprecenan cyninge, 7 on Breotone com on þrim myclum scypum . . . Comon hi of þrim folcum ðam strangestan Germanie, þæt of Seaxum 7 of Angle 7 of Geatum. Of Geata fruman syndon Cantware, 7 Wihtsætan; þæt is seo ðeod þe Wiht þæt ealond oneardað. Of Seaxum, þæt is of ðam lande þe mon hateð Ealdseaxan, coman Eastseaxan 7 Suðseaxan 7 Westseaxan. And of Engle coman Eastengle 7 Middelengle 7 Myrce 7 eall Norðhembra cynn; is þæt land ðe Angulus is nemned, betwyh Geatum 7 Seaxum; is sæd of þære tide þe hi ðanon gewiton oð to dæge, þæt hit weste wunige. Since Bede mentions three ‘nations’ (þrym folcum), it can be assumed that the language now called Old English (or Anglo-Saxon) would have been far from homogeneous. Indeed, the written records of Old English show a considerable amount of variation, especially in the written representation of vowels in stressed syllables (see Writing Systems and § 2, 3 and 9). It has become customary to differentiate between several major dialects in Old English times: Northumbrian, Mercian, West Saxon and Kentish (see map inside the front cover). Since Northumbrian and Mercian have several linguistic features in common, these two dialects are often referred to as Anglian. The majority of the extant Old English texts show marked features of the West Saxon dialect. Remark: See Bähr (2001), Appendix 2, “Methods in Old English Dialectology”, pp. 176-191, on the problems of differentiating Old English dialects. It should be pointed out that the map for Old English dialects inside the front cover is highly arbitrary as to dialectal borders. Dialectal areas are based on the ancient borders of the former territories of Northumbria, Mercia, Kent and Wessex. Both maps have been supplied with the aim of contextualising and explaining the largely abstract terms for Old and Middle English dialects. The majority of early Middle English texts originate in a different area of England - in the so-called East Midland region, and are not descended from West Saxon. With reference to the major Old English dialectal areas these early Middle English texts are based on the Mercian dialect. In addition, the East Midland provenance of early Middle English texts is one of the major reasons for a high number of Scandinavian loan-words in these texts - a considerable part of the East Midland region had been granted to the Scandinavian invaders by the ‘Treaty of Alfred and Guthrum’ of 886. The long-standing use of the West Saxon standard had prevented a large-scale adoption of Scandinavian loan-words even into late West Saxon texts; however, loanwords must have been a regular feature of spoken late Old English. For Middle English a distinction of six major dialects has become customary: Northern, West Midlands, East Midlands, Southern, Kentish and London (see map inside back cover). Since the corpus of Middle English texts includes texts from all over the country, dialectal variation is a heavily marked feature of Middle English literature. <?page no="17"?> 6 The Origins of English Remark: The most important dialectal features of the individual texts will be pointed out at the end of the introductory sections. While in the past Middle English dialectology was based on the reflexes of Old English vowels and consonants in the five major dialects, the publication of A Linguistic Atlas of Late Medieval English (1986) has led to a major change in methodology. The criteria used in the Atlas (hereafter referred to as LALME) are a list of highly frequent words and their spellings (questionnaire method). On the basis of manuscripts to which a definite area of origin can be attributed, item maps were compiled. These item maps can then be used to determine the origin of other Middle English texts. Since this book contains earlier texts than those considered for the Atlas (“The period chosen for the Atlas is, in general, to be regarded as the century from 1350 to 1450, but the choice is itself problematic, and it has not been found practicable to keep strictly to those limits.”; I.3) and since the Atlas of Early Medieval English has not yet been published, some of the traditional methods have been used for determining the provenance of Middle English texts not covered by LALME. Information on the provenance of early Middle English texts found in Laing (1993) is also provided. Writing Systems Before Christian monks began to use the Latin alphabet from about the 7th century onwards, one of the runic alphabets (the ‘futhork’, see table below) was used by the Germanic tribes who had settled on the British Isles. A comparison of both writing systems will show that the runic alphabet had more signs than the Latin alphabet with its twenty-three characters. Compared to the alphabet used in Modern English, the Latin alphabet used in Old English times lacked the following characters: v (represented by u), j (represented by i) and w. The Anglo-Saxon Runic Alphabet (‘futhork’) <?page no="18"?> 7 Pronunciation Since Old English had additional sounds not found in Latin, the Old English scribes added several characters accordingly. Two characters for consonantal sounds were taken over from the runic alphabet: þ, Þ (thorn) and the so-called ‘wynn’ rune (for w). Only one character for a vowel sound had to be taken over from the runic alphabet: æ, Æ (aesh). A further character, ð, Ð (eth), was borrowed from the Irish inventory of characters. Occasionally, d and the digraph th were used instead of þ and ð, and <w> appeared as <uu>, <vv> or even <vu> or <uv>. Although Old English, Middle English and Modern English writing is based on the Latin alphabet, the letter shapes in both Old English and Middle English manuscripts are somewhat different if compared to contemporary practice (see pp. 93, 111, 197 and 211). The most conspicuous differences can be seen in the shapes of e, f, g, r, s and w. A composite alphabet for both Old English and Middle English includes the following series of characters: a, æ, b, c, d, e, f, g/ n , h, i, j, k, l, m, n, o, p, q, r, s, t, th/ þ/ ð, u/ v, v/ u, w/ uu/ vv, x, y and z; occasionally the ligature <œ> was used by Old English scribes. These characters could be used as single characters, double characters or in particular combinations. In Old English, two identical vowel signs in sequence are not very frequent (cf. O 7/ 4 aa and O 3/ 127 booc); however a fixed set of combinations occurs frequently: ea, eo, io and ie. It can be said with a high degree of certainty that these combinations represent diphthongs. With the exception of w, consonantal signs occur frequently as doublets (geminates). Special combinations of consonantal signs are: cg (always in post-vocalic position), sc (in preand post-vocalic position) and word initial cw-, hl-, hr-, hwand wl-, wr-. In Middle English, two identical vowel signs in sequence are quite frequent and usually indicate a long vowel, e. g. <ee>, whereas the sequence ea does not represent, as it did in Old English, a diphthong but a long, open e-sound. Since all Old English diphthongs were modified in Middle English times, typical graph-sequences indicating diphthongs in Middle English are: V+i or V+u/ w, e. g. ai, au/ aw; ei, eu/ ew; oi, ou/ ow and iu/ iw. Special combinations of two different consonantal characters are also a feature of Middle English; however, of the typical Old English word-initial patterns, only wrwas retained and hwis now written wh-. Pronunciation In contrast to Modern English, it can be said that every letter should be pronounced in reading Old English - thus, -mmshould be pronounced as a sequence of two m’s, cnas k+n, and word-final -e following a consonant must also be pronounced - e. g. swimman: s+w+i+m+m+a+n; cniht: k+n+i+/ x/ +t; cume: k+u+m+e. Old English Consonants Most consonants in Old English and Middle English may be pronounced as in Modern English: b d k l m n p t. In Old English and in most cases in Middle English w is much the same as in Modern English. <?page no="19"?> 8 The Origins of English c is pronounced / k/ when it occurs in combination with other consonants (except -cg-) or when it is preceded or followed by one of the vowels a, o, u or y; is pronounced / / in word-initial position when followed by i or in medial position between æ/ i and e and in word-final position when preceded by i. In O 1, this ‘palatalised’ c is marked by a superscript dot <c˙>. Examples are: c˙ild, c˙iric˙e, ic˙. cg is pronounced as its corresponding sequence dg / / in Modern English. Thus, Old English bricge can be pronounced as Modern English bridge; however, the wordfinal -e has to be pronounced as well. f, s can be voiced / v/ , / z/ and voiceless / f/ , / s/ . Voiced pronunciation only occurs in voiced contexts (i. e. between vowels and voiced consonants) and voiceless in all other positions, especially word-initial and word-final. g is pronounced as / g/ before a, o and u and when followed by a consonant; is pronounced / j/ in word-initial position when followed by i or e; in medial and final position when preceded by æ, e and i. In O 1 this palatalised g is indicated by a superscript dot, g˙ . Examples are: g˙ if, g˙ e¯ar, dæg˙ , hı ¯g˙ ; in medial position it was pronounced similarly to ch as in Scottish loch or g as in some varieties of Modern German; e. g. magan / maxan/ . h in word-initial position is pronounced just as in Modern English; is pronounced / ç / after i or e; is pronounced / x/ after other vowels. r in word-initial position was pronounced probably as a trilled sound; in other positions it was pronounced as a guttural r. sc in word-initial position is usually pronounced just as sh in Modern English; is pronounced as / sk/ in words like a¯ scian, and maybe in Scottas (however, the variant Sceotta seems to indicate a pronunciation of sh- / ʃ / . þ, ð have a voiced articulation in voiced contexts; they were pronounced voiceless in all other positions, especially in word-initial and word-final position. Old English Vowels: Monophthongs It is important to be aware of the fact that Old English vowels are contrasted in two ways: according to their quality (just as in Modern English we differentiate between a, e, i, o, u etc.) and according to their quantity (i. e. length). In other words, in Old English, quantity always had phonemic implications, as in the two words go˘ d (short) = Modern English god and go¯ d (long) = Modern English good. a˘ resembles the quality of the u in Modern English cut; a¯ is similar to the quality of the a in Modern English father. æ˘ resembles the quality of the a in Modern English cat; 毯 is a ‘lengthened’ pronunciation of the same Modern English vowel. e˘ resembles the quality of the e in Modern English set; e¯ is a ‘lengthened’ pronunciation of the same Modern English vowel. ı ˘ resembles the quality of the i in Modern English pit; ı ¯ is pronounced as ee in Modern English meet. o˘ resembles the quality of the o in Modern English god; o¯ is a ‘lengthened’ and ‘closed’ pronunciation of the same Modern English vowel. <?page no="20"?> 9 Pronunciation u˘ resembles the quality of the u in Modern English put; u¯ is pronounced as oo in Modern English tooth. y˘ and y¯ have no correspondence in Modern English; the quality of these vowels resembles that of German ü or u in French, e. g. tu. Old English Vowels: Diphthongs As noted above, there were four diphthongs in Old English, ea, eo, io and ie, and these can be long or short. In all probability, e˘a and e¯a were pronounced as the combination of 毯 ˘ +a; e˘o and e¯o as e¯˘+o; ı ˘e and ı ¯e as ı ¯˘+e; ı ˘o and ı ¯o as ı ¯˘+o. Middle English Consonants The Middle English consonants b d h l m n p s t r w were probably pronounced as they are pronounced in Modern English. However, w in post-vocalic position is in many instances the second element of a diphthong (just as in Modern English know) or, always in combination with o, a digraph representing a ‘long’ u (as in found, which was pronounced as the <oo> in food). In general, there is a greater variety of spellings in Middle English due to the adoption of French writing practices in the wake of the Norman Conquest of 1066. It should be noted that after the feature ‘consonantal length’ (signalled by geminates) had been abolished and word-final -e was no longer pronounced, the above consonants can be found as geminates in medial position, i. e. -VCCe, as in wedde / wed/ . However, word-final -e could still be pronounced in poetry if required by the metre. The pattern -VCCe was used to indicate a short vowel from late Middle English onwards. The pronunciation of the other Middle English consonants and their representation in writing can be found in the table below. / / as in Modern English cheese is usually written <c> and later increasingly as <ch>, in medial position also <cch>. / k/ is usually written <c>, <k> (when followed by <i, e, n, l>), <qu>, <kk> and <ck>. / / as in Modern English bridge between vowels is usually written <gg>, in wordinitial position <g, j> and <i>; between palatal vowels and followed by n it is usually written <ng>, cf. Middle English senge, Modern English singe; in wordfinal position from the 15th century onwards it is increasingly written <dg>. / g/ is written < n , g> and <gu>; after consonantal length had been abolished the digraph <gg> can also be found. / f/ is usually written <f>, in French loanwords it is occasionally written <ph>; after consonantal length had been abolished the pattern <ff> was also used. / v/ is usually written <f, u, fu>, later also <v>. / θ / as in Modern English thanks is usually written <þ, ð, th, thþ>, occasionally <ht>. / ð/ as in Modern English that is usually written <þ, ð, th>, occasionally <ht>. / z/ is usually written <s, n , z>. / ʃ / as in Modern English ship is usually written <sc, ss, sh, sch>; later also <ch, schch, ssh, ssch, schs, sshs>. <?page no="21"?> 10 The Origins of English / x/ as in German ‘ach’ is usually written <h, n , g, n h>, rarely <gh>; later on usually <gh>, in the northern areas also <ch>. / / as in Modern English aspirated (i. e. with breath) which is usually written <wh, w>, in the northern areas also <quh, qu, qw>. / ŋ / as in Modern English thing and always preceding g and k: <ng> and <nk>. / w/ in the earliest texts the ‘wynn’ rune can still be found; later it is written <w, u, v>. / j/ as in Modern English yes is usually written < n > and <g>; in late Middle English <y>, in the northern areas <yh>. Middle English Vowels: Monophthongs The short monophthongs e, o are mostly written <e> and <o>. Vowels in unstressed syllables are usually written <e>. / i/ is usually written <i>; from the 13th century onwards and in the context of n, m, v, u, w it is frequently written <y>, occasionally <u>. / œ/ as in Modern German ‘hölzern’ retained in the dialect of the WML and the South until the late 12th century is written <eo, ue, œ, o> and later <u>. / a/ <a, æ, e> and <ea> in early texts. / u/ <u> or <v>, in the context of m, n, v, w it is frequently written <o>. / y/ as in Modern German ‘Mütze’ is usually written <u> in the areas where it had not been unrounded (see § 10). The word-final pattern -V+C+e is increasingly used to indicate words with a long monophthong. / i: / is usually written <i>, occasionally <ii>, <ij> and later, especially in the context of m, n and v also <y>; in addition, the digraphs <ei> and <ey> can be found. / e: / is written <e, eo, œ, ue, o, eu, u> in early texts, later usually <e> and <ei>. / ε : / as in Modern German ‘schwer’ is written <æ, ea> and <e> until 1300, later usually written <e> and <ee>, from the 15th century onwards <ea>. / a: / is usually written <a>, sometimes <aa>; in the north <ai, ay> are also used. / ɔ : / as in Modern English thought up to the 13th century usually written <a, o, oa>, later <o> and <oo>; in late Middle English <oa> can be found again; French practice can be seen in <oe>. / o: / until the 14th century written <o>; later frequently <oo>, still later occasionally <ou, oe>. / u: / until the 13th century usually written <u, uw, ow>, thereafter <ou, ov, ow>, in northern areas <o> can be found. / ø: / as in Modern German ‘schön’ only in the dialects of the WML and the SW until the 14th century; there it is written <eo, oe, ue, o, eu, u>. / y: / as in Modern German ‘trübe’ is usually written <y, u, ui, uy> in the areas where it had not been unrounded (see § 10). <?page no="22"?> 11 Pronunciation Middle English Vowels: Diphthongs As pointed out above, none of the Middle English diphthongs are based on the diphthongs of Old English. Middle English diphthongs are the product of contextually conditioned changes of earlier monophthongs; see § 4 for the origin of Middle English diphthongs. / ai/ as in Modern English aye is usually written <æi, ei, ey, e n , æ n , a n >; later, however, written <ai, ay, ei, ey>. / au/ as in Modern English now is usually written <au>; when followed by a v is usually written <aw>. / ou/ as in Modern English show is usually written <aw, au, ou, ow>; later on exclusively <ou> and <ow>. / iu/ as in Modern English few is usually written <iw, eow, uw, ew, eu>; later also written <ew, eu, uw, u, w, iu, iw, yw, ui>. / eu/ as in Modern German ‘Feuer’ is usually written <eouw, eow, uw, eaw, ew, eu>; later generally <eu> and <ew>. / oi/ is written <oi> and <oy>. / ui/ as in Modern English gooey is written <oi> and <oy>; occasionally also <ui>. For the system of phonemic contrast consult Samuels (1972: 135-153). Detailed accounts can be found in Barber (2006), Baugh/ Cable (1978), Berndt (1982), Brunner (1960-62), Faiß (1989), Görlach (1994), Lass (1999), Luick (1964), Pinsker (1969), Pyles (1971/ 2004), Romaine (1998) and Strang (1970). <?page no="23"?> 2. Phonology § 1 General Remarks This section is concerned first of all with those specific phonetic contexts which can be shown to have been decisive in the history of English. Thus, the history of vowels and consonants from West Germanic to Old English will not be traced, as is often the case in introductory handbooks; the focus is rather on the influence of these contexts on the development of vowels and consonants in stressed syllables. The first of these contexts to be considered is restricted to Old English and affects the development of West Germanic *a (both short and long). According to traditional terminology the context is that of brightening and retraction and involves the quality of the vowels which follow the accented syllable. As will be seen below, this development is the root of some of the dialectal differences in Middle English. The second context can be called ‘the influence of post-vocalic consonants and consonant groups’; according to the terminology of older accounts these contexts comprise West Saxon and Kentish breaking in Old English times; new diphthongs in Middle English; and the early modern changes due to the influence of tautosyllabic (i. e. belonging to the same syllable) post-vocalic r. The third area concerns differences in vowel quality which cannot be directly attributed to a specific and well definable context. In traditional terminology, this is the process called i-mutation. In a fourth section, the important quantitative changes in the history of English will be considered. Finally, there is a brief account of one of the most decisive changes in the history of English vowel sounds: the Great Vowel Shift. A summary of the reflexes of Old English vowels (both monophthongs and diphthongs) in Middle English will also be provided. § 2 West Germanic Monophthongs and Diphthongs West Germanic *a˘ was regularly raised (‘brightened’) to æ˘ in West Saxon and Northumbrian; however, it was raised even further to e˘ in the Mercian and Kentish dialects. West Germanic *a¯ was regularly raised to 毯 in West Saxon, but to e¯ in the other dialects of Old English. This difference can be seen in examples like West Saxon dæg versus Kentish and Mercian deg ‘day’; and West Saxon l毯 dan and Anglian and Kentish le¯dan ‘to lead’. This regular process was blocked by a nasal consonant (m or n) immediately following West Germanic *a¯˘. In this phonetic context the short vowel is written both a and o: land, lond ‘land’. The long vowel is written o: spo¯ n ‘spoon’, mo¯ na ‘moon’. The regular development of West Germanic *a¯˘ was also blocked by a velar vowel (a, o, u) in the next syllable. This special development can still be seen in the paradigm of the nouns dæg ‘day’ and m毯 g ‘kinsman’: <?page no="24"?> 13 Vowel Change: Post-vocalic Consonants N sg. dæg m毯 g N pl. dagas ma¯gas G sg. dæges m毯 ges G pl. daga ma¯ga D sg. dæge m毯 ge D pl. dagum ma¯gum A sg. dæg m毯 g A pl. dagas ma¯gas. In Middle English times, this difference was levelled out. However, in earlier texts it can still be found, written as dayes M 11/ 11 (from the singular, see § 5) versus dawes M 5/ 19 (from the plural, see § 6). The regular development of West Germanic *a¯˘ in West Saxon was also blocked by the processes called ‘breaking’ (see next section), i-mutation (short a only; see § 9), and when the consonant w followed directly after the vowel. This can be seen for example in the third tense stem of the strong verb sa¯ won ‘(they) saw’, in contrast to cw毯 don ‘(they) spoke’, both belonging to class 5. Remark: For the process called ‘back umlaut’ or ‘back mutation’ and its consequences on æ see Brunner (1967: 80-89), Campbell (1974: 85-93), and Hogg (1992: 152-166). All West Germanic diphthongs were modified in Old English, as a comparison with Modern German will show. *ai > a¯ : sta¯ n, ha¯ t: ‘Stein, heiß’ *au > e¯a: e¯age, e¯ac: ‘Auge, auch’ *eu > e¯o: de¯op, de¯or: ‘tief, Tier’ *iu > ı ¯o > e¯o: lı ¯ode, le¯ode: ‘Leute’. Vowel Change: Post-vocalic Consonants and Consonant Groups § 3 West Saxon and Kentish Breaking Evidence of breaking is an important criterion in Old English dialectology; it can be used to differentiate the southern from both the midlands and northern dialects, i. e. ‘Anglian’ versus West Saxon and Kentish texts. Primary short palatal monophthongs (i. e. original, not palatal as a result of i-mutation, see § 9) followed by r+C or l+C are represented by a sequence of two vowel signs representing a diphthong in West Saxon and Kentish. In the Anglian dialects a monophthong remains; however, in the case of æ+l+C the æ is lowered to a; cf. WS eald, Anglian ald. æ˘ > e˘a: e˘arm ‘arm’; he˘ard ‘hard’ e˘ > e˘o: he˘orte ‘heart’; e˘orl ‘earl’ ı ˘ > ı ˘o > e˘o: hı ˘orde, he˘orde, WS hierde ‘shepherd’ æ˘ > e˘a e˘ald ‘old’ e˘ > e˘o seolh ‘seal’ It should be noted that the combination r+C seems to have had a stronger effect on the preceding vowel than the combination l+C; in West Saxon, breaking occurs regularly only before l+h and l+c, whereas in Kentish l+f also leads to breaking - WS, Anglian self, Kentish seolf. <?page no="25"?> 14 Phonology Both short and long primary palatal vowels were subject to breaking when they were followed by h (which could be followed by a second consonant). 毯 ˘ > e¯˘a: ne¯ah ‘near’ e¯˘ > e¯˘o: fe˘ohtan ‘to fight’ (no forms with *e¯ have survived) ı ¯˘ > ı ¯˘o > e¯˘o: mı ˘ox, me˘ox (<x> for / xs/ ) ‘dung’; le¯oht ‘light’ (adjective). Breaking can be seen especially in the first and second tense stems of strong verbs belonging to classes 3 and 5 (see § 69, 71) where verbs with and without breaking can be found: feohtan feaht breaking throughout (V+h) se¯on seah breaking throughout (V+h) ceorfan cearf breaking throughout (V+r+C) helpan healp breaking second stem only (V+l+C) specan spæc no breaking context. § 4 New Diphthongs in Middle English New diphthongs in Middle English can be attributed to the context specified above: V+C. Some of the changes occurred in late Old English times already, in particular in the sequence palatal vowel+g (where g represented the semi-vowel / j/ ). In Middle English times, there is an even greater variety of post-vocalic contexts, all of which led to new diphthongs or, in some instances, long monophthongs. The new Middle English diphthongs share an important feature: the second element is i in palatal contexts and u in velar contexts. Middle English words with the diphthongs oi and ui do not fit this pattern, as the first elements are velar vowels. It can thus be inferred that these words must have a different origin; indeed, they are loan-words, for example French noise; in boy, the etymology is far from being clear. § 5 Old English Palatal Vowels + <g> A palatal vowel followed by g (/ j/ ) became a diphthong of which the second vowel was written either <i> or <y>: OE æ˘ +g > æi, ai, ay: OE dæg, fæger > ME dai, day, fair OE 毯 +g > ei, ey and later ai, ay: OE l毯 gon > ME laie(n), laye(n) OE e˘+g > ei, ey and later ai, ay: OE plegian > ME pleie(n), playe(n) OE e¯+g > ei, ey and later ai, ay: Old Kentish gre¯g > ME grai, gray. When followed by a vowel the usual development is to Middle English ı ¯ followed by schwa ( ə ): OE e¯age > ye [i: (j) ə ] OE ı ¯˘+g > ı ¯ beginning in late Old English: OE nigon > ME nı ¯n(e) The development of Old English y¯˘+g into Middle English is more complicated because the dialects have different results: ME bi o eþ (North, EML) OE he byg˙ eþ ME bu o eþ > buieþ (WML, SW) ME be o eþ (Kentish) <?page no="26"?> 15 Vowel Change: Post-vocalic Consonants ME drı ¯ o e > drı ¯e, dry¯e (North, EML) OE dry¯g˙ e ME dru o e > druie, druye (WML, SW) ME dre¯ o e > drı ¯e (Kentish) § 6 Old English Velar Vowels + <g> Following a velar vowel, g represented a voiced fricative / γ / . This fricative was replaced by the velar vowel u (written both u and w) and became thus the second element of a new diphthong. OE a˘ +g > au, aw: OE dagas > ME dawes OE a¯ +g > ou, ow: OE a¯ gen > ME owen OE o¯˘+g > ou, ow: OE boga, slo¯ gon > ME bowe, slowen OE u¯˘+g > u, uu, ou and ow: OE fugol, bu¯ gan > ME foul, bouen § 7 Old English Vowels + <w> In OE, a post-vocalic <w> represented a semi-vowel; in ME times the semi-vowel became a full vowel and combined with the preceding vowel to form a diphthong with u as the second element. This process had already begun in late Old English times. In many such instances OE w continued to be written <w> in ME times. OE a˘ +w > au, aw: OE awel > ME awel, aul OE a¯ +w > ou, ow: OE bla¯ wan > ME blowe(n) OE o¯ +w > ou, ow: OE flo¯ wan > ME flowe(n) OE 毯 +w > eu, ew: OE l毯 wed > ME lewed OE e¯a+w > eu, ew: OE fe¯awe > ME fewe OE e¯˘o+w > eu, ew: OE speowian, bre¯owan > ME spewe(n), brewe(n) OE ı ¯+w > iw, ue: OE Tı ¯wesdæg > ME Tiwesday, Tuesday Remark: Post-vocalic w in Old English when preceded by e˘ or ı ˘ generally caused diphthongs, as can be seen in OE hweowol ‘wheel’ and ðrı ˘owa ‘thrice’. Post-vocalic w following West Germanic *a¯˘ blocked the usual development to Old English 毯 ˘ (see § 2). § 8 Old English Vowels + <h> It is important to bear in mind that there are two basic contexts which need to be differentiated: palatal V+h resulting in the new sequence palatal V+i+h/ gh and velar V+h resulting in the new sequence velar V+u/ w+h/ gh. The post-vocalic fricative written <h> ultimately became silent and the new diphthong or long monophthong was a compensation for the loss of a consonant. In some cases, the former fricative h developed into a new fricative f in which case it is always preceded by either a long or a short vowel, as in laugh and cough. It should be noted that the vowel glides in Middle English times and their subsequent developments are very different from West Saxon and Kentish breaking (see § 3), in which the post-vocalic fricative seems to have been retained and in which only palatal vowels followed by h were affected. OE e˘+h > ei > ai: OE þeh > ME þeigh OE e¯+h > ei > ı ¯: OE ne¯h > ME neih OE a˘ +h > au: OE naht > ME naught <?page no="27"?> 16 Phonology OE a¯ +h > ou: OE na¯ ht > ME nought OE o˘ +h > ou: OE gefohten > ME foughte(n) OE o¯ +h > ou > u¯ : OE geno¯ h > ME ynough Old English Vowels: Further Changes Even today, different vowels qualities can be found in etymologically related words, such as tooth versus teeth, brother vs. brethren and so on. In Old and Middle English these differences were even more numerous. They can be traced back to the influence of the vowel i or the semi-vowel j in the next syllable. This syllable was either syncopated (see § 21) or the i or j was weakened to e. This process is called i-mutation and can also be found in other Germanic languages, for example German. § 9 Old English i-mutation Except for e and 毯 (from West Germanic *a¯ , see § 2) Old English vowels were subject to i-mutation, as can be seen in the following table: u¯˘ > y¯˘ , later ı ¯˘ - as in mu¯ s (singular) and my¯s (plural) o¯˘ > œ¯¯ ˘ > e¯˘ - as in long (positive) and lengra (comparative) a˘, æ˘ > æ > e - as in lang (positive) and lengra (comparative) a¯ > 毯 (from West Germanic *ai) - as in sta¯ n (noun) and st毯 nen (adjective) ı ¯˘o > ı ¯˘e > ı ¯˘, y¯˘ - as in wulle (noun) and wyllen (adjective) e¯˘a > ı ¯˘e > ı ¯˘, y¯˘ in West Saxon, otherwise e¯˘ - as in gele¯afa (noun) and gelı ¯efan (verb) e¯o > ı ¯e - se¯on (infinitive) and siehþ (3rd singular present indicative) The results of i-mutation are therefore a raising of palatal vowels and a fronting of velar vowels. While it is difficult to point out the factors responsible for these changes, it would appear that the results of i-mutation (raising and fronting) contributed to a kind of vocalic harmony, avoiding extreme qualitative contrast between two adjoining syllables. The effects of i-mutation in Old English can easily be seen in the following contexts: 1. In the 2nd and 3rd person singular present of strong verbs (abolished in early Middle English) 2. In the dative singular and nominative and accusative plural (occasionally also in the genitive singular) of athematic nouns (i-mutation in the dative singular was abolished in early Middle English; it was retained and indeed generalised throughout the plural) 3. In the dative singular of three of the five nouns expressing family relationship: bro¯ þor, mo¯ dor and dohtor (abolished in early Middle English) 4. In the comparative and superlative of certain adjectives and adverbs (abolished in early Middle English except for elder, eldest) 5. In the present stem of the weak verbs belonging to class Ib (as for example tell versus told) <?page no="28"?> 17 Old English Vowels in Middle English In the following areas i-mutation was a regular feature, even though there are no longer any non-mutated forms: 6. In class I weak verbs derived from nouns (de¯man ‘deem’ and do¯ m ‘doom’) 7. In nouns belonging to the i-stems (cyme ‘arrival’ and cuman ‘come’) 8. In adjectives derived from nouns using the suffix *-iþ- (lengþu ‘length’ and lang, long ‘long’) 9. In adjectives derived from nouns using the suffix *-ı ¯na (gylden ‘golden’ and gold) 10. In feminine nouns derived from masculine nouns (wylf ‘she-wolf’ and wulf ‘hewolf’). Old English Vowels and their Continuation in Middle English § 10 Monophthongs Old English short monophthongs remained much the same in Middle English times, except for / æ/ which was lowered to / a/ and / y/ which was either unrounded or remained the same (see below). Old English long monophthongs also remained much the same in Middle English, except for a¯ which was raised to a long open o / ɔ : / in the areas south of the River Humber; in the north, Old English a¯ remained unchanged. Old English 毯 was slightly raised to a long, open e-sound / ε : / and West Saxon 毯 , derived from West Germanic a¯ , was also raised to / ε : / . The development of Old English y¯˘ in the various dialects of Middle English can be summarised thus: / i/ , / i: / North and EML OE y¯˘ > ME / y/ , / y: / WML and Southwest / e/ , / e: / Kent and Southeast § 11 Diphthongs All Old English diphthongs became monophthongs in Middle English; these changes had already started in late Old English times, with transitional stages in the 11th century. OE e˘a > ME æ > a OE e˘o > ME / ø/ > e OE e¯a > ME / æ: / > e˛¯, approximately MnE / ε : / OE e¯o > ME / ø: / > e ˙¯, approximately MnE / e: / <?page no="29"?> 18 Phonology English Vowels: Quantitative Changes § 12 Old English Lengthening Lengthening took place either very early, i. e. before our first written records, or in late Old English times. Early lengthening results from the loss of a consonant in certain contexts: the consonants involved are h, w and g. Loss of h occurred regularly when the consonant was preceded and followed by a vowel. Thus, the infinitive se¯on has a long diphthong, whereas the preterite seah has a short diphthong, because the h was retained. There are quite a number of verbs in Old English showing quantitative differences in the present tense forms on the one hand and the preterite on the other; these verbs are called ‘contracted verbs’. A similar quantitative contrast sometimes occurs in the inflection of nouns ending in -h: the consonant is lost when the inflectional syllable begins with a vowel. This is the case in OE feoh (nominative) and fe¯os (genitive): the inflectional syllable for the genitive is -es, therefore -h-, now in intervocalic position, was dropped and compensatory lengthening occurred. A similar loss of h occurred in the combination -rhVand -lhV-, see for example OE fe¯olan (infinitive) and fealh (preterite). Word-final w after vowels was also dropped, with compensatory lengthening; see for example, OE cne¯o (nominative) and cneowes (genitive). Especially in late West Saxon, palatal g was dropped when it was followed by either d or n; see for example sægde and s毯 de as well as frignan and frı ¯nan. In late Old English times, lengthening occurred before consonant groups consisting of either a liquid (l, r) or nasal (m, n) followed by a homorganic voiced plosive (b) or any other homorganic voiced consonant. The consonant groups which triggered lengthening are mb, nd, ng, ld, rd as well as rl, rn and rð, rs when followed by a vowel. As a rule, vowel length remained stable for i and u when followed by ld, mb, nd and for a when followed by ld. Modern English examples which were subject to late Old English lengthening are: child, climb, bind and bound as well as old. Lengthening, however, did not occur when a third consonant followed. This can be seen in Modern English child, based on lengthened / i: / , and Modern English children where lengthening was blocked by the third consonant. As a rule, lengthening also did not occur when a word was used in an unstressed position, such as auxiliaries (scolde, wolde), prepositions (under) and conjunctions (and). § 13 Old English Shortening Originally long vowels were shortened before three consonants (go¯ dspell > go˘ dspell) and also before two consonants, if at least two unstressed syllables followed (hla¯ fmæsse > hlamæsse). Shortening also occurred in words which were used in unstressed positions (þe¯ah > þeah). In the period of transition from Old to Middle English, shortening also took place when a long vowel was followed by two consonants (except for homorganic groups) which require great articulatory effort. This condition is fulfilled for example in OE bro¯ hte with its sequence long vowel followed by a fricative followed by a voiceless dental stop. <?page no="30"?> 19 English Vowels: Quantiative Changes § 14 Middle English Lengthening This process can be assigned to the 12th and 13th centuries. Lengthening only took place in words consisting of two syllables of which the first ended in a vowel (an ‘open syllable’) and the second had a vowel other than i. Lengthening in this context occurred regularly with a, e, o in the first syllable. Examples are: OE na˘ -ma > ME na¯ -me OE be˘-ran > ME be¯-re OE no˘ -su > ME no¯ -se As a rule, lengthening did not occur when a word was used in an unstressed position, as for example have, versus Modern English behave. Lengthening also did not occur when the vowel of the second syllable was i: see OE ma-nig ‘many’, he-fig ‘heavy‘, pe-nig ‘penny’ which have a short vowel in Modern English. With i or u in the first syllable, lengthening also involved a lowering of the initial quality of the vowel and occurred mainly in the northern areas. Some northern lengthened forms were taken over by the standard language. Examples are: OE wu˘ -du > ME wo¯ -de ‘wood’ OE wı ˘-cu > ME we¯-ke ‘week’ Middle English lengthening probably occurred as compensatory lengthening in order to avoid too great a number of monosyllabic words with a short syllable. It should also be seen in the context of the loss of word-final e (see § 22). § 15 Middle English Shortening Shortening took place in later Middle English when a long vowel was followed by two (or more) consonants, occasionally even before two homorganic consonants (see § 12). Shortening also took place when two unstressed syllables followed, as for example ME ho˘ liday versus the adjective holy / h ɔ : li/ . § 16 Early Modern English Quantitative Changes Long monophthongs could be shortened in the 16th or 17th century when either a dental consonant or the consonant / k/ followed immediately. This shortening has occurred in book, foot, good with underlying late Middle English o¯ , raised to [u: ] by the Great Vowel Shift (see § 18) and thereafter shortened to / υ / . Shortening of late Middle English o¯ has also taken place in blood; however, the Modern English pronunciation is / / . These differences clearly indicate that the present distribution of / u: / , / / and / υ / must have evolved gradually and over a longer period of time. Late Middle English short a was lengthened before voiceless fricatives and became [æ: ], such as in staff, glass and path. This lengthened vowel [æ: ] is still a feature of American English, while in British English it was lowered to [ ]. <?page no="31"?> 20 Phonology Late Middle and Early Modern English Developments § 17 Post-vocalic r and l In Modern British English, a post-vocalic r belonging to the same syllable is not pronounced. As a rule, the vowel preceding the r is either pronounced as a long monophthong, a diphthong or a triphthong, as for example in bird, moor and fire. The silencing of r in post-vocalic position started in late Middle English times and its effects can readily be seen in the lowering of earlier e+r to a+r, as for example in ME fer, ferre > late ME far; see M 6/ 13 fer and M 14/ 40 far. In late Middle English u-glides developed where short a, o, u is immediately followed by l, see for example tauld (M 14/ 140). The diphthong resulting from this change meant in many instances that further changes occurred during the Great Vowel Shift (see next section). In some words, the u-glide may have been responsible for the silencing of the post-vocalic l when it was followed by a further consonant, as for example in half. § 18 The Great Vowel Shift This change is perhaps the most important in the history of English vowel sounds. It began in the late 15th century and extended over several centuries, affecting late Middle English long monophthongs and diphthongs. The changes can be summarised thus: long vowels were raised and i as well as u became diphthongs; all diphthongs were monophthongised. So far no convincing hypotheses have been advanced as to the reasons for this change. The following table shows the major developments. lME eMnE MnE RP (as in) [a: ] [æ: ] [ ε : ] [e: ] [e i ] name [e: ] [i: ] [i: ] [i: ] meet [ ε : ] [e: ] [e: ] [e i ] great [i: ] [ ə i] [a i ] [a i ] ride [o: ] [u: ] [u: ] [u: ] boot [ ɔ : ] [o: ] [o: ] [ əυ ] boat [u: ] [ əυ ] [ əυ ] [a υ ] house [a υ ] [ ɔ : ] [ ɔ : ] [ ɔ : ] law [ ɔυ ] [o: ] [o: ] [ əυ ] snow [ai] [æ: ] [ ε : ] [e: ] [e i ] day [ əυ ] [i υ ] [yu] [yu] [ju: ] few [ ɔ i] [ ɔi ] [ ɔi ] [ ɔi ] boy [ υi ] [ əi ] [ əi ] [ ɔi ] [ ɔi ] join § 19 Early Modern English Short Vowels In general, most short vowels have remained much the same since late Middle English, unless they are followed by r or l (see § 17). Only late Middle English a and u show considerable changes: <?page no="32"?> 21 Vowels in Unstressed Syllables lME eMnE MnE RP (as in) [a] [æ] [æ] [æ] that [ υ ] [ ə ] [ ] [ ] [ ] but Vowels in Unstressed Syllables § 20 Qualitative Changes In Old English, the most important qualitative change is certainly the increasingly indistinct quality of the vowels of inflectional syllables. Originally, these vowels had the function of marking grammatical categories. Thus, in the case of nouns belonging to the a-stems, the ending -as marked both nominative and accusative plural, as for example stan-as; the ending -es marked genitive singular, as for example stan-es. Since in unstressed syllables a lost its former quality and tended towards schwa / ə / , written <e>, the inflectional syllable for the nominative/ accusative plural and for the genitive singular was no longer distinct. Therefore the different functions once signalled by the inflectional endings had to be inferred more and more from the context. The ‘new’ construction of+noun, expressing the concept possession, one of the chief functions of the inflected genitive, was increasingly adopted to distinguish the inflectional genitive from the plural, since both were marked by the same inflectional syllable. A similar development can be seen in the area of conjugational endings. In Old English, the ending -on indicates the category ‘preterite plural indicative’, whereas -en indicates ‘present and preterite plural subjunctive’, and -an ‘present infinitive’. A similarly poorly marked differentiation can be seen in the form of the third person present singular indicative, ending in many cases in -eþ, and the present plural indicative, ending mainly in -aþ. When the original quality of the vowel of these inflectional endings tended towards schwa / ə / and was increasingly written <e>, new means had to be found to differentiate the vitally important category mood, i. e. indicative versus subjunctive. § 21 Syncope The term ‘syncope’ denotes the loss of the medial syllables when inflectional syllables are added: ha¯ lig (nominative) plus dative ending (-um) would have led to *ha¯ l-ig-um, but actually resulted in ha¯ l-gum. Syncope after long syllables had already occurred before the first written records. This is the explanation for apparent irregularities in the paradigms of nouns and adjectives with a long vowel, as for example in bro¯ ðres (genitive) and bro¯ ðor (nominative); similarly ha¯ lgan (genitive singular) and ha¯ lig (nominative singular). In late Old, English syncope occurred also after a short vowel, in particular when the new sequence was C+l/ r, as can be seen in fingres (genitive) and finger (nominative) as well as micle and micele. <?page no="33"?> 22 Phonology § 22 Apocope The term ‘apocope’ denotes the loss of final vowels and consonants. Apocope is a marked feature especially of Middle English and should be seen together with Middle English Lengthening (see above, § 14). Apocope had already begun in late Old English, particularly in the northern dialect, where word-final -n in inflectional syllables disappeared. This process gained considerable momentum in Middle English and increasingly began to affect the vowel preceding the word-final -n. Ultimately, apocope led to the loss of almost all conjugational endings of verbs, including the infinitive. With reference to nouns, apocope resulted in the almost total abolition of the once highly frequent plural morphs -an, -en which survive only in Modern English oxen. It should be noted that even though word-final -n in inflectional syllables disappeared almost completely, it has been retained in the past participle of strong verbs in those cases where the contrast between present tense and non-finite preterite had originally been a quantitative one, as for example in Middle English wrı ¯te(n) (infinitive) and wrı ˘tten (past participle). It should also be noted that even though the final -n in inflectional syllables disappeared almost completely, the now word-final vowel, which gradually became silent, was retained in writing. Retaining the mute word-final -e in writing was an efficient means of indicating that the preceding vowel was long. In Modern English, the structure (C)+V+C+e is a reliable indication that the vowel is either pronounced as a diphthong or a long monophthong, as for example ate, write and rude. § 23 Parasitic Vowels Parasitic vowels may occur in unstressed syllables, especially when the stressed syllable ends in r or l and a further consonant follows. The parasitic vowel u is inserted after a velar vowel, i after a palatal vowel, in order to facilitate pronunciation. A parasitic vowel can be found in the genitive heriges (O 9/ 31; nominative here) and in the dative byrig (O 2/ 22 etc.; nominative burh). Consonants § 24 Fronting and Assibilation These two changes are very complex and affect the pronunciation of the original velar consonants g and k (written <c>), as well as the consonant group sk (written <sc>). It can be said with certainty that in a palatal context, the velar consonant g was either fronted to the semi-vowel j or became the affricate / / ; original velar k was fronted to / / and the consonant group sk became / ʃ / . These changes occurred before the earliest written records. Word initial k became / / and g became / j/ when followed by primary palatal vowels: see for example ceorl / eorl/ (‘churl’) as opposed to the German cognate ‘Kerl’ and giefan / jevan/ (‘give’) as opposed to German ‘geben’. <?page no="34"?> 23 Consonants Medially in palatal contexts, g became / j/ and / / and / k/ became / / as in dæges / dæjes/ (‘day’), sengan / sen an/ (‘singe’) and se¯can / se: an/ (‘seek’) as well as þencan / θ en an/ (‘think’). Word-final / k/ preceded by i became / / as in pic / pi / (‘pitch’); geminated g became / / when it followed a palatal vowel, as in secg / se / (‘man’), and / j/ as in dæg / dæj/ (‘day’). § 25 Initial Palatal Consonants Palatal consonants in word-initial position are frequently followed by vocalic digraphs; it is difficult to say whether these digraphs represent diphthongs proper or are simply an indication of the palatal quality of the preceding word-initial consonant or consonant group. The consonants involved are Germanic *j (<g>, <i>), and the fronted consonants k, c and g, as well as the consonant group sk (see § 24). Germanic *j in word-initial position followed by the velar vowel u is written as <iu->, <gio-> and <geo->, as for example in iung, giong, geong ‘young’; followed by o¯˘ the written forms are io and eo and when a¯ followed the form was e¯a: as for example geoc, gioc ‘yoke’ and ge¯ara ‘yore’. It can be shown by the later development of yoke and yore that the pattern is different from the ordinary Old English diphthongs which show a falling stress from the first to the second element; here, however, the second element was stressed. Word-initial palatal scfollowed by a velar vowel frequently triggers digraphs, as for example in sceolde compared to scolde ‘should’ or sceacan ‘shake’. Word-initial palatal sc-, g and c / / followed by a palatal vowel in West Saxon produced the following changes: e¯˘ > ı ¯˘e; 毯 ˘ > e¯˘a. Compare for example giefan ‘give’ and gı ¯et ‘yet’; sceaft ‘shaft’, ceaster ‘city’, geat ‘gate’. § 26 Assimilation and Dissimilation Both assimilation and dissimilation should be seen as strategies to facilitate the pronunciation of unwieldy consonant clusters. Assimilation is mainly a feature of word formation (composition and derivation) which often produces a direct sequence of two difficult consonants. Thus, -fmis usually assimilated to -mm-, as for example in Lammasse (M 1/ 1; < OE hla¯ fmæsse); it also occurs with -pf-, as for example in chaffare (M 7/ 33 < OE ce¯ap+faru); -vdusually becomes -dd-, as in ME hadde, hadden based on OE hæfde, hæfdon (see Old English Glossary under habban and Middle English Glossary under have). Old English ble¯tsunge (O 1/ 32) appears as Middle English blessyng (M 10.1/ 8) and Middle English lossum is based on OE le¯ofsum. Assimilation also affects the dental consonants þ and d when followed by either a liquid (l, r) or a nasal (m, n). Examples are OE fæder and Modern English father. Sequences of two words are also subject to assimilation when the first ends in and the second begins with a dental, as for example in atte on the basis of at+þe. Dissimilation took place in awkward consonant clusters, especially h or s preceding f or þ. This is the case in Modern English nostrils on the basis of Middle English nosethirles and Middle English is tat (M 2/ 30) based on is þat. <?page no="35"?> 24 Phonology § 27 Parasitic Consonants Parasitic consonants were added to facilitate the pronunciation of unwieldy consonant clusters: b, d in a voiced context and p, t in a voiceless context. In Middle English, parasitic consonants appear in the context of mr, nr, ml, nl, lr, mn as well as mt, ms, sn. A parasitic b appears in thromblede (M 3/ 38; ‘stumbled’); a parasitic d appears in Modern English thunder (< OE þunres (genitive) from þunor (nominative)). The voiceless parasitic p appears in nempnede (M 7/ 178) versus nemne (M 10.8/ 9). § 28 Metathesis Metathesis (i. e. transposition of two letters or sounds) most frequently occurs in the sequence -Vrh(t) in Old English which appears as -rV(g)h(t) in Middle English. Examples are ME wrohte, wroht, ywroght based on OE worhte, geworht (see glossaries under ‘wyrcan’ and ‘work’) and OE þurh versus Modern English through. A further context is Old English -rV+dental which appears later as -Vr+dental: OE þrittig (O 6/ 94) becomes Modern English thirty. § 29 Simplification of Consonant Groups This process affects mainly the consonants l, w, v, þ, as can be seen in the following examples. Old English -lc- / l / becomes Middle English / / as in suilce and swiche, Modern English such. Old English eal swa¯ is simplified to Middle and Modern English also. The voiced fricative v frequently disappears when followed by n or d, as for example in Middle English han, based on hav(e)n, or hed, heed, based on Old English he¯afod. § 30 Verner’s Law An exception to Grimm’s Law (see chapter 1) seems to be evident in the various qualities of stem-final consonants in the tense stems of some strong verbs. Verner’s Law provides an explanation for these differences. This variation can be seen in the first and second tense stems of strong verbs on the one hand, and the third and fourth stems on the other. The different consonants which result are a consequence of the shifting accent in Indo-European and its effects on fricatives. Verner’s Law states that fricatives become voiced when they occur in a voiced context, provided the accent does not fall on the preceding syllable. Since in Indo-European the position of the word accent depended on the number of syllables, whereas in Germanic it fell on the first syllable, the variation between voiced and voiceless fricatives was a regular phenomenon. Verner’s Law accounts for the regular variation between these pairs of voiced and voiceless fricatives: -´ f and v-´ ; -´ θ and ð-´ ; -´ x and γ -´ and -´ s and z-´ (-´ indicates the position of the accent). In Old English, the first and second tense stems can be traced back to Indo-European forms in which the accent preceded the stem-final consonant; fricatives in this position therefore remained voiceless. The third and fourth stems, however, are based on forms in which the accent in Indo-European shifted to a syllable following the stem-final <?page no="36"?> 25 Loanwords consonant; fricatives in this position therefore became voiced. Subsequent changes in the system of consonants and the peculiarities of the Old English writing system (no differentiation between voiceless / f/ and voiced / v/ ) have obscured this regular variation. Further, voiced / z/ became / r/ ; / γ / in certain contexts became / w/ and / ð/ became / d/ . As a result, the manifestation of Verner’s Law in Old English can be summarised as the variation between þ/ d, s/ r and h/ w - as in: weorþan, wearþ wurdon, worden ce¯osan, ce¯as curon, coren se¯on, seah sawon, sewen. Old English strong verbs like rı ¯san - ra¯ s - rı ˘son - risen show that Verner’s Law was gradually abandoned. In Modern English, Verner’s Law can still be seen in was - were and seethe - sodden. The operation of Verner’s Law will be pointed out in the section concerning strong verbs in Old English (see § 66 ff.). Loanwords § 31 Scandinavian Loanwords Most Scandinavian loanwords could be easily assimilated in Old English, with only slight changes, as both are Germanic languages. For most Scandinavian vowels Middle English had corresponding qualities, except for au which can be found with a wide variety of spellings; thus vindauga ‘window’ is written both windo o e and windowe. Scandinavian iu¯ usually appears as long close e in Middle English: miu¯ kr - meke (M 11/ 2). As far as word-initial consonants followed by a palatal vowel are concerned, Middle English shows a mixture of forms involving the consonants g, k and sk. Words inherited from Old English show a palatal word-initial consonant (see § 24), Scandinavian loanwords, however, guttural g, k and sk-: / jive/ versus / give/ ‘give’; / ir e/ versus / kirk/ ‘church’ and the characteristic word-initial / sk-/ as in skill, skies, etc. § 32 French Loanwords Since Old French was not a Germanic language, more efforts and a number of compromises had to be made in accommodating Old French loanwords within the phonetic system of Middle English. Whereas the Old French diphthongs ai, ei, au, eu, öu and ue could be easily adapted, oi had no correspondence in Middle English and was therefore adopted probably without any changes. Apart from in the West Midlands and the Southwest, there were no corresponding vowels for French / y/ ; it was in most cases taken over as / u/ . In Old French the sequence a+nasal+b/ f/ g/ ch was quite frequent, whereas in Middle English this pattern was not available. To accommodate the original pattern as closely as possible, diphthongs in au appear frequently: chaumber, sauf, aungell, braunch. <?page no="37"?> 3. Morphology Introduction This chapter will cover the following areas for both Old and Middle English: nouns, adjectives, adverbs, pronouns, numerals and verbs. An introduction to every part of speech summarises their pertinent properties, usually in contrast to Modern English, with occasional reference to Latin. An additional section is devoted to the discussion of the most important diachronic changes. Paradigms, supplemented with notes, show the most important inflectional forms. Nouns § 33 General Remarks For a better understanding of the several declensional classes of nouns and their development from Old to Middle English, some general remarks on the morphological properties of nouns and their grammatical categories are appropriate. In Indo-European, nouns consisted of a stem (root and suffixes, if any), a so-called thematic element indicating the declensional class, and an ending for case and number. For the nominative and accusative singular, the ending could be ∅ . The few nouns without a thematic element are usually called athematic nouns. These early characteristics of nouns can be illustrated by a few examples taken from Latin. Latin piscis ‘fish’ can be divided into stem - thematic element - inflectional ending: pisc-i-s; since the thematic element is i, piscis belongs to the so-called i-stems. Latin homo ‘man’ can be assigned to the so-called n-stems on the basis of the declensional form for the dative singular: hom-in-i. Latin genus ‘gender’, i. e. gen-us- ∅ in combination with its inflectional form for the dative singular gen-er-i can be assigned to the so-called s-stems. Finally, Latin urb-s ‘town’ shows that there is no thematic element between the stem and the declension ending; it therefore belongs to the athematic nouns. In Proto-Germanic and to an even greater extent in Old English, final syllables indicating both thematic element and inflection became indistinct when the word accent shifted to the preceding root syllable. This means there are hardly any characteristics left that indicate to which inflectional class a certain noun belongs. Nevertheless, there are some characteristics which help to determine the original final syllables through their influence on the vowel of the stressed syllable. Thus, the y in the Old English noun hyge ‘thought’ is a secondary palatal vowel caused by i-mutation of u (cf. Odin’s raven called ‘Huginn’) and therefore must have had the ending -iz, thus *hug-iz. In Old English, just as in Latin and Modern German, nouns had the following grammatical categories or parameters: <?page no="38"?> 27 Nouns 1. gender: feminine, masculine and neuter; starting in late Old English times, this category gradually became unimportant, and was practically abolished in Middle English; 2. case: nominative (vocative), genitive, dative (which could have instrumental function) and accusative; this category began to lose its importance from late Old English times onwards and was almost totally abolished in Middle English; 3. number: singular and plural. Most of these categories were poorly marked. Gender is unmarked and can only be determined for the singular in combination with demonstrative pronouns because their inflections express gender. Most endings can indicate several different cases and/ or numbers. The only ending which definitively marks the categories case and number is the sequence V+s. This is only found in the a-stems, as for example dæg-es (genitive singular) and dag-as (nominative or accusative plural). Since vowels in unstressed syllables (and inflectional syllables are never stressed) began to lose their once distinctive quality and were increasingly pronounced with the quality of a schwa / ə / , the word-final sequence V+s in late Old English can be assumed to have expressed the basic oppositions singular versus plural and common case versus possessive case. Retaining the original graph in these contexts (-es and -as) was the result of the stable writing system in West Saxon which was used until the 13th century. Diachronically, the word-final sequence V+s is the only stable inflectional element. In Middle English times, the category gender with its poor inflectional marking was abandoned quite early. The only indicator of gender in Middle English was the personal pronoun for the third person singular, since it retained the category gender. Under the influence of Norman, some Old English nouns took on a new gender, as for example love, sun, and moon; the first two were feminine in Old English and became masculine in Middle English, whereas the third was masculine in Old English and became feminine in Middle English. In Middle English writings feminine gender is sometimes associated with small birds, such as the nightingale. In M 8/ 6-7 reference to the fox is made by means of the personal pronoun he. Gender can also be expressed in allegorical poetry, when personifications like justice, love or truth are referred to by pronouns; see M 7/ 241-242: Til Abstinence myn aunte haue o eue me leue - / And o ut haue y hated here al my lyf-tyme. In many of these instances, gender is taken over from the source language, usually either Latin or French. The category case was retained in early Middle English, especially in the (linguistically) more conservative southern areas. Nevertheless, it was gradually replaced - except for the inflected genitive - by analytical means, such as prepositions and word order, differentiating direct and indirect objects, as well as marking adverbials. In late Old English, constructions can be found which express the idea origin, one of the major functions of the genitive, by the preposition of. Under the influence of de, which in French marks origin and expresses a possessive relation, the prepositional phrase of+noun gradually took over all the other functions of the old inflected genitive (see § 98). Of the former grammatical categories, number has remained fairly stable. There were some changes; however, these led to a more reliable distinction between singular <?page no="39"?> 28 Morphology and plural. The phonologically stable word-final pattern V+s from the a-stems to show plural gradually replaced the other inflectional endings which had also expressed plural. The significance of the almost universal plural marker is underlined by the fact that in a few instances, a new singular without -s was introduced for nouns inherited from Old English or borrowed from Norman which ended in -s; as for example Old English piose, peose and the Modern English singular pea, and Old French cherise and the Modern English singular cherry. Even though the number of Old English nouns which express plural by the ending -an was very high, only Modern English oxen has retained this marking. Athematic nouns (see § 44) had different vowel qualities in the nominative and accusative plural, cf. mu¯ s (singular) and my¯s (plural). This characteristic was also retained to a small extent. In general, it can be said that the major changes in the system of English nouns had been effected by late Middle English times. § 34 Inflection of Nouns In Old English, three basic types of inflection have to be considered: nouns with a vocalic thematic element, nouns with a consonantal thematic element and the so-called athematic nouns (radical consonant declension). As a rule, it is very difficult to infer the inflectional class to which a noun belongs on the basis of the data available. This is due to the reduction of unstressed syllables which once conveyed this information (see § 21 and 22). With reference to the older Indo-European languages, ten declensions or stems can be reconstructed: four vocalic declensions (also called ‘strong’ declension), five consonantal declensions (also called ‘weak’ declension) and the so-called athematic declension. 1. a-stems (Indo-European o-stems) 6. r-stems 2. o¯ -stems (Indo-European a¯ -stems) 7. nt-stems 3. i-stems 8. s-stems 4. u-stems 9. t-stems 5. n-stems 10. athematic stems. Despite this great diversity and a general lack of clearly marked categories, there are three rules for determining both case and number, though not gender, for all stems: - the nominative and accusative plural have the same ending; - the genitive plural of all nouns ends in -a; - the dative plural of all nouns ends in -um (late West Saxon in -an). <?page no="40"?> 29 Nouns § 35 The a-stems Nouns belonging to this class are either masculine or neuter. The declension of masculine nouns is illustrated by dæg ‘day’, sta¯ n ‘stone’ and finger. The declension of neuter nouns is illustrated by lim ‘limb’, word and he¯afod ‘head’. shortlongpolysyllabic N sg. dæg lim sta¯n word finger he¯afod G dæges limes sta¯nes wordes fingres he¯afdes D dæge lime sta¯ne worde fingre he¯afde A dæg lim sta¯n word finger he¯afod N pl. dagas limu sta¯nas word fingras he¯af(o)du G daga lima sta¯na worda fingra he¯afda D dagum limum sta¯num wordum fingrum he¯afdum A dagas limu sta¯nas word fingras he¯af(o)du Remark: Neuter nouns with a short stem have -u in the nominative and accusative plural (see lim), those with a long stem do not have an ending at all (see word). The Modern English noun sheep was a neuter noun with a long stem in Old English; this explains why there is no -s marking the plural in Modern English. The a-stems have two subgroups: the so-called ja-stems and the wa-stems. Nouns belonging to the first subgroup show i-mutation and gemination when the stem syllable is short; those belonging to the second subgroup have either -u or -w following the stem-final consonant. The paradigm for the ja-stems is for here ‘army’ and secg ‘man’, both masculine, and cynn ‘race’ and wı ¯te ‘punishment’, both neuter. The paradigm for the wa-stems is for bearu ‘grove’ (masc.) and searu ‘device’ (neuter). N sg. here secg cynn wı ¯te G herges secges cynnes wı ¯tes D herge secge cynne wı ¯te A here secg cynn wı ¯te N pl. hergas secgas cynn wı ¯tu G herga secga cynna wı ¯ta D hergum secgum cynnum wı ¯tum A hergas secgas cynn wı ¯tu N sg. bearu searu N pl. bearwas searu G bearwes searwes G bearwa searwa D bearwe searwe D bearwum searwum A bearu searu A bearwas searu <?page no="41"?> 30 Morphology § 36 The o¯ -stems All nouns in this class are feminine. The paradigm is for talu ‘tale’, wund ‘wound’, and sa¯ wol ‘soul’. shortlongpolysyllabic N sg. talu, -o wund sa¯wol G tale wunde sa¯wle D tale wunde sa¯wle A tale wunde sa¯wle N pl. tala, -e wunda, -e sa¯wla, -e G tala, -ena wunda, -ena sa¯wla D talum wundum sa¯wlum A tala, -e wunda, -e sa¯wla, -e The o¯ -stems also have two subgroups; the so-called jo¯ -stems and the wo¯ -stems. The paradigm for the first subgroup is for synn ‘sin’ and gierd ‘rod’. The paradigm for the second subgroup is for sinu ‘sinew’ and l毯 s ‘pasture’. N sg. synn gierd sinu l毯 s G synne gierde sinwe l毯 swe D synne gierde sinwe l毯 swe A synne gierde sinwe l毯 swe N pl. synna, -e gierda, -e sinwa, -e l毯 swa, -e G synna gierda sinwa l毯 swa D synnum gierdum sinwum l毯 swum A synna, -e gierda, -e sinwa, -e l毯 swa, -e § 37 The i-stems Nouns in this class can be any gender. In late Old English, the masculine and neuter nouns joined the a-stems; the feminine nouns joined the o¯ -stems. The paradigm is for stice ‘stitch’ and giest ‘guest’ (masc.), spere ‘spear’ (neuter) and d毯 d ‘deed’ (fem.). N sg. stice g(i)est spere d毯 d G stices g(i)estes speres d毯 de D stice g(i)este spere d毯 de A stice g(i)est spere d毯 d N pl. stice, -as g(i)estas speru, -o d毯 de, -a G stica g(i)esta spera d毯 da D sticum g(i)estum sperum d毯 dum A stice, -as g(i)estas speru, -o d毯 de, -a Remark: Abstract nouns ending in -scipe are declined like masculine nouns with a short syllable. <?page no="42"?> 31 Nouns § 38 The u-stems Nouns beloning to this class are either feminine or masculine. In late Old English, feminine nouns join the o¯ -stems, masculine nouns the a-stems. The paradigm is for sunu ‘son’ and feld ‘field’ (masc.) as well as duru ‘door’ and hand (fem.). short long short long N sg. sunu, -o, -a feld duru hand G suna felda, -es dura handa D suna, -u, -o felda, -e dura handa A sunu, -o, -a feld dura hand N pl. suna, -u, -o felda, -as dura handa G suna felda dura handa D sunum feldum durum handum A suna, -u, -o felda, -as dura handa § 39 The n-stems Nouns belonging to this group are either feminine or masculine; there are only two neuter nouns, e¯age and e¯are. The paradigm is for hunta (masc.) ‘hunter’, fle¯a (masc.) ‘flea’, e¯age (neuter) ‘eye’, tunge (fem.) ‘tongue’ and be¯o (fem.) ‘bee’. contracted contracted N sg. hunta fle¯a e¯age tunge be¯o G huntan fle¯an e¯agan tungan be¯on D huntan fle¯an e¯agan tungan be¯on A huntan fle¯an e¯age tungan be¯on N pl. huntan fle¯an e¯agan tungan be¯on G huntena fle¯ana e¯agena tungena be¯ona D huntum fle¯a(u)m e¯agum tungum be¯om A huntan fle¯an e¯agan tungan be¯on Remark: Many feminine nouns with a short vowel end in -u in the nominative singular (similar to nouns with short vowels belonging to the o¯ -stems). <?page no="43"?> 32 Morphology § 40 The r-stems Only five nouns belong to this class, all expressing family relationship: brother, daughter, sister, father and mother. Brother, mother and daughter show i-mutation in the dative singular: bre¯þer, me¯der, dehter. masculine feminine N sg. fæder bro¯ þor mo¯ dor dohtor sweostor G fæder, -eres bro¯ þor mo¯ dor dohtor sweostor D fæder bre¯þer me¯der dehter sweostor A fæder bro¯ þor mo¯ dor dohtor sweostor N pl. fæderas bro¯ þor, mo¯ dor, dohtor sweostor bro¯ þru mo¯ dru, -dra G fædera bro¯ þra mo¯ dra dohtra sweostra D fæderum bro¯ þrum mo¯ drum dohtrum sweostrum A fæderas bro¯ þor, mo¯ dor, dohtor sweostor bro¯ þru mo¯ dru, -dra § 41 The nt-stems Nouns belonging to this group are masculine as a rule; feminine nouns are extremely rare. Originally, these nouns were present participles used as nouns. The paradigm illustrates the declension of fre¯ond ‘friend’ (the verbal basis is fre¯ogan ‘to love’). N sg. fre¯ond N pl. frı ¯end, fre¯ond, -as G fre¯ondes G fre¯onda D frı ¯end, fre¯onde D fre¯ondum A fre¯ond A frı ¯end, fre¯ond, -as § 42 The s-stems Only a few neuter nouns belong to this class. The paradigm illustrates the declension of lamb and cild ‘child’. N sg. lamb cı ¯ld N pl. lambru cı ¯ld, cı ˘ldru G lambes cı ¯ldes G lambra cı ˘ldra D lambe cı ¯lde D lambrum cı ˘ldrum A lamb cı ¯ld A lambru cı ¯ld, cı ˘ldru Remark: The variation between long and short i is due to late Old English lengthening (see § 12). - The s of the ‘s-stems’ appears as r in Old English (see § 30). <?page no="44"?> 33 Nouns § 43 The t-stems Only a very few nouns from this class have been preserved. The most important are: hæle ‘hero’, masculine: N sg. hæle, hæleþ N pl. hæleþ (later also hæleþas) G hæleþes G hæleþa D hæleþe D hæleþum A hæleþ A hæleþ (later also hæleþas) The masculine noun mo¯ nað ‘month’ is conjugated similarly to hæle; however, syncope (see § 21) occurs when the declensional suffix is syllabic: mo¯ nðes, mo¯ nðe etc. The paradigm for mæg(e)þ ‘maiden’, feminine and ealu ‘ale’, neuter, is: NA sg. mægeþ, mægþ NA pl. mæg(e)þ NA sg. ealu GD mægeþ G mægþa GD ealoþ D mægþum G pl. ealeþa § 44 Athematic Nouns Athematic nouns can be feminine or masculine. The paradigm is for fo¯ t (masc.) ‘foot’, hnutu (fem.) ‘nut’ and mu¯ s (fem.) ‘mouse’. Athematic nouns regularly show i-mutation in the dative singular and nominative and accusative plural. This class is also called radical consonant declension. N sg. fo¯ t hnutu mu¯ s G fo¯ tes hnute mu¯ se D fe¯t hnyte my¯ s A fo¯ t hnutu mu¯ s N pl. fe¯t hnyte my¯ s G fo¯ ta hnuta mu¯ sa D fo¯ tum hnutum mu¯ sum A fe¯t hnyte my¯ s Commentary: 1. The genitive singular of some feminine nouns with a long vowel ends either in -e or follows the dative, as for example in bo¯ c ‘book’, genitive singular either be¯c or bo¯ ce; similarly burg, byr(i)g, burge ‘town, castle’. 2. There is only one neuter noun: scru¯ d ‘garment, shroud’ which usually shows i-mutation in the dative singular: scry¯d (however, scru¯ de is also recorded). The nominative and accusative plural do not show i-mutation: scru¯ d; the genitive plural is scru¯ da. <?page no="45"?> 34 Morphology § 45 Classes of Nouns in Middle English As has already been pointed out in § 33, the system of nouns was considerably simplified in Middle English. Nonetheless, nouns in early Middle English can be traced back to the major inflectional classes in Old English: - nouns originally belonging to the vocalic stems usually have a plural ending in -s; - nouns originally belonging to the n-stems have a plural ending in -n, the singular usually occurs without -n; - nouns originally belonging to the athematic declension have a plural indicated by a mutated vowel; i-mutation in the singular has been levelled. § 46 Early Middle English Paradigms The paradigm below indicates the major types; the properties of the individual groups are explained in the commentary. group I group Ia group Ib group II group III a-stem ja-stem o¯ -stem n-stem athematic N sg. stoon ende soule name foot G stoones endes soules name(n) footes (D) stoone ende soule name(n) foote (A) stoon ende soule name(n) foot N pl. stoones endes soules namen feet G stoones endes soules namen, -ene feet, -es (D) stoones endes soules namen feet (A) stoones endes soules namen feet Commentary: 1. The monosyllabic noun stoon was an a-stem whereas the bisyllabic noun ende was a ja-stem. Later, ende was subject to apocope (see § 22) and became monosyllabic. 2. The noun soule was an o¯ -stem. Originally this noun ended in the consonant -l; however, the vocalic ending of the accusative singular has been carried over to the nominative. 3. The noun name belonged to the n-stems in Old English. As a consequence of apocope (see § 22), practically all nouns joined the group with plurals in -s; Modern English oxen is the only exception. 4. In group III, foot was an athematic noun. Since the crucial difference between singular and plural was signalled by the mutated vowel, the mutated vowel was abolished in the singular. Beginning in early Middle English, some athematic nouns joined the group with plurals in -s, as for example book and nut. Why this unusual marking of the plural has been retained in some nouns while it was abolished in others may be explained by differences in frequency in everyday language. In the predominantly rural communities, the plural forms feet, geese, lice, mice, men and women were certainly used with higher frequency than the ‘learned’ word book. 5. Beginning in late Old English, word-final n disappears in the northern dialects. In Middle English times, nouns in northern texts chiefly show the features of group I and III. 6. Nouns following group II are rarely found in texts which originated in the Midlands. 7. In the conservative dialects of the southern areas, all inflectional groups can be encountered as late as the 14th century. <?page no="46"?> 35 Adjectives § 47 Late Middle English and Modern English Paradigms In addition to groups I and III, not counting the single noun in group II (oxen), late Middle and early Modern English nouns show the following features: - plurals in -r going back to the Old English s-stems, as for example child - childer, later children with -en added from the n-stems; - zero-plurals as in Modern English deer and folk, and horse in Early Modern English; these can be traced back to neuter nouns with long vowels, as illustrated above in the paradigm for word (see § 35); - ‘mixed’ plurals, as in ‘children’ (above) or as in Modern English brother and brethren (with i-mutation and -en). The potential of two available plurals can be used for the purposes of semantic differentiation: brothers versus brethren; - ‘pluralia tantum’, such as breeches, spectacles, hosen often result from technological development, although the precursor of ‘breeches’ is Old English bro¯ c ‘covering for the leg’, plural bre¯c. Adjectives § 48 Introduction Indo-European languages have different declensions for adjectives. In Latin, for example, adjectives are declined like nouns, following either the vocalic or consonantal declension. In Old English, the strong declension of adjectives comes from the original vocalic declension of nouns, but a few endings from the pronominal system have been added. An innovation in all Germanic languages is the creation of a weak declension. The use of these two declensions depended on the syntactic and semantic context in which adjectives appeared. The weak declension was used after a definite article, demonstrative or possessive pronoun; in all other cases the strong declension is used. Note that o¯ þer is always declined strong in Old English and comparatives are always declined weak; superlatives can be both. This differentiation survived into early Middle English but only for monosyllabic adjectives ending with a consonant, and only in so far as the categories case, gender, and number were still in use. Adjectives are declined according to case, number and gender of the noun they describe. They can be used attributively (the green house) and as complement (the house is green). In Old English, adjectives used as complement were declined strong, if at all. Apart from the four irregular adjectives, comparison in Old English was shown by means of suffixes. Occasionally, adjectives show i-mutation in the comparative and superlative, as for example eald - ieldra - ieldesta (old - older/ elder - oldest/ eldest). In Middle English, a third means of comparison entered the language, probably due to French influence: the use of more - most for comparatives and superlatives (cf. French plus - le plus). <?page no="47"?> 36 Morphology § 49 The Strong Declension The endings of the strong declension are derived from a mixture of the aand o¯ -stems and the endings of demonstrative pronouns (italicised in the paradigm below). The paradigm shows declensions for all three genders. The three examples go¯ d ‘good’, glæd ‘glad’ and ha¯ lig ‘holy’ have been chosen because they show different phenomena which can occur in the declension of adjectives (see below). masc. neuter fem. N sg. go¯ d glæd ha¯lig-u, -o G go¯ d-es glad-es ha¯lig-re D go¯ d-um glad-um ha¯lig-re A go¯ d-ne glæd ha¯lg-e I go¯ d-e glad-e N pl. go¯ d-e glad-u, -o ha¯lg-a, -e G go¯ d-ra glæd-ra ha¯lig-ra D go¯ d-um glad-um ha¯lg-um A go¯ d-e glad-u, -o ha¯lg-a, -e The following exceptions should be observed: - Polysyllabic adjectives with a long root vowel show syncope (see § 21); see the paradigm for ha¯ ligu. - For more information on the different vowel qualities in glæd see § 2. - -wa-/ -wo¯ -stem adjectives have -wwhen the declension ending begins with a vowel (i. e. nominative geolu but genitive geolwes and accusative feminine geolwe ‘yellow’). - Adjectives with word-final -h may lose their h and contract (see for example nominative he¯ah ‘high’ and dative plural he¯am, accusative singular masculine he¯an, he¯anne (O 11/ 40), comparative hı ¯erran (O 5/ 52) in contrast to he¯ahne (O 6/ 143)). In Middle English, some traces of the strong declension of adjectives can be found in early southern texts, for example -es for genitive singular masculine and neuter as well as -re for genitive and dative singular feminine and genitive plural, -ne for accusative singular masculine. However, these endings disappeared in late Middle English. In the eastern and northern dialects, monosyllabic adjectives ending in a consonant usually do not have an ending in the singular, whereas the plural often ends in -e, as for example in go(o)d (singular) and go(o)de (plural). However, with the loss of word-final -e in late Middle English (see apocope, § 22) number was no longer marked for adjectives. § 50 The Weak Declension The inflectional endings of the weak declension are those of the nouns belonging to the n-stems. The use of the weak declension has been indicated above (see § 48) and will be discussed in more detail in § 102. <?page no="48"?> 37 Adjectives sg. mask. sg. neuter sg. fem. plural N go¯ d-a go¯ d-e go¯ d-e go¯ d-an G go¯ d-an go¯ d-an go¯ d-an go¯ d-ra, -ena D go¯ d-an go¯ d-an go¯ d-an go¯ d-um A go¯ d-an go¯ d-e go¯ d-an go¯ d-an Remark: The genitive plural usually has the ending -ra just as in the strong declension. However, occasionally the ending -ena can be found, as for example in A 5/ 33: go¯ dena wiotena. Only a few traces of the weak declension can be found in Middle English. Monosyllabic adjectives ending in a consonant may show word-final -e in the singular as well as in the plural: go(o)de (singular and plural). In late Middle English the loss of word-final -e (apocope, see § 22) levelled the differences between strong and weak declension. Remark: Occasionally adjectives in post-position may show a marking for the plural; this is probably due to the influence of French, as for example in M 4/ 36: uayre and likerouses (the Middle English text is based on a French original). § 51 Comparison of Adjectives As pointed out in § 48, there are three modes of comparison in English. Old English had two of these, comparison by suffixes and comparison by means of other roots. In Middle English, the so-called ‘analytic comparison’ gained ground, probably a result of French influence. Comparison by suffixes The suffix for the comparative in Old English, -ra, is based on two earlier suffixes: *-o¯ zaand *-iza-. The second suffix causes i-mutation with certain adjectives, as can be seen in the table below. The comparative is declined according to the weak declension. In Middle English, the suffix for the comparative is -re, later -er. In early Middle English texts, i-mutation can still be found, as for example in M 11/ 35: elder. The suffixes for the superlative in Old English are -estand -ostand are based on two earlier suffixes: *-istand *-o¯ st-. Under the influence of *-ist-, the superlative of certain adjectives shows i-mutation (see table). The superlative can be declined according to the strong or the weak declension (see § 49-50). In Middle English, the ending for the superlative is -est and early texts still have superlatives showing i-mutation. Except for Modern English elder, eldest, i-mutation in the comparison of adjectives has been levelled. Paradigm for Old English positive comparative superlative blind blindra blindost(a) ‘blind’ ha¯lig ha¯ligra ha¯l(i)gost(a) ‘holy’ blı ¯þe blı ¯þra blı ¯þost(a) ‘joyful’ gearu gearora gearwost(a) ‘ready’ <?page no="49"?> 38 Morphology with i-mutation: eald ieldra ieldest(a) ‘old’ geong gingra, geongra gingest(a) ‘young’ he¯ah hı ¯er(r)a hı ¯ehst(a) ‘high’ lang lengra lengest(a) ‘long’ sceort scyrtra scyrtest(a) ‘short’ Some adjectives, derived from adverbs and prepositions, have the infix -min the superlative instead of -est, -ost, as for example forma ‘the first, foremost’, meduma ‘the middlemost’, hindema ‘the hindmost’. However, frequently the suffix -est is added so that -mest became the typical suffix for the superlative. Irregular Comparison Only four adjectives derive their comparative and superlative from a different root. These are the two adjectives involving moral judgement: good and evil and the two adjectives expressing degree: much and little. It should be noted that in many other Indo-European languages these four adjectives also show this ‘irregularity’ in comparison, as for example in Latin: bonus - melior - optimus; malus - peior - pessimus; magnus - maior - maximus; and parvus - minor - minimus. The paradigms for Old and Middle English are: positive comparative superlative go¯ d bet(e)ra, bettra; bet(e)st, betsta; se¯˘lra, se¯˘lla se¯lest(a), se¯lost(a) yfel wi(e)rsa, wyrsa wi(e)rrest(a), wyrresta, wi(e)rst(a), wyrst(a) micel ma¯ra m毯 st(a) ly¯ tel l毯 ssa l毯 st(a) good bet(t)re, better, bet best evel werse, wyrse, wurse werst, wyrst, wurst muchel, mochel mare, more, ma, mo mast, most littel lesse, lasse leste. Analytic Comparison This mode of comparison, with more marking the comparative and most the superlative, was not a regular feature of Old English. Occasionally, however, periphrastic comparisons can be found in late Old English, marking the comparative by swiþor or bet and the superlative by swiþost or betst. From the 14th century onwards, monoand polysyllabic adjectives, irrespective of their provenance, increasingly showed comparatives with ma, mo, mare, more and superlatives with mast, most. In many instances, particularly in poetry, metrical and stylistic issues will have guided the choice between suffix comparison and analytic comparison. The tendency of avoiding polysyllabic words also favoured analytic comparison. <?page no="50"?> 39 Adverbs Adverbs § 52 General Remarks Adverbs in English are either primary or secondary adverbs. Primary adverbs are either derived from pronouns, as for example þa¯ ‘then, there’, or from prepositions, as for example inne ‘inside’. Secondary adverbs are either derived from adjectives or from nouns. Apart from the derivational suffix for secondary adverbs, no major changes have taken place in the history of this word class. § 53 Primary Adverbs Primary adverbs refer to time and place. The system for Old English was very elaborate, as can be seen in the table below. Moreover, primary adverbs can be used to introduce relative clauses: Old English ðær, Middle English where (see § 123). In Old English, adverbs of place are differentiated according to the basic perspectives relating to place, a feature which has survived into Modern English, where it is usually associated with formal style. place where place to which place from which ‘there’ ð毯 r ðider ðonan ‘where? ’ hw毯 r hwider hwonan ‘here’ he¯r hider heonan ‘after’ æfter æftan ‘inside’ inne inn innan ‘outside’ u¯ te u¯ t u¯ tan ‘above’ uppe upp uppan, ufan ‘northward’ norð norðan ‘southward’ su¯ ð su¯ ðan ‘eastward’ e¯ast e¯astan ‘westward’ west westan In Middle English, there and where occur with high frequency. In addition, many new relative adverbs were derived on the basis where followed by a preposition: wheremid ‘with which’, whereof ‘from / of which’, wheron ‘upon which’, and so on (see Middle English Glossary under ‘where’). § 54 Secondary Adverbs In Old English, adverbs were usually derived from adjectives by adding the suffix -e, as for example heard, lang (adjectives) and hearde, lange (adverbs). When the adjective already ends in -e the adverb has the same form, as in cl毯 ne ‘clean’. Adverbs could be derived from adjectives ending in -lic by adding -e; gradually -lı ¯˘ce became regarded as an adverbial suffix. Thus, two adverbs could be derived from the same base: hearde and heardlı ¯˘ce. This became the basis for the Modern English semantic differentiation between hard and hardly: ‘Working hard or hardly working? ’ Some adverbs were derived from adjectives by adding the endings -unga, -inga and -enga, as for example dearnunga ‘secretly’, A 3/ 11: eallinga ‘entirely’, A 8/ 14: f毯 ringa ‘suddenly’. <?page no="51"?> 40 Morphology Adverbs could also be derived from inflected forms of adjectives, especially from the genitive singular, as for example ealles ‘entirely’, micles ‘much’, or from the dative, as for example miclum ‘much’ and ly¯tlum ‘little’. Alternatively, adverbs could be derived from the inflected forms of nouns, especially from the genitive singular, as for example dæges ‘by day’ and nihtes ‘by night’, (un)ðonces ‘(un)willingly’. Derivation from the dative plural is also frequent, as for example hwı ¯lum ‘at times’ and also from compounds ending in -m毯 lum, such as dropm毯 lum ‘in drops’, stæpm毯 lum ‘gradually’. Occasionally, adverbs were derived from the accusative singular of an adjective in combination with a noun, as for example ealneg ‘always’ (< ‘ealne weg’ as in O 4/ 2, 8 and O 5/ 56). In Middle English, secondary adverbs were mainly derived from adjectives by adding -ly, which might be a shortened form of Old English -lı ¯˘ce or may derive from the Scandinavian -ligr. Some of the adverbs derived from nouns can still be found in Middle English, such as whilom ‘formerly’ (M 13/ 279), nihtes ‘at night’ (M 10.1/ 11). § 55 Comparison of Adverbs Only adverbs derived from adjectives by adding the suffix -e can be compared. The suffix for the comparative is -or and for the superlative it is -ost and occasionally -est: for example hearde - heardor - heardost and longe - leng - lengest, showing the influence of i-mutation in the comparative and superlative. Some traces of the comparative with the influence of i-mutation can be found in early Middle English texts, see for example leng (M 5/ 15). The comparative of some adverbs had been derived by the suffix *-iz which, before it disappeared, caused i-mutation. Examples are: well - bet ‘well - better’, yfele - wi(e)rs, wyrs ‘evil - worse’, longe - leng ‘long - longer’, e¯aþe - ı ¯eð, y¯ð ‘easily - more easily’. In Middle English, the comparative usually ends in -er and the superlative in -est, for example longer, longest. In Modern English -er and -est can only be used with monosyllabic adverbs; otherwise more and most are used. Pronouns § 56 Introduction In comparison to Modern English, the system of pronouns in Old and Middle English shows a much higher level of complexity, especially as regards feminine singular and third person plural personal pronouns and demonstratives. Old English has a fairly regular system of pronouns; this system, however, developed in different directions in the various Middle English dialects. As a result, there is a great variety of forms in Middle English which can have different meanings in different dialects. The personal pronoun for the third person nominative singular feminine in Old English was he¯o; the diphthong developed into e¯ in Middle English and the form became therefore identical with the pronoun for the third person nominative singular masculine he¯. Since it is absolutely necessary to differentiate genders in the third person singular (see for example M 9/ 107, where confusion can arise) it was necessary to find the distinct <?page no="52"?> 41 Pronouns forms which became he and she. As can be seen in the tables, many different paths were taken in the various dialects until she became the leading form. How exactly she developed remains a mystery. The plural forms present fewer difficulties. The forms beginning with a dental, predominant in the North and the East Midlands dialects as a result of Scandinavian influence, eventually replaced the Old English forms beginning with hsince they show a stronger contrast to the singular. The dual forms (first and second person - primarily used in poetry) survived into the 13th century until they finally disappeared. An innovation in Middle English was the differentiation between familiar thee, thou and polite you, ye, which probably resulted from French and Norman influence. Old and Middle English did not have standard forms for the reflexive pronouns; the modern forms developed only gradually. Ordinary dative and accusative forms were used with reflexive meaning, as for example hine werede ‘he defended himself’ (O 2/ 11-12); tilen him so ðe sowles fode ‘provide himself with food for the soul’ (M 2/ 34). Reflexivity, however, could also be expressed by an inflected form of self following the pronoun, as for example ‘hine sylfne underþe¯odde’ (no one) subjected himself’ (O 3/ 13); Nu loke euerich man toward himseluen ‘now consider yourself’ (M 3/ 39-40). § 57 Personal Pronouns First person pronouns: singular Old English Middle English Modern English N ı ¯˘c ich, I I G mı ¯n min, mi my, mine D me¯˘ me¯˘ (to) me A me¯˘ me¯˘ me Remark: In Middle English times, northern texts may also have ih and ik, developed from Scandinavian ek. First person pronouns: plural Old English Middle English Modern English N we¯˘ we¯ we G u¯ re u¯ r(e), our(e) our D u¯ s u¯˘ s, ous (to) us A u¯ s u¯˘ s, ous us Second person pronouns: singular Old English Middle English Modern English N þu¯˘ þu¯˘ , þou you (thou) G þı ¯˘n þı ¯˘(n), thi(n) your (thine) D þe¯˘ þe¯˘, thee, the (to) you A þe¯˘ þe¯˘, thee, the you <?page no="53"?> 42 Morphology Second person pronouns: plural Old English Middle English Modern English N ge¯˘ n e¯˘, yee, ye you G ı ¯ower, e¯ower e¯ower, n u¯ re, your(e) your D ı ¯ow, e¯ow eow, eu, iu (to) you A ı ¯ow, e¯ow eow, eu, iu you Remark: Consult the Middle English glossary under you for further variants of the second person plural. First and second person dual: ‘we two; you two’ N wit git G uncer incer D unc inc A unc(it) inc(it) Third person pronouns: masculine singular Old English Middle English Modern English N he¯˘ he¯˘, ha, a he G his his his D him him (to) him A hine, hiene him, hine him Remark: In Middle English, the nominative singular forms ha, a appear in unstressed position only; see Middle English glossary. The accusative singular hine can be found only in early southern texts; see Middle English glossary. Third person pronouns: neuter singular Old English Middle English Modern English N hit hit, it it G his his its D him him (to) it A hit hit, it it Third person pronouns: feminine singular Old English Modern English N hı ¯o, he¯o she G hi(e)re, hyre her D hi(e)re, hyre (to) her A hı ¯(e) her <?page no="54"?> 43 Pronouns Third person feminine in Middle English North EML WML, South N n ho, cho, scho sche, she heo, hue, ho, he, ha, hi G hire, here, hir, her D hir, hire, hure A hir, hire, hure Remark: The form sche appears in London and in the West from the 14th century onwards. A form typical of western texts of the 14th and 15th centuries is here. A feature of early southern texts is heo. Third person pronouns: plural Old English Modern English N hı ¯, hı ¯e, hy¯ they G hi(e)ra, hiora, heora, hyra their D him, heom (to) them A hı ¯e, hı ¯, hy¯ them Third person pronouns: plural in Middle English North Midlands South N þai, þay, thai þei, þe n hy, heo, ho, he, ha, a G þayr, thair, thar heore, her(e), hor, hore, hare, heore, hor, hure, hyr, hire; here, hure, hire þeir D þaim, thaim, heom, hem hi, his(e), hys, ys, thame heom, hem, hom, ham A þaim, thaim, heom, hem hi, his(e), hys, ys, thame heom, hem, hom, ham Remark: The forms ha and ham appear in unstressed position only. Starting in the 14th century, þei can also be found in the Northwest Midlands and in London. § 58 Demonstrative Pronouns In Old English, there were two types of demonstrative pronouns: one had the function of the definite article, the other was the demonstrative pronoun proper. This system was radically modified in Middle English times: þe/ the became the definite article. As gender and case were gradually given up, the concept of proximity and distance we have in Modern English this and that was introduced using the building blocks of the Old English definite article and demonstrative pronoun. Definite article (the forms in brackets are primarily found in later texts) sg. masc. sg. neuter sg. fem. plural N se¯˘ þæt sı ¯o, se¯o þa¯ G þæs þæs þ毯 re þa¯ra (þ毯 ra) D þ毯 m (þa¯m) þ毯 m (þa¯m) þ毯 re þ毯 m (þa¯m) A þone þæt þa¯ þa¯ I þy¯ , þon þy¯ , þon <?page no="55"?> 44 Morphology Demonstrative pronoun (i and y are interchangeable in later texts) sg. masc. sg. neuter sg. fem. plural N þe¯˘s þis þı ¯os, þe¯os þa¯s G þis(s)es þis(s)es þisse þissa D þis(s)um þis(s)um þisse þis(s)um, þios(s)um A þisne þis þa¯s þa¯s I þy¯ s, þı ¯s þy¯ s, þı ¯s During Middle English times, this highly complex system of demonstrative pronouns was simplified considerably. In early Middle English texts there is still a variety of forms left over from Old English, especially in the generally more conservative southern texts. However, by late Middle English times practically all forms had been reduced to this, these (expressing proximity) and that, those (expressing distance). For more information about the demonstrative pronouns in the Middle English texts, consult þa, þane, that, thes, this and þos in the glossary. § 59 Interrogative Pronouns As can be seen in the paradigms below, the forms of the interrogative pronouns who and what remain largely the same from Old to Middle English. Old English N hwa¯˘ hwæt G hwæs hwæs D hw毯 m (hwa¯m) hw毯 m (hwa¯m) A hwone hwæt I hwy¯ , hwı ¯ Commentary: 1. In addition to the above interrogatives, Old English also had the following pronouns, which could be used both as noun and adjective: hwæþer ‘which of the two’, hwelc/ hwilc ‘which’ and swelc ‘such (a)’. They were declined as strong adjectives. 2. It should be noted that hwæt followed by a genitive means ‘what a’ (hwæt monna ‘what a man’). 3. Additional instrumental forms include hu¯ ‘how’ (adverb) and hwon, hwan (in adverbial phrases): to¯ hwon, for hwon ‘why’ (O 3/ 147). Middle English N who¯ , wo¯ , huo; N hwat, what, wat; wha¯, qua¯, quha¯ quat, quhat; hwet G who¯ s(e); qua¯s G who¯ s(e), qua¯s, whes D who¯ m, wo¯ m; wha¯m, D who¯ m; qua¯m; what, A who¯ m, wo¯ m; wha¯m, A hwat, what, wat; quat, quhat; hwet Commentary: 1. As in Old English, the additional forms wheþer, whilche, whiche, wulche, whuche, whilk and quilk were used. 2. The interrogative adverb in Middle English is why from Old English hwı ¯, hwy¯. <?page no="56"?> 45 Numerals § 60 Possessive Pronouns The genitive forms of the personal pronouns were used as possessive pronouns. First and second person forms were declined as strong adjectives. Third person forms were not declined at all. Starting in the 15th century, the northern forms hers, theirs, ours and yours were used in the south as well. § 61 Indefinite Pronouns Indefinite pronouns can be used as both noun and adjective. In Old English, they were declined as strong adjectives. The major Old English forms are: a¯ hwa¯ , a¯ hwelc, a¯ hwæt ‘someone, something’ (e)all ‘all’ 毯 lc ‘each’ 毯 nig ‘any’; n毯 nig ‘no’ (n)a¯ wuht, (n)o¯ wuht, (n)a¯ wiht, (n)o¯ wiht, (n)auht, (n)a¯ ht, (n)o¯ ht ‘no, none; some(thing)’ gehwæþer, 毯 ghwæþer, 毯 gþer ‘both’ na¯ thwa¯ , na¯ thwelc, samhwelc ‘someone, anyone’ (n)o¯ hwæþer, (n)a¯ wþer, (n)o¯ wþer, (n)auþer, (n)a¯ þer ‘neither; either (one)’ se ilca, se sylfa ‘the same’ sum ‘some, a’ swelc, swilc, swylc ‘such (a)’ The major Middle English forms are: al ‘all’ everychon ‘each one, everyone’ ani, any ‘any’ many, mony ‘many, many a one’ au o t, oght ‘anything’ on, an ‘someone’ both(e), baþe ‘both’ non(e), no, nan(e), na ‘none’ ech, ich, alc ‘each’ other ‘other’ echon ‘each one’ som(e), sum ‘some’ eyþer ‘either’ swich, swilk, such ‘such’ everych ‘each, each one, every’ þelli, þulli ‘such’ Numerals § 62 Introduction Numerals include nouns, adjectives and adverbs. Like all nouns and adjectives some numerals were inflected in Old English and early Middle English as well. In addition to cardinals and ordinals, there were multiplicatives (built with the Old English suffix -feald, Middle English -fold), which were used as adjectives: a¯ nfeald, twı ¯efeald and so on. Numerals used as adverbs include Old English 毯 ne, tuwa/ twie, þriwa ‘once, twice, thrice’ or the periphrastic forms on the basis of siþ ‘time’: 毯 ne sı ¯þa, -e, tw毯 m, þrim, fı ¯f, twentigum sı ¯ðum etc. In Middle English, adverbial numerals ended in -es: ones, anes, twies etc. <?page no="57"?> 46 Morphology § 63 Cardinals In Old and early Middle English, the cardinals 1-3 were inflected, whereas 4-19 were only inflected when used as nouns. Cardinals used as nouns are followed by a genitive, see for example xxxi wintra ‘thirty-one years’ (O 2/ 6). Old English Middle English 1 a¯n an, on, oo 2 twa¯ twa, twei, tway, two 3 þrı ¯ þri, þrie, þreo, þro, þree 4 fe¯ower feower, feor, fower, four, foure 5 fı ¯f fif; infl. five 6 siex, syx sex, six; infl. sixe, sexe 7 seofon seouen, seuen; infl. seouene, seuene 8 eahta ehte, eight(e); acht, aght, aught 9 nigon ni n en, ni n e, nin(e), ne¯ n en, neen 10 tı ¯en, ty¯ n teon, teen, ten; infl. teene, tene 11 en(d)le(o)fan endleue(ne), enleue(ne), elleue(ne) 12 twelf twelf; infl. twelue, tweolf, tweolue 13 þre¯oty¯ ne, -te¯ne þreoten(e), þretten(e), þritten(e) 14 fe¯owerta¯ne, -te¯ne fourtene 20 twe¯˘ntig twenti 30 þrı ¯tig þritti, þretti; thirti 40 fe¯owertig feowerti, fowerti, feorti, fourti 50 fı ¯ftig fifti 60 siextig, syxtig sexti, sixti, three score 70 (hund)seofontig seoventi, seventi, hundseventi 80 (hund)eahtatig ei n teti, ei n ti; also fourscore 90 (hund)nigontig ni n enti, ninti 100 hundte¯ontig, hundred hundred, hundrid, hondred, hundreþ 110 hundendlyftig hundred and ten 120 hundtwelftig, hundtwentig hundred and twenti 200 tu¯ hund two hondred 300 þrı ¯o hund þre hondred 1000 þu¯ send þousend, þousind, þousand, þousond Old English a¯ n is declined as a strong adjective; the accusative usually appears as ænne. Paradigm for twa¯ and þrı ¯o: masc. neuter fem. masc. neuter fem. N/ A twe¯gen tu¯ , twa¯ twa¯ þrı ¯(e) þrı ¯o, þre¯o þrı ¯o, þre¯o G twe¯g(e)a, twe¯gra þrı ¯ora, þre¯ora D tw毯 m, twa¯m þrim (þrı ¯m, þe¯om) Declined forms of 1-3 may also occur in Middle English, especially in southern texts. Old English ba¯ (‘both’) becomes Middle English ba, bo¯ (M 10.6/ 22), beie, baþe, boþe. <?page no="58"?> 47 Verbs § 64 Ordinals Ordinals are declined as weak adjectives, except for o¯ ðer, which is strong. In Middle English, the declensional endings were reduced to -e. Old English Middle English 1st forma, formesta, fyrmest(a) furste, firste, uerste, ferste 2nd o¯ ðer, æfterra oþer, secounde 3rd þridda þrid(d)e, þrede, þirde, þerd 4th fe¯orþa feorþe, ferþe; fourþe; ferde, firde, furde, uerþe 5th fı ¯fta fifte, fifthe 6th siexta, syxta, sixta sexte, sixte 7th seofoða se(o)ve(n)þe, sefþe, sefte, sevende, sevente 8th eahtoða ehtuþe, ei n tiþe, ei n t, a n tþe 9th nigoða ni n eþe, ni n hende, ne n ende, ni(e)nd, nin(e)þe 10th te¯oða teoþe, teþe, tenþe, te¯nde 11th endlifta endlefte, ellefte, ellevende, enlevenþ 12th twelfta tweolfte, twelfte 13th þre¯ote¯oða þreteoþe, -teþe, -tenþe, -tende 20th twentigoða twenti n eþe, -ti n þe, -tiþe, -ties In manuscripts, higher ordinals appear in Roman numerals. Starting in the 15th century, Arabic numerals were also used. Verbs § 65 General Remarks A descriptive model for Modern English verbs is a highly complex undertaking if the historical perspective is not taken into account. However, when considering the historical perspective, most, if not all, problems can be solved quite easily. Verbs can be inflected (‘conjugated’); therefore, a detailed description of the parameters pertaining to conjugation is necessary. Since these parameters (grammatical categories) have changed considerably in the history of English, a concise discussion of their origins and development will also be provided. The grammatical categories pertaining to verbs in English are: 1. tense: present and preterite; this category was considerably modified from Old to Modern English; 2. mood: indicative, imperative and subjunctive; as verb endings began to disappear in late Old English, the subjunctive mood became indistinguishable from the indicative; modal verbs were increasingly used to express the subjunctive; 3. number: singular and plural; originally signalled by means of different conjugational endings, number was increasingly by the subject; 4. person: 1st, 2nd and 3rd singular present indicative were differentiated in Old and Middle English; there was only one form for the plural; <?page no="59"?> 48 Morphology 5. voice: active; the passive was expressed by periphrastic constructions; 6. non-finite forms: two infinitives and both the present and past participles. From Old to Modern English, verbs can be divided into strong verbs, weak verbs, preterite-present verbs, and irregular verbs. This division is based on the way in which the important category tense is marked. This system can best be understood by looking at the way the preterite is marked in contrast to the present: 1. In strong verbs the category tense is marked by different vowel qualities and quantities, as in write-wrote-written; these regular differences are called ablaut. Strong verbs can be divided into seven classes. 2. In weak verbs the category tense is marked by adding a dental suffix (-(e)d, -t is appended to the stem) in the preterite, as in kiss-kissed-kissed. Weak verbs are an innovation in Germanic and can be divided into three classes. 3. In preterite-present verbs the category tense is marked by both ablaut and dental suffix; past tense forms can also convey the concept ‘modality’, as for example in may-might. 4. In irregular verbs the category tense is marked in various ways. There are only four irregular verbs in English: to be, to do, to go and (to) will. With the exception of to do, an innovation in Germanic, the other irregular verbs were inherited (together with their ‘irregularities’) from Indo-European, see for example the verbs esse, ire and velle in Latin. With reference to strong verbs, it is necessary to differentiate four tense stems. These are marked by different vowel qualities and quantities. All finite and non-finite forms can be derived from these four stems. With reference to weak verbs, it is necessary to differentiate three tense stems. The second and third of these is marked by a dental suffix which originally could be syllabic, as originally in ‘kiss-ed’, or non-syllabic, as in ‘kep-t’. While it is quite easy to differentiate the individual classes of both strong and weak verbs in Old English, differentiation is a decidedly more difficult undertaking in both Middle and Modern English. Some of these difficulties result from the changes in vowel quality and quantity from Old to Modern English. Qualitative and quantitative change as well as the loss of inflectional endings have also obscured the once clearly marked differentiation between present and preterite in relation to strong verbs. It was therefore necessary to adopt new means to convey the crucial difference between present and preterite (see below). The dental suffix used to differentiate between present and preterite in weak verbs was not subject to many significant changes in the history of English. The changes which took place only led to a less clear differentiation of the original three classes of weak verbs. The four irregular verbs are a stable system in the history of English. Preteritepresent verbs can also be considered as a relatively stable system, even though there have been a few losses and modifications (e. g. witan ‘to know’). The history of strong verbs is very different. Originally there were some 300 strong verbs (not counting forms with prefixes); only about half that number can now be found in Modern English. Many originally strong verbs were increasingly conjugated <?page no="60"?> 49 Strong Verbs weak; even highly frequent verbs like help have adopted weak preterite forms. In general, weak verbs can be said to be the only productive verbal system in English. Most loan verbs, whether borrowed from Scandinavian or Norman, follow the pattern of weak verbs. Today, the pattern of weak verbs is used for all new creations. Strong Verbs § 66 The System In Old English, strong verbs had four tense stems from which a complete conjugational paradigm can be derived. These stems are: 1. the present stem, from which all finite and non-finite present tense forms are derived; 2. a first preterite stem for the 1st and 3rd person singular preterite indicative; 3. a second preterite stem from which all other finite preterite forms are derived; 4. a fourth stem for the past participle which could be used with or without the prefix ge-, provided the verb itself did not have a prefix. On the basis of the inherited ablaut patterns, strong verbs in Old English can be differentiated into 6 classes. Originally reduplicating verbs (doubling of the first syllable; cf. Latin: tang-ere - te-ti-gi) are listed under ‘class’ 7. The second and third person present indicative show i-mutation if the vowel is subject to i-mutation. This can be seen in the following examples: se¯on (infinitive) ‘to see’, se¯o (1st singular present indicative) and siehst, siehþ (2nd and 3rd singular present indicative). The quality of the post-vocalic consonant or consonant group can decisively influence both quality and quantity of the preceding accented vowel. Furthermore, certain word-initial consonants can also result in a change of the following vowel. Understanding the system of strong verbs in Old English requires a great familiarity with some of the phonological changes and developments illustrated in the first part of this book. The most important of these are breaking (see § 3), contraction (see § 12), i-mutation (see § 9), and Verner’s Law (see § 30) as can be seen in the description of the individual classes of strong verbs below. Most of these seeming irregularities were abolished in Middle English times. In the development from Old to Middle English the following modifications and simplifications are of special importance: 1. Due to the phonological changes in vowel quality and quantity, the originally wellmarked contrast between present and preterite became less marked; in some cases, new distinctive patterns were introduced to ensure that this semantically crucial contrast could be maintained. 2. The effects of i-mutation in the 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative were levelled out. 3. The second singular past indicative was no longer derived from the third tense stem, but from the second. <?page no="61"?> 50 Morphology 4. The number of tense stems was later reduced to three, in some instances to two stems. It can be said that a decisive factor in this reduction process was to retain a strong (i. e. qualitative) contrast between present and preterite. 5. The effects of Verner’s Law were abolished and Modern English only retains a few instances of Verner’s Law in adjectives derived from past participles, such as forlorn and sodden and in the forms was - were. 6. The loss of inflectional endings necessitated the use of an explicit subject so that the distinction singular versus plural, which was no longer marked by inflectional endings of the predicate, could be taken over by the subject. 7. In Middle English, the prefix gefor past participles was retained at first and then became either ior y-. The potential of the prefix could be used by poets if the metre required an extra syllable. § 67 Class 1 The basic ablaut pattern for class 1 is OE ı ¯-a¯-ı ˘-ı ˘ wrı ¯tan - wra¯t - writon - (ge)writen ME ı ¯-o˛¯ -ı ˘-ı ˘ wrı ¯te(n) - wro˛¯ t - wrı ˘ten - (i/ y)wrı ˘ten MnE i-o-i write - wrote - written and originally involved both qualitative and quantitative differentiation. Commentary: 1. Many class 1 verbs have survived in Middle and Modern English; write, rise, smite and so on. 2. Some verbs show Verner’s Law in Old English, for example snı ¯ðan - sna¯ ð - snidon - sniden ‘to cut’. The paradigm for Old English rı ¯san is an exception in that the third and fourth tense stems never show Verner’s Law. 3. There are also some contracted verbs in this class, for example þı ¯on/ þe¯on - þa¯ h - þigon - þigen ‘to prosper’. 4. In Middle English, the infinitive and past participle may occur with a long e, due to Middle English lengthening. 5. In Modern Standard English the past participle retains word-final n for better contrast. 6. Modern English shrive shows both strong and weak past tense forms; only the weak preterite is used for example in glide and slide. 7. The loanwords rive(n) ‘to split’ (Scandinavian) and strive (Norman) are rather exceptional because they are conjugated strong. § 68 Class 2 The basic ablaut pattern for class 2 is OE e¯o-e¯a-u˘ -o˘ ce¯osan - ce¯as - cu˘ ron - (ge)co˘ ren ME e˙¯-e˛¯-u˘ -o˛¯ che˙¯se(n) - che˛¯s - cu˘ ren/ cho˛¯ sen - (i/ y)co˛¯ ren/ cho ¯ sen MnE choose - chose - chosen Commentary: 1. Most strong verbs belonging to class 2 have disappeared; others have adopted the dental suffix of the weak verbs for the formation of the preterite; see for example creep, Old English cre¯opan: M 13/ 450, 484 strong preterite; 417 weak preterite. In general, the surviving Modern English forms are not based on the Old English pattern. 2. In Old English, some verbs had u¯ instead of e¯o in the present stem, as for example lu¯ can ‘to lock’ and bru¯ can ‘to use’. <?page no="62"?> 51 Strong Verbs 3. Some verbs show Verner’s Law, as for example ce¯osan (as above) and te¯on - te¯ah - tugon - (ge)togen and also se¯oðan ‘to seethe’; the past participle can still be found in Modern English: sodden. 4. After word-initial palatal / / the usual falling diphthong could change to a rising diphthong, as in Old English ce¯osan ‘to choose’ and Middle English che ˙¯se(n), cho ˙¯ se(n). 5. The past participle shows o¯ under the influence of Middle English lengthening. 6. Modern English ‘to fly’ also belongs to class 2; in Old English, the stems are fle¯ogan - fle¯ah - flugon - flogen; the Modern English forms have been influenced by Old English fle¯on ‘to flee’, also class 2. § 69 Class 3 The basic pattern for strong verbs belonging to class 3 is quite simple: e-æ-u-o. However, the two consonants which follow the vowel have led to many changes in the later history of these verbs. When the post-vocalic consonant group starts with a nasal (m, n), the pattern is OE i-a/ o-u-u bindan - band/ bond - bundon - (ge)bunden ME ı ¯˘-a¯˘/ o¯˘ -u¯˘ -u¯˘ binde(n) - bo˛¯ nd - bounden - (i/ y)bounden MnE i-ou-ou bind - bound - bound with a certain amount of variation in both Middle and Modern English. The differences can be traced back to the second consonant in the group - late Old English lengthening (see § 12) was stable when the consonant group was -nd (and originally -mb). In contrast, short vowels will be found in Middle and Modern English when the consonant group is -ng, -nk and -mp, as in sing - sang - sung and drink - drank - drunk. The basic pattern is different when the consonant group starts with a liquid (l, r): OE e/ eo/ ie-ea-u-o helpan - healp - hulpon - holpen ME e-a-u/ o-o helpe(n) - halp - hulpen - (i/ y)holpen MnE (e-e-e) help - helped - helped and the different vowel qualities in Old English can be explained by breaking (eo and ea; see § 3) and the influence of word-initial palatal consonants (ie; see § 25). There is a third pattern which involves yet another post-vocalic consonant group: OE eo-ea-u-o feohtan - feaht - fuhton - (ge)fohten ME i-au-ou-ou fighte - faught - foughten - (i/ y)foughten MnE i-ou-ou fight - fought - fought and involves both breaking (see § 3) and the rise of new diphthongs in Middle English (see § 4). Commentary: 1. Modern English still has a considerable number of verbs from class 3. However, verbs like climb and help show that, in some cases, the preterite has become weak. 2. In Old English, some verbs show a group of three consonants following the vowel, as for example bersten ‘to burst’. The group of three consonants was the result of metathesis (see § 28). 3. In Old English, some verbs have the vowel u in the present stem; for example murnan ‘to mourn’. <?page no="63"?> 52 Morphology § 70 Class 4 The pattern is similar to that in class 3; however, there is only one post-vocalic consonant which is either a liquid or a nasal. When followed by a liquid, the patterns are: OE e-æ-毯 -o beran - bær - b毯 ron - (ge)boren ME e˛¯-a-e¯-o˛¯ be¯re(n) - bar - be¯ren - (i/ y)bo˛¯ ren MnE ea-o-o bear - bore - born When followed by a nasal, the patterns are irregular: OE u-o¯ -o¯ -u cuman - c(w)o¯ m - c(w)o¯ mon - cumen i-o¯ -o¯ / a¯-u niman - no¯ m - no¯ mon - numen ME o/ u-a/ o¯ -o¯ -o/ u comen/ cumen - cam/ co¯ m - co¯ men - (i/ y)comen/ cumen i-a/ o-o¯ / a¯-u nimen - na/ om - na¯/ o¯ men - nomen MnE o-a-o come - came - come Commentary: 1. The verb brecan also belongs to class 4, although the post-vocalic consonant is neither a liquid nor a nasal: brecan - bræc - br毯 con - brocen ‘to break’. Modern English broke, broken shows that the vowel of the fourth tense stem was chosen for the entire preterite. 2. Modern English has very few verbs belonging to this class; apart from the above forms, steal - stole - stolen is an example of the traditional paradigm. § 71 Class 5 The pattern is similar to that of classes 3 and 4; in contrast to class 4, the post-vocalic consonant is neither a liquid nor a nasal. OE e-æ-毯 -e specan - spæc - sp毯 con - specen ME e˛¯-a-e¯-e˛¯/ o˛¯ spe˛¯ken - spak - spe˛¯ken - (i/ y)spe˛¯ken/ spo˛¯ ken MnE e-o-o speak - spoke - spoken Commentary: 1. In Old English, some verbs in class 5 show Verner’s Law, for example cweðan - cwæð - cw毯 don - (ge)cweden ‘to speak’. 2. The influence of word-initial palatal consonants can be seen in giefan - geaf - ge¯afon - giefen/ gefen ‘to give’. 3. Breaking, contraction as well as Verner’s Law can be found in se¯on - seah - sa¯ won - (ge)sewen ‘to see’. 4. In Old English, three verbs show gemination and i-mutation in the present stem: biddan ‘to bid, ask’, sittan ‘to sit’ and licgan ‘to lie’. While licgan and sittan are still in use (probably due to their high frequency in everyday language), biddan has almost completely been replaced by pray. 5. As speak - spoke - spoken clearly show, new vowel qualities were introduced for the preterite stems in late Middle or Early Modern English. § 72 Class 6 While the basic pattern is quite simple, there are some verbs with special characteristics. OE a-o¯ -o¯ -a sc(e)acan - sco¯ c - sco¯ con - (ge)scacen ME a¯-o¯ -o¯ -a¯ sha¯ke(n) - sho¯ k - sho¯ ken - (i/ y)sha¯ken MnE a-oo-a shake - shook - shaken <?page no="64"?> 53 Strong Verbs Commentary: 1. In Old English, some contracted verbs belong to this class, such as sle¯an - slo¯ g - slo¯ gon - slagen/ slægen ‘to slay’. The Modern English preterite slew was adopted from class 7. 2. Some verbs show i-mutation and gemination in the present stem, for example hebbenho¯ f - ho¯ fon - hafen/ hæfen ‘to heave’; Old English swerian also shows i-mutation. 3. Old English standan - sto¯ d - sto¯ don - standen has a post-vocalic n in the present and past participle stems. § 73 Class 7 Originally, the verbs belonging to this class showed the feature reduplication (cf. Latin pungere - pupugi) in the (finite) preterite stems. Due to later developments the finite preterite was shortened to one syllable and differences in vowel quality were levelled out. OE V-e¯/ e¯o-e¯/ e¯o-V feallan - fe¯oll - fe¯ollon - feallen ME V-e¯-e¯-V falle - fe¯l - fe¯llen - (i/ y)fallen MnE V-e-V fall - fell - fallen Commentary: 1. In Old English, some contracted verbs can be found in this class, for example fo¯ n - fe¯ng - fe¯ngon - fangen ‘to catch’. 2. Modern English has retained quite a few verbs from class 7, such as hold, know, grow, let. Old English we¯pan ‘to weep’ became weak. <?page no="65"?> 54 Morphology § 74 Conjugation of Strong Verbs in Old English The conjugation of strong verbs is illustrated by beran, class 5; helpan, class 3 and te¯on (‘to draw’), class 2. present indicative 1st sg. bere helpe te¯o 2nd sg. birest hilpst tı ¯ehst 3rd sg. bireþ hilpþ tı ¯ehþ pl. beraþ helpaþ te¯oþ present subjunctive sg. bere helpe te¯o pl. beren helpen te¯on imperative sg. ber help te¯oh 2nd pl. beraþ helpaþ te¯oþ present participle berende helpende te¯onde preterite indicative 1st sg. bær healp te¯ah 2nd sg. b毯 re hulpe tuge 3rd sg. bær healp te¯ah pl. b毯 ron hulpon tugon preterite subjunctive sg. b毯 re hulpe tuge pl. b毯 ren hulpen tugen past participle boren holpen togen Commentary: 1. The conjugational suffixes for the 2nd and 3rd singular present indicative were originally *-is, *-iþ, leading to i-mutation. 2. The suffix for the imperative of the 1st plural occurs sometimes as -an; however, the usual form is that of the subjunctive plural: -en. 3. Syncope usually shows in the 2nd and 3rd singular present indicative, irrespective of whether the vowel is long or short. Syncope is very rare when the stem-final consonant is -r, -l, -m, or -n. 4. Following syncope, complex word-final consonant clusters are modified: geminated consonants preceding the ending for the 2nd and 3rd singular present indicative are simplified: winn-an - win-st; bidd-an - bit-st; find-an - fint; stı ¯gan - stı ¯hst; ce¯osan - cı ¯est. § 75 Conjugation of Strong Verbs in Middle English As the detailed presentation of the several classes of strong verbs in the preceding sections clearly shows, it is hardly possible to devise full inflectional paradigms for strong verbs in Middle English. The tables below therefore concentrate on the endings only, with a differentiation between early and late Middle English. As a rule, early Middle English texts show the traditional Old English conjugational suffixes. However, the vowels of these suffixes are usually written e. <?page no="66"?> 55 Conjugation of Strong Verbs Early Middle English conjugational suffixes present indicative imperative subjunctive 1st sg. -e sg. - ∅ sg. -e 2nd sg. -est 1st pl. -en pl. -en 3rd sg. -eþ/ -eth 2nd pl. -eþ/ -eth pl. -eth infinitive: -e(n) present participle: -ende preterite indicative subjunctive 1st sg. - ∅ sg. -e 2nd sg. -e pl. -en 3rd sg. - ∅ pl. -e(n) past participle: (y-/ i-). . .-en Late Middle English conjugational suffixes (present tense) South WML EML North indicative 1st sg. -e -e -e -e(s) 2nd sg. -(e)st -(e)st -(e)s(t) -(e)s 3rd sg. -(e)þ/ th, -t -(e)þ/ th, -t -(e)þ/ th/ s -(e)s pl. -(e)þ/ th -(e)n -(e)n/ s -es subjunctive sg. -e -e -e -e pl. -en -en -e(n) -e imperative sg. - ∅ , -e - ∅ , -e - ∅ , -e - ∅ , -e pl. -(e)þ/ th -(e)þ/ th -(e)þ/ th/ s -(e)s infinitive -en -en -e(n) -e present participle -inge -ende -ende, -ande -ande Commentary: 1. The table indicates the most important differences in the dialects of Middle English. 2. The effect of i-mutation in the 2nd and 3rd person singular present indicative is retained in early southern texts. 3. The traditional ending for indicative present plural (-eth) was replaced early in Middle English times by -en. The reason may have been that the 3rd singular present indicative (-eþ) and the plural present indicative (-aþ) had become identical. 3. In the course of the 14th century, word-final -n begins to disappear, even in the more conservative southern dialects. As a result, the infinitive and the plural no longer had endings. 4. Word-final -e gradually became silent in the course of the 14th century. However, it continued to be written and could be used as an indication of a long vowel in the preceding stressed syllable. Word-final -e could be pronounced if the metre required an additional syllable. 5. Starting in the 14th century, the traditional ending -end for the present participle was replaced by -ing; the present participle and the verbal noun ending in -ing had become identical. <?page no="67"?> 56 Morphology Weak Verbs § 76 The System In Old English, weak verbs can be divided into three classes: class I, also called -javerbs, class II, also called -o¯ javerbs, and class III, also called -aiverbs. As has already been pointed out, the preterite of weak verbs is marked by a dental suffix, which is syllabic after short stem vowels (e. g. fre˘m-ed-e) and non-syllabic after long stem vowels (e. g. de¯m-de). Weak verbs in class I are mostly derived from nouns, adjectives and strong verbs, as for example de¯m-an which is derived from the noun do¯ m. There are two subdivisions in class I: - Class Ia verbs have the same vowel (derived from i-mutation) in both the present and the preterite; verbs with short stems have a syllabic dental suffix, those with long stems have a non-syllabic dental suffix. - Class Ib verbs always have a non-syllabic dental suffix and in most verbs the stem vowel shows i-mutation in the present tense forms, whereas i-mutation did not take place in the preterite. Weak verbs of class II are mostly derived from nouns and strong verbs, as for example fisc-ian which is derived from the noun fisc. A derivation from the strong verb findan is fand-ian ‘to test’. Class III comprises only four verbs. In Middle English times, the differentiation into three classes cannot be retained any longer. A more powerful model for the description of weak verbs in Middle English is one which is based on (1) the quality of the dental suffix (syllabic versus non-syllabic) and (2) the quality of the vowel of the stem syllable. § 77 Class Ia Weak verbs belonging to this class always show i-mutation; in addition, those with a short stem show gemination - except in the 2nd and 3rd present indicative, in the imperative singular, and when the word-final consonant is -r. Verbs with short stems have a syllabic dental suffix, those with long stems, however, have a non-syllabic dental suffix. The past participle can be used either with or without the prefix ge-. Examples are: fremman fremede fremed ‘to accomplish’ nerian nerede nered ‘to save’ de¯man de¯mde de¯med ‘to judge’ (‘deem’) ce¯pan ce¯pte ce¯ped ‘to keep’ cyssan cyste cyssed ‘to kiss’ drencan drenhte drenced ‘to drench’ Commentary: 1. When the post-vocalic consonant is voiceless, the dental suffix is -t, as in ce¯pan. 2. When a dental is the second of two post-vocalic consonants, the suffix is usually assimilated, as in send-an (infinitive) and send-e (preterite). 3. Verbs ending in -ncshow the cluster -nhtin the preterite, as in drenc-an and drenh-t-e. <?page no="68"?> 57 Weak Verbs § 78 Class Ib As has been pointed out above, weak verbs belonging to class Ib show i-mutation (see § 9) in the present stem only. The vowel in the preterite represents the original quality, but may be subject to change, in particular breaking (see § 3) and the influence of post-vocalic nasal consonants (see § 2). The dental suffix is always non-syllabic and is either -d, following voiced consonants, or -t after voiceless consonants and -g. Examples are: cwellan cwealde cweald ‘to kill’ tellan tealde teald ‘to tell’ settan sette set(t) ‘to set’ lecgean legde legd ‘to lay’ bycgean bohte boht ‘to buy’ reccean reahte reaht ‘to narrate’ t毯 cean t毯 hte, ta¯hte t毯 ht, ta¯ht ‘to teach’ þencean þo¯ hte þo¯ ht ‘to think’ bringan bro¯ hte bro¯ ht ‘to bring’ Most of the weak verbs in class Ib can be found in Modern English; as a rule, the different vowel qualities marking the present and the preterite have been preserved. § 79 Class II As the historical derivational suffix was -o¯ ja-, the vast number of verbs belonging to this class show neither i-mutation nor gemination. The infinitive always ends in -ian and the conjugated forms for the present tense, except for the 2nd and 3rd singular and the imperative singular, have an -ipreceding the conjugational syllable. The dental suffix is always syllabic and originally it was -od-, -ud-; later it was also written -adand -ed-. Examples are: andswarian andswarode andswarod ‘to answer’ a¯scian a¯scode a¯scod ‘to ask’ bodian bodode bodod ‘to preach’ lo¯ cian lo¯ code lo¯ cod ‘to look’ § 80 Class III Only four verbs, all of which occur frequently, can be assigned to this class. These verbs are habban ‘to have’, libban ‘to live’, secg(e)an ‘to say’ and hycg(e)an ‘to think’. Class III weak verbs show great variation as to their inflected forms, especially in the preterite (see paradigm, § 86). § 81 Weak Verbs in Middle English The descriptive model for weak verbs in Old English cannot be retained for Middle English. Since the number of weak verbs increased considerably in Middle English times due to the large-scale borrowing from both Scandinavian and Norman, a new descriptive model is necessary. A simple, but at the same time flexible model is proposed here, which can accommodate the great variety of weak verbs: weak verbs with a syllabic dental suffix, weak verbs with a non-syllabic dental suffix, and weak verbs with non-syllabic dental suffix and different vowels. <?page no="69"?> 58 Morphology § 82 Weak Verbs with Syllabic Dental Suffix Weak verbs from class Ia in Old English had a syllabic dental suffix, provided the stem was short and did not end in -d, -t, -s or -g. Weak verbs from class II in Old English and most weak verbs borrowed from Norman also joined this group, provided they end in a consonant. The verb live(n), which in Old English belonged to class III, also meets the criteria syllabic dental suffix, one vowel quality. Examples are: present preterite past participle her(i)en herede (y/ i-)hered ‘to praise’ loven lovede (y/ i-)loved ‘to love’ serven servede (y/ i-)served ‘to serve’ liven livede (y/ i-)lived ‘to live’ § 83 Weak Verbs with Non-syllabic Dental Suffix Old English weak verbs from class Ia with long stems belong to this group. In addition, weak verbs ending in -d, -t, -s, -g can be assigned to this group, as well as verbs borrowed from Norman which end in a vowel. The former class III verbs habban ‘to have’ and secg(e)an ‘to say’ also have non-syllabic dental suffixes. Examples are: present preterite past participle keepen kepte (y/ i-)kept ‘to keep’ senden sente (y/ i-)sent ‘to send’ setten sette (y/ i-)set ‘to set’ leyen leide (y/ i-)leid ‘to lay’ kissen kiste (y/ i-)kist ‘to kiss’ heren herde (y/ i-)herd ‘to hear’ preien preide (y/ i-)preid ‘to pray’ haven hafde, (y/ i-)hafd, ‘to have’ hadde (y/ i-)had Remark: Middle English ‘have’ shows a great variety of forms in the several dialects; see Middle English Glossary under ‘have’. § 84 Weak Verbs with Non-syllabic Dental Suffix and Different Vowels This group comprises the weak verbs from class Ib in Old English as well as a few verbs borrowed from Norman. Examples are: present preterite past participle techen taughte, ta n te (y/ i-)taught ‘to teach’ tellen tolde, talde (y/ i-)told ‘to tell’ cac(c)hen caughte (y/ i-)caught ‘to catch’ § 85 Old English Paradigms for Weak Verbs Class I and II Examples for class I are nerian ‘to save’, fremman ‘to perform’, and de¯man ‘to judge’; class II is illustrated by bodian ‘to preach’. <?page no="70"?> 59 Weak Verbs present indicative 1st sg. nerie fremme de¯me bodi(g)e 2nd sg. nerest fremest de¯m(e)st bodast 3rd sg. nereþ fremeþ de¯m(e)þ bodaþ pl. neriaþ fremmaþ de¯maþ bodiaþ present subjunctive sg. nerie fremme de¯me bodie pl. nerien fremmen de¯men bodien imperative sg. nere freme de¯m boda 2nd pl. neriaþ fremmaþ de¯maþ bodiaþ present participle neriende fremmende de¯mende bodiende preterite indicative 1st sg. nerede fremede de¯mde bodode 2nd sg. neredest fremedest de¯mdest bododest 3rd sg. nerede fremede de¯mde bodode pl. neredon fremedon de¯mdon bododon preterite subjunctive sg. nerede fremede de¯mde bodode pl. nereden fremeden de¯mden bododen past participle nered fremed de¯med bodod § 86 Old English Paradigm for Weak Verbs Class III present indicative 1st sg. hæbbe libbe secge hycge 2nd sg. hæfst, hafast liofast sægst hogast, hyg(e)st 3rd sg. hæfþ, hafaþ liofaþ sægþ hogaþ, hyg(e)þ pl. habbaþ libbaþ secg(e)aþ hycg(e)aþ present subjunctive sg. hæbbe libbe secge hycge pl. hæbben libben secgen hycgen imperative sg. hafa liofa sæge hoga, hyge pl. habbaþ libbaþ secg(e)aþ hycg(e)aþ present participle habbende libbende secgende hycgende preterite indicative 1st sg. hæfde lifde sæ(g)de hog(o)de 2nd sg. hæfdest lifdest sæ(g)dest hog(o)dest 3rd sg. hæfde lifde sæ(g)de hog(o)de pl. hæfdon lifdon sæ(g)don hog(o)don <?page no="71"?> 60 Morphology preterite subjunctive sg. hæfde lifde sæ(g)de hog(o)de pl. hæfden lifden sæ(g)den hog(o)den past participle hæf(e)d lifd sæ(g)d hog(o)d Commentary: 1. The preterite forms in -odpertaining to hycgan were modelled on the conjugation of class II verbs. 2. The imperative for the first person plural is sometimes -an; usually the ending is -en taken from the subjunctive plural. § 87 Middle English Endings of Weak Verbs: Present Tense The table lists the characteristic endings of the major Middle English dialects. North Midlands South infinitive - ∅ -(i)en -(i)en indicative 1st sg. -(e) -e -e 2nd sg. -es, -is -es(t), -st -est, -st 3rd sg. -es, -is -es, -eþ/ -th -eþ/ -th pl. -es, -is -es, -en -eþ/ -th subjunctive sg. -(e) -e -e pl. -(en) -e(n) -en imperative sg. - ∅ - ∅ , -e - ∅ , -e pl. -es -eþ/ -th -eþ/ -th participle -and(e) -and, -ende, -ing(e) -inde, -ing(e) § 88 Middle English Endings of Weak Verbs: Past Tense The table differentiates the three classes discussed above (see § 76) group I group II group III indicative 1st sg. loved(e) kept(e) herd(e) taught(e) told(e) 2nd sg. lovedest keptest herdest taughtest toldest 3rd sg. loved(e) kept(e) herd(e) taught(e) told(e) pl. loved(en) kept(en) herd(en) taught(en) told(en) subjunctive sg. loved(e) kept(e) herd(e) taught(e) told(e) pl. loved(en) kept(en) herd(en) taught(en) told(en) participle loved kept herd taught told <?page no="72"?> 61 Preterite-Present Verbs Preterite-Present Verbs § 89 The System Preterite-present verbs were originally strong verbs whose past tense had taken on present meaning, as in Latin no¯ vi (perfect tense) ‘I have learned=I know’. Since ablaut could not be used to mark the preterite, new forms for the preterite were created by using the dental suffix of weak verbs. From a formal point of view, preterite-present verbs therefore show both ablaut and have a dental suffix; however, in contrast to strong verbs, the second singular present indicative of preterite-present verbs is not derived from the third tense stem, but from the second, and is marked off from the first and third person singular by the conjugational suffix -st. A third characteristic of almost all preterite-present verbs is that not all conjugational forms have been preserved. On the semantic level, most preterite-present verbs express modality. They can therefore be considered as the precursors of the Modern English modal auxiliaries. § 90 Class 1 There two preterite-present verbs which can be assigned to this class: witan ‘to know’ and agan ‘to possess’. The paradigms are: Old English Middle English infinitive witan wite(n) 1st/ 3rd sg. wa¯t wa¯t, wo¯ t 2nd sg. wa¯st wa¯st, wo¯ st pl. witon wite(n) subjunctive sg. wite wite(n) imperative sg. wite wite imperative pl. witað wite present participle witende past tense: sg./ pl. wisse, wiste; wiston wiste past participle gewiten infinitive agan owe(n), o n e(n); aghe, awe 1st/ 3rd sg. a¯g, a¯h ough, ogh; agh, augh 2nd sg. a¯hst owest; aghte pl. a¯gon, 毯 gen owe(n); a n e, awe, agh subjunctive sg. a¯ge imperative sg. a¯ge past tense: sg./ pl. a¯hte; a¯hton oughte, oghte; aghte, aughte past participle 毯 gen Remark: The negated forms are na¯ t, na¯ st, nyton, nyte, nysse, nyste and na¯ h, na¯ gon, na¯ hte. In Middle English they are not, nute, niste. <?page no="73"?> 62 Morphology § 91 Class 2 There are very few recorded forms for dugan ‘to avail’ in Old English; the evidence is even more scarce in Middle English. Old English Middle English infinitive dugan du n en, dowe(n) 1st/ 3rd sg. de¯ag, de¯ah deigh, dow pl. dugon subjunctive duge, dyge present participle dugende past tense: sg./ pl. dohte; dohton do(u)ghte § 92 Class 3 Four verbs can be assigned to this class: unnan ‘to grant’, cunnan ‘to know, can’, þurfan ‘to need’ and dear ‘to dare’. Old English Middle English infinitive unnan 1st/ 3rd sg. an(n), on(n) an, on pl. unnon imperative unne past tense u¯ ðe u¯ þe past participle unnen infinitive cunnan cunnen, connen 1st/ 3rd sg. can(n), con(n) can, con 2nd sg. const, canst canst, const pl. cunnon cunneþ, conneþ subjunctive cunne present participle cunninde, cunnand, cunnyng past tense: sg./ pl. cu¯ ðe; cu¯ ðon couþe, coude past participle cu¯ ð (adjective) infinitive þurfan 1st/ 3rd sg. þearf þar(f) 2nd sg. þearft þarft, þerft pl. þurfon þurve(n) subjunctive þurfe þurve present participle þearfende past tense: sg./ pl. þorfte; þorfton þurfte, þorfte infinitive durren 1st/ 3rd sg. dear(r) dar, der 2nd sg. dearst darst, derst <?page no="74"?> 63 Preterite-Present Verbs pl. durron durre(n), dor(en) subjunctive durre, dyrre durre past tense: sg./ pl. dorste; dorston durst, dorste § 93 Class 4 Three verbs can be assigned to this class: sculan, sceolan ‘shall’ munan ‘to remember’ and geneah ‘be enough’. Old English Middle English infinitive sculan, sceolan 1st/ 3rd sg. sceal schal, schel 2nd sg. scealt schalt, schult pl. sculon, sceolon schule(n), schollen subjunctive scyle, scule, sceole schulle past tense: sg./ pt. sc(e)olde; sc(e)oldon scholde, schulde infinitive munan munen, monen 1st/ 3rd sg. mon, man mun, mon 2nd sg. monst, manst pl. munon mune(n), mon subjunctive mune mune imperative gemyne, gemune present participle munende past tense munde munde past participle munen sg. be-/ geneah pl. genugon subjunctive genuge past participle benohte § 94 Class 6 An infinitive for ‘must’ is not recorded. Starting in the 15th century, moste was also used for the present tense. Old English Middle English 1st/ 3rd sg. mo¯ t mo(o)t 2nd sg. mo¯ st most pl. mo¯ ton mote(n) subjunctive mo¯ te mo(o)te past tense mo¯ ste moste, muste <?page no="75"?> 64 Morphology § 95 Uncertain Class The forms for mæg ‘may’ are: Old English Middle English infinitive mu n en, mowen 1st/ 3rd sg. mæg mai, mei 2nd sg. meaht, miht might pl. magon ma n e, mawe, mai, mu n e, mowe subjunctive mæge ma n e, mawe, mowe present participle magende past tense meahte, mihte mighte, moughte, moghte, mughte Remark: The forms for the present singular increased in Middle English times. In the North, forms for the 2nd singular were maght, maught, later maist, mai. Irregular Verbs § 96 The System Only four verbs belong to this group: be¯on ‘to be’, ga¯ n ‘to go’, do¯ n ‘to do’, and willan ‘(to) will’. Three of these were inherited from Indo-European; ‘do¯ n’ is an innovation of Germanic. The following paradigm for be¯on applies to the West Saxon dialect and lists only the more frequent forms in Middle English. Old English Middle English Modern English infinitive be¯on beon, ben to be present indicative 1st sg. eom, be¯o am, eom, em am 2nd sg. eart, bist art, ert are 3rd sg. is, biþ pl. sint, sindon are(n) are bı ¯oþ, be¯oþ subjunctive sg. sı ¯(e), sy¯ beo, be be bı ¯o, be¯o pl. sı ¯(e)n, sy¯ n beon, ben be bı ¯oþ, be¯oþ imperative sg. bı ¯o, be¯o; wes beo, be be pl. bı ¯oþ, be¯oþ, beoþ, beþ, ben be wesaþ present participle be¯onde, wesende beyng, beande being preterite indicative 1st sg. wæs was, wes was 2nd sg. w毯 re were were <?page no="76"?> 65 Irregular Verbs 3rd sg. wæs was, wes was pl. w毯 ron were(n) were subjunctive sg. w毯 re were, ware, wore was, were pl. w毯 ren weren, ware, wore were past participle be¯on (i/ y)be(n), bee(n) been Remark: Middle English are(n) is based on the Old English Mercian forms (e)arun. A selection of negated forms can be found in the glossaries following the main entry (be¯on; be). The chief forms for do¯ n, ga¯ n and willan in Old English are: present indicative 1st sg. do¯ ga¯ wille 2nd sg. de¯st g毯 st wilt 3rd sg. de¯þ g毯 þ wil(l)e pl. do¯ þ ga¯þ willaþ subjunctive sg. do¯ ga¯ wil(l)e pl. do¯ n ga¯n willen imperative sg. do¯ ga¯ pl. do¯ þ ga¯þ present participle do¯ nde ga¯nde willende preterite indicative 1st sg. dyde e¯ode wolde 2nd sg. dydest e¯odest woldest 3rd sg. dyde e¯ode wolde pl. dydon e¯odon woldon subjunctive sg. dyde e¯ode wolde pl. dyden e¯oden wolden past participle do¯ n gega¯n The chief Middle English forms: 1. do infinitive do(n) 1st sg. do 2nd sg. dost; dos (North); dest (early southern texts) 3rd sg. doþ, doth; dos (North); deþ (early southern texts) pl. doþ, doth; do(n) (Midlands); dos (North) subjunctive sg. do pl. do(n) present participle doinde; doing (later, South); doende (Midlands); doande (North) preterite dude (Southwest and WML); dede (Kent); dide, dede (North and Midlands) past participle i/ y-do, don <?page no="77"?> 66 Morphology 2. go infinitive go(n) (North: ga) 1st sg. go; ga (North) 2nd sg. gost; gest (in early southern texts); gas, gast (North) 3rd sg. goþ, goth, geþ (early southern texts); gas (North) pl. goþ (South); go(n) gan (Midlands); gas, gos (North) subjunctive sg. go, ga pl. go(n), ga present participle goinde, goende; goande, gangande (North) preterite eode, ode, ede, n eode (early texts); n ede, n ode (later); went (from the 15th century onwards) past participle (i/ y-)go(n), go(n); gan, gain (North) 3. will infinitive willen, will 1st/ 3rd sg. wille, wil; welle (Midlands); wule, wole (South) 2nd sg. wilt, wult, wolt pl. willeþ, woleþ (South); wille(n), wol(l)en, wolle (Midlands); will, welyn, wol(l)e(n) (North) subjunctive sg. wille, wulle, wole pl. wille(n), wulle(n), wole(n) preterite wolde, wulde; walde (North and West) past participle wold Remarks 1. Forms for the present in wolare new forms and were derived from the preterite wold-. 2. For negated forms, see the glossary. <?page no="78"?> 4. Syntax Introduction Looking at Modern English syntax from a historical perspective, the differences are not as radical as they are in the area of phonology or morphology. The major differences can be assigned to a few areas. One of these is the elaborate system of tense forms in Modern English. A second major difference concerns the highly restricted possibilities of inversion in Modern English, resulting chiefly from the loss of inflection, as pointed out in the previous chapter. One of the constant features of English syntax is the basic pattern of most main clauses from the time of the first written records until today: subject - predicate - object(s). In Old English, however, the subject need not be expressed explicitly since it could be inferred from the (conjugated) predicate. Also, Old English texts usually have quite simple predicates - the inflection is either for the present tense (excluding the progressive) or past tense (so-called ‘simple past’). As regards objects, Old English usually distinguishes the indirect from the direct object by inflection: the indirect object was marked by the dative, the direct by the accusative. Further, certain verbs took neither the dative nor the accusative but rather the genitive. Especially in Old English, constructions can be found which involve impersonal verbs, such as mislı ¯cian ‘to displease’, misðyncan ‘to err’ and þyncan ‘to seem, appear’. These imply a neuter subject, i. e. it, and the person involved is usually indicated by a dative inflection. Examples (involving þyncan) can be found in O 3/ 8, 147; O 10/ 66 and O 11/ 4; O 8/ 113 provides an example involving mislı ¯cian and a further instance can be found in O 7/ 103, involving mislimpan ‘to be unsuccessful’. O 5/ 7 provides an example involving spo¯ wan, ‘to be successful’. Impersonal verbs can also be found in (early) Middle English texts: M 6/ 135: ‘For me þink hit not semly’; M 8/ 47: ‘him þoute’ as well as M 7/ 9 and 137: ‘me mette’ and ‘mette me’ - ‘I dreamed’; M 7/ 34: ‘it semeþ’; M 5/ 218: ‘heom luste slepe’; M 12/ 68: ‘Me liste’ and M 13/ 90-91: ‘me liste’, ‘me list’. Of course, there are some more differences in the field of syntax. However, these are not major differences, but differences in detail. In the following sections the emphasis has been placed on the use of nominal forms, the use of both finite and non-finite forms of verbs, and the methods of co-ordination and subordination. Remark: Detailed models involving a different terminology can be found in Hogg (1992: 168-289) and Blake (1992: 207-408). A detailed account of Old English syntax can be found in Mitchell (1985). A comprehensive treatment of Middle English Syntax is yet to be written. <?page no="79"?> 68 Syntax Nominal Forms: Function and Use The grammatical categories of nouns in Indo-European are: case, number, gender and declensional class. These categories were expressed by a complex system of inflectional suffixes. Grammatical suffixes expressing case and number indicate whether nouns or pronouns are used as subject (suffixes or lack thereof for the nominative), direct object (suffixes for the accusative), indirect object (suffixes for the dative) or adverbial (suffixes for the ablative). Not all cases have a distinct suffix - in Latin, dative and ablative plural usually have the same suffix - so it is necessary that other means be used in order to convey the full information of an utterance to the recipient. Since the process of decoding information is performed on a sequential-linear level, it can reasonably be assumed that other means (signals) are used by which the recipient will be able to establish a dynamic hierarchy of information. A very likely method for this is the use of fixed syntactic structures, especially at the beginning of an utterance. Starting an utterance with certain parts of speech can be interpreted by the recipient that the basic information is either given at the beginning, in the middle or at the end. In view of the fact that English has lost most grammatical suffixes, fixed structural patterns became more and more important. Some of these structural patterns replacing the former category case will be discussed in the following sections. § 97 Nominative The nominative is used in Old and Middle English just as it is used in Modern English - to mark both the subject (and its constituents) and the person addressed directly (vocative). In some Old English texts which are based on a Latin original, the Latin vocative can be found, provided it differs from the nominative. See for example O 8/ 36, 44, 49, 66 and 113. § 98 Genitive The basic function of the genitive is specification (delimiting, describing etc.). In Old English, the genitive is used 1. to express a possessive relation (possessive genitive); 2. as subjective genitive, as in O 2/ 14: on þæs wı ¯fes geb毯 rum ‘upon the woman’s behaviour’; the noun inflected for the genitive noun is the active role (i. e. the woman was crying); 3. as objective genitive, as in O 1/ 27: mı ¯n eg˙ e ‘fear of me’; the genitive is the passive role; 4. with a defining and describing function, as in O 2/ 24 do¯ m fe¯os ond londes ‘judgement (amount) of money and land’; 5. as partitive genitive, as in O 2/ 16 hiera . . . gehwelcum and hiera n毯 nig ‘every one of them’ and ‘none of them’; 6. to mark an adverbial; see § 54 and the examples listed there; 7. after certain verbs and adjectives, as in O 2/ 1, 24-25: benam . . . his rı ¯ces ‘deprived him of his kingdom’; him þæs rı ¯ces u¯ ðon ‘granted him the rule’; the glossary indicates which verbs and adjectives take the genitive. <?page no="80"?> 69 Nominal Forms: Function and Use In early Middle English texts most of the above functions of the genitive can still be found. One of the main functions of the genitive, the marking of possessive relations, could also be expressed by means of the prepositional of-periphrasis which, in Old English, was used to denote origin. In light of the French influence with the prepositional possessive construction de+noun/ pronoun, the of-periphrasis was used more and more often. The inflected genitive is used in Middle English 1. to mark a possessive relationship, as in M 9/ 111 Hornes herte; and, 2. to express an adverbial relation; see § 54 and the examples listed there. Increasingly, other functions of the genitive were taken over by the of-periphrasis. From about the late 13th century onwards, the so-called absolute genitive can be found, as in And ran to Londoun unto Seinte Poules ‘and hurried to London, to St Paul’s [cathedral]’. § 99 Dative The main function of the dative is to mark the indirect object, usually a person. In Old English, the dative is used 1. to mark the indirect object; 2. to indicate possession, as in the entry for the year 797 of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: He¯r Ro¯ mane Leone þ毯 m pa¯ pan his tungon forcurfon ‘In this year the Romans cut off the tongue of Pope Leo’; 3. with the function of an adverbial, as in O 2/ 5: miclum gefeohtum ‘in great battles’ and O 10/ 210: wiga wintrum geong, wordum m毯 lde ‘A warrior young in years spoke with these words’ (see also § 54 and the examples cited there); 4. in translations from Latin to render the ablative absolute (dative absolute); 5. after certain adjectives and verbs, as in O 6/ 101: God, gemiltsa u¯ rum sa¯ wlum! ‘Lord, have mercy on our souls’, and O 6/ 131: wo¯ dum gelı ¯cost ‘resembling madmen’; adjectives and verbs followed by a dative are marked in the glossary. As long as there were inflections for the demonstrative pronoun in Middle English, it was possible to distinguish a dative in its function as indirect object. After inflection had been abolished, the indirect object was marked either by the preposition to or by its fixed position in the sentence. § 100 Accusative In Old English, the accusative marks the goal of the verbal action. It is used 1. to mark the direct object; 2. with adverbial function; see § 54 and the examples cited there. As long as there were inflections for the demonstrative pronoun in Middle English, it was possible to distinguish an accusative in its function as the direct object. After inflection had been abolished, the direct object was marked by a fixed position in the sentence. <?page no="81"?> 70 Syntax § 101 Instrumental Inflectional endings for the instrumental in Old English only exist in the strong declension of adjectives (singular, masculine and neuter; see § 49) and in the declension of both demonstrative pronouns (singular, masculine and neuter, see § 58). The instrumental was used 1. to mark the circumstances of the verbal action, as in O 2/ 8 ly¯tle werode ‘with a small army’; 2. to indicate a certain point in time, as in O 3/ 65 þy¯ endlyftan ge¯are his rı ¯ces ‘in the eleventh year of his rule’. § 102 Adjectives and Verbal Nouns As pointed out in § 48, attributive adjectives in Old and early Middle English could be inflected either strong or weak. In Old English prose texts, adjectives are declined weak when preceded by an article, a demonstrative pronoun or a possessive pronoun (just as in Modern German). Ordinals above three, comparatives and usually superlatives also follow the weak declension. Adjectives used predicatively, however, follow the strong declension in most instances. These rules also apply to participles used as adjectives; however, it should be remembered that participles can be used without inflection. In marked contrast to Modern English, adjectives could be used as nouns in both Old and (early) Middle English since they were subject to inflection. In later Middle English, adjectives used as non-generic nouns (i. e. ‘the poor’) are marked, just as they are in Modern English, by one (‘the poor one’). § 103 Infinitive In Old and Middle English, the unmarked infinitive (i. e. marked only by the derivational ending) is used following modal verbs, such as cunnan, willan and sceal. Modals in combination with adverbs expressing motion, however, can be used without an infinitive, as in O 1/ 6 þ毯 r þ毯 r hı ¯e to¯ scoldon ‘where they should go to’. The unmarked infinitive is used in Old English after verbs expressing a commandment, as in O 5/ 1: Ælfred kyning ha¯ teð gre¯tan W毯 rferð biscep - literally: ‘King Alfred commands to greet Bishop W毯 rferð’. Old English also has an inflected infinitive (also called gerundium). This infinitive is marked by the inflectional syllable -ne and is always preceded by the preposition to¯ . The inflected infinitive is used 1. to express purpose, as in O 1/ 6-7 to¯ ofsle¯anne I¯saac ‘in order to kill Isaac’; 2. to mark an obligation or duty; as a rule, it follows a finite form of be¯on ‘to be’ and may express a consecutive relation, as in O 5/ 45-46 ða¯ ðe nı ¯edbeðearfosta sı ¯en eallum monnum to¯ wiotonne ‘(those books) which are the most important to be known by everybody’. 3. as complement of a verb expressing an incipient action, as in O 6/ 28 O¯¯ swold ongann embe Godes willan to¯ sme¯agenne ‘Oswald began to think about the will of God’; 4. as complement of an adjective or noun (sometimes in imitation of a Latin genitival gerundium, such as ‘ars recte dicendi’). See O 3/ 124-125: swa¯ wynsumu to¯ gehy¯ranne ‘so delightful to listen to’; <?page no="82"?> 71 Verbal Forms: Function and Use 5. as subject or object, as in to¯ sittanne on mı ¯ne swy¯ðran healfe . . . nys me¯ inc to¯ syllanne ‘it is not in my power to grant to you (the gift of) sitting to my right’. In Middle English, the unmarked infinitive is used after modals. Following the loss of the derivational syllable -(i)an (see § 22), the infinitive marked by the preceding preposition to is increasingly used; the emphatic marking is for to, and for till in northern texts. This form of the infinitive functions in Middle English as the inflected infinitive had in Old English (see above). A Middle English innovation is the perfect infinitive; however, it is not used very often. Its function is to express unreality, as in M 7/ 220 Then gan he wake wel wanne and wolde haue ydronke ‘Then he woke up all pale and would have liked to have a drink’ and M 13/ 483 He wende have cropen by his felawe John ‘He thought to have crept (in) by his fellow John’. While rare in Old English, the passive infinitive can be found frequently in Middle English, as in M 6/ 239-240 disserued þou habbez / To be o ederly o olden ‘you have disserved to be repaid promptly’. Verbal Forms: Function and Use The conjugational paradigms in § 74 and 75 clearly demonstrate that there were only two conjugations in Old and Middle English: the first for the present tense, the second for the past tense. Nevertheless, it is possible to express the three complex categories of temporal relationship (anteriority - simultaneity - posteriority) by means of two conjugational tense forms only. The complex system of tense forms in Modern English is a comparatively recent achievement (18th century) and is based on the tense forms and their use in Latin. The structures signalling, for example, present perfect and past perfect in Modern English, can already be found in Old English; however, these structures had not yet been functionalised and were not subject to specific grammatical rules. § 104 Present Tense The indicative present is used to 1. mark the current present; 2. state a fact, as in O 4/ 15: Þæt Estland is swy¯ðe mycel ‘This eastern country is very large’; 3. mark an ongoing action in the present, as in O 10/ 45: Gehy¯rst þu¯ , s毯 lida, hwæt þis folc segeð? ‘Sailor, can you hear what this army is saying’; 4. mark a future action (future I), as in O 1/ 12: God foresce¯awað ‘God will provide’; 5. mark an action which will be complete in the future (future in the past) as in ‘Se¯ mon, se þe nu¯ de¯meþ þ毯 m earmum bu¯ ton mildheortnesse, þonne biþ þa¯ m eft heard do¯ m gete¯od.’ ‘He who has (will have) judged the poor without mercy will receive a stern judgement himself’. The present subjunctive was used to 1. express future II, as in gif hwa gefeohte on cyninges huse, sie he scyldig ealles his ierfes ‘anybody fighting (having fought) in the king’s house will lose his entire inheritance’; <?page no="83"?> 72 Syntax 2. to express a wish or request, as in O 5/ 16: Gode ælmihtegum sı ¯e ðonc ‘Thanks to the Almighty’. Remark: Only be¯on has forms conjugated for the present indicative which in most instances have a future meaning; these are those with word-initial b- (see the paradigm, § 96). § 105 Past Tense The preterite indicative is used in Old English 1. to indicate a single completed action; 2. to indicate a continuing action in the past, as in þa ða men slepon, þa com his feonda sum ‘while the men were sleeping, one of his enemies arrived’; 3. to convey the meaning of the present perfect in Modern English, as in ic mid ealre heorte þe gewilnode ‘I have been longing for you with all my heart’; 4. to express anteriority in the past, i. e. ‘past perfect’ as in O 1/ 13: þe him gesweotolode God ‘which God had pointed out to him’. Anteriority in the past (past perfect) is also frequently marked by the temporal adverb 毯 r ‘earlier, before’, as in O 6/ 120: þone þe hı ¯ 毯 r forso¯ con ‘whom they had rejected earlier/ before’. The preterite subjunctive is used 1. in main clauses to express a wish that will not come true (irrealis); 2. in dependent clauses, when the main clause is in the preterite (see below, mood). In Middle English, the use of the preterite shows hardly any differences. An innovation in Middle English is the historic present, as in M 8/ 84-85: Þe wolf haueþ hounger swiþe gret, / For he nedde o are i-ete ‘The wolf is very hungry now / Since he has not eaten anything for a long time’; it seems probable that the historic present was adopted from Old French. § 106 Periphrastic Tense Forms Apart from the simple (synthetic) conjugated forms listed above, the periphrastic (analytic) forms need to be considered in both Old and Middle English. The latter consist of a participle (either the present or the past participle), an infinitive and a finite form of be¯on or habban or a modal. It is important to differentiate between 1. constructions simply marking tense; 2. passive constructions (see § 108, voice); 3. constructions similar to the progressive in Modern English (see § 109, aspect); 4. constructions expressing modality (see § 110, mood). In Old and Middle English, complex predicates can be found which strongly resemble the present perfect and the past perfect of Modern English. These constructions consist of a finite form of habban or be¯on plus a past participle. Examples are O 3/ 11: Ic þe¯ so¯ ðlı ¯ce andette þæt ic cu¯ ðlı ¯ce geleornad hæbbe ‘I tell you truly that I have indeed learned’ (similarity with the present perfect) and O 2/ 13-14: oþ þæt hı ¯e hine ofslægenne hæfdon ‘until they had killed him’. In contrast to Modern English, the participle can be inflected and used like an adjective (as in the second example) and the word order is different. Nonetheless, there are constructions in which the participle is not inflected, as in O 5/ 34: ond ða¯ be¯c ealla be fullan geliornod hæfdon ‘and had learned all the books completely’. Some of <?page no="84"?> 73 Verbal Forms: Function and Use these constructions show a bracket-structure: finite auxiliary - object(s) - past participle. However, constructions identical to those in Modern English can also be found, as in O 8/ 33: þu¯ hafast nu¯ geednı ¯wod his ealde sa¯ r ‘you have now renewed his old grief’. While constructions involving habban only occur with the past participle, constructions with be¯on occur with both the present and the past participle. An example is O 2/ 13: Ond hı ¯e alle on þone cyning w毯 run feohtende ‘and they were all fighting against the king’. While the example just quoted is indeed very close to the progressive form in Modern English, the second example, found in O 3/ 7-8, is not: Þa¯ hæfde he¯ gesprec and geþeaht mid his witum and syndriglı ¯ce wæs fram him eallum frignende ‘Then he had a conversation and a council with his advisers and asked every one of them’. A third example, found in O 5/ 11, involves a finite form of be¯on together with a past participle: swæ clæne hio wæs oðfeallenu on Angelcynne ‘so completely had it (teaching) declined in England’. In Middle English, periphrastic constructions are more frequent than in Old English. However, they are not (yet) subject to rules as they are in Modern English. Examples involving a finite form of have can be found in M 1/ 23-24: Micel hadde Henri king gadered gold and syluer ‘King Henry had collected a large amount of gold and silver’; M 6/ 50: as I haf herd carp ‘as I have heard (related)’; and M 7/ 198: Til Glotoun hadde yglobbed a galoun and a gylle ‘until Glotoun had drunk a glass too much’. Examples involving a finite form of to be can be found in M 8/ 14: Hennen weren þerinne icrope ‘hens had crept into (it)’; and M 11/ 36: Was ane of þa seuyn wonand ‘one of these seven resided’. In addition to constructions involving to be and to have, Middle English has special constructions for both present and past tense. One of these is a finite form of ginne(n), used as an auxiliary and followed by an infinitive. The auxiliary is not to be translated since it only serves to signal either present or past tense. See for example M 11/ 56: Downe of his palfray gan he liht ‘he dismounted from his horse’. Northern texts not only have gan, but also can, con as well as couth. Examples are M 6/ 127 To þe kyng he can enclyne ‘he inclined towards the king’; M 13/ 288: And whan the hors was laus, he gynneth gon ‘And when the horse was free, it starts running’ (see Middle English Glossary under gynneth). Although constructions involving gan can have the function of marking an inchoative (i. e. beginning) action, in most instances they are special past tense forms only. They are frequently found in poetry because gan has the potential of an extra stressed syllable - if required by the metre. § 107 Future In Old English, constructions involving sceal plus infinitive can hardly be considered as periphrastic future because sceal expresses obligation. This is different in constructions involving willan plus infinitive; however, the basic meaning of willan (volition) is still present. In Middle English, future is increasingly signalled by shall plus infinitive, but also wille(n) plus infinitive. The original meaning of shall soon receded into the background, whereas wille(n) still retained the semantic element volition. A further <?page no="85"?> 74 Syntax future construction can be found in Middle English: worþe, supplying a future for be(n). An example is M 8/ 96: Ich wot, toni o t Ich worþe ded ‘I know that I will be dead by tonight’. § 108 Voice Old English has only one verb with an inflectional passive: ha¯ tte ‘is called, was called’. Otherwise, the passive is expressed by a periphrastic (analytic) construction involving either be¯on or weorðan followed by a past participle. The use of be¯on or weorðan makes no difference; they are interchangeable. The agent of a passive construction is indicated by several prepositions, not exclusively by the precursor of Modern English by. The most frequent prepositions are: æt, fram, wiþ, mid, of, be. Compared to Modern English with its high number of passive constructions, especially those without an agent (i. e. It is/ was/ has been + past participle, sometimes called impersonal passive), Old English, and to a certain extent Middle English, has fewer passive constructions. Old and Middle English tended to use an impersonal active construction based on the subject man, mon ‘one’ which conveys the same quality of information as the impersonal passive. ‘One does something’ is also possible in Modern English, although one tends to avoid it. Beginning in the 16th century, the man, mon construction started to disappear. In Old English, passive constructions were originally only possible with verbs which took a direct object marked by the accusative, e. g. he ofslo¯ h þone cyning (þone cyning is clearly accusative); the passive version would be se¯ cyning wæs ofslægen (æt him). With the levelling of cases, passive constructions involving the dative object in the active became possible. In Middle English, the passive requires a finite form of be(n) and occasionally worþe ‘to become’, followed by a past participle. Especially in southern texts, worþe can still be found in the 16th century. The impersonal active construction involving man, mon, me, men is also available in Middle English and is used quite frequently. Passive constructions in general are more frequent in Middle English, since the difference between dative and accusative had been levelled. Thus, passive constructions with verbs originally taking a dative object became possible in Middle English, as can be seen in the following examples from Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales: How that I may been holpen and in what wyse ‘How I can be assisted and in what way’ (v, 1044). Similarly, passive constructions involving verbs with a prepositional object are also possible as a result of the abolishment of the category case. An example is I was sent for. From the late 15th century onwards, the passive construction involving become followed by a past participle can be found. This construction can be found more frequently in early Modern English. For the passive infinitive see § 103. § 109 Aspect As has already been mentioned above (see § 106), constructions consisting of a finite form of be¯on followed by a present participle can be found in Old English. Some of these constructions are very close to the Modern English progressive. It would appear, <?page no="86"?> 75 Verbal Forms: Function and Use therefore, that English writers favoured a special form of the predicate to accommodate the progressive aspect instead of using adverbs. A predicate marked for aspect can also frequently be found in Middle English. In addition to the progressive aspect, further types of aspect have to be considered: 1. the inchoative aspect, in Middle English expressed by an inflected form of gin(ne) followed by an infinitive; later, this construction functioned as special preterite (see § 106); 2. the frequentative or habitual aspect, expressed by wil . . ., wold . . . followed by an infinitive; an example can be found in O 6/ 72: He¯ wolde æfter u¯ htsange oftost hine gebiddan ‘He would pray after matins as frequently as possible’; 3. the causative aspect, expressed by a finite form of do, make (ger in northern texts) and followed by an infinitive; M 8/ 126: Þi soule-cnul Ich wile do ringe ‘I will have a death-knell rung for you’; M 12/ 199: Garre Satan helpe þat we wer wroken ‘Get Satan to help us so that we can be avenged’. § 110 Mood The use of the subjunctive in dependent clauses will be discussed in the sections on these clauses. The present section discusses the use of the subjunctive in main clauses. In Old English, the subjunctive is marked in both the present and preterite tense by conjugational endings: -e in the singular and -en in the plural, as in find-e (present subjunctive singular), find-en (present subjunctive plural), fund-e (preterite subjunctive singular) and fund-en (preterite subjunctive plural). Due to apocope (see § 22), it became more and more difficult to differentiate indicative and subjunctive starting in late Old English. A differentiation between indicative and subjunctive is crucial for understanding the modality of an utterance (i. e. factual, assumed, projected); as a result, modal verbs (i. e. most preterite-present verbs) were increasingly used to replace the former inflectional subjunctive. As a consequence, those modal verbs as well as the irregular verb willan lost their original meaning. In Old English, the present subjunctive is used in main clauses to express either a wish that can be fulfilled or an order. The subjunctive can also be found in main clauses when the speaker or author wishes to express his personal attitude towards the subject-matter. Subjunctive is also used in clauses which contain a demand, a wish or an opinion. An example can be found in O 5/ 16: Gode ælmihtegum sı ¯e ðonc ‘thanks be to God Almighty’. The preterite subjunctive is used in main clauses with unfulfillable wishes, as in eala gif he w毯 re hund! ‘If only he were a dog! ’ In Middle English, the present subjunctive is used in main clauses expressing a wish, as for example in God beo iþoncked ‘thanks to God’. In main clauses which express an (apparently) unfulfillable wish, the preterite subjunctive is used, as in M 8/ 4: Him were leuere meten one hen ‘He would have preferred to meet a hen’. <?page no="87"?> 76 Syntax Negation § 111 Negation Two basic types of negation will be discussed in this section: predicate negation (when the verb is negated) and constituent negation (when other parts of the sentence are negated: nouns, adjectives, and adverbs). Whereas in Modern Standard English, predicate negation and constituent negation cannot be combined (e. g. ‘I didn’t see nobody’), a combination of both types was possible in Old and Middle English and in early Modern English as well. In Modern Standard English, constituent negation can only be combined to express a positive, such as ‘not unlikely’, ‘not impossible’ and so on. Such constructions can be used as a stylistic means. In Old and Middle English, a combination of both predicate and constituent negation is quite common; this is nonetheless not necessarily the same as simple negation, but often gives the negation extra force. For example O 4/ 18-19: And ne bið ð毯 r n毯 nig ealo gebrowen mid Estum ‘and the Estonians do not brew ale (at all)’ - the negative particle ne negates the predicate bið and the object ealo is negated by the pronominal ajective n毯 nig. A sentence with three negated elements can be found in M 1/ 37-38: ne uuæren næure nan martyrs swa pined ‘it has never been the case that any martyrs have been tortured in such a way’ - the predicate uuæren is negated by the negative particle ne, the negated predicate is further negated by the adverb næure and the subject martyrs is negated by the pronominal adjective nan. In Old and Middle English, the predicate is negated by the particle ne immediately preceding the verb. For purposes of emphasis, ne may be moved into front position leading to inversion, as in O 9/ 65b-67a: Ne wearð wæl ma¯ re . . . gefylled ‘Never had so many been killed’. Inversion can also be found in Middle English, as the example in M 8/ 77 clearly shows: Ne beþ nout o et þre daies ago ‘Less than three days ago’. In Modern English, inversion is only possible with negative adverbs or negative adverb clauses in head position (‘Hardly had I begun . . .’; ‘So little has been said . . .’). In Old and Middle English, the concept neither . . . nor is expressed by the corresponding conjunctions ne . . . ne as for example in O 7/ 48-50: Ne bearh nu¯ foroft gesib gesibban þe¯ ma¯ þe fremdan, ne fæder his bearne, ne hwı ¯lum bearn his a¯ genum fæder, ne bro¯ þor o¯ þrum; ne u¯ re 毯 nig his lı ¯f fadode swa¯ swa¯ he¯ scolde, ne geha¯ dode regollı ¯ce, ne l毯 wede lahlı ¯ce; as well as in M 1/ 47-48: ðat he ne myhte nowiderwardes, ne sitten ne lien ne slepen. In Old and Middle English, the negative particle may combine with certain verbs which are used frequently. These include the finite forms be¯on ‘to be’ (see glossaries under be¯on and be) and both finite and non finite forms of habban (see glossaries under habban and have), willan (see glossaries under willan (2) and wille (2)), and witan ‘to know’ (see glossaries under witan and wit (2)). Emphatic negation can also be expressed by reinforcing the negative particle by na¯ , no¯ , either preceding ne or following the verb, as for example in O 7/ 63: swa¯ man na¯ ne scolde, ‘as indeed one should not’ and O 7/ 124: hy¯ ne scamað na¯ ‘they are not at all ashamed’, or even, in complex predicates, ne preceding the finite verb and na¯ preceding the past participle, as in O 8/ 47: ac he¯o næfð hine na¯ wel geleornod ‘she has not learned this art well (at all)’. Emphatic negation is also expressed by the <?page no="88"?> 77 Main Clauses collocation næs na¯ (with næs probably a shortened form of n(e)alles), as in Næs na¯ mid golde . . . ‘not with gold by any means’. The adverb n毯 fre ‘never’ can be combined with a negated predicate, as in O 2/ 26-27: ond hı ¯e n毯 fre his banan folgian noldon ‘and that they would never (ever) accept his murderer’ and as in M 9/ 7: Þat y neuere ne þo o te ‘(that) which I never (ever) intended’. Constituent negation in Old and Middle English is expressed by either pronominal adjectives like na¯ n, no¯ n in Old English, Middle English none ‘no one’, or by affixes. Originally, only two prefixes expressed the idea of negation: Old English unand mis-. The suffix expressing negation is Old English -le¯as, Middle and Modern English -less. The most important changes relating to negation in Middle English are the replacement of the negative particle ne (which precedes the verb) by the adverb not (which follows the verb), as in M 6/ 147: And if I carp not comlyly ‘and if I do not speak in a courtly manner’. Due to the influence of Norman French, the number of prefixes expressing negation increased: des-, discould be used side by side with the traditional prefixes misand un-. Main Clauses § 112 General Remarks This section concentrates on Old English prose. Due to the fact that Old English still had both nominal and verbal inflection, variation (inversion) from the standard pattern of subject - predicate - object is often found, especially in Old English poetry. Apart from the basic structure subject-predicate, Old English frequently shows the patterns subject-. . .-predicate and predicate-subject. Variation is also possible as to the objects. If something is moved towards the beginning of the sentence, it is usually being emphasised, as for example in the relative clause in O 1/ 13: þe him gesweotolode God ‘which God had pointed out to him’ or in the main clause O 6/ 9: O¯¯ swold him co¯ m to¯ ‘Oswald came to him’. In both instances, the pronominal object is emphasised, whereas in its usual position following the predicate it would be in a comparatively unstressed position. § 113 Concord As long as inflectional endings for both nouns and verbs are an active and distinctive category in the texts, concord in Old and early Middle English offers little difficulty. However, there are a few areas which may present some difficulties and will therefore be discussed below. 1. Indefinite pronouns and collective subjects may correspond with a predicate inflected either for the plural or the singular, depending on the perspective of the speaker/ author, as in O 4/ 36 and 44: þonne rı ¯deð 毯 lc . . . and hyt mo¯ tan habban eall ‘then everyone rides off . . . and they may retain it completely’; a¯ n m毯 gð, þæt hı ¯ magon cyle gewyrcan ‘a tribe (and these people) can produce cold’. In early Middle <?page no="89"?> 78 Syntax English, conditions are still similar, as M 1/ 62 shows: al þe tunscipe flugæn for heom ‘the entire population of the place fled because of them’. 2. When there are two subjects, the first preceding and the second following the predicate, the predicate usually takes the number from the subject preceding it, as in O 2/ 1: He¯r Cynewulf benam Sigebryht his rı ¯ces and Westseaxna wiotan ‘In this year Cynewulf and the council of the West Saxons deprived Sigebryht of his rule’. 3. Relative clauses introduced by þa¯ ra þe may have predicates inflected either for the singular or the plural, as in O 5/ 49: ða¯ ra ðe ða¯ spe¯da hæbben ‘those who have the means’. § 114 Complex Nominal Structures In Old and Middle English, complex nominal structures are usually split - one portion preceding the predicate, the other following it. These structures may be encountered in the context of the subject, the object, or with genitives, adjectives and adverbials. 1. Subject: eower mod is awend and eower andwlita ‘your mind has changed and your appearance (as well)’. 2. Object: þa he þone cniht agef and þæt wif ‘when he returned the young man and the woman’. 3. Genitive: Inwæres broþur and Healfdenes ‘the brother of Inwære and Healfdene (Inwære’s brother and Healfdene’s)’. 4. Adverbials: þa þe in Norþhymbrum bugeað and on East Englum ‘those living in Northumbria and East Anglia’. 5. Adjectives: þæt hi næfre ær swa clæne gold, ne swa read ne gesawon ‘that they had never seen gold which was so pure and so red’. Dependent Clauses The following sections deal with the various types of dependent clauses. A division will be made between dependent noun clauses (subject and object clauses), adverbial clauses introduced by conjunctions, and relative clauses. Just as in Modern English, the conjunction that can be used for different types of subordinate clauses. In Old and Middle English, the function of that can be differentiated by a preceding adverb like swa¯ or so. This sequence can be found in consecutive clauses, even in Modern English (‘so that . . .’). Conjunctions in Old English often consist of several words in sequence. The prepositions for and mid followed by a dative or instrumental demonstrative pronoun are very frequent (see Old English Glossary under for and mid). In Middle English, complex conjunctions with for can still be found (see Middle English Glossary under for), while mid had been replaced by with. Compounds frequently found in Middle English begin with either there or where (see Middle English Glossary). Another important aspect in dependent clauses is mood. In most dependent clauses, either indicative or subjunctive can be used, but the subjunctive would express a different meaning. When an author chooses to use the subjunctive, he wants to express doubt, or uncertainty, or scepticism about what he is saying (or reporting). <?page no="90"?> 79 Dependent Clauses § 115 Object Clauses Object clauses, including indirect speech, are introduced by the conjunction þæt or þætte, as can be seen in O 4/ 1: Wulfsta¯ n s毯 de þæt he¯ gefo¯ re ‘Wulfstan said that he started from’ (indirect speech). Object clauses can also be introduced by verbs expressing a thought or a feeling, as in O 5/ 13-14: ond ic we¯ne ðætte no¯ ht monige begiondan Humbre n毯 ren ‘and I think that there were not many beyond the River Humber’. In this example, the subjunctive is used rather for rhetorical effect than to express doubt or uncertainty. However, object clauses may take both indicative and subjunctive. In Middle English, object clauses are also introduced by that, as can be seen in M 6/ 160-161: redly I trowe / Þat þou schal byden þe bur ‘I am confident that you will stand this stroke’. A further example is M 5/ 177: And seiden, þat þere nas non oþur þat so wuyrþe were þare-to. ‘And said that there was no other as worthy for it’. As in Old English, both indicative and subjunctive can be found in object clauses. § 116 Indirect Questions Indirect questions are usually introduced by interrogative adverbs or interrogative pronouns. Examples are O 1/ 11: Fæder mı ¯n, ic˙ a¯ scie hw毯 r se¯o offrung sı ¯e ‘My father, I ask you where the offering is’ (adverb), and O 3/ 7-8: wæs [he] fram him eallum frignende hwylc him þu¯ hte and gesawen w毯 re ‘he asked everyone what their opinions were’ (pronoun). § 117 Temporal Clauses The relation of a temporal clause to the main clause is either that of anteriority, simultaneity or posteriority. Temporal clauses may also indicate a particular point of time in relation to two actions. Specific conjunctions introducing temporal clauses signal the nature of the relation. In Old English in particular, the specific temporal relationship governs the use of indicative and subjunctive. In Old English, the following conjunctions are used for temporal clauses: 1. simultaneity (‘while, as long as’) is indicated by þa¯ (þa¯ ), þonne, mid þa¯ m (þe), þa¯ hwı ¯le (þe), swa¯ lange swa¯ ; 2. posteriority (‘after’) is indicated by siððan and þæs þe; 3. anteriority (‘before’) is indicated by 毯 r, 毯 r þ毯 m (þe), 毯 r þan (þe); 4. a point of time is indicated by: oð, oð þe, oð þæt and hwonne. Temporal clauses usually take the indicative; however, the subjunctive is used in temporal clauses introduced by 毯 r ‘before’ and hwanne, hwonne, hwænne ‘when’. The conjunction then expresses the relation ‘posteriority’ and that the action in the dependent clause has not yet started. An example is O 2/ 9: 毯 r hine þa¯ men onfunden ‘before the men discovered him’. An example for ‘when’ is provided by O 11/ 135b-138: and ic we¯ne me¯ . . . hwænne me¯ Dryhtnes ro¯ d . . . gefetige ‘and I imagine . . . when the cross of the lord fetches (will fetch) me’. The subjunctive can also be used in connection with other conjunctions when it is required by the context (i. e. events which have not yet taken place). An example is O 1/ 15: syððan he¯ ofslægen wurde ‘after he was (would be) killed’ (the action is yet to be performed). <?page no="91"?> 80 Syntax In Middle English, the following conjunctions are used in temporal clauses: 1. simultaneity is indicated by þo, þat time þat as well as by hwile, whil(e) (þat); 2. posteriority is indicated by to time, til þat; 3. anteriority is indicated by ar, er, or; 4. a point of time is indicated by when, whanne. In temporal clauses introduced by ar, er, or, the subjunctive can be found frequently; the subjunctive is also found when required by the context. Otherwise, temporal clauses take the indicative. An example of a temporal clauses showing subjunctive is provided by M 6/ 165: er we fyrre passe ‘before we (may) go on’. § 118 Causal Clauses Causal clauses in Old and Middle English are introduced by the conjunction for. In Old English, for is usually followed by a dative or instrumental demonstrative pronoun, with þe as an optional component (see Old English Glossary under for). In addition, causal causes can be introduced by þæs þe, as in O 4/ 40: and þæs þe hy¯ be þ毯 m wegum a¯ lecgað ‘and because they distribute (his possessions) in this way’. A further possibility is the instrumental þy¯ and þy¯ þe, as in O 4/ 44-45: and þy¯ þ毯 r licgað þa¯ de¯adan men . . . þæt hy¯ . . . ‘and this is why the dead are lying there . . . because they . . .’. The adverb nu¯ may also introduce a causal clause; when it does so, a correspondung nu¯ will be found in the main clause, as in O 1/ 19-20: Nu¯ ic˙ oncne¯ow so¯ ðlı ¯c˙e þæt þu¯ swı ¯ðe ondr毯 tst God, nu¯ þu¯ þı ¯nne a¯ ncennedan sunu ofsle¯an woldest for him. ‘Now I know for certain that you fear God very much, because you wanted to kill your only born son for him’. Causal clauses in Old English may take either the indicative or the subjunctive. As a rule, the subjunctive is used when the cause was considered to be a pretext. The conjunction for usually introduced causal clauses in Middle English. More complex conjunctions include therefore, not infrequently in corresponding use, as in M 4/ 78-80: And þeruore þet zuyche zennes arizeþ . . . þeruore ich wylle . . . ‘And because such sins are committed . . . therefore I will . . .’. Despite being very common in Modern English, the causal conjunction because appears relatively late in Middle English; not infrequently it is written as two words, as in M 13/ 85: By cause he was of carpenteris craft ‘Because he was a carpenter’. Causal clauses can also be introduced by since, which was originally a purely temporal conjunction in Old English (see Middle English Glossary under since). An example can be found in M 6/ 145: And syþen þis note is so nys ‘And since this affair is so silly’. Occasionally, now is also used as a conjunction for causal clauses, just as in Old English (see above). § 119 Clauses of Purpose and Result Even though the quality of the information conveyed by these two types of clauses is different, they will be considered together here because of their structural similarity. Both types of clauses express the temporal relation posteriority with reference to the main clause. Clauses of purpose indicate an intention, whereas clauses of result indicate a necessary or hypothetical consequence resulting from the statement contained in the main clause. <?page no="92"?> 81 Dependent Clauses In Old English, clauses of purpose and result are introduced by the conjunctions þæt(te), swa¯ þæt ‘(so) that’. An example is O 1/ 16: þæt he¯ hine g˙ eoffrode ‘(so) that he could sacrifice him’ and O 3/ 110-111: þæt ealra heora do¯ me gecoren w毯 re ‘(so) that all their opinion could be ascertained’. Because clauses of purpose are hypothetical, they often take the subjunctive. A clause of result can be found in O 3/ 4-5: þæt hı ¯ ealle ætsomne on lı ¯fes willan Crı ¯ste geha¯ lgade w毯 ran ‘so that all of them could be consecrated together to Christ at the fountain of life’; the preceding if-clause suggests that w毯 ran is subjunctive. Negated clauses of purpose and result are introduced by þy¯ (þe¯) l毯 s þe ‘lest’, as can be seen in O 6/ 170: þe¯ l毯 s þe he¯ sylf losige ‘so that he will not perish / lest he perish’. The subjunctive is often used in negated clauses. In Middle English, the conjunction for clauses of purpose and result also is þat, so þat. In early texts, the subjunctive can still be found. § 120 Clauses of Concession In Old English, clauses of concession are introduced by the conjunction þe¯ah (þe). Usually the subjunctive is used in these clauses, as can be seen in O 7/ 40 þe¯ah man swa¯ ne we¯ne ‘although we may not think so’. Concession can also be shown by the adverb þe¯ah in both main and subordinate clauses, as in O 8/ 23-24: Ðe¯ah ðu¯ stilli sy¯ and unro¯ t, þe¯ah ic þı ¯ne æðelborennesse on ðe¯ gese¯o. ‘Although you are quiet and unhappy, I nevertheless recognise noble origin in you’. Concessive clauses can also be expressed by corresponding sam . . . sam, as in O 4/ 47: sam hit sy¯ sumor sam winter ‘be it summer or winter’. In Middle English, concessive clauses are introduced by the conjunctions þah, þoh, (al)though. In early texts, the inflectional subjunctive can still be found, as in M 10.3/ 24: þah he hire oþes swere ‘even if he were to swear her an oath’. Chaucer also uses the subjunctive in concessive clauses: And though that he were worthy, he was wys ‘and even though he was brave he was also wise’. § 121 Conditional Clauses In Latin, conditional clauses are differentiated according to the degree of reality, probability or unreality. Clearly defined rules governed the use of either indicative or subjunctive (present or past). Although present and preterite subjunctive could be expressed by conjugational means in Old English, there were no clear rules defining their usage. In Old English, conditional clauses are introduced by the conjunction gif. As a rule, the indicative is used for conditions which are considered to be real. An example is provided by O 6/ 161-162: gif þu¯ 毯 nig þincg hæfst of þæs ha¯ lgan reliquium, syle me¯ ‘if you have any relics from this saint, give them to me’. Present subjunctive is used when the speaker is in doubt about the degree of condition, as in O 3/ 17-19: For þon me¯ þynceð wı ¯slic, gif þu¯ gese¯o þa¯ þing beteran . . . þæt we¯ þa¯ m onfo¯ n ‘Therefore I think it suitable, if you consider these things to be better . . . that we accept them’. When the condition is considered to be unfulfillable, the preterite subjunctive is used, as in O 3/ 16-17: gif u¯ re godo 毯 nige mihte hæfdon, þonne woldan hı ¯e me¯ ma¯ fultumian ‘if our gods had any power, they would give me greater help’. For exceptions, as in <?page no="93"?> 82 Syntax Modern English if not, unless, the conjunction bu¯ tan is used in Old English, as in O 5/ 65-67: Forðy¯ ic wolde, ðætte hı ¯e ealneg æt ð毯 re sto¯ we w毯 ren, bu¯ ton se biscep hı ¯e mid him habban wille ‘Therefore I want them (the books) to be in that place all the time unless the bishop wishes to have them with him’. In Middle English, conditional clauses are introduced by the conjunctions o if, yef (see Middle English Glossary under if). As in Old English, the use of indicative or subjunctive depends on the reality of the condition. Conditional clauses can also be introduced by the conjunction and, as can be seen in M 14/ 88: _ it wald my self fane help the, and I mocht ‘Yet I would help you willingly if I could’, as well as in M 10.8/ 9-10: Y wolde nemne hyre to-day / ant y dorste hire munne ‘I would reveal her name today / if I dared mention her’. § 122 Comparative Clauses In Old English, comparative clauses are introduced by the conjunction þonne when different aspects are compared. In such comparisons, the main clause contains a comparative, as in O 10/ 31b-33: and e¯ow betere is / þæt ge¯ þisne ga¯ rr毯 s mid gafole forgyldon, / þonne we¯ swa¯ hearde hilde d毯 lon ‘and it would be better if you bought off this attack with tribute than if we engaged in fierce battle’. If no difference is involved, comparative clauses are introduced by swa¯ (swa¯ ), as in O 3/ 5: Þa¯ dyde se cyning, swa¯ swa¯ he¯ cwæð ‘Then the king did as he had said’. Hypothetical comparisons are introduced by both swa¯ and swilce, as in O 3/ 22-23: swylc swa¯ þu¯ æt sw毯 sendum sitte ‘just as if you were sitting at a banquet’. The subjunctive is frequently found in hypothetical comparisons. The instrumental forms of the demonstrative pronoun (þy¯, þe¯) are also used in comparative clauses when an incremental-consecutive meaning is intended, as in O 5/ 38-39: ond woldon, ðæt he¯r ðy¯ ma¯ ra wı ¯sdo¯ m on londe w毯 re, ðy¯ we¯ ma¯ geðe¯oda cu¯ ðon ‘and wanted more wisdom to be in this country with the more languages we understood’. In Middle English, þanne introduces comparative clauses involving difference, as in M 4/ 99: oþer red hi wolden do þer to, þanne hi doþ ‘they would adopt measures different from those which they practice now’. When similarity is involved, so and as can be found frequently, as in M 7/ 232: And as an hound þat eet gras so gan y to brake ‘and, as a dog that has eaten grass, I began to vomit’. Early texts frequently show corresponding alswa, also . . . also (from OE eal(l) swa¯ ). These constructions often imply consecutive meaning, especially when the conjunction for is used. An example can be found in M 4/ 46-48: Vor ase hit ne is no zenne uor to habbe richesses . . . alsuo hit ne is no zenne uor to ethe þe guode metes ‘For just as it is not a sin to possess wealth, it is also not a sin to enjoy good meals’. Comparative clauses involving an incremental-consecutive meaning usually show the corresponding conjunctions þe . . . þe, as in M 4/ 46: And þe more þet is þe ilke uerlichhede, þe more is þe zenne ‘And the greater the haste, the graver the sin’. <?page no="94"?> 83 Dependent Clauses § 123 Relative Clauses Relative clauses may refer to any nominal constituent of a preceding clause, irrespective of whether this is a main clause or a subordinate clause. Relative clauses can therefore refer to subject, object(s) or adverbials. Depending on the quality of the information conveyed in a relative clause, a distinction is made between defining or restrictive (essential information) and non-defining or non-restrictive (additional information) relative clauses. This distinction applies not only to Modern English, but also to Old and Middle English and indeed to many other languages. In Old English, the standard relativum, or headword of the relative clause, is the particle þe. Since particles (in contrast to ‘relative pronouns’) are not inflected, it is occasionally quite difficult to determine whether the relativum is the subject, object or adverbial of the relative clause. This difficulty can be illustrated in the following relative clause: oð ðone dæg, þe hı ¯ hine forbærnað (O 4/ 25) ‘until the day when (on which) they burn him’ - þe is thus an adverbial of time in the relative clause. Since the particle þe used as relativum is ambiguous, it is used most often in relative clauses when it is either the subject or the direct object, as in O 3/ 107 (subject): Þa¯ co¯ m he¯ on morgenne to¯ þ毯 m tu¯ ngere¯fan þe his ealdormon wæs ‘Then in the morning he came to the reeve who was his superior’; or in O 1/ 2 (direct object): Nim þı ¯nne a¯ ncennedan sunu I¯saac, þe þu¯ lufast ‘Take your only born son Isaac, whom you love’. In order to avoid ambiguity in relative clauses, the relativum þe is frequently preceded or followed by an inflected demonstrative pronoun. It is therefore easy to determine whether the relativum is the indirect object of the relative clause, expresses a genitive (possessive) relation, or functions as an adverbial. An example is provided in O 3/ 33-34: cwæð, þæt he¯ wolde Paulı ¯nus þone bisceop geornlı ¯cor gehy¯ran be þa¯ m Gode sprecende, þa¯m þe he¯ bodade ‘he said that he would like to listen more attentively to Bishop Paulinus speaking about the God for whom he was preaching’. Remark: In O 3 the relativum þe can frequently be found in those sentences in which the Latin text of the Historia Ecclesiastica has a relativum declined for the ablative: tı ¯d þe he¯ inne bið: ‘ipso quidem tempore, quo intus est’ (l. 26); mid heora hegum þe he¯o ymbsette w毯 ron: ‘cum septis, quibus erant circumdata’ (l. 46). When the relativum is preceded by a demonstrative pronoun, the pronoun may refer to a corresponding pronoun in the main clause, as in O 6/ 119-120: and b毯 don þæs on mergen þæt hı ¯ mo¯ ston þone sanct mid a¯ rwurðnysse underfo¯ n þone þe hı ¯ 毯 r forso¯ con ‘and in the morning they requested that they might receive the saint whom they had rejected earlier’ - since the subject hı ¯ immediately follows þe, there is no ambiguity in respect of þe. When the relativum marks an adverbial, the preposition either precedes or follows the predicate, as in O 4/ 30: ny¯hst þ毯 m tu¯ ne ðe se de¯ada man on lı ¯ð ‘closest to the house in which the dead man is lying’; see also O 6/ 146-147 bu¯ ton þa¯ m a¯ num poste, þe þæt ha¯ lige du¯ st on a¯ hangen wæs ‘except for that single post on which the holy earth had been hung’. The function of the relative particle þe can also be expressed explicitly by an inflected personal pronoun, as in O 11/ 86: 毯 ghwylcne a¯ nra þa¯ ra þe him bið egesa to¯ me¯ ‘all of those who fear me’ where him is dative. <?page no="95"?> 84 Syntax Relative clauses can also be introduced by a relative adverbs, such as þ毯 r ‘where’ or swa¯ hw毯 r swa¯ ‘wherever’, as in O 1/ 6: þa¯ hı ¯e þa¯ du¯ ne g˙ esa¯ won, þ毯 r þ毯 r hı ¯e to¯ scoldon ‘when they could see the mountain (where) they should go to’. A further relativum available in Old English is the multi-functional ðæt, as in O 3/ 38: on þysse la¯ re þæt sylfe so¯ ð scı ¯neð þæt u¯ s mæg þa¯ gyfe syllan e¯cre e¯adignesse ‘in this doctrine the very truth which can give us the gift of eternal happiness is apparent’. Relative clauses without a relativum (contact clauses) can already be found in Old English, though not as frequently as in Modern English. Usually the predicate of such contact-clauses is either a conjugated form of be¯on ‘to be’, habben ‘to have’ or ha¯ tte, ha¯ ten ‘is, was called’, as in O 3/ 9-10: Him þa¯ andswarode his ealdorbisceop, Ce¯fi wæs ha¯ ten ‘He was then given an answer by his high-priest, called Coefi’. In Old English, relative clauses can be found which do not refer to a preceding clause; rather, their reference is right bound. The relativum is usually se¯ ðe as in O 7/ 65-66 gely¯fe se¯ þe wille ‘he who wants to believe this should believe it’. The relativum can also be swa¯ hwa¯ swa¯ or swa¯ hwelc swa¯ ‘whoever’ as in O 2/ 15: swa¯ hwelc swa¯ þonne gearo wearþ ‘whoever was ready (then)’. In indefinite adverbial relative clauses the relativum is and swa¯ hw毯 r swa¯ as in O 6/ 74: swa¯ hw毯 r swa¯ he¯ wæs, he¯ wurðode 毯 fre God ‘and wherever he was he always honoured God’. In Middle English, the relative particle was soon replaced by þat since þe was used for the definite article. In early Middle English texts, þe can still be found at the head of relative clauses; see Middle English Glossary under þe. Like þe, þat is indeclinable and is just as ambiguous - even more so, considering the other functions of that (conjunction and demonstrative pronoun). In contrast to Modern English, that could be used with reference to both people and things in Middle English. Probably in order to differentiate the many functions of that, in later Middle English it is often preceded by which, as in M 13/ 470: Which that I heelp my sire for to stele. ‘Which I helped my father to steal’ shortest [stick] shall begin’. The oblique forms (whose and whom) of the interrogative pronoun who acquired relative function in later Middle English, as in M 12/ 81-82: ‘This is my sone’, he saide, / ‘In whome me paies full wele’. ‘This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased’ (King James Bible). Indefinite relative clauses in Middle English are usually introduced by whoso; frequently the predicate is conjugated for the subjunctive or is a modal auxiliary, as can be seen in Whoso be rebel to my juggement ‘he who rebels against my decree’ (subjunctive); whoso kan hym rede ‘everyone who can read him (Plato)’ (modal); versus M 10.8/ 35: Whose loueþ vntrewe ‘he who loves unfaithfully’ (indicative). Adverbial relative clauses usually start with there, where or even þer huer, see M 4/ 82. Just as in Old English, contact clauses are not as frequent in Middle English as they are in Modern English. M 13/ 382 contains a contact clause: And whan that dronken al was in the crowke ‘And when all that was in the crock was drunken’. <?page no="96"?> 85 Medieval English Verse Medieval English Verse Old English Poetry Old English poetry uses a completely different style from that which modern readers will be familiar with. Old English poetry did not rhyme, nor did it have metrical feet; rather, being Germanic, it used the alliterative long-line. A long-line is composed of two half-lines, each with two stressed syllables and between two and seven unstressed syllables (the second half-line does not always have two stressed syllables), and these two half-lines are separated by a caesura. The two half-lines (a and b) are connected to each other through a system of alliteration - words beginning with the same sound. The alliterative long line is a complicated system with many rules. First of all, only stressed syllables can alliterate with each other. Secondly, the first stress of the second half-line must alliterate with one (or both) of the stressed syllables in the first halfline. All vowels alliterate with each other, even with diphthongs, and some consonant clusters can only alliterate with the same consonant cluster (sc, sp, st cannot alliterate with s alone or with s and another consonant). If we take a look at the opening of the Battle of Brunanburh: Her Æþelstan cyning, eorla dryhten, beorna beahgifa, and his broþor eac, Eadmund æþeling, ealdorlangne tir geslogon æt sæcce sweorda ecgum The stressed syllables are not italicised. As can be seen, Æ and eo alliterate in the first line, b alliterates three times in the second, vowels (including a diphthong) again in the third line, and s and s-compounds (but not sc, sp or st) in the fourth line. In order to compose in this exacting system, an Old English poet, or scop, had several tools to help him. Variation - a scop had a large word-hoard; synonyms that could be interchanged as necessary for the alliteration and metre. For example, God could be God and dryhten, but also heahfæder, heofonrices weard (O 11, ll. 91 and 134), and a variety of others. Kennings - “Kenning” is the Old Norse term for a kind of metaphor used in Germanic poetry. A Kenning is either a compound noun or two nouns (one in the genitive), which metaphorically describe something; they are pictorial, and can be very difficult to decode. For example, hildewulf, ‘battle-wolf’ and garbeam, ‘speartree’ both mean warrior. Formulas - there are many stock formulas or phrases which occur frequently in poetry. These could be used to satisfy metrical and alliterative demands as necessary. A very common formula was the maþelode formula which introduced a direct speech: Byrhtnoð maþelode, Beowulf maþelode, etc. Also certain imagery or scenes were formulaic, and included in many poems, such as the beasts of battle (see O 9/ 60-65) or the arming of the hero and so on. Poetic vocabulary - Old English poets used a vocabulary different to that employed by prose writers. Not only unusual or uncommon words were chosen, but also unusual compounds. This includes, unfortunately for the translator, many hapax legomena: words which only appear once (or in only one text) in the whole Old English corpus. <?page no="97"?> 86 Medieval English Verse Middle English Poetry When English regained its status as a literary language after the Norman Conquest, not only the sounds and structures of the language had been completely changed: Norman- French influence had also left its mark on the way English was written. This can especially be seen in poetry. The alliterative long line had almost completely disappeared, and the French model of rhymed verse had established itself as the new English model. Such verse is generally iambic, and though there are a few instances of trochaic feet or inversion, the regular variation of stressed and unstressed syllables had replaced the Germanic system of two stresses with several unstressed syllables. In order to maintain this rigid structure, Middle English poets often used word-final e as a full syllable, although this had vanished from normal speech. For example, in M 10/ 5, l. 2: by grene wode to seche play the -e in grene and seche are pronounced in order to satisfy the tetrametre, but not in wode. Stanza form varies immensely, but it is usually also based on the French, occasionally on the Latin model. Alliteration is often used in these poems as a stylistic device, but the alliterative line, as we know it from Old English, does not play a role until later. In the mid-fourteenth century, the alliterative revival began; Middle English poets began to revive the alliterative poetic tradition. The Gawain-poet is perhaps the best example of this (see M 6), remaining truest to the original Old English form, although several other poets, such as Langland (M 7), also used the Old English alliterative long-line, if not quite according to the rules. Most Middle English alliterative poets use some sort of stanza form, occasionally adding rhymes. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, for example, employs a bob-and-tail at the end of each stanza. Middle English alliterative verse can also be said to have too many alliterations. Old English poetry always had two or three alliterations, whereas in Middle English, many more (or fewer) can be used (O 6/ 2: Þe bor n brittened and brent to brondez and askez). Over the next century, Middle English alliterative poetry increasingly incorporated more and more stanzaic and rhyming tendencies, until the alliterative aspect had receded into the background. <?page no="98"?> 5. Old English Texts Introduction The eleven Old English texts have been chosen to represent a wide range of Old English culture and literary genres. All of the main themes in the development of Anglo-Saxon England, including the progression of the church and learning, as well as the formation of a national English state, are shown in the texts. Many of the texts were a part of King Alfred’s learning reform or later attempts to educate the people; this includes original works of instruction, translations, as well as personal statements. The selections of poetry and Apollonius show us a different side of Anglo-Saxon life. The texts chosen were all composed between the 9th and the 11th centuries. The literary genres include biblical translation (text 1), historiographical writing (texts 2, 3, 4 and 9), utilitarian prose (text 5), homiletic prose (texts 6 and 7) and secular entertainment (text 8). The three poems printed here belong to secular poetry (texts 9 and 10) and religious poetry (text 11). All of the texts are of West-Saxon provenance, except Apollonius, which is East-Saxon. All texts are preceded by an introduction which focuses on the specific features of the individual text. In addition, information on the manuscript is provided and references to editions are given. The introductory section also points out the most important linguistic features of the text. The texts are accompanied by footnotes at the bottom of the page; line numbers are used as references. Anthologies providing a larger selection of texts are: Bright (1971), Kaiser (1961), Marsden (2004), Sweet (1967), Treharne (2004). - Literary histories for Old English are Anderson (1949), Baugh (1967), Göller (1971), Greenfield/ Calder (1986), Schirmer (1983), Wrenn (1967). <?page no="99"?> 88 Old English Texts Text 1: The Old English Heptateuch: Genesis 22: 1-19 In the 10th century, the West Saxon nobleman Æðelweard asked Ælfric, later Abbot of Eynsham, if he would be willing to translate the book of Genesis into Old English, so that parts of the Bible would be available in the vernacular. As Ælfric says in his preface to the translation of Genesis, translating the Bible is not an unproblematic issue. First of all, Ælfric was concerned about the challenge inherent in translating the Bible, for translating the word of God is a dangerous undertaking; if God himself dictated the books of the Heptateuch (the five books of Moses, Joshua and Judges), then meddling with his choice of words could be sacrilegious. A direct translation is in any case not possible because of the differences between English and Latin grammar. Further, if Ælfric were to try to retain only the literal meaning, the figurative meaning of many sentences could be lost in translation, for “seo boc is swiþe deop gastlice to understandenne” (it is difficult to understand the meaning of this very profound book). This problem aside, Ælfric’s second main concern remains - the validity of such a task at all: does the untrained lay person have the competence to deal with the word of God? A lay reader could, by reading the text literally without the help of a clergyman, assume he should live as in the times of Abraham and Jacob, marrying his sister(s), however “ne byð se man na Cristen” (that man is not a Christian at all). Symbolism and meaning in the text could be lost on the ordinary reader, Ælfric argued, and the common people could assume that the literal meaning of the Bible should be followed in all cases. Although Ælfric claims that he will translate the text as literally as possible, this is not what he actually does. In the end, Ælfric has chosen to translate the meaning as best as possible, translating entire sentences so that the meaning comes across, sacrificing subordinate clauses and descriptive terms as necessary. In many cases, the Old English Genesis deviates substantially from the original, as glossed in the footnotes. Sources: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Laud Misc. 509. - Marsden (2008); Mitchell/ Robinson (1992); Crawford (1922). God wolde þa¯ fandian Abrahames g˙ ehı ¯ersumnesse and clipode his naman and cwæð him þus to¯ : ‘Nim þı ¯nne a¯ncennedan sunu I¯saac, þe þu¯ lufast, and far to¯ þa¯m lande Visionis hraðe and g˙ eoffra hine þ毯 r uppan a¯nre du¯ ne.’ Abraham þa¯ a¯ra¯s on þ毯 re ilcan nihte and fe¯rde mid twa¯m cnapum to¯ þa¯m fierlenan lande, and I ¯saac samod, on assum rı ¯dende. 5 1 wolde ] the auxiliary is the translator’s addition. 1 Abrahames g˙ ehı ¯ersumnesse ] In the Vulgate the direct object of ‘fandian’ is Abraham, not ‘gehı ¯ersumnesse’. 3 hraðe ] the adverb was added by the translator. 3 a¯ nre du¯ ne ] The relative clause (‘super unum montium quem monstravero tibi’ - ‘upon one of the mountains which I will tell thee of’) has been left out. 4 nihte ] The preparations for the journey (‘and saddled his ass . . . and clave the wood’) have been omitted. 4 fierlenan lande ] The adjective ‘fierlenan’ (far) has been introduced by the translator and the relative clause ‘quem praeceperat ei Deus’ (‘which God had told him’) has been left out. <?page no="100"?> 89 The Old English Heptateuch Þa¯ on þa¯m þriddan dæg˙ e, þa¯ hı ¯e þa¯ du¯ ne g˙ esa¯won þ毯 r þ毯 r hı ¯e to¯ scoldon to¯ ofsle¯anne I¯saac, þa¯ cwæð Abraham to¯ þa¯m twa¯m cnapum þus: ‘Anbı ¯diað e¯ow he¯r mid þa¯m assum sume hwı ¯le. Ic˙ and þæt c˙ild ga¯ð unc to¯ g˙ ebiddenne, and we¯ siððan cumað so¯ na eft to¯ e¯ow.’ Abraham þa¯ he¯t I¯saac beran þone wudu to¯ þ毯 re sto¯ we, and he¯ self bær his sweord and fy¯ r. I¯saac þa¯ a¯scode Abraham his fæder: 10 ‘Fæder mı ¯n, ic˙ a¯scie hw毯 r se¯o offrung sı ¯e. He¯r is wudu and fy¯ r.’ Him andwyrde se¯ fæder: ‘God foresce¯awað, mı ¯n sunu, him self þa¯ offrunge.’ Hı ¯e co¯ mon þa¯ to¯ þ毯 re sto¯ we þe him g˙ esweotolode God and he¯ þ毯 r we¯ofod a¯r毯 rde on þa¯ ealdan wı ¯san and þone wudu g˙ elo¯ gode, swa¯ swa¯ he¯ hit wolde habban to¯ his suna bærnette, syððan he¯ ofslæg˙ en wurde. He¯ g˙ eband þa¯ his sunu 15 and his sweord a¯te¯ah, þæt he¯ hine g˙ eoffrode on þa¯ ealdan wı ¯san. Mid þa¯m þe he¯ wolde þæt weorc beg˙ innan, þa¯ clipode Godes engel arodlı ¯c˙e of heofonum: ‘Abraham! ’ He¯ andwyrde so¯ na. Se¯ engel him cwæð þa¯ to¯ : ‘Ne a¯cwele þu¯ þæt c˙ild, ne þı ¯ne hand ne a¯strec˙e ofer his swe¯oran! Nu¯ ic˙ oncne¯ow so¯ ðlı ¯c˙e þæt þu¯ swı ¯ðe ondr毯 tst God, nu¯ þu¯ þı ¯nne a¯ncennedan sunu ofsle¯an woldest for him.’ 20 Þa¯ beseah Abraham so¯ na underbæc and g˙ eseah þ毯 r a¯nne ramm betweox þa¯m bre¯melum be þa¯m hornum g˙ ehæft. And he¯ a¯hefde þone ramm to¯ þ毯 re offrunge and hine þ毯 r ofsna¯ð Gode to¯ la¯ce for his sunu I ¯saac. He¯ he¯t þa¯ þa¯ sto¯ we Dominus videt, þæt is ‘God g˙ esiehð’, and g˙ ı ¯et is g˙ esæg˙ d swa¯, In monte Dominus videbit, þæt is ‘God g˙ esiehð on du¯ ne.’ Eft clipode se engel Abraham and cwæð: ‘Ic˙ 25 swerie þurh me¯ selfne, sæg˙ de se Ælmihtiga, nu¯ þu¯ noldest a¯rian þı ¯num a¯ncennedan suna, ac þe¯ wæs mı ¯n eg˙ e ma¯re þonne his lı ¯f, ic˙ þe¯ nu¯ ble¯tsie and þı ¯nne ofspring g˙ emanig˙ fealde swa¯ swa¯ steorran on heofonum and swa¯ swa¯ sandc˙e¯osol on s毯 . Þı ¯n ofspring sceal a¯gan hira fe¯onda gatu, and on þı ¯num s毯 de be¯oð ealle þe¯oda g˙ eble¯tsode, for þa¯m þe þu¯ g˙ ehı ¯ersumodest mı ¯nre h毯 se þus.’ Abraham þa¯ 30 g˙ ec˙ierde so¯ na to¯ his cnapum and fe¯rdon him ha¯m swa¯ mid heofonlic˙re ble¯tsunge. 6 þ毯 r . . . to¯ scoldon ] ‘sculan’ in combination with adverbs of place imply the infinitive - ‘to which they should (go)’. 7 e¯ow ] ‘e¯ow’ is used reflexively. 8 unc ] 1st person dual, used reflexively 11 sı ¯e ] The present subjunctive expresses doubt. 12 foresce¯awað ] present indicative with future meaning 13 g˙ esweotolode ] must be understood as past perfect. 15 ofslæg˙ en wurde ] Past subjunctive is used to indicate an event that is yet to occur. The temporal clause is an addition. 19-20 Nu¯ . . . nu¯ ] The second ‘nu¯ ’ brings in an additional element of causality. 25 g˙ esiehð ] present indicative with future meaning 31 mid heofonlic˙re ble¯tsunge ] has been added by the translator. <?page no="101"?> 90 Old English Texts Text 2: Selections from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle is the single most important work of history for early England. The seven manuscripts (and single fragment) which we have of the Anglo- Saxon Chronicle all stem from an original compiled during the reign of King Alfred, shortly after 891. After his successful military campaigns against the Vikings, Alfred the Great initiated a program of learning, as he thought the level of knowledge had dropped to such a point that many priests could “not even read” the Latin Vulgate (see Alfred’s preface to his translation of Gregory’s Cura Pastoralis: ‘very few English on this side of the Humber were able to understand their mass book in English or even translate a letter from Latin into English, and I think there were not many beyond the Humber either’ - see text 5, lines 12-14). The Chronicle of the history of the Anglo-Saxon people seems to have been begun as a part of this ambitious project. Up to the year 891, the chronicle was compiled using various older sources, including Bede’s and Isidore’s church histories (Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum and Historia de regibus Gothorum, Vandalorum et Suevorum), as well as West Saxon annals, Easter Tables, and regional histories and genealogies. The continuations of the Chronicle were sometimes done on a year-toyear basis or in batches (as is the case for the years 978-1016 in versions CDE). These continuations were in turn copied or used in other compilations. The quality (and quantity - see facsimile) of the entries varies immensely depending upon the year. Until 891, most entries are very short, summarising any major occurrences, if there had been any events worthy of note. These entries briefly relate events of great importance: deaths of kings, martyrdoms, occasionally events taking place on the continent, and natural disasters or events (especially comets). As the later chroniclers were able to describe events within living memory, the entries become more detailed. Local touches were also added, so that we find regional histories or details about specific monasteries. Some entries or groups of entries are composed such that an authorial voice seems to be trying to persuade us to believe ‘his’ version of events. The year 755 is an exception among the entries preceding the time of King Alfred. Its length alone is out of the ordinary, but also many aspects of how the text is written deviate from the habitual (early) style. The feud between Cynewulf and Cyneheard takes on an almost dramatic aspect in comparison to the entries surrounding it. Here we see a depiction of loyalty, its conflict with the bonds of kinship, and the tragedy this produces. To further dramatise these events, the author employs dialogue in the decisive moments of the story. Although the author has some stylistic difficulties (an extensive and perhaps even excessive use of pronouns, especially lines 24-33), the entry for 755 is the first successful ‘story’ in the Chronicle. The second section from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle printed here provides information about the first phase of the Viking invasion in the course of the 9th century. The events presented in these entries should be seen in connection with text 9, The Battle of Brunanburh, commemorating a decisive victory over the Vikings. The entries for the years 867-873 show an interesting development in Viking military activities. Whereas earlier on, the Vikings had raided Britain with highly mobile and comparatively small naval units returning home for the winter months, the entry for 868 mentions that the Vikings had again decided to spend the winter months <?page no="102"?> 91 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle in England - see line 46 ‘wintersetl’ (the first instance of winter-quarters is recorded under the year 855). This is also pointed out in the entry for 870, with winter quarters moving from Nottingham to Thetford (see lines 53-54). The compiler’s account tells a grim story: the country was conquered by the Vikings after they had killed King Edmund. The entry for 871 tells a quite different story: in this year, the English army was victorious on one occasion, even though the second battle ended in a defeat. Starting with the year 871, considerable attention is paid to the future king, Alfred the Great. The new military leader, to be sure, was defeated in several battles. However, as line 80 clearly shows, he is presented as a courageous fighter opposing a large army with only a small band of warriors, ‘ly¯ tle werede’. This phrase takes on the quality of a ‘leitmotif’ in later entries, such as for the year 878 where it occurs twice. This portrayal would seem to suggest that the chronicle entries were intended as a monument to a couragous, motivated and victorious king who succeeded in arranging a peace treaty with the Vikings. This treaty is mentioned with a considerable amount of detail in the entry for the year 878. By the year 1066, we see a development not only in storytelling, but also in the level of English which is used. The ambiguous use of pronouns in the entry for 755 has all but disappeared, with the author using appositions to clearly define which king is currently in action. Unlike several of the other versions of the Chronicle, the author of MS D seems to clearly position himself on the side of Harold Godwinson (line 110, Harold ure cyng); the other chroniclers call Harold’s legitimacy into question (MS E) or avoid mentioning the issue altogether (MS A and C). Several aspects of the text remain unclear; as Harold goes into battle against William mid ðam mannum, þe him gelæstan wolden (lines 126-127), we are given the impression that Harold no longer has the full support of his thanes and subjects (compare to text 5 in the Middle English section, lines 58-94). Nonetheless, we have a ‘heroic’ representation of Harold, who despite William’s ‘treachery’ (in line 125 Wyllelm him com ongean on unwær) is able to lead a noble attack (line 126, Ac se kyng þeah him swiðe heardlice wið feaht). The Chronicler goes so far as to express criticism of the new king, William, an aspect which we do not see in the other manuscripts. By positioning William’s promise (lines 148-149) among adverbs of concession, the author questions the veracity of such statements (lines 144-150: and þeah, Swaþeah). Despite its West Saxon provenance, the first portion of the text shows certain non-WS features: for example, breaking (see § 3) does not occur in aldormon (ll. 3, 5, 20, 32, 58, 61 and 84) and alle (ll. 13, 17, 32 and 55). West Germanic *a¯ remains <æ>, even when there is a velar vowel in the next syllable: m毯 gas, m毯 gum (ll. 25 and 27), which could be a feature of late WS usage. Spelling variants for -odin the preterite of class II weak verbs occur regularly: -adand -udin wunade (l. 4) and -udin lo¯ cude (l. 12). In the third portion of the text, we can see some features typical of late OE. The ending for the dsg. m. and n. -um for adjectives occurs as both -an and -on: mid micclan his here (l. 111) and to¯ u¯ ran kyninge (l. 118). The regular ending -um for the dpl. of nouns occurs once as -on: synnon (l. 130). Word-initial hwappears as win wı ¯le (l. 102); hytte (l. 110) is a Scandinavian loanword. <?page no="103"?> 92 Old English Texts Sources: Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 173 (for the year 755 as well as for the years 867-873); BL MS Cotton Tiberius B.iv. (for the year 1066). - Marsden (2004); Mitchell/ Robinson (1992); Thorpe (1861), Plummer/ Earle (1892), Garmonsway (1954), Swanton (1996). - Secondary literature: Towers (1963); Kemmler (2002). - Facsimile: Flower (1941). 755. He¯r Cynewulf benam Sigebryht his rı ¯ces and Westseaxna wiotan for unryhtum d毯 dum, bu¯ ton Hamtu¯ nscı ¯re; ond he¯ hæfde þa¯ oþ he¯ ofslo¯ g þone aldormon þe him lengest wunode. And hiene þa¯ Cynewulf on Andred a¯dr毯 fde; ond he¯ þ毯 r wunade oþ þæt hiene a¯n swa¯n ofstang æt Pryfetes flo¯ dan - ond he¯ wræc þone aldormon Cumbran. Ond se Cynewulf oft miclum gefeohtum feaht 5 uuiþ Bretwa¯lum. Ond ymb .xxxi. wintra þæs þe he¯ rı ¯ce hæfde, he¯ wolde a¯dr毯 fan a¯nne æþeling se was Cyneheard ha¯ten; ond se Cyneheard wæs þæs Sigebryhtes bro¯ þur. Ond þa¯ gea¯scode he¯ þone cyning ly¯ tle werode on wı ¯fcy¯ þþe on Merantu¯ ne ond hine þ毯 r bera¯d ond þone bu¯ r u¯ tan bee¯ode, 毯 r hine þa¯ men onfunden þe mid þa¯m kyninge w毯 run. 10 Ond þa¯ ongeat se cyning þæt, ond he¯ on þa¯ duru e¯ode ond þa¯ unhe¯anlı ¯ce hine werede oþ he¯ on þone æþeling lo¯ cude; ond þa¯ u¯ t r毯 sde on hine ond hine miclum gewundode. Ond hı ¯e alle on þone cyning w毯 run feohtende oþ þæt hı ¯e hine ofslægenne hæfdon. Ond þa¯ on þæs wı ¯fes geb毯 rum onfundon þæs cyninges þegnas þa¯ unstilnesse ond þa¯ þider urnon, swa¯ hwelc swa¯ þonne gearo wearþ and 15 radost. Ond hiera se æþeling gehwelcum feoh and feorh gebe¯ad, ond hiera n毯 nig hit geþicgean nolde; ac hı ¯e simle feohtende w毯 ran oþ hı ¯e alle l毯 gon, bu¯ tan a¯num Bryttiscum gı ¯sle, and se¯ swı ¯þe gewundad wæs. 1 Cynewulf . . . Sigebryht ] Cynewulf, a relative of West Saxon King Sigebryht; see MS Laud 636: ‘Her Cynewulf benam Sigebrihte his mæge his rice’. 1 Westseaxna wiotan ] ‘the West Saxon Council’ is the second subject; the predicate in Old English usually refers to the subject immediately preceding it, in this case Cynewulf. 2 þa¯ ] i. e. Hampshire (feminine) 3 þe . . . wunode ] ‘who had been loyal to him the longest’. 3 Andred ] a big forest which stretched from the county of Kent to the county of Hampshire. 4 Pryfetes flo¯ dan ] a river near Privett (in Hampshire) 5 Cumbran ] Cumbra is the loyal aldormon of line 3. 6 Bretwa¯ lum ] the British; referring to the (Celtic) British in the county of Cornwall 6 ymb xxxi wintra . . . hæfde ] in the 31st year of his reign. 8 he¯ ] Cyneheard 8 on . . . Merantu¯ ne ] ‘when visiting a woman in Merton (Surrey)’ 9 bu¯ r ] refers to a separate chamber within the building (Modern English bower). 15-16 urnon . . . radost ] ‘they hurried (there) as soon as they were armed and as fast as they could get armed (to help the king)’. 18 Bryttiscum gı ¯sle ] The British hostage was a safety against surprise attacks. <?page no="104"?> Corpus Christi College Cambridge MS 173, fol. 10 r Reproduced by permission <?page no="105"?> 94 Old English Texts Þa¯ on morgenne gehı ¯erdun þæt þæs cyninges þegnas þe him beæftan w毯 run þæt se cyning ofslægen wæs. Þa¯ ridon hı ¯e þider; ond his aldormon O¯¯ srı ¯c ond 20 Wı ¯ferþ his þegn ond þa¯ men þe he¯ beæftan him l毯 fde 毯 r, ond þone æþeling on þ毯 re byrig me¯tton þ毯 r se cyning ofslægen læg. Ond þa¯ gatu him to¯ belocen hæfdon ond þa¯ þ毯 rto¯ e¯odon. Ond þa¯ gebe¯ad he¯ him hiera a¯genne do¯ m fe¯os ond londes, gif hı ¯e him þæs rı ¯ces u¯ þon, ond him cy¯ þde þæt hiera m毯 gas him mid w毯 ron, þa¯ þe him from noldon. 25 Ond þa¯ cu毯 don hı ¯e þæt him n毯 nig m毯 g le¯ofra n毯 re þonne hiera hla¯ford ond hı ¯e n毯 fre his banan folgian noldon. Ond þa¯ budon hı ¯e hiera m毯 gum þæt hı ¯e gesunde from e¯odon. Ond hı ¯e cu毯 don þæt tæt ilce hiera gefe¯rum geboden w毯 re þe 毯 r mid þa¯m cyninge w毯 run. Þa¯ cu毯 don hı ¯e þæt hı ¯e hı ¯e þæs ne onmunden, ‘þon ma¯ þe e¯owre gefe¯ran þe mid þa¯m cyninge ofslægene w毯 run.’ Ond hı ¯e þa¯ ymb þa¯ gatu 30 feohtende w毯 ron oþ þæt hı ¯e þ毯 rinne fulgon; ond þone æþeling ofslo¯ gon ond þa¯ men þe him mid w毯 run, alle bu¯ tan a¯num, se wæs þæs aldormonnes godsunu; ond he¯ his feorh generede, ond þe¯ah he¯ wæs oft gewundad. Ond se¯ Cynewulf rı ¯csode .xxxi. wintra, and his lı ¯c lı ¯þ æt Wintanceastre ond þæs æþelinges æt Ascanmynster; ond hiera ryhtfæderencyn g毯 þ to¯ Cerdice. 35 867. He¯r fo¯ r se here of E¯ ast Englum ofer Humbre mu¯ þan to¯ Eoforwicceastre on Norþhymbre, and þ毯 r wæs micel ungeþu毯 rnes þ毯 re þe¯ode betweox him selfum, and hı ¯e hæfdun hiera cyning a¯worpenne O¯¯ sbryht, and ungecyndne cyning underfe¯ngon Ællan. And hı ¯e late on ge¯are to¯ þa¯m gecirdon þæt hı ¯e wiþ þone here winnende w毯 run, and hı ¯e þe¯ah micle fierd gegadrodon, and þone here so¯ hton æt 40 Eoforwicceastre, and on þa¯ ceastre br毯 con, and hı ¯e sume inne wurdon, and þ毯 r 22-23 þa¯ gatu . . . hæfdon ] ‘Cyneheard’s retainers had locked the gates’. However, him could also refer to Cynewulf’s men, who wished to prevent Cyneheard and his men from fleeing by locking the doors. 24 he¯ ] Cyneheard 24 hiera a¯ genne do¯ m ] They were free to fix the amount themselves (literally: ‘their own judgement’). 26 cu毯 don hı ¯e: ] Cynewulf’s retainers 27 budon hı ¯e ] Cynewulf’s retainers 28 e¯odon ] subjunctive: ‘could go’ 28 Ond hı ¯e ] Cyneheard’s retainers 28 hiera gefe¯rum ] the relatives of Cynewulf’s retainers 29 cu毯 don hie ] Cyneheard’s retainers 30 e¯owre gefe¯ran ] Cynewulf’s fallen retainers. Note the abrupt change to direct speech, see e¯owre ‘your’. 31 hı ¯e ] Cynewulf’s retainers 32 aldormonnes ] refers to O¯¯ srı ¯c, l. 20. 35 Cerdice ] the legendary founder of the West Saxon royal line 36 here ] always refers to the Viking army, while the fierd or fyrd is the home army. 36 Humbre ] the River Humber 36 Eoforwicceastre ] York 37 Norþhymbre ] Northumbria 38-39 O¯¯ sbryht . . . Ællan ] Nothing is known about these two kings. It is probably significant that the people deposed their (weak) king in these times of war and chose a more promising successor who had no claim to the throne. However, both kings were killed in action later in the same year. <?page no="106"?> 95 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle was ungemetlic wæl geslægen Norþanhymbra, sume binnan, sume bu¯ tan; and þa¯ cyningas be¯gen ofslægene, and sı ¯o la¯f wiþ þone here friþ nam. And þy¯ ilcan ge¯are gefo¯ r Ealchsta¯n bisceop, and he¯ hæfde þæt bisceoprı ¯ce .l. wintra æt Scı ¯reburnan, and his lı ¯c lı ¯þ þ毯 r on tu¯ ne. 45 868. He¯r fo¯ r se ilca here innan Mierce to¯ Snotengaha¯m, and þ毯 r wintersetl na¯mon; and Burgr毯 d Miercna cyning and his wiotan b毯 don Æþered Westseaxna cyning and Ælfred his bro¯ þur þæt hı ¯e him gefultumadon, þæt hı ¯e wiþ þone here gefuhton. And þa¯ fe¯rdon hı ¯e mid Wesseaxna fierde innan Mierce oþ Snotengaha¯m, and þone here þ毯 r me¯tton on þa¯m geweorce, and þ毯 r na¯n hefelic 50 gefeoht ne wearþ, and Mierce friþ na¯mon wiþ þone here. 869. He¯r fo¯ r se here eft to¯ Eoforwı ¯cceastre, and þ毯 r sæt .i. ge¯ar. 870. He¯r ra¯d se here ofer Mierce innan Eastengle and wintersetl na¯mon æt Þe¯odforda, and þy¯ wintre E¯ admund cyning him wiþ feaht, and þa¯ Deniscan sige na¯mon, and þone cyning ofslo¯ gon, and þæt lond all gee¯odon. And þy¯ ge¯are gefo¯ r 55 Ceolnoþ ærcebiscep. 871. He¯r cuo¯ m se here to¯ Re¯adingum on Westseaxe, and þæs ymb .iii. niht ridon .ii. eorlas u¯ p. Þa¯ geme¯tte hı ¯e Æþelwulf aldorman on Englafelda, and him þ毯 r wiþ gefeaht and sige nam. Þæs ymb .iiii. niht Æþered cyning and Ælfred his bro¯ þur þ毯 r micle fierd to¯ Re¯adingum gel毯 ddon, and wiþ þone here gefuhton, and þ毯 r 60 wæs micel wæl geslægen on gehwæþre hond, and Æþelwulf aldormon wearþ ofslægen, and þa¯ Deniscan a¯hton wælsto¯ we gewald. And þæs ymb .iiii. niht gefeaht Æþered cyning and Ælfred his bro¯ þur wiþ alne þone here on Æscesdune, and hı ¯e w毯 run on tw毯 m gefylcum: on o¯ þrum wæs Bachsecg and Halfdene þa¯ h毯 þnan cyningas, and on o¯ þrum w毯 ron þa¯ eorlas. And þa¯ gefeaht se 65 cyning Æþered wiþ þa¯ra cyninga getruman, and þ毯 r wearþ se cyning Bagsecg ofslægen; and Ælfred his bro¯ þur wiþ þa¯ra eorla getruman, and þ毯 r wearþ Sı ¯droc eorl ofslægen se alda, and Sı ¯droc eorl se gioncga, and O¯¯ sbearn eorl, and Fræna eorl, and Hareld eorl, and þa¯ hergas be¯gen geflı ¯emde, and fela þu¯ senda ofslægenra, and onfeohtende w毯 ron oþ niht. And þæs ymb .xiiii. niht gefeaht 70 Æþered cyning and Ælfred his bro¯ ður wiþ þone here æt Basengum, and þ毯 r þa¯ Deniscan sige na¯mon. And þæs ymb .ii. mo¯ naþ gefeaht Æþered cyning and 45 Scı ¯reburnan ] Sherborne, Dorset 46 Mierce ] the former kingdom of Mercia 46 Snotengaha¯ m ] Nottingham 47 Burgr毯 d Miercna cyning ] Burgræd was king of Mercia. 53 Eastengle ] East Anglia 54 E¯ admund ] King Edmund of East Anglia was venerated as a saint after his death as a martyr. 56 Ceolnoþ ] Ceolnoth, archbishop of Canterbury, 833-870 57 Re¯adingum ] Reading 58 Englafelda ] Englefield, Barkshire 64 Æscesdune ] Ashdown, Berkshire 65 Halfdene ] Halfdan, king of the Danes, was in command of the Danish army since its arrival in 865. 71 Basengum ] Basing, Hampshire <?page no="107"?> 96 Old English Texts Ælfred his bro¯ þur wiþ þone here æt Meretune, and hı ¯e w毯 run on tu毯 m gefylcium, and hı ¯e bu¯ tu¯ geflı ¯emdon, and longe on dæg sige a¯hton; and þ毯 r wearþ micel wælsliht on gehwæþere hond, and þa¯ Deniscan a¯hton wælsto¯ we gewald. 75 And þ毯 r wearþ He¯ahmund biscep ofslægen, and fela go¯ dra monna; and æfter þissum gefeohte cuo¯ m micel sumorlida; and þæs ofer E¯ astron gefo¯ r Æþered cyning, and he¯ rı ¯csode .v. ge¯ar, and his lı ¯c lı ¯þ æt Winburnan. Þa¯ fe¯ng Ælfred Æþelwulfing his bro¯ þur to¯ Wesseaxna rı ¯ce; and þæs ymb a¯nne mo¯ naþ gefeaht Ælfred cyning wiþ alne þone here ly¯ tle werede æt Wiltu¯ ne, and 80 hine longe on dæg geflı ¯emde, and þa¯ Deniscan a¯hton wælsto¯ we gewald. And þæs ge¯ares wurdon .viiii. folcgefeoht gefohten wiþ þone here on þy¯ cynerı ¯ce be su¯ þan Temese, and bu¯ tan þa¯m þe him Ælfred þæs cyninges bro¯ þur, and a¯nlipig aldormon, and cyninges þegnas oft ra¯de onridon þe mon na¯ ne rı ¯mde, and þæs ge¯ares w毯 run ofslægene .viiii. eorlas and a¯n cyning; and þy¯ ge¯are na¯mon 85 Westseaxe friþ wiþ þone here. 872. He¯r fo¯ r se here to¯ Lundenbyrig from Re¯adingum, and þ毯 r wintersetl nam, and þa¯ na¯mon Mierce friþ wiþ þone here. 873. He¯r fo¯ r se here on Norþhymbre, and he¯ nam wintersetl on Lindesse æt Tureces iege, and þa¯ na¯mon Mierce friþ wiþ þone here. 90 1066. On þissum ge¯are co¯ m Harold cyng of Eoforwı ¯c to¯ Westmynstre to¯ þa¯m E¯ astran, þe w毯 ron æfter þa¯m middanwintre þe se cyng forðfe¯rde; and w毯 ron þa¯ E¯ astran on þone dæg .xvi. kalendas Mai. Þa¯ wearð geond eall Englaland swylc ta¯cen on heofenum gesewen, swylce na¯n man 毯 r ne geseah. Sume men cwe¯don þæt hit cometa se steorra w毯 re þone sume men ha¯tað þone fæxedon steorran; and 95 he¯ æte¯owde 毯 rest on þone 毯 fen Letania Maior .viii. kalendas Mai, and swa¯ sca¯n ealle þa¯ seofon niht. And so¯ na þe¯ræfter co¯ m Tostig eorl in fram begeonde s毯 into¯ Wiht mid swa¯ miclum liðe swa¯ he¯ begitan mihte; and him man geald þ毯 r 毯 gþær ge feoh ge metsunge. And Harold cyng, his bro¯ þor, gegædrade swa¯ micelne sciphere and e¯ac landhere swa¯ na¯n cyng he¯r on lande 毯 r ne dyde, for þa¯m þe him 100 73 Meretune ] probably Merton, Oxfordshire 76 He¯ahmund ] He¯ahmund was bishop of Sherborne. 77 sumorlida ] a great summer army, probably under the command of Guthrum, which whom Alfred will eventually sign a treaty. 78 Winburnan ] Wimborne, Dorstet 80 Wiltu¯ ne ] Wilton, Wiltshire 83 Temese ] the River Thames 87 Lundenbyrig ] London 89 Lindesse ] Lindsey, today Lincolnshire 90 Tureces iege ] Torksey, Lincolnshire 92 E¯ astran ] Holy Week up to and including Easter Sunday 92 se cyng ] Edward the Confessor, who died on the 5th of January 1066. 93 .xvi. kalendas Mai ] 16th of April 96 Letania Maior .viii. kalendas Mai ] The date of this feast day is the 25th of April; ‘毯 fen (eve) viii kalendas’ is thus the 24th of April. 97 Tostig eorl ] Harold’s brother, earl of Northumbria from 1055-1056 100 sciphere and e¯ac landhere ] ‘here’ usually refers to the enemy forces in the Chronicle. <?page no="108"?> 97 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle wæs gecy¯ ðd þæt Wyllelm Bastard wolde hider and ðis land gewinnen: eallswa¯ hit syððan a¯e¯ode. And þa¯ wı ¯le co¯ m Tostig eorl into¯ Humbran mid sixtigum scipum, and E¯ adwine eorl co¯ m mid lanferde and a¯dra¯f hine u¯ t, and þa¯ butsacarlas hine forso¯ can. And he¯ fo¯ r to¯ Scotlande mid .xii. snaccum, and hine geme¯tte þ毯 r Harold cyng of Norwegon mid þre¯om hund scypum, and Tostig him to¯ be¯ah and 105 his man wearð. And hı ¯ fo¯ ron þa¯ be¯gen into¯ Humbran oð þæt hı ¯ co¯ mon to¯ Eoforwı ¯c; and heom þ毯 r wið fuhton E¯ adwine eorl and Morkere eorl, his bro¯ ðor, ac þa¯ Normen a¯hton sige. Man cy¯ ðde þa¯ Harolde, Engla cynge, þæt þis wæs þus gefaren, and þis gefeoht wæs on Uigilia Sancti Mathei. Ða¯ co¯ m Harold u¯ re cyng on unwær on þa¯ Normenn and hytte hı ¯ begeondan 110 Eoforwı ¯c æt Stemfordbrygge mid micclan here englisces folces, and þ毯 r wearð on dæg swı ¯ðe stranglic gefeoht on ba¯ halfe. Þa¯r wearð ofslægen Harold Harfagera and Tosti eorl, and þa¯ Normen þe þ毯 r to¯ la¯fe w毯 ron wurdon on fle¯ame, and þa¯ engliscan hı ¯ hindan hetelı ¯ce slo¯ gon oð þæt hı ¯g sume to¯ scype co¯ man, sume a¯druncen, sume e¯ac forbærnde, and swa¯ mislı ¯ce forfarene þæt þ毯 r wæs ly¯ t to¯ 115 la¯fe; and Engle a¯hton wælsto¯ we geweald. Se kyng þa¯ geaf gryð O¯¯ la¯fe, þæs Norna cynges suna, and heora biscoppe, and þa¯n eorle of Orcane¯ge, and eallon þa¯n þe on þa¯m scypum to¯ la¯fe w毯 ron. And hı ¯ fo¯ ron þa¯ u¯ pp to¯ u¯ ran kyninge, and swo¯ ron a¯ðas þæt hı ¯ 毯 fre woldon fryð and fre¯ondscype into¯ þisan lande haldan; and se cyng hı ¯ le¯t ha¯m faran mid .xxiiii. scypum. Þa¯s twa¯ folcgefeoht w毯 ron ge- 120 fremmede binnan fı ¯f nihtan. Ða¯ co¯ m Wyllelm eorl of Normandı ¯ge into¯ Pefnese¯a on Sancte Michæles mæsse毯 fen, and so¯ na þæs hı ¯ fe¯re w毯 ron, worhton castel æt H毯 stingaport. Þis wearð þa¯ Harolde cynge gecy¯ dd, and he¯ gaderade þa¯ mycelne here and co¯ m him to¯ ge¯nes æt þ毯 re ha¯ran apuldran. And Wyllelm him co¯ m onge¯an on unwær, 毯 r his 125 folc gefylced w毯 re. Ac se kyng þe¯ah him swı ¯ðe heardlı ¯ce wið feaht mid þa¯m mannum þe him gel毯 stan woldon; and þ毯 r wearð micel wæl geslægen on 毯 gðre healfe. Ð毯 r wearð ofslægen Harold kyng, and Le¯ofwine eorl his bro¯ ðor, and Gyrð eorl his bro¯ ðor, and fela go¯ dra manna; and þa¯ Frencyscan a¯hton wælsto¯ we geweald: eallswa¯ heom God u¯ ðe for folces synnon. 130 101 Wyllelm Bastard ] William the Conqueror is often called ‘bastard’ in English sources (see M 5/ 65, 93 and 206). 101-102 eallswa¯ . . . a¯ e¯ode ] The subordinate clause clearly shows that this entry was composed after the Battle of Hastings (see also ‘lengtene’, line 150). 103 E¯ adwine ] earl of Mercia 103 hine ] Tostig 105 Harold cyng of Norwegon ] King Harald Sigurdsson of Norway (1046-1066) 107 Morkere ] earl of Northumbria 109 Uigilia Sancti Mathei ] September 20th 111 Stemfordbrygge ] Stamford Bridge (northeast of York) where the Norwegian invading army was decisively repelled. 112 Harold Harfagera ] The chronicler here confuses King Harald’s actual epithet ‘harðra´ði’ (the hard) with ‘ha´rfagri’ (the fair-haired). 116 O¯¯ la¯ fe ] Olaf, King Harald of Norway’s son 122 Pefnese¯a ] Pevensey (Sussex), an ancient Roman fortress west of Hastings 122-123 Sancte Michæles mæsse毯 fen ] September 28th 129 Frencyscan ] ‘the French’ (probably derogatory) 129-130 wælsto¯ we geweald ] see line 116: ‘Engle a¯hton wælsto¯ we geweald’ <?page no="109"?> 98 Old English Texts Aldred arcebiscop and se¯o burhwaru on Lundene woldon habban þa¯ E¯ adga¯r cild to¯ kynge, eallswa¯ him wel gecynde wæs. And E¯ adwine and Morkere him behe¯ton þæt hı ¯ mid him feohtan woldon; ac swa¯ hit 毯 fre forðlı ¯cor be¯on sceolde, swa¯ wearð hit fram dæge to¯ dæge lætre and wyrre, eallswa¯ hit æt þa¯m ende eall gefe¯rde. Þis gefeoht wæs gedo¯ n on þone dæg Calesti pa¯pe. And Wyllelm eorl fo¯ r 135 eft onge¯an to¯ H毯 stingan, and geanbı ¯dode þ毯 r hwæðer man him to¯ bu¯ gan wolde. Ac þa¯ he¯ ongeat þæt man him to¯ cuman nolde, he¯ fo¯ r u¯ pp mid eallon his here þe him to¯ la¯fe wæs and him syððan fram ofer s毯 co¯ m, and hergade ealne þone ende þe he¯ oferfe¯rde oð þæt he¯ co¯ m to¯ Beorhha¯mstede. And þ毯 r him co¯ m onge¯an Ealdred arcebiscop, and E¯ adga¯r cild, and E¯ adwine eorl, and Morkere eorl, and 140 ealle þa¯ betstan men of Lundene, and bugon þa¯ for ne¯ode þa¯ m毯 st wæs to¯ hearme gedo¯ n. And þæt wæs micel unr毯 d þæt man 毯 ror swa¯ ne dyde, þa¯ hit God be¯tan nolde for u¯ rum synnum; and gy¯ sledan and swo¯ ron him a¯ðas, and he¯ heom behe¯t þæt he¯ wolde heom hold hla¯ford be¯on. And þe¯ah onmang þisan hı ¯ hergedan eall þæt hı ¯ oferfo¯ ron. 145 Ða¯ on midwintres dæg hine ha¯lgode to¯ kynge Ealdred arcebiscop on Westmynstre, and he¯ sealde him on hand mid Crı ¯stes be¯c and e¯ac swo¯ r, 毯 r þan þe he¯ wolde þa¯ coro¯ na him on he¯afode settan, þæt he¯ wolde þisne þe¯odscype swa¯ wel haldan swa¯ 毯 nig kyncg ætforan him betst dyde, gif hı ¯ him holde be¯on woldon. Swa¯þe¯ah leide gyld on mannum swı ¯ðe stı ¯ð, and fo¯ r þa¯ on þa¯m lengtene ofer s毯 to¯ 150 Normandı ¯ge and nam mid him Stı ¯gand arcebiscop, and Ægelna¯ð abbod on Glæstingabiri, and E¯ adga¯r cild, and E¯ adwine eorl and Morkere eorl and Wælþe¯of eorl, and manege o¯ ðre go¯ de men of Englalande. And O¯¯ da biscop and Wyllelm eorl belifen he¯r æfter and worhton castelas wı ¯de geond þa¯s þe¯ode, and earm folc swencte - and a¯ syððan hit yflade swı ¯ðe. Wurðe go¯ d se ende, þonne God wylle. 155 131 Aldred arcebiscop ] Ealdred, Archbishop of York 131-132 E¯ adga¯ r cild ] great-grandchild of King Æthelred and descendant of the West Saxon royal line 135 þone dæg Calesti pa¯ pe ] the feast day of Pope Callixtus I, i. e. Saturday, October 14th, 1066 147 he¯ sealde ] ‘William promised’ 147 Crı ¯stes be¯c ] the New Testament 147-148 he¯ wolde ] Ealdred 150 lengtene ] spring of 1067 151 Stı ¯gand arcebiscop ] Stı ¯gand was Archbishop of Canterbury. 153 Wælþe¯of eorl ] powerful earl who ruled Huntingdon, Northampton, Bedford, and Cambridge 153 Oda biscop ] William’s half-brother, Bishop of Bayeux 153-154 Wyllelm eorl ] William fitz Osbern, seneschal of King William <?page no="110"?> 99 The Old English Bede Text 3: The Old English Bede Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum is the most important historical source for the early history of Anglo-Saxon England. Bede writes a history of the English people in five books beginning with the conquest of England by Caesar and continuing up to 731. The original is in Latin and was translated into Old English about one hundred and fifty years later. Obviously, this work fits perfectly into the educational program began by King Alfred (see introductions O 2 and 5), but the problem of the identity of the translator has not been solved to date. Much in the style of Orosius’ Historiae adversum paganos and Eusebius’ Historia Ecclesiastica (available to him in Latin translation), Bede shows the development and (moral) progression of Christianity in England, and of England under the influence of Christianity. The historicity of his own text is, however, extremely important to Bede, who indeed shows an ongoing conscientiousness regarding the events he describes. Similar to a modern historian, Bede relies primarily on primary sources, which he had sent to him from monasteries throughout England. As he emphasises in his prologue, Ut autem in his quae scripsi, vel tibi, vel ceteris auditoribus sive lectoribus huius Historiae occasionem dubitandi subtraham, quibus haec maxime auctoribus didicerim breviter intimare curabo - ‘And to the intent that I may put both you and all others that shall hear or read the said History out of all doubt of the verity in those things I have written, I will be careful briefly to show you what authors I have chiefly followed in the making thereof’. In this respect he was successful; modern historians (albeit working with fewer sources than Bede was able to use) have not been able to find many inaccuracies in his account. At the same time, what we could anachronistically call a ‘modern’ approach is tempered by the medieval desire to ‘tell a good tale’, whence come the details that a modern reader would not expect in a history: miracles and marvels. As Bede was convinced that the Christianisation of England was part of God’s divine plan, the manifestation of God’s power at times of great importance was made evident in the form of comets, plagues or other inexplicable events. As a natural progression, the conflict of the Irish-Celtic Church versus the Roman Church is perhaps somewhat exaggerated; the Council of Whitby and the succeeding triumph of Roman Christianity is portrayed as a central event in the history of England. The conversion of King Edwin in 627 (ii. 13) is described both as a historical event as well as a dramatic step towards the Christianisation of all England. The narrative style allows the reader a feeling of actually witnessing the events which Bede describes, and much action has been added to the narrative to achieve this effect. On the other hand, we have the development of Old English Christian poetry: Cædmon the poet and one of his poems feature in the beginning of this development (iv. 24). Cædmon’s biography and the dream in which he receives his poetic abilities are described similarly to Edwin’s conversion; with the addition of dialogue, the reader is drawn further into the story. Cædmon’s poetic skills are a direct gift from God, so it is clear that his poetry must serve the will of God, praising him and helping others to come to his service (see ll. 71-73, 134-136). The closing of the Cædmon episode is very moving - Cædmon speaks about his coming death and emphasises how unimportant worldly fame is to him, and that he has only worked to please God (see ll. 161, 168). <?page no="111"?> 100 Old English Texts Cædmon’s Hymn shows how the use of the poetic diction and alliterative verse from Germanic heroic poetry can be transported from a pagan setting to a Christian one. It is foremost among Old English Christian poetry, the first of an impressive genre that spawned Andreas, Exodus, Judith, and The Dream of the Rood (O 11). The text shows some non-WS features: breaking does not occur in aldormen (l. 31); however it does occur in ealdormann, ealdormannum, ealdormon (ll. 20, 23, 107). Forms like wytum (l. 3), but witum (l. 7); syndon (ll. 14, 18); clypode (l. 35), clyppan (l. 118) demonstrate that earlier i tended to be written as y (i. e. it appears that y under the influence of i-mutation was in the process of being unrounded to i. Other features of the text include vocalic digraphs after the word-initial palatal consonant group sc-: bisceop, ealdorbisceop (ll. 6, 9, 33); biscop, biscope (ll. 42, 44, 52, 62); sceolde, sceoldon (ll. 2, 82 144); scolde, scolden (ll. 47, 162). OE a¯ under the influence of i-mutation occurs as e, an Anglian feature, versus WS æ: ne¯ale¯hte, ne¯ale¯can (ll. 61, 83). Occasionally, vocalic length is indicated by a digraph: booc (l. 127) and wiites (l. 132). Sources: Corpus Christi College, Oxford, MS 279 und Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Tanner 10. - Marsden (2004); Mitchell/ Robinson (1992); Miller (1890), Schipper (1899). - Secondary literature: Whitelock (1963). Þa¯ se cyning þa¯ þa¯s word gehy¯ rde, þa¯ andswarode he¯ him and cwæð þæt he¯ 毯 ghwæþer ge wolde ge sceolde þa¯m gele¯afan onfo¯ n þe he¯ l毯 rde; cwæð hwæþere þæt he¯ wolde mid his fre¯ondum and mid his wytum gesprec and geþeaht habban, þæt gif hı ¯ mid hine þæt geþafian woldan þæt hı ¯ ealle ætsomne on lı ¯fes willan Crı ¯ste geha¯lgade w毯 ran. Þa¯ dyde se cyning swa¯ swa¯ he¯ cwæð, and se bisceop þæt 5 geþafade. Þa¯ hæfde he¯ gesprec and geþeaht mid his witum, and syndriglı ¯ce wæs fram him eallum frignende hwylc him þu¯ hte and gesawen w毯 re þe¯os nı ¯we la¯r and þ毯 re godcundnesse bı ¯gong þe þ毯 r l毯 red wæs. Him þa¯ andswarode his ealdorbisceop, Ce¯fi wæs ha¯ten: “Geseoh þu¯ , cyning, hwelc þe¯os la¯r sı ¯e þe u¯ s nu¯ 10 bodad is. Ic þe¯ so¯ ðlı ¯ce andette þæt ic cu¯ ðlı ¯ce geleornad hæbbe þæt eallinga na¯wiht mægenes ne nyttnesse hafað sı ¯o 毯 fæstnes þe we¯ oð ðis hæfdon and bee¯odon. For ðon n毯 nig þı ¯nra þegna ne¯odlı ¯cor ne gelustfullı ¯cor hine sylfne underþe¯odde to¯ u¯ ra goda bı ¯gange þonne ic, and no¯ ht þon l毯 s monige syndon þa¯ þe ma¯ran gefe and fremsumnesse æt þe¯ onfe¯ngon þonne ic, and in eallum þingum 15 ma¯ran gesynto hæfdon. Hwæt, ic wa¯t, gif u¯ re godo 毯 nige mihte hæfdon, þonne woldan hı ¯e me¯ ma¯ fultumian, for þon ic him geornlı ¯cor þe¯odde ond hy¯ rde. For þon me¯ þynceð wı ¯slic, gif þu¯ gese¯o þa¯ þing beteran and strangran þe u¯ s nı ¯wan bodad syndon, þæt we¯ þa¯m onfo¯ n.” 1 him ] Bishop Paulinus 4 lı ¯fes willan ] literally: ‘the fountain of life’; here a reference to the baptismal font 19 onfo¯ n ] ‘should accept’ (plural present subjunctive) <?page no="112"?> 101 The Old English Bede Þæs wordum o¯ þer cyninges wita and ealdormann geþafunge sealde, and to¯ 20 þ毯 re spr毯 ce fe¯ng and þus cwæð: “Þyslic me¯ is gesewen, þu¯ cyning, þis andwearde lı ¯f manna on eorðan to¯ wiðmetenesse þ毯 re tı ¯de þe u¯ s uncu¯ ð is; swylc swa¯ þu¯ æt sw毯 sendum sitte mid þı ¯num ealdormannum and þegnum on wintertı ¯de, and sı ¯e fy¯ r on毯 led and þı ¯n heall gewyrmed, and hit rı ¯ne and snı ¯we and styrme u¯ te; cume a¯n spearwa and hrædlı ¯ce þæt hu¯ s þurhfle¯o, cume þurh o¯ þre duru in, þurh 25 o¯ þre u¯ t gewı ¯te. Hwæt, he¯ on þa¯ tı ¯d þe he¯ inne bið, ne bið hrinen mid þy¯ storme þæs wintres; ac þæt bið a¯n e¯agan bryhtm and þæt l毯 sste fæc, ac he¯ so¯ na of wintra on þone winter eft cymeð. Swa¯ þonne þis monna lı ¯f to¯ medmiclum fæce æty¯ weð: hwæt þ毯 r foregange, oððe hwæt þ毯 r æfterfylige, we¯ ne cunnon. For ðon gif þe¯os nı ¯we la¯r o¯ wiht cu¯ ðlicre ond gerisenlicre brenge, þæs weorþe is þæt we¯ þ毯 re 30 fylgen.” Þeossum wordum gelı ¯cum o¯ ðre aldormen and ðæs cyninges geþeahteras spr毯 can. Þa¯ ge¯n to¯ æty¯ hte Ce¯fi and cwæð þæt he¯ wolde Paulı ¯nus þone bisceop geornlı ¯cor gehy¯ ran be þa¯m Gode sprecende þa¯m þe he¯ bodade. Þa¯ he¯t se cyning swa¯ do¯ n. Þa¯ he¯ þa¯ his word gehy¯ rde, þa¯ clypode he¯ and þus cwæð: “Geare ic þæt ongeat þæt 35 ðæt no¯ wiht wæs þæt we¯ bee¯odan; for þon swa¯ micle swa¯ ic geornlı ¯cor on þa¯m bı ¯gange þæt sylfe so¯ ð so¯ hte, swa¯ ic hit l毯 s me¯tte. Nu¯ þonne ic openlı ¯ce ondette þæt on þysse la¯re þæt sylfe so¯ ð scı ¯neð þæt u¯ s mæg þa¯ gyfe syllan e¯cre e¯adignesse and e¯ces lı ¯fes h毯 lo. For þon ic þonne nu¯ l毯 re, cyning, þæt þæt templ and þa¯ wı ¯gbedo þa¯ ðe we¯ bu¯ ton wæstmum 毯 nigre nytnisse ha¯lgodon, þæt we¯ þa¯ hraþe 40 forle¯osen ond fy¯ re forbærnen.” Ono hwæt, he¯ þa¯ se cyning openlı ¯ce ondette þa¯m biscope ond him eallum þæt he¯ wolde fæstlı ¯ce þa¯m de¯ofolgildum wiðsacan ond Crı ¯stes gele¯afan onfo¯ n. Mid þy¯ þe he¯ þa¯ se cyning from þ毯 m foresprecenan biscope so¯ hte ond a¯hsode heora ha¯lignesse þe he¯o 毯 r bie¯odon, hwa¯ ða¯ wı ¯gbed ond þa¯ hergas þa¯ra 45 de¯ofolgilda mid heora hegum þe he¯o ymbsette w毯 ron, he¯o 毯 rest a¯ ı ¯dligan ond to¯ weorpan scolde, þa¯ ondsworede he¯: “Efne ic. Hwa¯ mæg þa¯ nu¯ , þa¯ þe ic longe mid dysignesse bee¯ode, to¯ bysene o¯ ðerra monna gerisenlecor to¯ weorpan þonne ic seolfa þurh þa¯ snytro þe ic from þ毯 m so¯ ðan Gode onfe¯ng? ” Ond he¯ ða¯ so¯ na from him a¯wearp þa¯ ı ¯dlan dysignesse þe he¯ 毯 r bee¯ode, ond þone cyning bæd þæt he¯ 50 him w毯 pen sealde ond sto¯ dhors, þæt he¯ meahte on cuman ond de¯ofolgyld to¯ weorpan; for þon þa¯m biscope heora ha¯lignesse ne wæs a¯ly¯ fed þæt he¯ mo¯ ste w毯 pen wegan ne elcor bu¯ ton on my¯ ran rı ¯dan. Þa¯ sealde se cyning him sweord, þæt he¯ hine mid gyrde, ond nom his spere on hond ond hle¯op on þæs cyninges ste¯dan ond to¯ þ毯 m de¯ofulgeldum fe¯rde. Þa¯ ðæt folc hine þa¯ geseah swa¯ 55 gescyrpedne, þa¯ we¯ndon he¯o þæt he¯ teola ne wiste, ac þæt he¯ we¯dde. So¯ na þæs þe he¯ ne¯ale¯hte to¯ þ毯 m herige, þa¯ sce¯at he¯ mid þy¯ spere þæt hit sticode fæste on þ毯 m herige, ond wæs swı ¯ðe gefe¯onde þ毯 re ongytenesse þæs so¯ ðan Godes 20 Þæs ] ‘whose’ (genitive singular masculine) referring to Coefi, l. 10 27 e¯agan bryhtm ] blink of an eye 31 Þeossum wordum gelı ¯cum ] ‘with similar words’ 45 heora ha¯ lignesse ] gsg. referring to ‘biscope’: ‘the priest of their religion’ 56 teola ne wiste ] ‘that he had lost his wits’. 56-57 So¯ na . . . he¯ ] ‘as soon as he’ <?page no="113"?> 102 Old English Texts bı ¯gonges. Ond he¯ ða¯ he¯ht his gefe¯ran to¯ weorpan ealne þone herig ond þa¯ getimbro ond forbærnan. Is se¯o sto¯ w gy¯ t æte¯awed gu¯ þa¯ra de¯ofulgilda, no¯ ht feor 60 e¯ast from Eoforwı ¯cceastre, begeondan Deorwentan þ毯 re e¯a; ond ge¯n to¯ dæge is nemned Go¯ dmundingaha¯m þ毯 r se biscop, þurh ðæs so¯ ðan Godes inbryrdnesse, to¯ wearp ond fordyde þa¯ wı ¯gbed þe he¯ seolfa 毯 r geha¯lgode. Ða¯ onfe¯ng E¯ adwine cyning mid eallum þ毯 m æðelingum his þe¯ode ond mid micle folce Crı ¯stes gele¯afan ond fulwihte bæðe, þy¯ endlyftan ge¯are his rı ¯ces. 65 In ðeosse abbudissan mynstre wæs sum bro¯ ðor syndriglı ¯ce mid godcundre gife gem毯 red ond geweorðad. For þon he¯ gewunade gerisenlice le¯oð wyrcan, þa¯ ðe to¯ 毯 fæstnisse ond to¯ a¯rfæstnisse belumpen, swa¯ ðætte swa¯ hwæt swa¯ he¯ of godcundum stafum þurh bo¯ ceras geleornode, þæt he¯ æfter medmiclum fæce in scopgereorde mid þa¯ m毯 stan swe¯tnisse ond inbryrdnisse geglængde, ond in 70 Engliscgereorde wel geworht forþbro¯ hte. Ond for his le¯oþsongum monigra monna mo¯ d oft to¯ worulde forhogdnisse ond to¯ geþe¯odnisse þæs heofonlican lı ¯fes onbærnde w毯 ron. Ond e¯ac swelce monige o¯ ðre æfter him in Ongelþe¯ode ongunnon 毯 fæste le¯oð wyrcan, ac n毯 nig hwæðre him þæt gelı ¯ce do¯ n meahte. For þon he¯ nales from monnum ne þurh mon gel毯 red wæs, þæt he¯ þone le¯oðcræft 75 leornade, ac he¯ wæs godcundlı ¯ce gefultumed, ond þurh Godes gife þone songcræft onfe¯ng. Ond he¯ for ðon n毯 fre no¯ ht le¯asunge, ne ı ¯dles le¯oþes wyrcan meahte, ac efne þa¯ a¯n þa¯ ðe to¯ 毯 festnesse belumpon, ond his þa¯ 毯 festan tungan gedafenade singan. Wæs he¯ se mon in weoruldha¯de geseted oð þa¯ tı ¯de þe he¯ wæs gely¯ fdre ylde, 80 ond he¯ n毯 fre n毯 nig le¯oð geleornade. Ond he¯ for þon oft in gebe¯orscipe, þonne þ毯 r wæs blisse intinga gede¯med, þæt he¯o ealle sceoldon þurh endebyrdnesse be hearpan singan, þonne he¯ geseah þa¯ hearpan him ne¯ale¯can, þonne a¯ra¯s he¯ for scome from þ毯 m symble, ond ha¯m e¯ode to¯ his hu¯ se. Þa¯ he¯ þæt þa¯ sumre tı ¯de dyde þæt he¯ forle¯t þæt hu¯ s þæs gebe¯orscipes, ond u¯ t wæs gongende to¯ ne¯ata 85 scipene, þa¯ra heord him wæs þ毯 re neahte beboden, þa¯ he¯ ða¯ þ毯 r in gelimplice tı ¯de his leomu on reste gesette ond onsle¯pte, þa¯ sto¯ d him sum mon æt þurh swefn, ond hine ha¯lette ond gre¯tte, ond hine be his noman nemnde: ‘Cedmon, sing me¯ hwæthwugu.’ Þa¯ ondswarede he¯ ond cwæð: ‘Ne con ic no¯ ht singan. Ond ic for þon of þeossum gebe¯orscipe u¯ t e¯ode, ond hider gewa¯t for þon ic na¯ht singan ne 90 60 Is . . . de¯ofulgilda ] ‘this place, formerly dedicated to the idols, can still be seen today’. 61 Eoforwı ¯cceastre ] York 61 Deorwentan ] the River Derwent 62 Go¯ dmundingaha¯ m ] Goddmanham, Yorkshire 66 ðeosse abbudissan mynstre ] refers to Abbess Hild and the monastery of Whitby in Yorkshire. 72 mo¯ d ] Nominative plural, not singular, is suggested by the predicate ‘onbærnde w毯 ron’ (l. 73); in Bede’s Latin, we find animi (plural). 75 nales . . . mon ] see Gal 1: 1: ‘Paul, an apostle, not of men, neither by man, but by Jesus Christ, and God the Father’. 79 gedafenade ] impersonal use: ‘and (which it) befitted his pious tongue to sing’. <?page no="114"?> 103 The Old English Bede cu¯ ðe.’ Eft he¯ cwæð, se¯ ðe wið hine sprecende wæs: ‘Hwæðre þu¯ me¯ a¯ht singan.’ Þa¯ cwæð he¯: ‘Hwæt sceal ic singan? ’ Cwæð he¯: ‘Sing me¯ frumsceaft.’ Þa¯ he¯ ða¯ þa¯s andsware onfe¯ng, þa¯ ongon he¯ so¯ na singan in herenesse Godes Scyppendes þa¯ fers ond þa¯ word, þe he¯ n毯 fre gehy¯ rde, þ毯 re endebyrdnesse þis is: Nu¯ sculon herigean heofonrı ¯ces Weard, 95 Meotodes meahte ond his mo¯ dgeþanc, weorc Wuldorfæder, swa¯ he¯ wundra gehwæs, e¯ce Drihten, o¯ r onstealde. He¯ 毯 rest sceo¯ p eorðan bearnum heofon to¯ hro¯ fe, ha¯lig Scyppend. 100 Þa¯ middangeard monncynnes Weard, e¯ce Drihten, æfter te¯ode fı ¯rum foldan, Fre¯a ælmihtig. Þa¯ a¯ra¯s he¯ from þ毯 m sl毯 pe, ond eal þa¯ þe he¯ sl毯 pende song fæste in gemynde hæfde, ond þ毯 m wordum so¯ na monig word in þæt ilce gemet Gode wyrðes 105 songes to¯ geþe¯odde. Þa¯ co¯ m he¯ on morgenne to¯ þ毯 m tu¯ ngere¯fan þe his ealdormon wæs, sægde him hwylce gife he¯ onfe¯ng. Ond he¯ hine so¯ na to¯ þ毯 re abbudissan gel毯 dde, ond hire þa¯ cy¯ ðde ond sægde. Þa¯ he¯ht he¯o gesomnian ealle þa¯ gel毯 redestan men ond þa¯ leorneras, ond him ondweardum, he¯t secgan þæt swefn ond þæt le¯oð singan, þæt 110 ealra heora do¯ me gecoren w毯 re, hwæt oððe hwonon þæt cuman w毯 re. Þa¯ wæs him eallum gesegen, swa¯ swa¯ hit wæs, þæt him w毯 re from Drihtne sylfum heofonlic gifu forgifen. Þa¯ rehton he¯o him ond sægdon sum ha¯lig spell ond godcundre la¯re word; bebudon him þa¯, gif he¯ meahte, þæt he¯ in swinsunge le¯oþsonges þæt gehwyrfde. Þa¯ he¯ ða¯ hæfde þa¯ wı ¯san onfongne, þa¯ e¯ode he¯ ha¯m 115 to¯ his hu¯ se and cwo¯ m eft on morgenne, ond þy¯ betstan le¯oðe geglenged him a¯song ond a¯geaf þæt him beboden wæs. Ða¯ ongan se¯o abbudisse clyppan ond lufigean þa¯ Godes gife in þ毯 m men; ond he¯o hine þa¯ monade ond l毯 rde þæt he¯ woruldha¯d a¯nforle¯te ond munucha¯d onfe¯nge: ond he¯ þæt wel þafode. Ond he¯o hine in þæt mynster onfe¯ng mid his 120 go¯ dum, ond hine geþe¯odde to¯ gesomnunge þa¯ra Godes þe¯owa, ond he¯ht hine l毯 ran þæt getæl þæs ha¯lgan st毯 res ond spelles. Ond he¯ eal þa¯ he¯ in gehy¯ rnesse geleornian meahte, mid hine gemyndgade, ond swa¯ swa¯ cl毯 ne ne¯ten eodorcende in þæt swe¯teste le¯oð gehwerfde. Ond his song ond his le¯oð w毯 ron swa¯ wynsumu to¯ gehy¯ ranne þætte seolfan þa¯ his la¯re¯owas æt his mu¯ ðe wreoton ond leornodon. 125 108 abbudissan ] the reference is to Hild. 110 him ondweardum ] ‘in their presence’ (instrumental dative) 111 gecoren w毯 re ] ‘could be ascertained’; the subjunctive is quite frequent in clauses of purpose. 111 cuman w毯 re ] the subjunctive expresses uncertainty. 112 gesegen ] the subject ‘it’ has to be supplied: ‘Then it was shown to all of them’. 118 abbudisse ] i. e. Hild 120 mynster ] the monastery of Whitby 121 go¯ dum ] ambiguous; Bede’s Latin ‘cum omnibus suis’ suggests the meaning ‘(Hild) and her entire community’. 123 cl毯 ne ne¯ten eodorcende ] see Lev 11: 3 <?page no="115"?> 104 Old English Texts Song he¯ 毯 rest be middangeardes gesceape ond bı ¯ fruman moncynnes ond eal þæt st毯 r Genesis (þæt is se¯o 毯 reste Moyses booc); ond eft bı ¯ u¯ tgonge Israhe¯la folces of Ư¯ gypta londe ond bı ¯ ingonge þæs geha¯tlandes, ond bı ¯ o¯ ðrum monegum spellum þæs ha¯lgan gewrites cano¯ nes bo¯ ca, ond bı ¯ Crı ¯stes menniscnesse ond bı ¯ his þro¯ wunge ond bı ¯ his u¯ pa¯stı ¯gnesse in heofonas, ond bı ¯ þæs Ha¯lgan Ga¯stes 130 cyme ond þa¯ra apostola la¯re; ond eft bı ¯ þ毯 m ege þæs to¯ weardan do¯ mes ond bı ¯ fyrhtu þæs tintreglican wiites ond bı ¯ swe¯tnesse þæs heofonlecan rı ¯ces he¯ monig le¯oð geworhte. Ond swelce e¯ac o¯ ðer monig be þ毯 m godcundan fremsumnessum ond do¯ mum he¯ geworhte. In eallum þ毯 m he¯ geornlı ¯ce ge¯mde þæt he¯ men a¯tuge from synna lufan ond ma¯nd毯 da ond to¯ lufan ond to¯ geornfulnesse a¯wehte go¯ dra 135 d毯 da; for þon he¯ wæs se mon swı ¯þe 毯 fæst ond regollecum þe¯odscipum e¯aðmo¯ dlı ¯ce underþe¯oded. Ond wið ð毯 m þa¯ ðe in o¯ ðre wı ¯san do¯ n woldon, he¯ wæs mid welme micelre ellenwo¯ dnisse onbærned; ond he¯ for ðon fægre ænde his lı ¯f bety¯ nde ond geendade. For þon þa¯ ð毯 re tı ¯de ne¯al毯 cte his gewitenesse ond forðfo¯ re, þa¯ wæs he¯ 140 fe¯owerty¯ num dagum 毯 r þæt he¯ wæs lı ¯chomlicre untrymnesse þrycced ond hefgad, hwæðre to¯ þon gemetlı ¯ce þæt he¯ ealle þa¯ tı ¯d meahte ge sprecan ge gongan. Wæs þ毯 r in ne¯aweste untrumra monna hu¯ s, in þ毯 m heora þe¯aw wæs þæt he¯o þa¯ untrumran ond þa¯ ðe æt forðfo¯ re w毯 ron inl毯 dan sceoldon, ond him þ毯 r ætsomne þegnian. Þa¯ bæd he¯ his þegn on 毯 fenne þ毯 re neahte þe he¯ of worulde 145 gongende wæs, þæt he¯ in þ毯 m hu¯ se him sto¯ we gegearwode, þæt he¯ gerestan meahte. Þa¯ wundrode se þegn for hwon he¯ þæs b毯 de, for þon him þu¯ hte þæt his forðfo¯ r swa¯ ne¯ah ne w毯 re; dyde hwæðre swa¯ swa¯ he¯ cwæð ond bibe¯ad. Ond mid þy¯ he¯ ða¯ þ毯 r on reste e¯ode, ond he¯ gefe¯onde mo¯ de sumu þing mid him sprecende ætgædere, ond gle¯owiende wæs þe þ毯 r 毯 r inne w毯 ron, þa¯ wæs ofer middeneaht 150 þæt he¯ frægn hwæðer he¯o 毯 nig hu¯ sl inne hæfdon. Þa¯ ondswarodon he¯o ond cw毯 don: ‘Hwylc þearf is ðe¯ hu¯ sles? Ne þı ¯nre forþfo¯ re swa¯ ne¯ah is, nu¯ þu¯ þus ro¯ tlı ¯ce ond þus glædlı ¯ce to¯ u¯ s sprecende eart.’ Cwæð he¯ eft: ‘Berað me¯ hu¯ sl to¯ .’ Þa¯ he¯ hit þa¯ on honda hæfde, þa¯ frægn he¯ hwæþer he¯o ealle smolt mo¯ d ond bu¯ ton eallum incan blı ¯ðe to¯ him hæfdon. Þa¯ ondswaredon hy¯ ealle ond cw毯 don þæt he¯o 155 n毯 nigne incan to¯ him wiston, ac he¯o ealle him swı ¯ðe blı ¯ðemo¯ de w毯 ron. Ond he¯o wrixendlı ¯ce hine b毯 don þæt he¯ him eallum blı ¯ðe w毯 re. Þa¯ ondswarade he¯ ond cwæð: ‘Mı ¯ne bro¯ ðor, mı ¯ne þa¯ le¯ofan, ic eom swı ¯ðe blı ¯ðemo¯ d to¯ e¯ow ond to¯ eallum Godes monnum.’ Ond swa¯ wæs hine getrymmende mid þy¯ heofonlecan wegneste, ond him o¯ ðres lı ¯fes ingong gegearwode. Þa¯ gy¯ t he¯ frægn hu¯ ne¯ah þ毯 re 160 tı ¯de w毯 re þætte þa¯ bro¯ ðor a¯rı ¯san scolden ond Godes lof r毯 ran ond heora u¯ htsong singan. Þa¯ ondswaredon he¯o: ‘Nis hit feor to¯ þon.’ Cwæð he¯: ‘Teala; wuton we¯ 136 regollecum ] dative plural referring to the monastic rule 140 ne¯al毯 cte ] impersonal use of the verb: ‘it drew near’ 141 þæt . . . wæs ] the clause ‘þæt he wæs’ need not be translated. Bede’s Latin (bk. iv, ch. xxiv) reads: ‘Nam propinquante hora sui decessus, quatuordecim diebus, praeveniente corporea infirmitate, pressus est’. 143 untrumra monna hu¯ s ] the infirmatory of a monastery 152 Ne . . . ne¯ah is, ] here and at l. 160, ne¯ah ‘near, close’ is specified by a dative: ‘þı ¯nre forþfo¯ re’ and ‘þ毯 re tı ¯de’; the subject ‘it’ has to be supplied. <?page no="116"?> 105 The Old English Bede wel þ毯 re tı ¯de bı ¯dan.’ Ond þa¯ him gebæd ond hine gesegnode mid Crı ¯stes ro¯ deta¯cne, ond his he¯afod onhylde to¯ þa¯m bolstre, ond medmicel fæc onsle¯pte; ond swa¯ mid stilnesse his lı ¯f geendade. Ond swa¯ wæs geworden þætte, swa¯ swa¯ 165 he¯ hlu¯ ttre mo¯ de ond bilwitre ond smyltre wilsumnesse Drihtne þe¯ode, þæt he¯ e¯ac swylce swa¯ smylte de¯aðe middangeard wæs forl毯 tende, ond to¯ his gesihðe becwo¯ m. Ond se¯o tunge þe swa¯ monig ha¯lwende word in þæs Scyppendes lof gesette, he¯ ða¯ swelce e¯ac þa¯ y¯ tm毯 stan word in his herenisse, hine seolfne segniende ond his ga¯st in his honda bebe¯odende, bety¯ nde. E¯ ac swelce þæt is 170 gesegen þæt he¯ w毯 re gewis his seolfes forðfo¯ re, of þ毯 m we¯ nu¯ secgan hy¯ rdon. 163 him gebæd ond hine gesegnode ] him and hine are used with reflexive function. 168 se¯o tunge ] The translator construes the ablative of the original Latin (‘illaque lingua’) as nominative: ‘and with his tongue’. 170-171 is gesegen ] literally: ‘that can be seen’, i. e. ‘it is evident’ <?page no="117"?> 106 Old English Texts Text 4: The Old English Orosius The Historiae Adversum Paganos, written by Orosius in the early 5th century, was translated into Old English in the early 9th century: also a part King Alfred’s educational reform. Orosius wrote a seven-volume universal history of the world just after Rome had been sacked by the Visigoths. In the face of pagan criticism, Orosius felt it necessary to defend Christianity and to prove that the disasters of the preceding years were not caused by Christianity, but by paganism. Indeed, he seeks to prove how much better the world has become since the advent of Christianity; the wars, epidemics, droughts, natural catastrophes and crimes (especially those on a mass scale, or those committed by a ruler) which occurred before his times are shown to be the natural result of a pagan society, whereas the recent disasters result rather from the continued practice of paganism than from the conversion to Christianity. Orosius was not the first Christian apologetic writer, but his history is the first Christian apologetic history. As such, his work fits perfectly into Alfred’s program: the Historiae is both an encyclopaedic history of the world as well as a Christian treatise (see O 5/ 43-45). Like most of the Alfredian translations, this translation shows the typical traits - it is relatively free, translating the meaning rather than the exact wording (see also introduction to O 1). Additionally, the translator has reduced Orosius’ polemic and added two eyewitness reports to enhance the geographic part of the history, which was lacking in its treatment of northern Europe and Scandinavia. These reports seem to have been made directly to Alfred, (Ohthere sæde his hlaforde, Ælfrede cyninge - ‘Ohthere told his lord, King Alfred’), which led scholars to believe that Alfred himself had translated the history, an assumption which has since been abandoned. Ohthere, a Norwegian, reports to Alfred of his homeland and the trips he has made throughout Norway and Finland, describing also the customs of the Finns. Wulfstan, whose name could be either Viking or Anglo-Saxon, reports about his journey to what is now Estonia, and the customs of the people living there. The text shows several late WS features: original selappears as <syl-> sylf (l. 5). Diphthongs under the influence of i-mutation appear as <y> versus earlier <ie>: hy¯rað (ll. 4, 7). Loss of g when followed by d occurs (with compensatory lengthening) in s毯 de (l. 1). Occasionally the dative plural ends in n: Swe¯on (l. 7) versus regular m. Sources: British Library, London, MS Cotton Tiberius B.i. - Bately (1980); Sweet (1883). - Secondary literature: Ekblom (1960), Bately (1970), Liggins (1970). Wulfsta¯n s毯 de þæt he¯ gefo¯ re of H毯 ðum, þæt he¯ w毯 re on Tru¯ so¯ on syfan dagum and nihtum, þæt þæt scip wæs ealne weg yrnende under segle. Weonoðland him wæs on ste¯orbord, and on bæcbord him wæs Langaland and L毯 land and Falster and Sco¯ ne¯g; and þa¯s land eall hy¯ rað to¯ Denemearcan. And þonne Burgenda land wæs u¯ s on bæcbord, and þa¯ habbað him sylf cyning. Þonne æfter Burgenda 5 1 Tru¯ so¯ ] probably Truso, Poland 3-4 Langaland, L毯 land, Falster; Sco¯ ne¯cg ] the islands of Langeland, Lolland and Falster; Ska˚ne (Sweden) 4 hy¯rað to¯ Denemearcan ] ‘are governed by Denmark’ 5 Burgenda land ] the island of Bornholm <?page no="118"?> 107 The Old English Orosius lande w毯 ron u¯ s þa¯s land þa¯ synd ha¯tene 毯 rest Ble¯cingae¯g and Me¯ore and E¯ owland and Gotland on bæcbord; and þa¯s land hy¯ rað to¯ Swe¯on. And Weonodland wæs u¯ s ealne weg on ste¯orbord oð Wı ¯slemu¯ ðan. Se¯o Wı ¯sle is swy¯ ðe mycel e¯a, and hı ¯o to¯ lı ¯ð Wı ¯tland and Weonodland; and þæt Wı ¯tland belimpeð to¯ Estum. And se¯o Wı ¯sle lı ¯ð u¯ t of Weonodlande and lı ¯ð in Estmere; and se Estmere 10 is hu¯ ru fı ¯fte¯ne mı ¯la bra¯d. Þonne cymeð Ilfing e¯astan in Estmere of ð毯 m mere ðe Tru¯ so¯ standeð in staðe, and cumað u¯ t samod in Estmere, Ilfing e¯astan of Estlande and Wı ¯sle su¯ ðan of Winodlande. And þonne benimð Wı ¯sle Ilfing hire naman, and ligeð of þ毯 m mere west and norð on s毯 : for ðy¯ hit man h毯 t Wı ¯slemu¯ ða. Þæt Estland is swy¯ ðe mycel, and þ毯 r bið swy¯ ðe manig burh, and on 毯 lcere 15 byrig bið cyningc. And þ毯 r bið swy¯ ðe mycel hunig and fiscað; and se cyning and þa¯ rı ¯costan men drincað my¯ ran meolc, and þa¯ unspe¯digan and þa¯ þe¯owan drincað medo. Þ毯 r bið swy¯ ðe mycel gewinn betwe¯onan him. And ne bið ð毯 r n毯 nig ealo gebrowen mid Estum, ac þ毯 r bið medo geno¯ h. And þ毯 r is mid Estum ðe¯aw, þonne þ毯 r bið man de¯ad, þæt he¯ lı ¯ð inne unfor- 20 bærned mid his ma¯gum and fre¯ondum mo¯ nað, ge hwı ¯lum twe¯gen; and þa¯ kyningas and þa¯ o¯ ðre he¯ahðungene men swa¯ micle lencg swa¯ hı ¯ ma¯ran spe¯da habbað, hwı ¯lum healf ge¯ar þæt hı ¯ be¯oð unforbærned and licgað bufan eorðan on hyra hu¯ sum. And ealle þa¯ hwı ¯le þe þæt lı ¯c bið inne, þ毯 r sceal be¯on gedrync and plega, oð ðone dæg þe hı ¯ hine forbærnað. Þonne þy¯ ylcan dæg þe hı ¯ hine to¯ þ毯 m 25 a¯de beran wyllað, þonne to¯ d毯 lað hı ¯ his feoh þæt þ毯 r to¯ la¯fe bið æfter þ毯 m gedrynce and þ毯 m plegan, on fı ¯f oððe syx, hwy¯ lum on ma¯, swa¯ swa¯ þæs fe¯os andefn bið. A¯¯ lecgað hit ðonne forhwæga on a¯nre mı ¯le þone m毯 stan d毯 l fram þ毯 m tu¯ ne, þonne o¯ ðerne, ðonne þæne þriddan, oþ þe hyt eall a¯le¯d bið on þ毯 re a¯nre mı ¯le; and sceall be¯on se l毯 sta d毯 l ny¯ hst þ毯 m tu¯ ne ðe se de¯ada man on lı ¯ð. 30 Ðonne sceolon be¯on gesamnode ealle ða¯ menn ðe swyftoste hors habbað on þ毯 m lande, forhwæga on fı ¯f mı ¯lum oððe on syx mı ¯lum fram þ毯 m fe¯o. Þonne ærnað hy¯ ealle to¯ weard þ毯 m fe¯o; ðonne cymeð se¯ man se þæt swiftoste hors hafað to¯ þ毯 m 毯 restan d毯 le and to¯ þ毯 m m毯 stan, and swa¯ 毯 lc æfter o¯ ðrum, oþ hit bið eall genumen. And se¯ nimð þone l毯 stan d毯 l se ny¯ hst þ毯 m tu¯ ne þæt feoh geærneð. 35 And þonne rı ¯deð 毯 lc hys weges mid ða¯n fe¯o, and hyt mo¯ tan habban eall; and for ðy¯ þ毯 r be¯oð þa¯ swiftan hors ungefo¯ ge dy¯ re. And þonne hys gestre¯on be¯oð þus eall a¯spended, þonne byrð man hine u¯ t, and forbærneð mid his w毯 pnum and hrægle. And swı ¯ðost ealle hys spe¯da hy¯ forspendað mid þa¯n langan legere þæs 6-7 Ble¯cingae¯g . . . Gotland ] Blekinge (Sweden); Möre (Sweden); the islands of Öland and Gotland 7 hy¯rað to¯ Swe¯on ] ‘are governed by Sweden’ 8 Wı ¯slemu¯ ðan ] the mouth of the Vistula - the passage between Frisches Haff and the Bay of Danzig 9 Wı ¯tland ] region east of the Vistula 10 Estum ] the ‘Easterners’, probably the Baltic Prussians 16 hunig ] Before the introduction of sugar, honey was used as a sweetener and as such was an important export of this area. 25 þe ] ‘the day on which’ 25 þy¯ ylcan dæg ] ‘on the very same day’ (dæg is not inflected) 36 mo¯ tan ] plural present: ‘and they may’ <?page no="119"?> 108 Old English Texts de¯adan mannes inne, and þæs þe hy¯ be þ毯 m wegum a¯lecgað þe þa¯ fremdan to¯ 40 ærnað and nimað. And þæt is mid Estum þe¯aw þæt þ毯 r sceal 毯 lces geðe¯odes man be¯on forbærned; and gyf þa¯r man a¯n ba¯n findeð unforbærned, hı ¯ hit sceolan miclum gebe¯tan. And þ毯 r is mid Estum a¯n m毯 gð þæt hı ¯ magon cyle gewyrcan; and þy¯ þ毯 r licgað þa¯ de¯adan men swa¯ lange and ne fu¯ liað, þæt hy¯ wyrcað þone cyle hine on. 45 And þe¯ah man a¯sette twe¯gen f毯 tels full ealað oððe wæteres, hy¯ gedo¯ ð þæt o¯ ðer bið oferfroren, sam hit sy¯ sumor sam winter. 40 and þæs þe hy¯ ] ‘and because they’ (distribute his possessions) 44 m毯 gð, þæt hı ¯ ] ‘a tribe which’ 44 cyle gewyrcan ] How this was possible still remains a mystery. 45 þæt ] ‘because’ 46 ealað ] see lines 18-19, where it is claimed that the Estonians don’t brew beer. 46 o¯ ðer ] ‘one of the two’; the pronominal adjective ‘毯 gþer: both (of the two)’ would seem to make more sense. <?page no="120"?> 109 King Alfred Text 5: King Alfred King Alfred the Great’s legacy is a combination of military and educational triumph. This can be seen in some of the statues erected in his memory, for example at his birthplace, Wantage, where he is depicted holding a sword as well as a scroll. During his reign from 871-899, Alfred was not only able to limit the Viking expansion in England, signing the Treaty of Alfred and Guthrum in 886, but also instituted a period of learning, know as the “Alfredian Renaissance” (see also introduction to O 2). Because Latin competence had so strongly declined (ll. 11-16), Alfred felt it necessary to translate all important Christian works into English. Alfred began this project himself by translating Gregory the Great’s Cura Pastoralis - the “Hierdeboc”, which was then to be copied for every bishopric in his realm. Also a part of his project are Boethius’ Consolatio Philosophiae, Orosius’ Historiae Adversum Paganos (see O 4), and Augustinus’ Soliloquies and Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (see O 3). Though Alfred was once held to be responsible for most of these translations, the Cura Pastoralis and Consolatio Philosophiae are the only works that are now attributed to him. In the Preface to Cura Pastoralis, Alfred explains to the bishops he wishes to enlist in his project (in this manuscript, to Bishop Wærferð) why he feels it necessary to begin such a project, and also attempts to justify his own translation attempt. He emphasises the problems involved in translation, typifying medieval methods of translation: “hwilum word be worde, hwilum andgit of andgiete” (sometimes word for word, sometimes thought for thought). Indeed, as he continues, he has translated “as well as I have understood and as far as I can bring across in the most meaningful way” (l. 66). Here we see definite parallels to Ælfric (see O 1), who originally did not want to translate the Bible at all for fear of losing or misconstruing meaning, and thereby confusing the public. Not only the text itself, but also the freely composed Preface have extremely cumbersome sentence structure, which shows the practice of relying upon Latin grammatical structure, even when composing original Old English works. In this we can see how seldom Old English was used for prose before this time. Alfred’s works of translation are therefore not only the impulse upon which the educational system of the next two centuries was based, but also for the development of an Old English prose style. The text shows several inconsistencies, such as the occasional lack of breaking before ld, as in onwald (l. 4) (versus onweald, l. 6). Instead of regular West Saxon 毯 , e¯ occurs occasionally, as in le¯fdon (l. 21). Different graphs are used for the vowels in unstressed medial and final syllables, as in hı ¯ersumedon (l. 5), wundrade (l. 33) for earlier -od-. Sources: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Hatton 20. - Marsden (2004); Mitchell/ Robinson (1992); Sweet (1871). - Secondary literature: Klaeber (1923), Duckett (1956). - Facsimile: Ker (1956). <?page no="121"?> 110 Old English Texts Ælfred kyning ha¯teð gre¯tan W毯 rferð biscep his wordum luflı ¯ce ond fre¯ondlı ¯ce. Ond ðe¯ cy¯ ðan ha¯te ðæt me¯ co¯ m swı ¯ðe oft on gemynd hwelce wiotan iu¯ w毯 ron giond Angelcynn, 毯 gþer ge godcundra ha¯da ge woruldcundra; ond hu¯ ges毯 liglica tı ¯da ða¯ w毯 ron giond Angelcynn; ond hu¯ ða¯ kyningas ðe ðone onwald hæfdon ðæs folces Gode ond his 毯 rendwrecum hı ¯ersumedon; ond hı ¯e 毯 gðer ge hiora 5 sibbe ge hiora siodu ge hiora onweald innanbordes gehı ¯oldon, ond e¯ac u¯ t hiora e¯ðel ry¯ mdon; ond hu¯ him ða¯ spe¯ow 毯 gðer ge mid wı ¯ge ge mid wı ¯sdo¯ me; ond e¯ac ða¯ godcundan ha¯das, hu¯ giorne hı ¯e w毯 ron 毯 gðer ge ymb la¯re ge ymb liornunga, ge ymb ealle ða¯ ðı ¯owotdo¯ mas ðe hı ¯e Gode do¯ n scoldon; ond hu¯ man u¯ tanbordes wı ¯sdo¯ m ond la¯re hieder on lond so¯ hte; ond hu¯ we¯ hı ¯e nu¯ sceoldon u¯ te begietan, 10 gif we¯ hı ¯e habban sceoldon. Sw毯 cl毯 ne hı ¯o wæs oðfeallenu on Angelcynne ðæt swı ¯ðe fe¯awa w毯 ron behionan Humbre ðe hiora ðe¯ninga cu¯ ðen understondan on Englisc, oððe furðum a¯n 毯 rendgewrit of L毯 dene on Englisc a¯reccean; ond ic we¯ne ðætte no¯ ht monige begiondan Humbre n毯 ren. Sw毯 fe¯awa hiora w毯 ron ðæt ic furðum a¯nne a¯nle¯pne ne mæg geðencean be su¯ ðan Temese, ða¯ ða¯ ic to¯ rı ¯ce 15 fe¯ng. Gode ælmihtegum sı ¯e ðonc ðætte we¯ nu¯ 毯 nigne onstal habbað la¯re¯owa. Ond for ðon ic ðe¯ bebı ¯ode ðæt ðu¯ do¯ , sw毯 ic gelı ¯efe ðæt ðu¯ wille, ðæt ðu¯ ðe¯ ðissa woruldðinga to¯ ð毯 m ge毯 metige, sw毯 ðu¯ oftost mæge, ðæt ðu¯ ðone wı ¯sdo¯ m ðe ðe¯ God sealde, ð毯 r ð毯 r ðu¯ hiene befæstan mæge, befæste. Geðenc hwelc wı ¯tu u¯ s ða¯ beco¯ mon for ðisse worulde, ða¯ ða¯ we¯ hit no¯ hwæðer ne selfe ne lufodon ne e¯ac 20 o¯ ðrum monnum ne le¯fdon; ðone naman 毯 nne we¯ lufodon ðætte we¯ Crı ¯stne w毯 ren, ond swı ¯ðe fe¯awa ða¯ ðe¯awas. 1 W毯 rferð ] Bishop W毯 rferð of Worcester, 873-915; he translated Gregory’s Dialogues into Old English. 1 wordum ] dative plural with instrumental force: ‘with his words’. 2 ha¯ te ] By switching from the third person singular (i. e. ‘Ælfred kyning ha¯teð’ to the first person, Alfred uses a more personal style than is usual in official letters. 7 hu¯ . . . spe¯ow ] ‘and how successful they were then’ 10 hı ¯e ] refers to ‘la¯re’ 13 of L毯 dene ] ‘from the Latin’ 14 begiondan Humbre ] ‘beyond the Humber’ refers to the former centre of learning in Northumbria. 15 be su¯ ðan Temese ] ‘south of the Thames’; the Thames was the northern border of the West Saxon kingdom (see map inside the front cover). 15-16 to¯ rı ¯ce fe¯ng ] ‘when I succeeded to the throne’. 20 hit ] refers to ‘wı ¯sdo¯ m’ (masculine); natural gender has replaced grammatical gender in this case. 21 le¯fdon ] This is a spelling variant of West Saxon l毯 fdon (inf. l毯 fan, to leave behind, to pass on) 22 ond . . . ðe¯awas ] ‘but only a few of us (loved) the duties’. <?page no="122"?> Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, MS Hatton 20, fol. 1 r Reproduced by permission <?page no="123"?> 112 Old English Texts Ða¯ ic ða¯ ðis eall gemunde, ða¯ gemunde ic e¯ac hu¯ ic geseah, 毯 r ð毯 m ðe hit eall forhergod w毯 re ond forbærned, hu¯ ða¯ ciricean giond eall Angelcynn sto¯ don ma¯ðma ond bo¯ ca gefylda, ond e¯ac micel mengeo Godes ðı ¯owa; ond ða¯ swı ¯ðe 25 ly¯ tle fiorme ða¯ra bo¯ ca wiston, for ð毯 m ðe hı ¯e hiora na¯nwuht ongietan ne meahton, for ð毯 m ðe hı ¯e n毯 ron on hiora a¯gen geðı ¯ode a¯writene. Swelce hı ¯e cw毯 den: ‘U¯¯ re ieldran, ða¯ ðe ða¯s sto¯ wa 毯 r hı ¯oldon, hı ¯e lufodon wı ¯sdo¯ m ond ðurh ðone hı ¯e bege¯aton welan ond u¯ s l毯 fdon. He¯r mon mæg gı ¯et gesı ¯on hiora swæð, ac we¯ him ne cunnon æfter spyrigean. Ond for ð毯 m we¯ habbað nu¯ 毯 gðer forl毯 ten ge ðone 30 welan ge ðone wı ¯sdo¯ m, for ð毯 m ðe we¯ noldon to¯ ð毯 m spore mid u¯ re mo¯ de onlu¯ tan.’ Ða¯ ic ða¯ ðis eall gemunde, ða¯ wundrade ic swı ¯ðe swı ¯ðe ða¯ra go¯ dena wiotena ðe giu¯ w毯 ron giond Angelcynn, ond ða¯ be¯c ealla be fullan geliornod hæfdon, ðæt hı ¯e hiora ða¯ n毯 nne d毯 l noldon on hiora a¯gen geðı ¯ode wendan. Ac ic ða¯ so¯ na eft 35 me¯ selfum andwyrde ond cwæð: ‘Hı ¯e ne we¯ndon ðætte 毯 fre menn sceolden sw毯 reccele¯ase weorðan, ond sı ¯o la¯r sw毯 oðfeallan - for ð毯 re wilnunga hı ¯e hit forle¯ton, ond woldon ðæt he¯r ðy¯ ma¯ra wı ¯sdo¯ m on londe w毯 re, ðy¯ we¯ ma¯ geðe¯oda cu¯ ðon.’ Ða¯ gemunde ic hu¯ sı ¯o 毯 wæs 毯 rest on Ebriscgeðı ¯ode funden, ond eft, ða¯ hı ¯e 40 Cre¯acas geliornodon, ða¯ wendon hı ¯e hı ¯e on heora a¯gen geðı ¯ode ealle, ond e¯ac ealle o¯ ðre be¯c. Ond eft L毯 denware sw毯 same; siððan hı ¯e hı ¯e geliornodon, hı ¯e hı ¯e wendon ealla ðurh wı ¯se wealhstodas on hiora a¯gen geðı ¯ode. Ond e¯ac ealla o¯ ðra Crı ¯stna ðı ¯oda sumne d毯 l hiora on hiora a¯gen geðı ¯ode wendon. Forðy¯ me¯ ðyncð betre, gif ı ¯ow sw毯 ðyncð, ðæt we¯ e¯ac sume be¯c, ða¯ ðe nı ¯edbeðearfosta sı ¯en 45 eallum monnum to¯ wiotonne, ðæt we¯ ða¯ on ðæt geðı ¯ode wenden ðe we¯ ealle gecna¯wan mægen; ond gedo¯ n sw毯 we¯ swı ¯ðe e¯aðe magon mid Godes fultume, gif we¯ ða¯ stilnesse habbað, ðætte eall sı ¯o gioguð ðe nu¯ is on Angelcynne frı ¯ora monna, ða¯ra ðe ða¯ spe¯da hæbben, ðæt hı ¯e ð毯 m befe¯olan mægen, sı ¯en to¯ liornunga oðfæste, ða¯ hwı ¯le ðe hı ¯e to¯ na¯nre o¯ ðerre note ne mægen, oð ðone first 50 ðe hı ¯e wel cunnen Englisc gewrit a¯r毯 dan. L毯 re mon siððan furður on L毯 dengeðı ¯ode ða¯ ðe mon furður l毯 ran wille, ond to¯ hı ¯erran ha¯de do¯ n wille. Ða¯ ic ða¯ gemunde hu¯ sı ¯o la¯r L毯 dengeðı ¯odes 毯 r ðissum a¯feallen wæs giond Angelcynn, ond ðe¯ah monige cu¯ ðon Englisc gewrit a¯r毯 dan, ða¯ ongan ic ongemang o¯ ðrum mislicum ond manigfealdum bisgum ðisses kynerı ¯ces ða¯ bo¯ c 55 wendan on Englisc ðe is genemned on L毯 den Pastoralis ond on Englisc ‘Hierdebo¯ c’, hwı ¯lum word be worde, hwı ¯lum andgit of andgiete, sw毯 sw毯 ic hı ¯e geliornode æt Plegmunde mı ¯num ærcebiscepe ond æt Assere mı ¯num biscepe 24 forhergod . . . forbærned ] refers to the pillaging (especially monasteries) by the Vikings. 40 sı ¯o 毯 ] i. e. the Old Testament, in particular the Mosaic law (‘毯 ’) 40 on Ebriscgeðı ¯ode ] in Hebrew 41 Cre¯acas ] ‘the Greeks’ (nominative plural) 42 L毯 denware ] ‘the Romans’ 50 ða¯ hwı ¯le . . . mægen ] ‘for as long as they are unable to take on any other duty’ 51 on L毯 dengeðı ¯ode ] ‘in Latin’ 52 to¯ hı ¯erran ha¯ de ] probably refers to ordination (‘to a higher office’). 53 la¯ r L毯 dengeðı ¯odes ] ‘instruction in Latin’ <?page no="124"?> 113 King Alfred ond æt Grimbolde mı ¯num mæsseprı ¯oste ond æt Io¯ hanne mı ¯num mæssepre¯oste. Siððan ic hı ¯e ða¯ geliornod hæfde, sw毯 sw毯 ic hı ¯e forsto¯ d ond sw毯 ic hı ¯e 60 andgitfullı ¯cost a¯reccean meahte, ic hı ¯e on Englisc a¯wende; ond to¯ 毯 lcum biscepsto¯ le on mı ¯num rı ¯ce wille a¯ne onsendan; ond on 毯 lcre bið a¯n æstel se bið on fı ¯ftegum mancessa. Ond ic bebı ¯ode on Godes naman ðæt na¯n mon ðone æstel from ð毯 re be¯c ne do¯ ne ða¯ bo¯ c from ð毯 m mynstre - uncu¯ ð hu¯ longe ð毯 r sw毯 gel毯 rede biscepas sı ¯en sw毯 sw毯 nu¯ , Gode ðonc, welhw毯 r siendon. Forðy¯ ic 65 wolde ðætte hı ¯e ealneg æt ð毯 re sto¯ we w毯 ren, bu¯ ton se biscep hı ¯e mid him habban wille, oððe hı ¯o hw毯 r to¯ l毯 ne sı ¯e, oððe hwa¯ o¯ ðre bı ¯ wrı ¯te. 58 hı ¯e ] refers to ‘Hierdebo¯ c’. 58-59 Plegmunde . . . Io¯ hanne ] scholars whom Alfred had brought to Wessex. Plegmund came from Mercia and was consecrated Archbishop of Canterbury in 890. Asser, a Welshman, was Alfred’s biographer and was later consecrated Bishop of Sherborne. Grimbold was a Frank and Johannes came from Saxony. 63 mancessa ] (genitive plural) gold coin to the value of 30 silver pence 64 uncu¯ ð ] ‘although we cannot know’ 67 oððe . . . bı ¯ wrı ¯te ] ‘or someone copies it’. <?page no="125"?> 114 Old English Texts Text 6: Ælfric’s Life of King Oswold Ælfric of Eynsham, who lived from around 950-1010, was the most prolific writer in Old English besides Wulfstan (see O 7). He was educated in the Old Minster at Winchester under Æþelwold, and around 987 he moved to Cerne Abbas. In 1005 he became Abbot of Eynsham. Ælfric thought of himself mainly as a teacher, writing saints’ lives and homilies, grammatical works and biblical commentaries. One of his greatest (and undoubtedly most popular) works was the Homiliae Catholicae; three volumes, the first two of which contain 40 items each, including sermons, saints’ lives and other homiletic works. Many of these are intended to be read at specific feast days, and thus are arranged chronologically. The third volume, the Lives of the Saints, was also written to strengthen people’s faith. Almost a quarter of the saints in the third volume are Anglo-Saxon (including the kings Edmund and Oswald, but also the virgin Æþelthryth and the confessor Swithin). The first two volumes were written in the early 990s, and the third volume, from which this text, the Life of King Oswald, is taken, was written around 996 or 997. The details for the Life of King Oswald have mostly been adapted from Bede’s Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (iii. 1-3, 5-6, 9-13). While Bede had explained Oswald’s life chronologically, Ælfric has altered the details somewhat so as to achieve a traditional structure of a saint’s life: first the life itself is described, then his passion, and finally the miracles. Oswald’s piety is contrasted with the immorality of the heathens against whom he fights, and each battle is built into the didactics of the story. Oswald’s victory over Ceadwalla is a result of his piety, whereas his defeat at the hands of Penda is merely the instrument of his martyrdom. The various miracles which occur after his death show his final triumph, and the triumph of Christianity. As Bede describes his own reasons for writing, namely to help the students at the monastery (see OE 3), so too does Ælfric seem to have had the same concerns. He wrote the Colloquy in Latin (which was later translated into Old English by someone else), the Excerpationes de arte grammatica anglice and a glossary specifically to help students learn (forðan ðe stæfcræft is seo cæg ðe ðære boca andgit unlicð - ‘because grammar is the key to unlocking the meaning of these books’). Similarly, in the Latin introductions to his Homiliae Catholicae, Ælfric emphasises that he is writing the homilies in order to educate those not able to study themselves, so as to help them save their souls. For Ælfric, this includes the traditional dogma of the Church; he has not involved himself in controversial matters whatsoever, not even the Immaculate Conception, which was an issue of heated debate at the time. Ælfric states in his prologue that he has translated into plain speech as best as he could, so that his texts may be of help to the less-educated. Indeed, they are much easier to read than, for example, Wulfstan’s sermons; at the same time they have a rhythmic style, which led many scholars to believe they were works of poetry. This has since been abandoned. A close look at the opening lines of the Life of King Oswold will show that the text indeed has highly rhythmical elements, supported by alliteration: Æ´ fter ðan ðe A´ ugustinus to E´ ngla la`nde beco´ m, wæs sum æ´ ðele cy´ ning, O´ swold geha´ten, on Norðhy´ mbra la´nde, gely´ fed swy` ðe on Go´ d, <?page no="126"?> 115 Ælfric se fe´rde on his iu´ goðe fram fre´ondum and ma´gum to Sco´ tlande on sæ´ , and þær so´ na wearð gefu´ llod, and his gefe´ran sa´mod þe him mı ´d sı ´þedon. While they are very rhythmic, Ælfric’s texts do not fulfil the demands of alliterative poetry. A new approach to Ælfric’s use of metrical devices and the development of late Old English verse in general can be found in Bredehoft (2005). One of the prominent features of late West Saxon is the sequence sylfor earlier sel-: sylf (l. 13, 47 etc.), sylfne (l. 100) and syllan (l. 61, 174). This agrees with y for earlier ie, as in gely¯fed (l. 2, 5); gely¯fan (l. 163); fylle (l. 8, 101), ylde (l. 94) etc. The loss of palatal g when followed by d (with compensatory lengthening) is also a regular late West Saxon feature: fores毯 dan, s毯 de, fores毯 don (l. 22, 58, 107 etc.), m毯 den (l. 135, 136), a¯ le¯don (l. 17) and gele¯d (l. 109). The eo-diphthong caused by breaking has been monophthongised to u under the influence of a preceding w: wurðmynte (l. 11, 19 etc.); a¯ rwurðne (l. 33). The ending for the dative singular of adjectives when declined weak is -um: l毯 wedum (l. 51; instead of earlier -an); sylfrenan following a¯ n shows that the adjective is no longer following the strong declension. Sources: British Library, London, MS Cotton Julius E.vii. - Needham (1976); Skeat (1881). - Secondary literature: Bethurum (1932), Wolpers (1964), Lipp (1969), Kuhn (1973). Æfter ðan ðe Augustı ¯nus to¯ Engla lande beco¯ m, wæs sum æðele cyning, O¯¯ swold geha¯ten, on Norðhymbra lande, gely¯ fed swy¯ þe on God. Se¯ fe¯rde on his iugoðe fram fre¯ondum and ma¯gum to¯ Scotlande on s毯 , and þ毯 r so¯ na wearð gefullod and his gefe¯ran samod þe him mid sı ¯þedon. Betwux þa¯m wearð ofslagen E¯ adwine his e¯am, Norðhymbra cynincg, on Crı ¯st gely¯ fed, fram Brytta cyninge, 5 Cedwalla gecı ¯ged, and twe¯gen his æftergengan binnan twa¯m ge¯arum. And se¯ Cedwalla slo¯ h and to¯ sceame tu¯ code þa¯ Norðhymbran le¯ode æfter heora hla¯fordes fylle, oð þæt O¯¯ swold se e¯adiga his yfelnysse a¯dw毯 scte. O¯¯ swold him co¯ m to¯ and him ce¯nlı ¯ce wiðfeaht mid ly¯ tlum werode, ac his gele¯afa hine getrymde and Crı ¯st him gefylste to¯ his fe¯onda slege. O¯¯ swold þa¯ 10 a¯r毯 rde a¯ne ro¯ de so¯ na Gode to¯ wurðmynte, 毯 r þan þe he¯ to¯ ða¯m gewinne co¯ me, and clypode to¯ his gefe¯rum: “Uton feallan to¯ ð毯 re ro¯ de, and þone Ælmihtigan biddan þæt he¯ u¯ s a¯hredde wið þone mo¯ digan fe¯ond þe u¯ s a¯fyllan wile. God sylf wa¯t geare þæt we¯ winnað rihtlı ¯ce wið þysne re¯ðan cyning, to¯ a¯hreddene u¯ re le¯ode.” Hı ¯ fe¯ollon þa¯ ealle mid O¯¯ swolde on gebedum, and syþþan on 毯 rne 15 mergen e¯odon to¯ þa¯m gefeohte, and gewunnon þ毯 r sige swa¯ swa¯ se Wealdend 1 Augustı ¯nus ] missionary sent by Pope Gregory the Great; he arrived in England (Engla lande) in 597. 2 O¯¯ swold ] King of Northumbria, 633-641 3 Scotlande on s毯 ] the former kingdom of Dalriada north of the Firth of Clyde was Oswald’s place of exile. 5 E¯ adwine ] King Eadwine of Northumbria, defeated by Cedwalla in 632 6 Cedwalla ] king of the British (Brytta) of Gwynnedd (North Wales) 6 æftergengan ] refers to Osric und Eanfrith, the Kings of Deira and Bernicia. <?page no="127"?> 116 Old English Texts him u¯ ðe for O¯¯ swoldes gele¯afan, and a¯le¯don heora fy¯ nd, þone mo¯ digan Cedwallan mid his micclan werode, þe we¯nde þæt him ne mihte na¯n werod wiðstandan. Se¯o ylce ro¯ d siððan, þe O¯¯ swold þ毯 r a¯r毯 rde, on wurðmynte þ毯 r sto¯ d; and wurdon fela geh毯 lde untrumra manna and e¯ac swilce ny¯ tena þurh ða¯ ylcan ro¯ de, 20 swa¯ swa¯ u¯ s rehte Be¯da. Sum man fe¯oll on ı ¯se þæt his earm to¯ bærst, and læg þa¯ on bedde gebrocod forðearle, oð þæt man him fette of ð毯 re fores毯 dan ro¯ de sumne d毯 l þæs me¯oses þe he¯o mid beweaxen wæs; and se a¯dliga so¯ na on sl毯 pe wearð geh毯 led on ð毯 re ylcan nihte þurh O¯¯ swoldes geearnunga. Se¯o sto¯ w is geha¯ten Heofonfeld on Englisc, wið þone langan weall þe þa¯ Ro¯ maniscan worhtan, þ毯 r 25 þ毯 r O¯¯ swold oferwan þone wælhre¯owan cynincg. And þ毯 r wearð siþþan a¯r毯 red swı ¯ðe m毯 re cyrce Gode to¯ wurðmynte þe wunað a¯ on e¯cnysse. Hwæt ða¯, O¯¯ swold ongann embe Godes willan to¯ sme¯agenne so¯ na swa¯ he¯ rı ¯ces gewe¯old, and wolde gebı ¯gan his le¯oda to¯ gele¯afan and to¯ þa¯m lifigendan Gode; sende ða¯ to¯ Scotlande þ毯 r se gele¯afa wæs ða¯, and bæd ða¯ he¯afodmenn þæt hı ¯ his 30 be¯num getı ¯þodon, and him sumne la¯re¯ow sendon þe his le¯oda mihte to¯ Gode gewe¯man - and him wearð þæs getı ¯þod. Hı ¯ sendon þa¯ so¯ na þa¯m ges毯 ligan cyninge sumne a¯rwurðne bisceop, Aidan geha¯ten. Se¯ wæs m毯 res lı ¯fes man on munuclicre drohtnunga, and he¯ ealle woruldcara a¯wearp fram his heortan, na¯nes þinges wilnigende bu¯ tan Godes willan. Swa¯ hwæt swa¯ him beco¯ m of þæs 35 cyninges gifum oððe rı ¯cra manna, þæt he¯ hraðe d毯 lde þearfum and w毯 dlum mid welwillendum mo¯ de. Hwæt ða¯, O¯¯ swold cyning his cymes fægnode, and hine a¯rwurðlı ¯ce underfe¯ng his folce to¯ ðearfe, þæt heora gele¯afa wurde a¯wend eft to¯ Gode fram þa¯m wiþersæce þe hı ¯ to¯ gewende w毯 ron. Hit gelamp þa¯ swa¯ þæt se gele¯affulla cyning 40 gerehte his witan on heora a¯genum gereorde þæs bisceopes bodunge mid blı ¯þum mo¯ de, and wæs his wealhstod, for þan þe he¯ wel cu¯ þe Scyttysc and se bisceop Aidan ne mihte gebı ¯gan his spr毯 ce to¯ Norðhymbriscum gereorde swa¯ hraþe þa¯gı ¯t. Se biscop þa¯ fe¯rde bodigende geond eall Norhymbra land gele¯afan and fulluht, 45 and þa¯ le¯ode gebı ¯gde to¯ Godes gele¯afan, and him wel gebysnode mid weorcum symle and sylf swa¯ leofode swa¯ swa¯ he¯ l毯 rde o¯ ðrum. He¯ lufode forhæfednysse and ha¯lige r毯 dinge, and iunge men te¯ah georne mid la¯re, swa¯ þæt ealle his gefe¯ran þe him mid e¯odon, sceoldon sealmas leornian oððe sume r毯 dinge, swa¯ hwider swa¯ hı ¯ fe¯rdon þa¯m folce bodigende. Seldon he¯ wolde rı ¯dan, ac sı ¯ðode on 50 his fo¯ tum, and munuclı ¯ce leofode betwux ða¯m l毯 wedum folce mid mycelre gesce¯adwı ¯snysse and so¯ þum mægnum. 21 Be¯da ] see Historia Ecclesiastica, iii.2. Bede’s account is more detailed. 21 Sum . . . ı ¯se ] Bede’s account of this miracle (see Historia Ecclesiastica, iii.2) refers to Bothelm, one of the brethren of the church at Hexham. 25 Heofonfeld ] Bede uses the name ‘Hefenfelth’ (probably Heavenfield close to Hadrian’s Wall, northwest of Hexham) for the location of the decisive battle of 635. 25 langan weall ] Hadrian’s Wall 27 m毯 re cyrce ] Bede explicitly refers to the Church of Hexham (‘fratres Hagustaldensis ecclesiae, quae non longe abest’, Historia Ecclesiastica, iii.2). 33 Aidan ] Scottish missionary who brought Irish Christianity from Iona to Northumbria. 42 cu¯ þe Scyttysc ] see line 3, ‘Scotlonde on s毯 ’. Bede is much more precise: ‘quia nimirum tam longo exilii sui tempore linguam Scottorum iam plene didicerat’, Historia Ecclesiastica, iii.4. <?page no="128"?> 117 Ælfric Þa¯ wearð se cynincg O¯¯ swold swı ¯ðe ælmesgeorn and e¯admo¯ d on þe¯awum and on eallum þingum cystig. And man a¯hr毯 rde cyrcan on his rı ¯ce geond eall and mynsterlice gesetnysse mid micelre geornfulnysse. Hit gelamp on sumne s毯 l þæt 55 hı ¯ s毯 ton ætgædere, O¯¯ swold and Aidan, on þa¯m ha¯lgan E¯ asterdæge. Þa¯ bær man þa¯m cyninge cynelice þe¯nunga on a¯num sylfrenan disce, and so¯ na þa¯ inn e¯ode a¯n þæs cyninges þegna þe his ælmyssan bewiste, and s毯 de þæt fela þearfan s毯 tan geond þa¯ str毯 t, gehwanon cumene to¯ þæs cyninges ælmyssan. Þa¯ sende se cyning so¯ na þa¯m þearfum þone sylfrenan disc mid sandum mid ealle, and he¯t to¯ ceorfan 60 þone disc and syllan þa¯m þearfum heora 毯 lcum his d毯 l: and man dyde ða¯ swa¯. Þa¯ genam Aidanus se æðela bisceop þæs cyninges swy¯ þran hand mid swı ¯ðlicre blysse, and clypode mid gele¯afan þus cwæðende him to¯ : “Ne forrotige on brosnunge þe¯os geble¯tsode swy¯ ðra! ” And him e¯ac swa¯ gee¯ode swa¯ swa¯ Aidanus him bæd, þæt his swı ¯ðre hand is gesundful oð þis. 65 O¯¯ swoldes cynerı ¯ce wearð gery¯ med þa¯ swy¯ ðe, swa¯ þæt fe¯ower þe¯oda hine underfe¯ngon to¯ hla¯forde: Peohtas and Bryttas, Scottas and Angle, swa¯ swa¯ se ælmihtiga God hı ¯ gea¯nl毯 hte to¯ ða¯m for O¯¯ swoldes geearnungum þe hine 毯 fre wurðode. He¯ fulworhte on Eferwı ¯c þæt 毯 nlice mynster þe his m毯 g E¯ adwine 毯 r begunnon hæfde; and he¯ swanc for heofonan rı ¯ce mid singa¯lum gebedum - 70 swı ¯þor þonne he¯ hogode hu¯ he¯ gehe¯olde on worulde þa¯ hwı ¯lwendlican geþincðu þe he¯ hwo¯ nlı ¯ce lufode. He¯ wolde æfter u¯ htsange oftost hine gebiddan, and on cyrcan standan on syndrigum gebedum of sunnan u¯ pgange mid swy¯ ðlicre onbryrdnysse; and swa¯ hw毯 r swa¯ he¯ wæs, he¯ wurðode 毯 fre God u¯ p a¯wendum handbredum wiþ heofones Weard. 75 On þa¯m ylcan tı ¯man co¯ m e¯ac sum bisceop fram Ro¯ mebyrig, Birinus geha¯ten, to¯ Westsexena kyninge, Cynegyls geha¯ten; se¯ wæs ða¯gı ¯t h毯 ðen and eall Westsexena land. Birinus witodlı ¯ce gewende fram Ro¯ me be ðæs pa¯pan r毯 de þe ða¯ on Ro¯ me wæs, and behe¯t þæt he¯ wolde Godes willan gefremman and bodian þa¯m h毯 þenum þæs H毯 lendes naman and þone so¯ ðan gele¯afan on fyrlenum 80 landum. Þa¯ beco¯ m he¯ to¯ Westseaxan þe wæs ða¯gy¯ t h毯 þen, and gebı ¯gde þone cynincg Kynegyls to¯ Gode and ealle his le¯ode to¯ gele¯afan mid him. Hit gelamp þa¯ swa¯ þæt se gele¯affulla O¯¯ swold, Norðhymbra cyning, wæs cumen to¯ Cynegylse, and hine to¯ fulluhte nam, fægen his gecyrrednysse. Þa¯ ge¯afon þa¯ cynegas, Cynegyls and O¯¯ swold, þa¯m ha¯lgan Birine, him to¯ bisceopsto¯ le, þa¯ burh 85 Dorcanceaster. And he¯ þ毯 rbinnan wunode, Godes lof a¯r毯 rende, and gerihtl毯 cende þæt folc mid la¯re to¯ gele¯afan to¯ langum fyrste oð þæt he¯ ges毯 lig sı ¯þode to¯ Crı ¯ste. And his lı ¯c wearþ bebyrged on ð毯 re ylcan byrig oð þæt Hædde bisceop eft his ba¯n ferode to¯ Wintanceastre, and mid wurðmynte gelo¯ gode binnan Ealdan Mynstre, þ毯 r man hine wurðað gy¯ t. 90 56 ha¯ lgan E¯ asterdæge ] Easter Sunday, the most important Christian feast day 67 Peohtas . . . Angle ] the Celtic tribes, Picts, British and Scottish as well as the Germanic Angles, who had come from the Continent. 76 Birinus ] The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records the mission of Birinus in the year 634. 77 Cynegyls ] According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, he reigned from 611 to 641/ 642. 78 pa¯ pan ] Pope Honorius I (625-638) 84 hine . . . nam ] ‘was his godfather’. In some manuscripts of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle this baptism doesn’t occur until 635. 89 Hædde bisceop ] Hæddi, bishop of Wessex, 676-705 <?page no="129"?> 118 Old English Texts Hwæt þa¯, O¯¯ swold cyning his cynedo¯ m gehe¯old hlı ¯sfullı ¯ce for worulde, and mid micclum gele¯afan and on eallum d毯 dum his Drihten a¯rwurðode oð þæt he¯ ofslagen wearð for his folces ware on ða¯m nigoðan ge¯are þe he¯ rı ¯ces gewe¯old, þa¯ þa¯ he¯ sylf wæs on ylde eahta and þrittig ge¯are. Hit gewearð swa¯ be þa¯m þæt him wann on Penda, Myrcena cyning, þe æt his m毯 ges slege 毯 r, E¯ adwines cyninges, 95 Cedwallan fylste; and se¯ Penda ne cu¯ ðe be Crı ¯ste na¯n þincg, and eall Myrcena folc wæs ungefullod þa¯ gı ¯t. Hı ¯ co¯ mon þa¯ to¯ gefeohte to¯ Maserfelda be¯gen, and fe¯ngon to¯ gædere oð þæt þ毯 r fe¯ollon þa¯ Crı ¯stenan, and þa¯ h毯 ðenan gene¯al毯 hton to¯ þa¯m ha¯lgan O¯¯ swolde. Þa¯ geseah he¯ gene¯ale¯can his lı ¯fes geendunge, and gebæd for his folc þe þ毯 r feallende sweolt, and bet毯 hte heora sa¯wla and hine sylfne 100 Gode, and þus clypode on his fylle: “God, gemiltsa u¯ rum sa¯wlum! ” Þa¯ he¯t se h毯 þena cynincg his he¯afod of a¯sle¯an and his swı ¯ðran earm, and settan hı ¯ to¯ myrcelse. Þa¯, æfter O¯¯ swoldes slege, fe¯ng O¯¯ swı ¯g his bro¯ ðor to¯ Norðhymbra rı ¯ce, and ra¯d mid werode to¯ þ毯 r his bro¯ ðor he¯afod sto¯ d on stacan gefæstnod, and genam þæt 105 he¯afod and his swı ¯ðran hand, and mid a¯rwurðnysse ferode to¯ Lindisfarne¯a cyrcan. Þa¯ wearð gefylled, swa¯ we¯ he¯r fores毯 don, þæt his swı ¯ðre hand wunað ha¯l mid þa¯m fl毯 sce bu¯ tan 毯 lcere brosnunge, swa¯ se bisceop gecwæð. Se earm wearð gele¯d a¯rwurðlı ¯ce on scrı ¯ne, of seolfre a¯smiþod, on Sancte Pe¯tres mynstre binnan Bebbanbyrig be þ毯 re s毯 strande, and lı ¯ð þ毯 r swa¯ andsund swa¯ he¯ of a¯slagen 110 wæs. His bro¯ þor dohtor eft siððan on Myrcan wearð cwe¯n, and gea¯xode his ba¯n, and gebro¯ hte hı ¯ to¯ Lindesı ¯ge to¯ Bardanı ¯ge mynstre, þe he¯o micclum lufode. Ac þa¯ mynstermenn noldon for menniscum gedwylde þone sanct underfo¯ n, ac man slo¯ h a¯n geteld ofer þa¯ ha¯lgan ba¯n binnan þ毯 re lı ¯creste. 115 Hwæt þa¯, God geswutelode þæt he¯ ha¯lig sanct wæs, swa¯ þæt heofonlic le¯oht ofer þæt geteld a¯streht sto¯ d u¯ p to¯ heofonum swilce he¯alic sunnbe¯am ofer ealle ða¯ niht, and þa¯ le¯oda behe¯oldon geond ealle þa¯ scı ¯re, swı ¯ðe wundrigende. Þa¯ wurdon 90 Ealdan Mynstre ] the Old Minster (i. e. Anglo-Saxon cathedral) at Winchester 91 hlı ¯sfullı ¯ce for worulde ] ‘glorious in worldly respect’ 93 ofslagen wearð ] The death of Oswald is dated at 641 or 642, depending on the manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. 93 nigoðan ge¯are . . . gewe¯old ] ‘in the ninth year of his reign’ 95 Penda ] King of Mercia (632-654) 96 Cedwallan ] see ll. 6-7 97 Maserfelda ] probably Oswestry (Shropshire); according to Bede the battle was fought on August 5th. 104 O¯¯ swı ¯g ] Oswiu was King of Bernicia from 641 to 654; after his victory over Penda he was king of all Northumbria (654-670). 105 to¯ þ毯 r ] ‘to the place where’ 112 bro¯ þor dohtor ] The reference is to the wife of Ethelred, king of Mercia. 113 Lindesı ¯ge ] a former kingdom in the northern area of what is today Lincolnshire. 114 menniscum gedwylde ] Here Ælfric is vague (probably on purpose); Bede on the other hand tells us explicitly that the monks didn’t think Oswald was their lawful king; see Historia Ecclesiastica, iii.11. 116 sanct ] Oswald was venerated as a saint immediately after his death; his feast day is the 5th of August. <?page no="130"?> 119 Ælfric þa¯ mynstermen micclum a¯fyrhte, and b毯 don þæs on mergen þæt hı ¯ mo¯ ston þone sanct mid a¯rwurðnysse underfo¯ n þone þe hı ¯ 毯 r forso¯ con. Þa¯ ðwo¯ h man þa¯ ha¯lgan 120 ba¯n, and bær into¯ þ毯 re cyrcan a¯rwurðlı ¯ce on scrı ¯ne, and gelo¯ godon hı ¯ u¯ pp. And þ毯 r wurdon geh毯 lde þurh his ha¯lgan geearnunge fela mettrume menn fram mislicum coþum. Þæt wæter þe man þa¯ ba¯n mid a¯þwo¯ h binnan þ毯 re cyrcan wearð a¯goten swa¯ on a¯nre hyrnan; and se¯o eorðe siþþan þe þæt wæter underfe¯ng wearð manegum to¯ bo¯ te. Mid þa¯m du¯ ste wurdon a¯flı ¯gde de¯ofla fram mannum þa¯ þe on 125 wo¯ dnysse 毯 r w毯 ron gedrehte. E¯ ac swilce þ毯 r he¯ fe¯ol on þa¯m gefeohte ofslagen, men na¯mon þa¯ eorðan to¯ a¯dligum mannum, and dydon on wæter wanha¯lum to¯ þicgenne: and hı ¯ wurdon geh毯 lede þurh þone ha¯lgan wer. Sum wegfarende man fe¯rde wið þone feld; þa¯ wearð his hors gesı ¯cclod, and so¯ na þ毯 r fe¯ol, wealwigende geond ða¯ eorðan 130 wo¯ dum gelı ¯cost. Mid þa¯m þe hit swa¯ wealweode geond þone wı ¯dgillan feld, þa¯ beco¯ m hit embe lang þ毯 r se cynincg O¯¯ swold on þa¯m gefeohte fe¯oll, swa¯ swa¯ we¯ 毯 r fores毯 dan. And hit so¯ na a¯ra¯s swa¯ hit hrepode þa¯ sto¯ we, ha¯l eallum limum, and se hla¯ford þæs fægnode. Se ridda þa¯ fe¯rde forð on his weg, þider he¯ gemynt hæfde. Þa¯ wæs þ毯 r a¯n m毯 den licgende on paralisyn lange gebrocod. He¯ began þa¯ 135 to¯ reccenne hu¯ him on ra¯de getı ¯mode, and mann ferode þæt m毯 den to¯ þ毯 re fores毯 dan sto¯ we. He¯o wearð þa¯ on sl毯 pe, and so¯ na eft a¯wo¯ c, ansund eallum limum fram þa¯m egeslican broce; band þa¯ hire he¯afod, and blı ¯ðe ha¯m fe¯rde, gangænde on fo¯ tum swa¯ he¯o gefyrn 毯 r ne dyde. Eft siððan fe¯rde e¯ac sum 毯 rendfæst ridda be ð毯 re ylcan sto¯ we, and geband on 140 a¯num cla¯þe of þa¯m ha¯lgan du¯ ste þ毯 re de¯orwurðan sto¯ we, and l毯 dde forð mid him þ毯 r he¯ fundode to¯ . Þa¯ geme¯tte he¯ gebe¯oras blı ¯ðe æt þa¯m hu¯ se; he¯ a¯he¯ng þa¯ þæt du¯ st on 毯 nne he¯ahne post, and sæt mid þa¯m gebe¯orum blissigende samod. Man worhte þa¯ micel fy¯ r to¯ middes ða¯m gebe¯orum; and þa¯ spearcan wundon wið þæs ro¯ fes swy¯ ðe oð þæt þæt hu¯ s f毯 rlı ¯ce eall on fy¯ re wearð; and þa¯ gebe¯oras 145 flugon a¯fyrhte a¯weg. Þæt hu¯ s wearþ ða¯ forburnon, bu¯ ton þa¯m a¯num poste, þe þæt ha¯lige du¯ st on a¯hangen wæs: se¯ post a¯na ætsto¯ d ansund mid þa¯m du¯ ste, and hı ¯ swy¯ ðe wundroden þæs ha¯lgan weres geearnunga, þæt þæt fy¯ r ne mihte þa¯ moldan forbærnan. And manega menn siððan geso¯ hton þone stede, heora h毯 le feccende and heora fre¯onda gehwilcum. 150 Þa¯ a¯sprang his hlı ¯sa geond þæt land wı ¯de, and e¯ac swilce to¯ I¯rlande, and e¯ac su¯ þ to¯ Franclande, swa¯ swa¯ sum mæssepre¯ost be a¯num men s毯 de. Se pre¯ost cwæð þæt a¯n wer w毯 re on I ¯rlande gel毯 red se¯ ne gy¯ mde his la¯re, and he¯ lı ¯thwo¯ n hogode embe his sa¯wle þearfa oððe his Scyppendes beboda, ac a¯dre¯ah his lı ¯f on dyslicum weorcum oð ðæt he¯ wearð geuntrumod and to¯ ende gebro¯ ht. Þa¯ clypode 155 he¯ þone pre¯ost, þe hit cy¯ dde eft þus, and cwæð him to¯ so¯ na mid sa¯rlicre stemne: “Nu¯ ic sceall geendian earmlicum de¯aþe and to¯ helle faran for fracodum d毯 dum; nu¯ wolde ic gebe¯tan, gif ic a¯bı ¯dan mo¯ ste, and to¯ Gode gecyrran and to¯ go¯ dum þe¯awum, and mı ¯n lı ¯f a¯wendan eall to¯ Godes willan; and ic wa¯t þæt ic ne eom 138 band . . . he¯afod ] ‘put on a kerchief’ (see Bede: ‘caput linteo cooperuit’). 152 Franclande ] the Frankish kingdom; Oswald was venerated in the south of Germany and in the north of Italy (see introduction to M 11). <?page no="131"?> 120 Old English Texts wyrðe þæs fyrstes, bu¯ ton sum ha¯lga me¯ þingie to¯ þa¯m H毯 lende Crı ¯ste. Nu¯ is u¯ s 160 ges毯 d þæt sum ha¯lig cyning is on e¯owrum earde, O¯¯ swold geha¯ten; nu¯ , gif þu¯ 毯 nig þincg hæfst of þæs ha¯lgan reliquium, syle me¯, ic þe¯ bidde.” Ða¯ s毯 de se pre¯ost him: “Ic hæbbe of þa¯m stocce þe his he¯afod on sto¯ d; and gif þu¯ gely¯ fan wylt, þu¯ wurþest ha¯l so¯ na.” Hwæt þa¯, se mæssepre¯ost þæs mannes ofhre¯ow, and sco¯ f on ha¯lig wæter of 165 þa¯m ha¯lgan tre¯owe, sealde þa¯m a¯dligan of to¯ su¯ penne, and he¯ so¯ na gewyrpte and syððan leofode lange on worulde, and gewende to¯ Gode mid eallra heortan and mid ha¯lgum weorcum; and swa¯ hwider swa¯ he¯ co¯ m, he¯ cy¯ dde þa¯s wundra. For þy¯ ne sceall na¯n mann a¯w毯 gan þæt he¯ sylfwylles beh毯 t þa¯m ælmihtigan Gode, þonne he¯ a¯dlig bið, þe¯ l毯 s þe he¯ sylf losige, gif he¯ a¯lı ¯hð Gode þæt. 170 Nu¯ cwæð se ha¯lga Be¯da, þe ða¯s bo¯ c gedihte, þæt hit na¯n wundor nys þæt se ha¯lga cynincg untrumnysse geh毯 le, nu¯ he¯ on heofonum leofað, for ðan þe he¯ wolde gehelpan þa¯ þa¯ he¯ he¯r on lı ¯fe wæs þearfum and wannha¯lum, and him bigwiste syllan. Nu¯ hæfð he¯ þone wurðmynt on þ毯 re e¯can worulde mid þa¯m ælmihtigan Gode for his go¯ dnysse. Eft se ha¯lga Cu¯ ðberht, þa¯ þa¯ he¯ gı ¯t cnapa 175 wæs, geseah hu¯ Godes ænglas feredon Aidanes sa¯wle, þæs ha¯lgan bisceopes, blı ¯ðe to¯ heofonum, to¯ þa¯m e¯can wuldre þe he¯ on worulde geearnode. Þæs ha¯lgan O¯¯ swoldes ba¯n wurdon eft gebro¯ ht æfter manegum ge¯arum to¯ Myrcena lande, into¯ Gle¯awceastre, and God þ毯 r geswutelode oft fela wundra þurh þone ha¯lgan wer. Sy¯ þæs wuldor þa¯m Ælmihtigan a¯ to¯ worulde. Amen. 180 169 þæt ] ‘that which’ 171 Be¯da . . . gedihte ] see Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica, iii.9-13 175 Cu¯ ðberht ] St. Cuthbert spent his life as a hermit, until he was appointed Bishop of Lindisfarne by King Egfrid in 685. <?page no="132"?> 121 Wulfstan Text 7: Wulfstan’s Sermon to the English Wulfstan became Bishop of London in 996, and Archbishop of York and Bishop of Worcester in 1002. These two offices were often held in plurality, and Wulfstan held both until 1016, retaining York until his death in 1023. Though little is known of him before 996, we can assume that he either belonged to the upper class or had connections, for his rise both in politics as well as in the Church was rapid. He helped draft the law codes both under the reign of King Æþelred and his Danish successor Cnut (the ability to work effectively under kings of two different nationalities was also possessed by his successor, St. Wulfstan of Worcester; see M 5), reformed the codes of the Church (Institutes of Policy and Canons of Edgar), and composed many didactic sermons. Wulfstan’s sermons often have an eschatological focus, as is the case in The Sermon of the Wolf. This can be seen as a direct result of the times Wulfstan lived in; the Danish raids in England had been on the increase since 980 (see O 10), and the payments of tribute were likewise on the increase. After Æþelred was forced into exile for a year in 1013 (the death of the Danish king and conqueror, Svein Forkbeard, in 1014 allowed Æþelred’s return), two years of increased hostilities followed, culminating in the Danish leadership of England under Cnut the Great and his sons, which lasted from 1016 to 1042. The Sermon of the Wolf was written in 1014, directly after Æþelred’s return from exile. In a time of extreme political upheaval, Wulfstan sought the cause of their woes much in the same way as Gildas in his De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae: God is punishing the English (or British, in Gildas’ case) for their sins. While Gildas focuses on the corruption among the clergy as the cause of the invasion of the Angles and Saxons, Wulfstan has a much wider bed of sin to draw from; the English clergy is the least of England’s problems. England’s whole society is aa swa leng swa wyrse: God’s laws are not obeyed, the ties of kinship in general are collapsing, leading to various crimes, betrayals, and slavery, and the very hierarchy of society threatens to collapse. This strongly moralising work focuses on the evils in English society; it is a far cry from The Battle of Brunanburh (O 8), which triumphs in English unity, or even The Battle of Maldon (O 10), which celebrates English values in the face of defeat. The Sermon of the Wolf ends with a series of utan-clauses, exhorting the people to improve themselves in order to end the current misery. The topic of slavery, particularly of the English being sold into foreign hands, is a main point in Wulfstan cristenes folces to fela man gesealde ut of þysan earde nu ealle hwile; and eal þæt is Gode lað, gelyfe se þe wille - ‘too many Christian people have been sold from our country for a long time now, and this is loath to God, believe it if you will’ (ll. 64-65; the topic is continued in the lines that follow). Slavery seems to have been a pressing point of these times, just as it seems to have been in St. Wulfstan’s time (see M 5) if we accept the evidence in William of Malmesbury’s Life of St. Wulfstan, chapter 20. Though The Sermon of the Wolf is a prose work, Wulfstan emphasises, for example, the crimes and sins of society using alliteration (ll. 109-121 and 134-139), adding alliterative stressed phrases throughout the text for emphasis. His use of rhetoric figures is extensive. <?page no="133"?> 122 Old English Texts The Sermo Lupi contains many features typical of late West Saxon. These include the levelling of vowel quality in unstressed syllables, as in lehtreð for earlier lehtrað (l. 120). The ending of plural preterite indicative (-on) frequently appears as -an, as in sp毯 can and w毯 ran (both l. 8). Earlier ðone is written þæne (l. 82, 83, 93 and 98), whereas ðonne appears as þænne (l. 6). The text also shows a few loans from Scandinavian, such as grið (l. 64 and 35), griðian (l. 28), and griðle¯ase (l. 31). Instead of Old English riht, the text uses the Scandinavian loanword lagu (l. 19, 27 etc.; see Old English Glossary). Sources: British Library MS Cotton Nero A.i. - Bethurum (1957), Whitelock (1976). - Secondary literature: Wilcox (2000). - Facsimile: Loyn (1971). Sermo Lupi ad Anglos quando Dani maxime persecuti sunt eos, quod fuit anno millesimo XIIII ab incarnatione domini nostri Iesu Cristi Le¯ofan men, gecna¯wað þæt so¯ ð is: ðe¯os worold is on ofste, and hit ne¯al毯 cð þa¯m ende, and þy¯ hit is on worolde aa swa¯ leng swa¯ wyrse, and swa¯ hit sceal ny¯ de for folces synnan 毯 r Antecrı ¯stes to¯ cyme yfelian swy¯ þe, and hu¯ ru hit wyrð 5 þænne egeslic and grimlic wı ¯de on worolde. Understandað e¯ac georne þæt de¯ofol þa¯s þe¯ode nu¯ fela ge¯ara dwelode to¯ swy¯ þe, and þæt ly¯ tle getre¯owþa w毯 ran mid mannum, þe¯ah hy¯ wel sp毯 can, and unrihta to¯ fela rı ¯csode on lande; and næs a¯ fela manna þe sme¯ade ymbe þa¯ bo¯ te swa¯ georne swa¯ man scolde, ac dæghwa¯mlı ¯ce man ı ¯hte yfel æfter o¯ ðrum and 10 unriht r毯 rde and unlaga manege ealles to¯ wı ¯de gynd ealle þa¯s þe¯ode. And we¯ e¯ac for þa¯m habbað fela byrsta and bysmara gebiden, and, gif we¯ 毯 nige bo¯ te gebı ¯dan scylan, þonne mo¯ te we¯ þæs to¯ Gode ernian bet þonne we¯ 毯 r þysan dydan. For þa¯m mid miclan earnungan we¯ geearnedan þa¯ yrmða þe u¯ s on sittað, and mid swy¯ þe micelan earnungan we¯ þa¯ bo¯ te mo¯ tan æt Gode ger毯 can, gif hit sceal 15 heonanforð go¯ diende weorðan. La¯ hwæt, we¯ witan ful georne þæt to¯ miclan bryce sceal micel bo¯ t ny¯ de, and to¯ miclan bryne wæter unly¯ tel, gif man þæt fy¯ r sceal to¯ a¯hte a¯cwencan; and micel is ny¯ dþearf manna gehwilcum þæt he¯ Godes lage gy¯ me heonanforð georne and Godes gerihta mid rihte gel毯 ste. On h毯 þenum þe¯odum ne dear man forhealdan 20 ly¯ tel ne micel þæs þe gelagod is to¯ gedwolgoda weorðunge; and we¯ forhealdað 毯 ghw毯 r Godes gerihta ealles to¯ gelo¯ me. And ne dear man gewanian on h毯 þenum þe¯odum inne ne u¯ te 毯 nig þ毯 ra þinga þe gedwolgodan bro¯ ht bið and to¯ la¯cum bet毯 ht bið; and we¯ habbað Godes hu¯ s inne and u¯ te cl毯 ne bery¯ pte. And Godes þe¯owas syndan m毯 þe and munde gewelhw毯 r bed毯 lde; and gedwolgoda 25 þe¯nan ne dear man misbe¯odan on 毯 nige wı ¯san mid h毯 þenum le¯odum, swa¯ swa¯ man Godes þe¯owum nu¯ de¯ð to¯ wı ¯de, þ毯 r crı ¯stene scoldan Godes lage healdan and Godes þe¯owas griðian. 1-2 Sermo . . . Cristi ] ‘The sermon of the Wolf to the English, when the Danes were most severely persecuting them, which was in the thousand and fourteenth year from the incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ’. 4 aa . . . wyrse ] ‘the longer it goes on the worse it is getting’ 5 Antecrı ¯stes to¯ cyme ] see 1 John 2: 18 20 Godes gerihta ] God’s dues, i. e. tithes <?page no="134"?> 123 Wulfstan Ac so¯ ð is þæt ic secge, þearf is þ毯 re bo¯ te, for þa¯m Godes gerihta wanedan to¯ lange innan þysse þe¯ode on 毯 ghwylcan ænde, and folclaga wyrsedan ealles to¯ 30 swy¯ þe, and ha¯lignessa syndan to¯ griðle¯ase wı ¯de, and Godes hu¯ s syndan to¯ cl毯 ne bery¯ pte ealdra gerihta and innan bestry¯ pte 毯 lcra gerisena; and wydewan syndan forny¯ dde on unriht to¯ ceorle, and to¯ mænege foryrmde and gehy¯ nede swy¯ þe; and earme men syndan sa¯re beswicene and hre¯owlı ¯ce besyrwde and u¯ t of þysan earde wı ¯de gesealde swy¯ þe unforworhte fremdum to¯ gewealde; and cradolcild 35 geþe¯owede þurh wælhre¯owe unlaga for ly¯ telre þy¯ fþe wı ¯de gynd þa¯s þe¯ode; and fre¯oriht fornumene and þr毯 lriht genyrwde and ælmæsriht gewanode; and hrædest is to¯ cweþenne, Godes laga la¯ðe and la¯ra forsawene; and þæs we¯ habbað ealle þurh Godes yrre bysmor gelo¯ me, gecna¯we se¯ þe cunne; and se byrst wyrð gem毯 ne, þe¯h man swa¯ ne we¯ne, eallre þysse þe¯ode, bu¯ tan God beorge. 40 For þa¯m hit is on u¯ s eallum swutol and gese¯ne þæt we¯ 毯 r þysan oftor br毯 can þonne we¯ be¯ttan, and þy¯ is þysse þe¯ode fela ons毯 ge. Ne dohte hit nu¯ lange inne ne u¯ te, ac wæs here and hunger, bryne and blo¯ dgyte on gewelhwylcan ende oft and gelo¯ me; and u¯ s stalu and cwalu, strı ¯c and steorfa, orfcwealm and uncoþu, ho¯ l and hete and ry¯ pera re¯afla¯c derede swy¯ þe þearle, and ungylda swy¯ ðe gedrehtan, 45 and u¯ s unwedera foroft we¯oldan unwæstma; for þa¯m on þysan earde wæs, swa¯ hit þincan mæg, nu¯ fela ge¯ara unrihta fela and tealte getry¯ wða 毯 ghw毯 r mid mannum. Ne bearh nu¯ foroft gesib gesibban þe¯ ma¯ þe fremdan, ne fæder his bearne, ne hwı ¯lum bearn his a¯genum fæder, ne bro¯ þor o¯ þrum; ne u¯ re 毯 nig his lı ¯f fadode swa¯ swa¯ he¯ scolde, ne geha¯dode regollı ¯ce, ne l毯 wede lahlı ¯ce. Ac worhtan 50 lust u¯ s to¯ lage ealles to¯ gelo¯ me, and na¯þor ne he¯oldan ne la¯re ne lage Godes ne manna swa¯ swa¯ we¯ scoldan. Ne 毯 nig wið o¯ þerne getry¯ wlı ¯ce þo¯ hte swa¯ rihte swa¯ he¯ scolde, ac m毯 st 毯 lc swicode and o¯ þrum derede wordes and d毯 de; and hu¯ ru unrihtlı ¯ce m毯 st 毯 lc o¯ þerne æftan he¯aweþ mid sceandlican onscytan, do¯ ma¯re, gif he¯ mæge. For þa¯m he¯r sy¯ n on lande ungetry¯ wþa micle for Gode and for worolde, 55 and e¯ac he¯r sy¯ n on earde on mistlice wı ¯san hla¯fordswican manege. And ealra m毯 st hla¯fordswice se¯ bið on worolde þæt man his hla¯fordes sa¯ule beswı ¯ce; and ful micel hla¯fordswice e¯ac bið on worolde þæt man his hla¯ford of lı ¯fe forr毯 de, oððon of lande lifiendne drı ¯fe; and 毯 gþer is geworden on þysan earde; E¯ adweard man forr毯 dde and syððan a¯cwealde and æfter þa¯m forbærnde and 60 Æþelred man dr毯 fde u¯ t of his earde. And godsibbas and godbearn to¯ fela man forspilde wı ¯de gynd þa¯s þe¯ode; and ealles to¯ mænege ha¯lige sto¯ wa wı ¯de 32-33 wydewan . . . ceorle ] ‘widows are forced to (re)marry (against all custom)’ - usually widows were encouraged not to marry again. 35 wı ¯de gesealde ] This is a clear reference to slave trading. 36 geþe¯owede ] The current Anglo-Saxon practice of selling babies into slavery was later repealed by King Cnut (1016-1035). 45 ungylda ] This could refer to the Danegeld, i. e. tribute paid to the Vikings to pay off attacks; see O 10, introduction and ll. 29-41. 58 of lı ¯fe forr毯 de ] ‘plot against (his lord’s) life’ 60 E¯ adweard ] King Edward the Martyr (975-979) was killed by the men of his half-brother, Æþelred, who succeeded him. 61 Æþelred ] King Æþelred fled to Normandy in 1013 to evade the Danish king Swein; he regained the throne in 1014. <?page no="135"?> 124 Old English Texts forwurdan þurh þæt þe man sume men 毯 r þa¯m gelo¯ gode, swa¯ man na¯ ne scolde, gif man on Godes griðe m毯 þe witan wolde; and crı ¯stenes folces to¯ fela man gesealde u¯ t of þysan earde nu¯ ealle hwı ¯le; and eal þæt is Gode la¯ð, gely¯ fe se¯ þe 65 wille. And scandlic is to¯ specenne þæt geworden is to¯ wı ¯de, and egeslic is to¯ witanne þæt oft do¯ ð to¯ manege, þe dre¯ogað þa¯ yrmþe, þæt sce¯otað to¯ gædere and a¯ne cwenan gem毯 num ce¯ape bicgað gem毯 ne, and wið þa¯ a¯ne fy¯ lþe a¯dre¯ogað, a¯n æfter a¯num, and 毯 lc æfter o¯ ðrum, hundum gelı ¯ccast, þe for fy¯ lþe ne scrı ¯fað, and 70 syððan wið weorðe syllað of lande fe¯ondum to¯ gewealde Godes gesceafte and his a¯genne ce¯ap, þe he¯ de¯ore gebo¯ hte. E¯ ac we¯ witan georne hw毯 r se¯o yrmð gewearð þæt fæder gesealde bearn wið weorþe, and bearn his mo¯ dor, and bro¯ þor sealde o¯ þerne fremdum to¯ gewealde; and eal þæt syndan micle and egeslice d毯 da, understande se¯ þe wille. And gy¯ t hit is ma¯re and e¯ac mænigfealdre þæt dereð 75 þysse þe¯ode: mænige synd forsworene and swy¯ þe forlogene, and wed synd to¯ brocene oft and gelo¯ me; and þæt is gesy¯ ne on þysse þe¯ode þæt u¯ s Godes yrre hetelı ¯ce on sit, gecna¯we se¯ þe cunne. And la¯, hu¯ mæg ma¯re scamu þurh Godes yrre mannum gelimpan þonne u¯ s de¯ð gelo¯ me for a¯genum gewyrhtum? Ðe¯h þr毯 la hwylc hla¯forde æthle¯ape and of 80 crı ¯stendo¯ me to¯ wı ¯cinge weorþe, and hit æfter þa¯m eft geweorþe þæt w毯 pngewrixl weorðe gem毯 ne þegene and þr毯 le, gif þr毯 l þæne þegen fullı ¯ce a¯fylle, licge 毯 gylde ealre his m毯 gðe; and, gif se þegen þæne þr毯 l þe he¯ 毯 r a¯hte fullı ¯ce a¯fylle, gylde þegengylde. Ful earhlice laga and scandlice ny¯ dgyld þurh Godes yrre u¯ s sy¯ n gem毯 ne, understande se¯ þe cunne; and fela ungelimpa gelimpð þysse 85 þe¯ode oft and gelo¯ me. Ne dohte hit nu¯ lange inne ne u¯ te, ac wæs here and hete on gewelhwilcan ende oft and gelo¯ me, and Engle nu¯ lange eal sigele¯ase and to¯ swy¯ þe geyrigde þurh Godes yrre; and flotmen swa¯ strange þurh Godes þafunge þæt oft on gefeohte a¯n fe¯seð ty¯ ne, and hwı ¯lum l毯 s, hwı ¯lum ma¯, eal for u¯ rum synnum. And oft ty¯ ne oððe twelfe, 毯 lc æfter o¯ þrum, scendað to¯ bysmore þæs 90 þegenes cwenan, and hwı ¯lum his dohtor oððe ny¯ dma¯gan, þ毯 r he¯ on lo¯ cað, þe l毯 t hine sylfne rancne and rı ¯cne and geno¯ h go¯ dne 毯 r þæt gewurde. And oft þr毯 l þæne þegen þe 毯 r wæs his hla¯ford cnyt swy¯ þe fæste and wyrcð him to¯ þr毯 le þurh Godes yrre. Wa¯la¯ þ毯 re yrmðe and wa¯la¯ þ毯 re woroldscame þe nu¯ habbað Engle, eal þurh 95 Godes yrre! Oft twe¯gen s毯 men, oððe þry¯ hwı ¯lum, drı ¯fað þa¯ dra¯fe crı ¯stenra manna fram s毯 to¯ s毯 , u¯ t þurh þa¯s þe¯ode, gewelede to¯ gædere, u¯ s eallum to¯ woroldscame, gif we¯ on eornost 毯 nige cu¯ þon a¯riht understandan; ac ealne þæne bysmor þe we¯ oft þoliað we¯ gyldað mid weorðscipe þa¯m þe u¯ s scendað; we¯ him gyldað singa¯llı ¯ce, and hy¯ u¯ s hy¯ nað dæghwa¯mlı ¯ce; hy¯ hergiað and hy¯ bærnað, 100 ry¯ paþ and re¯afiað and to¯ scipe l毯 dað; and la¯, hwæt is 毯 nig o¯ ðer on eallum þa¯m gelimpum bu¯ tan Godes yrre ofer þa¯s þe¯ode swutol and ges毯 ne? 69 gem毯 num ce¯ape ] ‘as a joint purchase’ 81-82 w毯 pngewrixl . . . þr毯 le ] Ordinarily servants were not allowed to take up weapons at all, much less use them against their lords, as is implied here. 84 þegengylde ] This refers to the wergeld, the price to be paid for murder or maiming; the exact price differed depending on the social status of the victim. <?page no="136"?> 125 Wulfstan Nis e¯ac na¯n wundor þe¯ah u¯ s mislimpe, for þa¯m we¯ witan ful georne þæt nu¯ fela ge¯ara mænn na¯ ne ro¯ htan foroft hwæt hy¯ worhtan wordes oððe d毯 de: ac wearð þes þe¯odscipe, swa¯ hit þincan mæg, swy¯ þe forsyngod þurh mænigfealde synna 105 and þurh fela misd毯 da: þurh morðd毯 da and þurh ma¯nd毯 da, þurh gı ¯tsunga and þurh gı ¯fernessa, þurh stala and þurh stru¯ dunga, þurh mannsylena and þurh h毯 þene unsida, þurh swicdo¯ mas and þurh searacræftas, þurh lahbrycas and þurh 毯 swicas, þurh m毯 gr毯 sas and þurh manslyhtas, þurh ha¯dbrycas and þurh 毯 wbrycas, þurh siblegeru and þurh mistlice forligru. And e¯ac syndan wı ¯de, swa¯ 110 we¯ 毯 r cw毯 dan, þurh a¯ðbricas and þurh wedbrycas and þurh mistlice le¯asunga forloren and forlogen ma¯ þonne scolde; and fre¯olsbricas and fæstenbrycas wı ¯de geworhte oft and gelo¯ me. And e¯ac he¯r sy¯ n on earde apostatan a¯broþene and cyrichatan hetole and le¯odhatan grimme ealles to¯ manege, and oferhogan wı ¯de godcundra rihtlaga and crı ¯stenra þe¯awa, and ho¯ corwyrde dysige 毯 ghw毯 r on 115 þe¯ode oftost on þa¯ þing þe Godes bodan be¯odaþ, and swy¯ þost on þa¯ þing þe 毯 fre to¯ Godes lage gebyriað mid rihte. And þy¯ is nu¯ geworden wı ¯de and sı ¯de to¯ ful yfelan gewunan þæt menn swy¯ þor scamað nu¯ for go¯ dd毯 dan þonne for misd毯 dan, for þa¯m to¯ oft man mid ho¯ cere go¯ dd毯 da hyrweð and godfyrhte lehtreð ealles to¯ swy¯ þe, and swy¯ þost man t毯 leð 120 and mid olle gegre¯teð ealles to¯ gelo¯ me þa¯ þe riht lufiað and Godes ege habbað be 毯 nigum d毯 le. And þurh þæt þe man swa¯ de¯ð þæt man eal hyrweð þæt man scolde heregian and to¯ forð la¯ðet þæt man scolde lufian, þurh þæt man gebringeð ealles to¯ manege on yfelan geþance and on und毯 de, swa¯ þæt hy¯ ne scamað na¯, þe¯h hy¯ syngian swy¯ ðe and wið God sylfne forwyrcan hy¯ mid ealle, ac for ı ¯delan 125 onscytan hy¯ scamað þæt hy¯ be¯tan heora misd毯 da swa¯ swa¯ be¯c t毯 can, gelı ¯ce þa¯m dw毯 san þe for heora pry¯ tan le¯we nellað beorgan 毯 r hy¯ na¯ ne magan, þe¯h hy¯ eal willan. He¯r syndan þurh synle¯awa, swa¯ hit þincan mæg, sa¯re gele¯wede to¯ manege on earde. He¯r syndan mannslagan and m毯 gslagan and mæsserbanan and mynster- 130 hatan, and he¯r syndan ma¯nsworan and morþorwyrhtan, and he¯r syndan myltestran and bearnmyrðran and fu¯ le forlegene ho¯ ringas manege, and he¯r syndan wiccan and wælcyrian, and he¯r syndan ry¯ peras and re¯aferas and worolstru¯ deras, and, hrædest is to¯ cweþenne, ma¯na and misd毯 da ungerı ¯m ealra. And þæs u¯ s ne scamað na¯, ac u¯ s scamað swy¯ þe þæt we¯ bo¯ te a¯ginnan swa¯ swa¯ be¯c t毯 can, and þæt 135 is gesy¯ ne on þysse earman forsyngodan þe¯ode. E¯ ala¯, micel magan manege gy¯ t he¯rto¯ e¯acan e¯aþe beþencan þæs þe a¯n man ne mehte on hrædinge a¯sme¯agan, hu¯ earmlı ¯ce hit gefaren is nu¯ ealle hwı ¯le wı ¯de gynd þa¯s þe¯ode. And sme¯age hu¯ ru georne gehwa¯ hine sylfne and þæs na¯ ne latige ealles to¯ lange. Ac la¯, on Godes naman, utan do¯ n swa¯ u¯ s ne¯od is, beorgan u¯ s 140 sylfum swa¯ we¯ geornost magan, þe¯ l毯 s we¯ ætgædere ealle forweorðan. A¯¯ n þe¯odwita wæs on Brytta tı ¯dum, Gildas ha¯tte, se¯ a¯wra¯t be heora misd毯 dum, hu¯ hy¯ mid heora synnum swa¯ oferlı ¯ce swy¯ þe God gegræmedan þæt he¯ le¯t æt 126 be¯c ] This refers to the penitential books used in the Anglo-Saxon Church with precise regulations as to sins and penalties. 142 Gildas ] a 6th century British monk, author of De Excidio Britanniae, a historical account lamenting the downfall of the British, which he attributed to the sins of both clergy and laity. <?page no="137"?> 126 Old English Texts ny¯ hstan Engla here heora eard gewinnan and Brytta dugeþe fordo¯ n mid ealle. And þæt wæs geworden, þæs þe he¯ s毯 de, þurh rı ¯cra re¯afla¯c and þurh gı ¯tsunge 145 wo¯ hgestre¯ona, ðurh le¯ode unlaga and þurh wo¯ hdo¯ mas, ðurh biscopa a¯solcennesse and þurh ly¯ ðre yrhðe Godes bydela, þe so¯ þes geswugedan ealles to¯ gelo¯ me and clumedan mid ceaflum þ毯 r hy¯ scoldan clypian. Þurh fu¯ lne e¯ac folces g毯 lsan and þurh oferfylla and mænigfealde synna heora eard hy¯ forworhtan and selfe hy¯ forwurdan. 150 Ac wutan do¯ n swa¯ u¯ s þearf is, warnian u¯ s be swilcan; and so¯ þ is þæt ic secge, wyrsan d毯 da we¯ witan mid Englum þonne we¯ mid Bryttan a¯hwa¯r gehy¯ rdan; and þy¯ u¯ s is þearf micel þæt we¯ u¯ s beþencan and wið God sylfne þingian georne. And utan do¯ n swa¯ u¯ s þearf is, gebu¯ gan to¯ rihte, and be suman d毯 le unriht forl毯 tan, and be¯tan swy¯ þe georne þæt we¯ 毯 r br毯 can; and utan God lufian and Godes 155 lagum fylgean, and gel毯 stan swy¯ þe georne þæt þæt we¯ behe¯tan þa¯ we¯ fulluht underfe¯ngan, oððon þa¯ þe æt fulluhte u¯ re forespecan w毯 ran; and utan word and weorc rihtlı ¯ce fadian, and u¯ re ingeþanc cl毯 nsian georne, and a¯ð and wed wærlı ¯ce healdan, and sume getry¯ wða habban u¯ s betwe¯onan bu¯ tan uncræftan; and utan gelo¯ me understandan þone miclan do¯ m þe we¯ ealle to¯ sculon, and beorgan u¯ s 160 georne wið þone weallendan bryne helle wı ¯tes, and geearnian u¯ s þa¯ m毯 rþa and þa¯ myrhða þe God hæfð gegearwod þa¯m þe his willan on worolde gewyrcað. God u¯ re helpe. Amen. 159 sume getry¯wða ] ‘a certain amount of loyalty’ 163 God u¯ re helpe ] ‘God help us! ’ <?page no="138"?> 127 The Old English Apollonius Text 8: The Old English Apollonius The Apollonius story was one of the most popular fictional stories in the Middle Ages. Probably coming from a now lost Greek source, Latin versions of the story served as the base for many other medieval translations and adaptations. John Gower, Chaucer’s contemporary, made use of the story in Book 8 of his Confessio Amantis. We find the story of Apollonius in the extremely popular collection of narratives called Gesta Romanorum and Shakespeare based his play Pericles, Prince of Tyre on the Historia Apollonii Regis Tyri. The tale of Apollonius was very popular through the entire Middle Ages and its popularity continued into the Early Modern period; the 11th century translation into Old English was, however, the first translation into a living language. Unfortunately, only the beginning and the end of the Old English translation have survived. Apollonius, Lord of Tyre, uncovers the incestuous relationship between the King of Antioch, Antiochus, and his daughter. Antiochus seeks to have Apollonius killed as a result, and Apollonius is forced to flee, beginning a series of adventures. He shipwrecks on the coast of Pentapolis, where he is taken into King Arcestrates’ court. The following chapters, in which he becomes tutor to the king’s daughter, Arcestrate, who then falls in love with him, are reproduced here. After the king’s daughter rejects her other suitors and chooses Apollonius, the king gives Apollonius permission to marry his daughter. The manuscript breaks off here, but from the Latin versions we know what takes place in the missing parts: the couple marry, and Antiochus dies for his sins, after which Apollonius seeks to return to Antioch with his new wife. She falls into a coma while giving birth to their daughter Thasia, and because Apollonius believes she has died, she is put in a watertight coffin. This coffin washes up on the shores of Ephesus, where Arcestrate is awakened and given to the service of the Goddess Diana. Apollonius gives his daughter Thasia to a friend to raise, Stranguillio, whose wife later tries to kill the girl. Captured by pirates before she can be murdered, Thasia is then sold to a brothel in Mytilene. By telling her sad story to the king, she is able to preserve her virginity until Apollonius finally saves her. Apollonius weds her to the king and, after a prophetic dream, sails with the newlyweds to Ephesus. The rest of the story has been preserved in the Old English translation: Apollonius’ wife hears his story and then recognises him. They all return, Strangiullio and his wife are punished, and they live happily ever after. Along with only a few other texts, Wonders of the East and The Letter of Alexander to Aristotle, Apollonius shows a different side of Old English literature from that to which we are normally accustomed: a love of the exotic and the unusual. Apollonius, however, is the only one of the three which presents the exotic in the frame of an adventure story, and can be seen as the first English novel. The most conspicuous feature of the text is the graph-sequence -ænC in words which are subject to i-mutation, as for example gewænde, gewændon (l. 16, 74), bewænde (l. 31), gemængde (l. 42, 56), stæfne (l. 57), geswænctest (l. 105) and a¯ sænde (l. 110). West Saxon usually has e in this context; hearpe-strengas (l. 55) and geendode (l. 73) agree with West Saxon practice. Forms like misðingð (l. 9), gesingodest (l. 32), dide, didon (l. 83, 111) and scrı ¯dde (l. 50) suggest that the unrounding of y is well on its way; however, cyning and its inflected forms retain y. The later history of diphthongs in eo as a result of breaking can be seen in forms like de¯orwurðan (l. 4, 68), <?page no="139"?> 128 Old English Texts wurðlicum (l. 18), wurðlı ¯cost (l. 83) and wurðscipes (l. 85); under the influence of w the diphthong has been smoothed to u. The dative singular of dohtor, a noun belonging to the r-stems (see § 40), does not show i-mutation: to¯ ða¯ re dohtor (l. 31); mı ¯nre dohtor (l. 110). Finally, the text shows the new definite article þe (l. 73) for earlier se. Sources: Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 201. - Marsden (2004); Goolden (1958); Raith (1956). Ða¯ e¯ode Apollonius in and gesæt þa¯r him get毯 ht wæs, onge¯an ðone cyngc. Ða¯r wearð ða¯ se¯o þe¯nung in geboren and æfter þa¯m cynelic gebe¯orscipe; and Apollonius na¯n ðingc ne 毯 t, ðe¯ahðe ealle o¯ ðre men 毯 ton and blı ¯ðe w毯 ron. Ac he¯ behe¯old þæt gold and þæt seolfor and ða¯ de¯orwurðan re¯af and þa¯ be¯odas and þa¯ cynelican þe¯nunga. Ða¯ða¯ he¯ þis eal mid sa¯rnesse behe¯old, ða¯ sæt sum eald and 5 sum æfestig ealdorman be þa¯m cynge. Midþı ¯þe he¯ geseah þæt Apollonius swa¯ sa¯rlı ¯ce sæt, and ealle þingc behe¯old, and na¯n ðingc ne 毯 t, ða¯ cwæð he¯ to¯ ða¯m cynge: “Ðu¯ go¯ da cyngc, efne þes man þe þu¯ swa¯ wel wið gede¯st, he¯ is swı ¯ðe æfestful for ðı ¯num go¯ de.” Ða¯ cwæð se cyngc: “Ðe¯ misðingð; so¯ ðlı ¯ce, þes iunga man ne æfestigað on na¯num ðingum ðe he¯ he¯r gesihð; ac he¯ cy¯ ð þæt he¯ hæfð fela 10 forloren.” Ða¯ beseah Arcestrates se cyngc blı ¯ðum andwlitan to¯ Apollonio and cwæð: “Ðu¯ iunga man, be¯o blı ¯ðe mid u¯ s, and gehiht on God þæt þu¯ mo¯ te silf to¯ ða¯m se¯lran becuman.” [c. 15] Midþı ¯ðe se cyning þa¯s word gecwæð, ða¯ f毯 ringa þa¯r e¯ode in ðæs cynges iunge dohtor, and cyste hyre fæder and ða¯ ymbsittendan. Þa¯ he¯o beco¯ m to¯ 15 Apollonio, þa¯ gewænde he¯o onge¯an to¯ hire fæder and cwæð: “Ðu¯ go¯ da cyningc and mı ¯n se le¯ofesta fæder, hwæt is þes iunga man þe onge¯an ðe¯ on swa¯ wurðlicum setle sit mid sa¯rlicum andwlitan? Na¯t ic hwæt he¯ besorgað.” Ða¯ cwæð se cyningc: “Le¯ofe dohtor, þes iunga man is forliden, and he¯ gecwe¯mde me¯ manna betst on ða¯m plegan; forða¯m ic hine gelaðode to¯ ðysum u¯ rum gebe¯orscipe. 20 Na¯t ic hwæt he¯ is, ne hwanon he¯ is; ac gif ðu¯ wille witan hwæt he¯ sy¯ , a¯xsa hine, forða¯m þe¯ gedafenað ðæt þu¯ wite.” Ða¯ e¯ode þæt m毯 den to¯ Apollonio and mid forwandigendre spr毯 ce cwæð: “Ðe¯ah ðu¯ stilli sy¯ and unro¯ t, þe¯ah ic þı ¯ne æðelborennesse on ðe¯ gese¯o. Nu¯ þonne, gif ðe¯ to¯ hefig ne þince, sege me¯ þı ¯nne naman, and þı ¯n gelymp a¯rece me¯.” Ða¯ cwæð Apollonius: “Gif ðu¯ for ne¯ode 25 a¯xsast æfter mı ¯num naman, ic secge þe¯: ic hine forle¯as on s毯 . Gif ðu¯ wilt mı ¯ne æðelborennesse witan, wite ðu¯ þæt ic hı ¯g forle¯t on Tharsum.” Ðæt m毯 den cwæð: “Sege me¯ gewislı ¯cor þæt ic hit mæge understandan.” Apollonius ða¯ so¯ ðlı ¯ce hyre a¯rehte ealle his gelymp, and æt þa¯re spr毯 can ende him fe¯ollon te¯aras of ða¯m e¯agum. 30 [c. 16] Midþy¯ þe se cyngc þæt geseah, he¯ bewænde hine ða¯ to¯ ða¯re dohtor and cwæð: “Le¯ofe dohtor, þu¯ gesingodest; midþy¯ þe þu¯ woldest witan his naman and his gelimp, þu¯ hafast nu¯ geednı ¯wod his ealde sa¯r. Ac ic bidde þe¯ þæt þu¯ gife him swa¯ hwæt swa¯ ðu¯ wille.” Ða¯ ða¯ þæt m毯 den gehı ¯rde þæt hire wæs a¯ly¯ fed fram 20 plegan ] refers to a game played earlier, in which Apollonius had shown his dexterity. <?page no="140"?> 129 The Old English Apollonius hire fæder þæt he¯o 毯 r hyre silf gedo¯ n wolde, ða¯ cwæð he¯o to¯ Apollonio: 35 “Apolloni, so¯ ðlı ¯ce þu¯ eart u¯ re; forl毯 t þı ¯ne murcnunge, and nu¯ ic mı ¯nes fæder le¯afe habbe, ic gedo¯ ðe¯ weligne.” Apollonius hire þæs þancode, and se cyngc blissode on his dohtor welwillendnesse, and hyre to¯ cwæð: “Le¯ofe dohtor, ha¯t feccan þı ¯ne hearpan and gecı ¯g þe¯ to¯ þı ¯ne fry¯ nd, and a¯firsa fram þa¯m iungan his sa¯rnesse.” 40 Ða¯ e¯ode he¯o u¯ t, and he¯t feccan hire hearpan; and so¯ na swa¯ he¯o hearpian ongan, he¯o mid winsumum sange gemængde þa¯re hearpan swe¯g. Ða¯ ongunnon ealle þa¯ men hı ¯ herian on hyre swe¯gcræfte, and Apollonius a¯na swı ¯gode. Ða¯ cwæð se cyningc: “Apolloni, nu¯ ðu¯ de¯st yfele, forða¯mþe ealle men heriað mı ¯ne dohtor on hyre swe¯gcræfte, and þu¯ a¯na hı ¯ swı ¯gende t毯 lst.” Apollonius cwæð: “E¯ ala¯, ðu¯ 45 go¯ da cyngc, gif ðu¯ me¯ gelı ¯fst, ic secge þæt ic ongite þæt so¯ ðlı ¯ce þı ¯n dohtor gefe¯ol on swe¯gcræft, ac he¯o næfð hine na¯ wel geleornod. Ac ha¯t me¯ nu¯ sillan þa¯ hearpan, þonne wa¯st þu¯ þæt þu¯ nu¯ gı ¯t na¯st.” Arcestrates se cyning cwæð: “Apolloni, ic oncna¯we so¯ ðlı ¯ce þæt þu¯ eart on eallum þingum wel gel毯 red.” Ða¯ he¯t se cyng sillan Apollonige þa¯ hearpan. Apollonius þa¯ u¯ t e¯ode, and hine scrı ¯dde 50 and sette 毯 nne cynehelm uppon his he¯afod, and nam þa¯ hearpan on his hand, and in e¯ode and swa¯ sto¯ d þæt se cyngc and ealle þa¯ ymbsittendan we¯ndon þæt he¯ n毯 re Apollonius, ac þæt he¯ w毯 re Apollines, ða¯ra h毯 þenra god. Ða¯ wearð stilnes and swı ¯ge geworden innon ða¯re healle. And Apollonius his hearpenægl genam, and he¯ þa¯ hearpe-strengas mid cræfte a¯stirian ongan, and þa¯re hearpan swe¯g mid 55 winsumum sange gemængde. And se cyngc silf and ealle þe þa¯r andwearde w毯 ron, micelre stæfne cliopodon and hine heredon. Æfter þisum forle¯t Apollonius þa¯ hearpan and plegode, and fela fægera þinga þa¯r forð te¯ah þe þa¯m folce ungecna¯we wæs and ungewunelic; and heom eallum þearle lı ¯code 毯 lc þa¯ra þinga ðe he¯ forð te¯ah. 60 [c. 17] So¯ ðlı ¯ce, midþy¯ þe þæs cynges dohtor geseah þæt Apollonius on eallum go¯ dum cræftum swa¯ wel wæs getogen, þa¯ gefe¯ol hyre mo¯ d on his lufe. Ða¯ æfter þæs be¯orscipes geendunge cwæð þæt m毯 den to¯ ða¯m cynge: “Le¯ofa fæder, þu¯ ly¯ fdest me¯ lı ¯tle 毯 r þæt ic mo¯ ste gifan Apollonio swa¯ hwæt swa¯ ic wolde of þı ¯num goldhorde.” Arcestrates se cyng cwæð to¯ hyre: “Gif him swa¯ hwæt swa¯ ðu¯ wille.” 65 He¯o ða¯ swı ¯ðe blı ¯ðe u¯ t e¯ode and cwæð: “La¯re¯ow Apolloni, ic gife þe¯ be mı ¯nes fæder le¯afe twa¯ hund punda goldes and fe¯ower hund punda gewihte seolfres and þone m毯 stan d毯 l de¯orwurðan re¯afes and twe¯ntig ðe¯owa manna.” And he¯o þa¯ þus cwæð to¯ ða¯m þe¯owum mannum: “Berað þa¯s þingc mid e¯ow þe ic behe¯t Apollonio mı ¯num la¯re¯owe, and lecgað innon bu¯ re beforan mı ¯num fre¯ondum.” Þis 70 wearð þa¯ þus gedo¯ n æfter þa¯re cwe¯ne h毯 se; and ealle þa¯ men hire gife heredon ðe hı ¯g gesa¯won. Ða¯ so¯ ðlı ¯ce geendode þe gebe¯orscipe; and þa¯ men ealle a¯rison and gre¯tton þone cyngc and ða¯ cwe¯ne, and b毯 don hı ¯g gesunde be¯on, and ha¯m gewændon. E¯ ac swilce Apollonius cwæð: “Ðu¯ go¯ da cyngc and earmra gemiltsigend, and þu¯ cwe¯n 75 47 gefe¯ol ] ‘has only begun’ 53 Apollines ] Apollo 73-74 gre¯tton . . . be¯on ] words of parting - a translation of the Latin ‘uale dicentes regi et reginae’ <?page no="141"?> 130 Old English Texts la¯re lufigend, be¯on ge¯ gesunde.” He¯ beseah e¯ac to¯ ða¯m þe¯owum mannum þe þæt m毯 den him forgifen hæfde, and heom cwæð to¯ : “Nimað þa¯s þing mid e¯ow þe me¯ se¯o cwe¯n forgeaf, and ga¯n we¯ se¯can u¯ re gesthu¯ s þæt we¯ magon u¯ s gerestan.” Ða¯ a¯dre¯d þæt m毯 den þæt he¯o n毯 fre eft Apollonium ne gesa¯we swa¯ raðe swa¯ he¯o wolde, and e¯ode þa¯ to¯ hire fæder and cwæð: “Ðu¯ go¯ da cyningc, lı ¯cað ðe¯ wel 80 þæt Apollonius, þe þurh u¯ s to¯ dæg gego¯ dod is, þus heonon fare, and cuman yfele men and bere¯afian hine? ” Se cyngc cwæð: “Wel þu¯ cw毯 de. Ha¯t him findan hwa¯r he¯ hine mæge wurðlı ¯cost gerestan.” Ða¯ dide þæt m毯 den swa¯ hyre beboden wæs; and Apollonius onfe¯ng þa¯re wununge ðe hym get毯 ht wæs, and ða¯r in e¯ode Gode þancigende ðe him ne forwyrnde cynelices wurðscipes and fro¯ fres. 85 [c. 18] Ac þæt m毯 den hæfde unstille niht, mid þa¯re lufe on毯 led þa¯ra worda and sanga þe he¯o gehy¯ rde æt Apollonige; and na¯ leng he¯o ne geba¯d ðonne hit dæg wæs, ac e¯ode so¯ na swa¯ hit le¯oht wæs, and gesæt beforan hire fæder bedde. Ða¯ cwæð se cyngc: “Le¯ofe dohtor, for hwı ¯ eart ðu¯ þus 毯 rwacol? ” Ðæt m毯 den cwæð: “Me¯ a¯wehton þa¯ gecneordnessan þe ic girstandæg gehy¯ rde. Nu¯ bidde ic ðe¯ 90 forða¯m þæt þu¯ befæste me¯ u¯ rum cuman Apollonige to¯ la¯re.” Ða¯ wearð se cyningc þearle geblissod, and he¯t feccan Apollonium and him to¯ cwæð: “Mı ¯n dohtor girnð þæt he¯o mo¯ te leornian æt ðe¯ ða¯ ges毯 ligan la¯re ðe þu¯ canst; and gif ðu¯ wilt þisum þingum gehy¯ rsum be¯on, ic swerige ðe¯ þurh mı ¯nes rı ¯ces mægna þæt swa¯ hwæt swa¯ ðu¯ on s毯 forlure, ic ðe¯ þæt on lande gestaðelige.” Ða¯ða¯ Apollonius þæt 95 gehy¯ rde, he¯ onfe¯ngc þa¯m m毯 dene to¯ la¯re, and hire t毯 hte swa¯ wel swa¯ he¯ silf geleornede. [c. 19] Hyt gelamp ða¯ æfter þisum binnon fe¯awum tı ¯dum þæt Arcestrates se cyngc he¯old Apollonius hand on handa, ond e¯odon swa¯ u¯ t on ða¯re ceastre str毯 te. Þa¯ æt ny¯ hstan co¯ mon ða¯r ga¯n onge¯an hy¯ þry¯ gel毯 rede weras and æþelborene þa¯ 100 lange 毯 r girndon þæs cyninges dohtor. Hı ¯ ða¯ ealle þry¯ to¯ gædere a¯nre stefne gre¯tton þone cyngc. Ða¯ smercode se cyng ond heom to¯ beseah ond þus cwæð: “Hwæt is þæt, þæt ge¯ me¯ a¯nre stefne gre¯tton? ” Ða¯ andswerode heora a¯n ond cwæð: “We¯ b毯 don gefirn þy¯ nre dohtor, ond þu¯ u¯ s oftr毯 dlı ¯ce mid elcunge geswænctest; forða¯m we¯ co¯ mon hider to¯ dæg þus to¯ gædere. We¯ syndon þy¯ ne 105 ceastergewaran of æðelum gebyrdum geborene. Nu¯ bidde we¯ þe¯ þæt þu¯ gece¯ose þe¯ 毯 nne of u¯ s þry¯ m, hwilcne þu¯ wille þe¯ to¯ a¯ðume habban.” Ða¯ cwæð se cyngc: “Nabbe ge¯ na¯ go¯ dne tı ¯man a¯re¯dodne; mı ¯n dohtor is nu¯ swı ¯ðe bisy ymbe hyre leornunga. Ac þe¯l毯 sþe ic e¯ow a¯ leng slæce, a¯wrı ¯tað e¯owre naman on gewrite ond hire morgengife; þonne a¯sænde ic þa¯ gewrita mı ¯nre dohtor, þæt he¯o sylf gece¯ose 110 hwilcne e¯ower he¯o wille.” Ða¯ didon ða¯ cnihtas swa¯, ond se cyngc nam ða¯ gewrita ond geinseglode hı ¯ mid his ringe ond sealde Apollonio þus cweðende: “Nim nu¯ , la¯re¯ow Apolloni, swa¯ hit þe¯ ne mislı ¯cyge, ond bryng þı ¯num l毯 ringcm毯 dene.” 79 n毯 fre . . . raðe ] ‘that she wouldn’t see Apollonius again’ [as soon as she wished] <?page no="142"?> 131 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Text 9: The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle - Brunanburh The transmission of The Battle of Brunanburh is unusual, for it is a poem in MS ABCD of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. According to manuscript F, “in this year Athelstan (and Edmund, his brother) led levies to Brunanburh, and there fought against Anlaf: with the help of Christ, they had the victory (and there slew five knights and eight jarls)” (Garmonsway, 1954). The battle at Brunanburh (the exact location remains unknown) was one of many battles fought by Æþelstan and his brothers, Eadmund and Eadred (924-939; 939-946; 946-955 respectively), who through these victories were able to reduce Viking influence and pave the way to a united country of England. The years 924 to 955 are written in one hand, which suggests one author composed all of the entries, including the two poems contained among them. In 937, Olafr Guðfriðarson, the Norse King of Dublin, had allied with Constantinus, the Celtic King of Scotland. They met somewhere in Scotland or northern England, and marched south on Æþelstan. Æþelstan took his West Saxon army north to meet them, picking up Mercians (see l. 24b) along the way. After a decisive English victory in which both Constantinus and Olafr were killed, the Norse returned to Dublin by way of the Dinges mere, 54b - possibly the River Dee. Much emphasis is placed on the ruling family and their relations to one another (gebroþor ll. 2b, 57a), as well as to their noble heritage (afaran Eadweardes - descendants of Edward the Elder and Alfred the Great, l. 7a, 52; æþeling, geæþele, ll. 3a, 7b, 58a). At the same time, the unity of the Angles and the Saxons is proclaimed (l. 70a) against all other enemies, British, Welsh and Norse. The poem ends with a reference to the “beasts and birds of battle”, portending further victory for the English, and proceeds to link these developments to English historical ascendency (þe us secgað bec, ealde uðwitan, ll. 68b-69a). All of these aspects show a very partial poet, seeking to justify Æþelstan’s claim to a united English throne, and a rise of English nationalism at the time. Indeed, the poet glorifies the pride which the Anglo-Saxons must feel, thematising the shame of their enemies (for example, the Norse hreman ne þorfte - dared not boast, ll. 39b; see also 44b, 47b, 56, 59). The style of the poem reflects a poet well versed in heroic diction and style. He employs the traditional alliterative verse, applying many rhetorical devices, for example understatement and metaphor (both kennings and heitis). This text has the usual spelling variants: instead of the regular ending -on for preterite plural, we find -an and -un: clufan (l. 5), crugun (l. 10) etc. The dative plural occasionally ends in -an: mylenscearpan (l. 24), hamora la¯ fan (l. 6) etc. Non-WS features include mutated e¯, cf. gefle¯med (l. 32) and ne¯de (l. 33) for WS ie, y. Sources: Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, MS 173. - Dobbie (1942); Marsden (2004). - Secondary literature: Johnson (1968), Lawler (1973), Frese (1986). <?page no="143"?> 132 Old English Texts 937. He¯r Æþelsta¯n cyning, eorla dryhten, beorna be¯ahgifa, and his bro¯ þor e¯ac, E¯ admund æþeling, ealdorlangne tı ¯r geslo¯ gon æt sæcce sweorda ecgum ymbe Brunanburh. Bordweal clufan, 5 he¯owan heaþolinde hamora la¯fan, afaran E¯ adweardes, swa¯ him geæþele wæs from cne¯om毯 gum, þæt hı ¯ æt campe oft wiþ la¯þra gehwæne land ealgodon, hord and ha¯mas. Hettend crungun, 10 Sceotta le¯oda and scipflotan f毯 ge fe¯ollan, feld dænnede secga swa¯te, siðþan sunne u¯ p on morgentı ¯d, m毯 re tungol, gla¯d ofer grundas, Godes condel beorht, 15 e¯ces Drihtnes, oð sı ¯o æþele gesceaft sa¯h to¯ setle. Þ毯 r læg secg mænig, ga¯rum a¯ge¯ted, guma norþerna ofer scild scoten, swilce Scittisc e¯ac, we¯rig, wı ¯ges sæd. Wesseaxe forð 20 ondlongne dæg e¯orodcistum on la¯st legdun la¯þum þe¯odum, he¯owan herefle¯man hindan þearle me¯cum mylenscearpan. Myrce ne wyrndon heardes hondplegan hæleþa na¯num, 25 þ毯 ra þe mid Anla¯fe ofer 毯 ra gebland on lides bo¯ sme land geso¯ htun, f毯 ge to¯ gefeohte. Fı ¯fe l毯 gun on þa¯m campstede cyningas giunge, sweordum a¯swefede, swilce seofene e¯ac 30 eorlas Anla¯fes, unrı ¯m heriges, 1 Æþelsta¯ n ] West Saxon king, 925-939 2 be¯ahgifa ] Kings gave rings to their retainers in return for services rendered. 3 E¯ admund ] Æþelstan’s halfbrother, followed him as king from 939-946 3 ealdorlangne tı ¯r ] ‘eternal glory’ 6 hamora la¯ fan ] ‘with their swords’ - the product of hammers 11 scipflotan ] in this case pirates or Vikings 12 dænnede ] The meaning is uncertain: ‘flowed’. 19 Scittisc ] the Scots 20 Wesseaxe ] the West Saxon army 21 ondlongne dæg ] all day long 22 on . . . legdun ] ‘on the heels of’ 24 mylenscearpan ] ‘very sharp’ 24 Myrce ] the Mercians 26 Anla¯ fe ] King of Dublin 26 毯 ra gebland ] ‘rolling waves’ (the turbulence of the ocean) 27 on lides bo¯ sme ] ‘in the bosom of the ship’ <?page no="144"?> 133 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle flotan and Sceotta. Þ毯 r gefle¯med wearð Norðmanna bregu, ne¯de gebe¯ded, to¯ lides stefne lı ¯tle weorode; cre¯ad cnear on flot, cyning u¯ t gewa¯t 35 on fealene flo¯ d, feorh generede. Swilce þ毯 r e¯ac se fro¯ da mid fle¯ame co¯ m on his cy¯ þþe norð, Costontı ¯nus, ha¯r hilderinc, hre¯man ne þorfte m毯 ca gema¯nan; he¯ wæs his m毯 ga sceard, 40 fre¯onda gefylled on folcstede, beslagen æt sæcce, and his sunu forle¯t on wælsto¯ we wundun forgrunden, giungne æt gu¯ ðe. Gelpan ne þorfte beorn blandenfeax bilgeslehtes, 45 eald inwidda, ne Anla¯f þy¯ ma¯; mid heora herela¯fum hlehhan ne þorftun, þæt hı ¯ beaduweorca beteran wurdun on campstede cumbolgehna¯stes, ga¯rmittinge, gumena gemo¯ tes, 50 w毯 pengewrixles, þæs hı ¯ on wælfelda wiþ E¯ adweardes afaran plegodan. Gewitan him þa¯ Norþmen nægledcnearrum, dre¯orig daraða la¯f, on Dinges mere ofer de¯op wæter Difelin se¯can, 55 eft I¯raland, 毯 wiscmo¯ de. Swilce þa¯ gebro¯ þer be¯gen ætsamne, cyning and æþeling, cy¯ þþe so¯ hton, Wesseaxena land, wı ¯ges hre¯mige. Le¯tan him behindan hr毯 w bryttian 60 saluwigpa¯dan, þone sweartan hræfn, hyrnednebban, and þane hasewanpa¯dan, earn æftan hwı ¯t, 毯 ses bru¯ can, gr毯 digne gu¯ ðhafoc and þæt gr毯 ge de¯or, wulf on wealde. Ne wearð wæl ma¯re 65 on þis e¯iglande 毯 fre gı ¯eta 33 Norðmanna bregu ] ‘King of the Norse’, i. e. Anla¯f 34 to¯ lides stefne ] ‘prow of the ship’ 38 Costontı ¯nus ] King of Picts and Scots 47 herela¯ fum ] ‘survivors (of the army)’ 49 cumbolgehna¯ stes ] ‘clash of standards’, battle 54 daraða la¯ f ] those who had survived the spears. 54 Dinges mere ] The location is unknown. 61 saluwigpa¯ dan ] ‘the dark-feathered one’ 62 hyrnednebban ] ‘the horny-beaked one’ 62 hasewanpa¯ dan ] ‘the grey-feathered one’ 64 gu¯ ðhafoc ] ‘war-hawk’ <?page no="145"?> 134 Old English Texts folces gefylled beforan þissum sweordes ecgum, þæs þe u¯ s secgað be¯c, ealde u¯ ðwitan, siþþan e¯astan hider Engle and Seaxe u¯ p beco¯ man, 70 ofer bra¯d brimu Brytene so¯ htan, wlance wı ¯gsmiþas, We¯alas oferco¯ man, eorlas a¯rhwate eard bege¯atan. 72 We¯alas ] the Welsh <?page no="146"?> 135 The Battle of Maldon Text 10: The Battle of Maldon According to the Peterborough Chronicle (MS C of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle), a battle was fought in the year 991: Her wæs Gypeswic gehergod, and æfter þam swiðe raðe wæs Brihtnoð ealdorman ofslægen æt Mældune. And on þam geare man gerædde þæt man geald ærest gafol Deniscan mannum for þam mycclan brogan þe hi worhton be þam særiman, þæt wæs ærest X þusend punda. - ‘Here Ipswich was raided, and very soon after that Ealdorman Byrhtnoð was killed at Maldon; and in that year it was first decided that tax be paid to the Danish men because of the great terror which they wrought along the sea coast. That was at first 10 thousand pounds’. The battle at Maldon (see first map) would probably have been quickly forgotten, had not a poem been written to celebrate the defeat of the English at the hands of the Vikings. During the reign of Æþelred the Unready (978-1016), Viking attacks in England were once again on the increase, and the king was increasingly unable to repel them. Æþelred is accused of allowing a large amount of cowardice and disloyalty, a concern which seems to be reflected in Byrhtnoð’s army as described in this poem (see ll. 6-10; 185-188; 238-239). A common practice during his reign, perhaps resulting from his weakness as a military leader, was to pay the Vikings tribute (gafol) instead of engaging in open battle with them. The Battle of Maldon thematises one of what were many English defeats in the context of the second wave of Viking attacks in the closing decades of the 10th century. Cast from the position of the losing side, this poem has completely different goals from those of the Battle of Brunanburh, for example. Brunanburh is a celebration of an English victory and the ensuing unity, whereas Maldon, while commemorating the sacrifice which Byrhtnoð and his army make, seems rather to be a statement on current English politics. Beginning on a dark note, the poem foreshadows the inevitable defeat which will occur (see the formulaic þa hwile þe, ll. 14, 83, 235, 272). The practice of paying the Vikings tribute is criticised in the speeches between the Viking messenger and Byrhtnoð. The theme of cowardice and loyalty is one of the main topics of the poem, from the first lines describing the young nobleman who decides not to be a coward (l. 5), the retreat of the cowards after Byrhtnoð’s death (ll. 185-201), and finally the condemnation by Offa in his death speech (ll. 231-242). The topic of Byrhtnoð’s ofermode, seen as the turning point of the poem by much of the critical literature, is at most a secondary issue: upon Byrhtnoð’s death, most of the rest of the poem is taken up by speeches of his loyal retainers, proclaiming their willingness to fight to the death. The Vikings, on the other hand, are hardly characterised: they are battle-wolves (wælwulfas, l. 96a), warriors and heathens (h毯 ðene scealcas, l. 181b) at most. Their role in the poem is of the adversary, and their exact names or attributes are unimportant to the author’s purposes. The single transmitted manuscript was burned in a fire in 1731, but a transcription from 1726 has been preserved. Both the beginning and the end of the poem are missing; however, the structure of the poem suggests that only a small part has been lost. The language of the poem uses the traditional heroic vocabulary (cf. the formulaic maþelode, ll. 42, 309) and various words for shield (cf. bord, lind, rand, scyld), spear <?page no="147"?> 136 Old English Texts (cf. æsc, daroð, gar, spere) and warrior (cf. beorn, cempa, hæleð, hyse), as one would expect. In the absence of an original manuscript, it is difficult to comment further on the linguistic features of the text. Sources: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Rawlinson B. 203. - Scragg (1991). - Secondary literature: Clark (1968), Gneuss (1976), Scragg (1991). * * * brocen wurde. He¯t þa¯ hyssa hwæne hors forl毯 tan, feor a¯fy¯ san, and forð gangan, hicgan to¯ handum, and to¯ hige go¯ dum. Þa¯ þæt Offan m毯 g 毯 rest onfunde, 5 þæt se eorl nolde yrhðo geþolian, he¯ le¯t him þa¯ of handon le¯ofne fle¯ogan hafoc wið þæs holtes, and to¯ þ毯 re hilde sto¯ p; be þa¯m man mihte oncna¯wan þæt se cniht nolde wa¯cian æt þa¯m wigge, þa¯ he¯ to¯ w毯 pnum fe¯ng. 10 E¯ ac him wolde E¯ adric his ealdre gel毯 stan, fre¯an to¯ gefeohte; ongan þa¯ forð beran ga¯r to¯ gu¯ þe. He¯ hæfde go¯ d geþanc, þa¯ hwı ¯le þe he¯ mid handum healdan mihte bord and bra¯d swurd; be¯ot he¯ gel毯 ste, 15 þa¯ he¯ ætforan his fre¯an feohtan sceolde. Ða¯ þ毯 r Byrhtno¯ ð ongan beornas trymian, ra¯d and r毯 dde, rincum t毯 hte hu¯ hı ¯ sceoldon standan, and þone stede healdan, and bæd þæt hyra randas rihte he¯oldon 20 fæste mid folman, and ne forhtedon na¯. Þa¯ he¯ hæfde þæt folc fægere getrymmed, he¯ lı ¯hte þa¯ mid le¯odon, þ毯 r him le¯ofost wæs, þ毯 r he¯ his heorðwerod holdost wiste. Þa¯ sto¯ d on stæðe, stı ¯ðlı ¯ce clypode 25 wı ¯cinga a¯r, wordum m毯 lde, se¯ on be¯ot a¯be¯ad brimlı ¯þendra 毯 rænde to¯ þa¯m eorle, þ毯 r he¯ on o¯ fre sto¯ d: “Me¯ sendon to¯ þe¯ s毯 men snelle, he¯ton ðe¯ secgan, þæt þu¯ mo¯ st sendan raðe 30 be¯agas wið gebeorge; and e¯ow betere is 2 He¯t ] The subject is Byrhtnoð. 7-8 le¯ofne . . . hafoc ] The adjective ‘le¯ofne’ refers to ‘hafoc’. Offa’s relative doesn’t seem to have expected that he would be participating in a fierce battle. He sends his hawk away when he realises that this will be a more serious affair than a hunting party with hawks. <?page no="148"?> 137 The Battle of Maldon þæt ge¯ þisne ga¯rr毯 s mid gafole forgyldon, þonne we¯ swa¯ hearde hilde d毯 lon. Ne þurfe we¯ u¯ s spillan, gif ge¯ spe¯daþ to¯ þa¯m; we¯ willað wið þa¯m golde grið fæstnian. 35 Gyf þu¯ þæt ger毯 dest þe he¯r rı ¯cost eart, þæt þu¯ þı ¯ne le¯oda ly¯ san wille, syllan s毯 mannum on hyra sylfra do¯ m feoh wið fre¯ode, and niman frið æt u¯ s, we¯ willaþ mid þa¯m sceattum u¯ s to¯ scype gangan, 40 on flot fe¯ran, and e¯ow friþes healdan.” Byrhtno¯ ð maþelode, bord hafenode, wand wa¯cne æsc, wordum m毯 lde, yrre and a¯nr毯 d a¯geaf him andsware: “Gehy¯ rst þu¯ , s毯 lida, hwæt þis folc segeð? 45 Hı ¯ willað e¯ow to¯ gafole ga¯ras syllan, 毯 ttrenne ord and ealde swurd, þa¯ heregeatu þe e¯ow æt hilde ne de¯ah. Brimmanna boda, a¯be¯od eft onge¯an, sege þı ¯num le¯odum miccle la¯þre spell, 50 þæt he¯r stynt unforcu¯ ð eorl mid his werode, þe wile gealgian e¯þel þysne, Æþelredes eard, ealdres mı ¯nes folc and foldan; feallan sceolon h毯 þene æt hilde. To¯ he¯anlic me¯ þinceð 55 þæt ge¯ mid u¯ rum sceattum to¯ scype gangon unbefohtene, nu¯ ge¯ þus feor hider on u¯ rne eard in beco¯ mon. Ne sceole ge¯ swa¯ so¯ fte sinc gegangan; u¯ s sceal ord and ecg 毯 r gese¯man, 60 grim gu¯ ðplega, 毯 r we¯ gofol syllon.” He¯t þa¯ bord beran, beornas gangan, þæt hı ¯ on þa¯m e¯asteðe ealle sto¯ don. Ne mihte þ毯 r for wætere werod to¯ þa¯m o¯ ðrum; þ毯 r co¯ m flo¯ wende flo¯ d æfter ebban, 65 32 forgyldon ] The imagery of payment, money and trade (see ‘forgyldon (l. 32), d毯 lon (l. 33), spe¯daþ (l 34), golde (l. 35)’ and ‘syllan (l. 38)’) in the messenger’s speech emphasises the current practice between the Vikings and the English of paying Danegeld in order to evade actual battle. 45 Gehy¯rst . . . segeð? ] Byrhtnoð asks the Viking messenger if he can hear the English army, who are in an uproar because of his demands. Both Byrhtnoð and his army are determined to engage the Vikings in battle. 46 gafole ga¯ ras ] The alliteration highlights the irony in Byrhtnoð’s answer; the only thing the English are willing to ‘trade’ is battle. 55-61 he¯anlic . . . syllon ] Byhrtnoð continues in an ironic vein, mirroring and even mocking the Viking’s speech. Both on a lexical and stylistic level the messenger’s words are twisted (‘ga¯rr毯 s mid gafole’ (l. 32) becomes ‘grim gu¯ ðplege . . . gofol’ (l. 61)). <?page no="149"?> 138 Old English Texts lucon lagustre¯amas. To¯ lang hit him þu¯ hte, hwænne hı ¯ to¯ gædere ga¯ras be¯ron. Hı ¯ þ毯 r Pantan stre¯am mid prasse besto¯ don, E¯ astseaxena ord and se æschere. Ne mihte hyra 毯 nig o¯ ðrum derian, 70 bu¯ ton hwa¯ þurh fla¯nes flyht fyl gena¯me. Se flo¯ d u¯ t gewa¯t; þa¯ flotan sto¯ don gearowe, wı ¯cinga fela, wı ¯ges georne. He¯t þa¯ hæleða hle¯o healdan þa¯ bricge wigan wı ¯gheardne, se¯ wæs ha¯ten Wulfsta¯n, 75 ca¯fne mid his cynne, - þæt wæs Ce¯olan sunu - þe ðone forman man mid his francan ofsce¯at, þe þ毯 r baldlı ¯cost on þa¯ bricge sto¯ p. Þ毯 r sto¯ don mid Wulfsta¯ne wigan unforhte, Ælfere and Maccus, mo¯ dige twe¯gen, 80 þa¯ noldon æt þa¯m forda fle¯am gewyrcan, ac hı ¯ fæstlı ¯ce wið ða¯ fy¯ nd weredon, þa¯ hwı ¯le þe hı ¯ w毯 pna wealdan mo¯ ston. Þa¯ hı ¯ þæt onge¯aton, and georne gesa¯won þæt hı ¯ þ毯 r bricgweardas bitere fundon, 85 ongunnon lytegian þa¯ la¯ðe gystas: b毯 don þæt hı ¯ u¯ pgangan a¯gan mo¯ ston, ofer þone ford faran, fe¯þan l毯 dan. Ða¯ se eorl ongan for his ofermo¯ de a¯ly¯ fan landes to¯ fela la¯þere ðe¯ode. 90 Ongan ceallian þa¯ ofer cald wæter Byrhtelmes bearn (beornas gehlyston): “Nu¯ e¯ow is gery¯ med, ga¯ð ricene to¯ u¯ s, guman to¯ gu¯ þe; God a¯na wa¯t hwa¯ þ毯 re wælsto¯ we wealdan mo¯ te.” 95 Wo¯ don þa¯ wælwulfas, for wætere ne murnon, wı ¯cinga werod, west ofer Pantan, ofer scı ¯r wæter scyldas we¯gon, lidmen to¯ lande linde b毯 ron. Þ毯 r onge¯an gramum gearowe sto¯ don 100 Byrhtno¯ ð mid beornum; he¯ mid bordum he¯t wyrcan þone wı ¯hagan, and þæt werod healdan fæste wið fe¯ondum. Þa¯ wæs feohte ne¯h, tı ¯r æt getohte; wæs se¯o tı ¯d cumen 68 Pantan stre¯am ] the River Blackwater 81 fle¯am gewyrcan ] A central issue of this poem, the theme of flight, is first introduced here. However unsuitable its position here appears to be - the English are in a very secure position - the combination with the doom formula in l. 83 ‘þa¯ hwı ¯le þe’ portends ill: see ll. 185-201. 102 wı ¯hagan ] Byrhtnoð has ordered his men to form a shield wall as a line of defence. ‘Haga’ (hedge, enclosure) conveys a sense of impenetrability. <?page no="150"?> 139 The Battle of Maldon þæt þ毯 r f毯 ge men feallan sceoldon. 105 Þ毯 r wearð hre¯am a¯hafen, hremmas wundon, earn 毯 ses georn; wæs on eorþan cyrm. Hı ¯ le¯ton þa¯ of folman fe¯olhearde speru, [grimme] gegrundene ga¯ras fle¯ogan; bogan w毯 ron bysige, bord ord onfe¯ng, 110 biter wæs se beadur毯 s, beornas fe¯ollon on gehwæðere hand, hyssas la¯gon. Wund wearð Wulfm毯 r, wælræste gece¯as, Byrhtno¯ ðes m毯 g; he¯ mid billum wearð, his swustersunu, swı ¯ðe forhe¯awen. 115 Þ毯 r wearð wı ¯cingum wiþerle¯an a¯gyfen: gehy¯ rde ic þæt E¯ adweard a¯nne slo¯ ge swı ¯ðe mid his swurde, swenges ne wyrnde, þæt him æt fo¯ tum fe¯oll f毯 ge cempa; þæs him his ðe¯oden þanc ges毯 de, 120 þa¯m bu¯ rþe¯ne, þa¯ he¯ byre hæfde. Swa¯ stemnetton stı ¯ðhicgende hysas æt hilde, hogodon georne hwa¯ þ毯 r mid orde 毯 rost mihte on f毯 gean men feorh gewinnan, 125 wigan mid w毯 pnum; wæl fe¯ol on eorðan. Sto¯ don stædefæste; stihte hı ¯ Byrhtno¯ ð, bæd þæt hyssa gehwylc hogode to¯ wı ¯ge, þe on Denon wolde do¯ m gefeohtan. Wo¯ d þa¯ wı ¯ges heard, w毯 pen u¯ p a¯ho¯ f, 130 bord to¯ gebeorge, and wið þæs beornes sto¯ p. E¯ ode swa¯ a¯nr毯 d eorl to¯ þa¯m ceorle: 毯 gþer hyra o¯ ðrum yfeles hogode. Sende ða¯ se¯ s毯 rinc su¯ þerne ga¯r, þæt gewundod wearð wigena hla¯ford; 135 he¯ sce¯af þa¯ mid ða¯m scylde, þæt se sceaft to¯ bærst, and þæt spere sprengde, þæt hit sprang onge¯an. Gegremod wearð se gu¯ ðrinc: he¯ mid ga¯re stang wlancne wı ¯cing, þe him þa¯ wunde forgeaf. Fro¯ d wæs se fyrdrinc; he¯ le¯t his francan wadan 140 þurh ðæs hysses hals, hand wı ¯sode þæt he¯ on þa¯m f毯 rsceaðan feorh ger毯 hte. 105 f毯 ge men ] The poet does not specify the nationality of the ‘doomed men’. This doom formula is therefore portentious for both sides. 117 gehy¯rde ic ] Here the narrator speaks in the first person. This would seem to imply that the poem is based on an oral report (from one of the cowards? ). However, ‘gehy¯ rde ic’ is also a common poetic formula. 129 Denon ] The Viking invaders in Eastgern England were usually Danes; as a result, Dene became a synonym for Viking. Denon is used here so as to alliterate with do¯ m. <?page no="151"?> 140 Old English Texts Ða¯ he¯ o¯ þerne ofstlı ¯ce sce¯at, þæt se¯o byrne to¯ bærst; he¯ wæs on bre¯ostum wund þurh ða¯ hringlocan, him æt heortan sto¯ d 145 毯 tterne ord. Se eorl wæs þe¯ blı ¯þra, hlo¯ h þa¯, mo¯ di man, s毯 de Metode þanc ðæs dægweorces þe him Drihten forgeaf. Forle¯t þa¯ drenga sum daroð of handa, fle¯ogan of folman, þæt se¯ to¯ forð gewa¯t 150 þurh ðone æþelan Æþelredes þegen. Him be healfe sto¯ d hyse unweaxen, cniht on gecampe, se¯ full ca¯flı ¯ce br毯 d of þa¯m beorne blo¯ digne ga¯r, Wulfsta¯nes bearn, Wulfm毯 r se geonga; 155 forle¯t forheardne faran eft onge¯an; ord in gewo¯ d, þæt se¯ on eorþan læg þe his þe¯oden 毯 r þearle ger毯 hte. E¯ ode þa¯ gesyrwed secg to¯ þa¯m eorle; he¯ wolde þæs beornes be¯agas gefeccan, 160 re¯af and hringas and gere¯nod swurd. Ða¯ Byrhtno¯ ð br毯 d bill of sce¯ðe, bra¯d and bru¯ necg, and on þa¯ byrnan slo¯ h. To¯ raþe hine gelette lidmanna sum, þa¯ he¯ þæs eorles earm a¯myrde. 165 Fe¯oll þa¯ to¯ foldan fealohilte swurd: ne mihte he¯ gehealdan heardne me¯ce, w毯 pnes wealdan. Þa¯ gy¯ t þæt word gecwæð ha¯r hilderinc, hyssas bylde, bæd gangan forð go¯ de gefe¯ran. 170 Ne mihte þa¯ on fo¯ tum leng fæste gestandan; he¯ to¯ heofenum wla¯t * * * “Ic þancie þe¯, ðe¯oda Waldend, ealra þ毯 ra wynna þe ic on worulde geba¯d. Nu¯ ic a¯h, milde Metod, m毯 ste þearfe 175 þæt þu¯ mı ¯num ga¯ste go¯ des geunne, þæt mı ¯n sa¯wul to¯ ðe¯ sı ¯ðian mo¯ te, on þı ¯n geweald, þe¯oden engla, mid friþe ferian; ic eom frymdi to¯ þe¯ þæt hı ¯ helsceaðan hy¯ nan ne mo¯ ton.” 180 Ða¯ hine he¯owon h毯 ðene scealcas, and be¯gen þa¯ beornas þe him big sto¯ don, Ælfno¯ ð and Wulm毯 r be¯gen la¯gon, ða¯ onemn hyra fre¯an feorh gesealdon. 147 mo¯ di man ] If ‘mo¯ di’ is taken as a positive attribute, then Byrhtnoð’s ‘ofermo¯ de’ (l. 89) should be seen in the same light. 149 drenga ] here used pejoratively <?page no="152"?> 141 The Battle of Maldon Hı ¯ bugon þa¯ fram beaduwe þe þ毯 r be¯on noldon: 185 þ毯 r wurdon Oddan bearn 毯 rest on fle¯ame, Godrı ¯c fram gu¯ þe, and þone go¯ dan forle¯t, þe him mænigne oft mearh gesealde; he¯ gehle¯op þone eoh þe a¯hte his hla¯ford, on þa¯m ger毯 dum þe¯h hit riht ne wæs, 190 and his bro¯ ðru mid him be¯gen ærndon, Godwine and Godwı ¯g, gu¯ þe ne gy¯ mdon, ac wendon fram þa¯m wı ¯ge and þone wudu so¯ hton, flugon on þæt fæsten, and hyra fe¯ore burgon, and manna ma¯ þonne hit 毯 nig m毯 ð w毯 re, 195 gyf hı ¯ þa¯ geearnunga ealle gemundon þe he¯ him to¯ duguþe gedo¯ n hæfde. Swa¯ him Offa on dæg 毯 r a¯s毯 de, on þa¯m meþelstede, þa¯ he¯ gemo¯ t hæfde, þæt þ毯 r mo¯ diglı ¯ce manega spr毯 con, 200 þe eft æt þearfe þolian noldon. Þa¯ wearð a¯feallen þæs folces ealdor, Æþelredes eorl; ealle gesa¯won heorðgene¯atas þæt hyra hearra læg. Þa¯ ð毯 r wendon forð wlance þegenas, 205 unearge men efston georne: hı ¯ woldon þa¯ ealle o¯ ðer twe¯ga, lı ¯f forl毯 tan oððe le¯ofne gewrecan. Swa¯ hı ¯ bylde forð bearn Ælfrı ¯ces, wiga wintrum geong, wordum m毯 lde, 210 Ælfwine þa¯ cwæð (he¯ on ellen spræc): “Gemunað þa¯ra m毯 la þe we¯ oft æt meodo spr毯 con, þonne we¯ on bence be¯ot a¯ho¯ fon, hæleð on healle, ymbe heard gewinn: nu¯ mæg cunnian hwa¯ ce¯ne sy¯ . 215 Ic wylle mı ¯ne æþelo eallum gecy¯ þan, þæt ic wæs on Myrcon miccles cynnes; wæs mı ¯n ealda fæder Ealhelm ha¯ten, wı ¯s ealdorman, woruldges毯 lig. 188 mænigne oft mearh gesealde ] According to the poet, Godrı ¯c’s flight is especially shameful in view of the many gifts he had received from his lord. 198-201 Swa¯ . . . noldon ] This could be implicit criticism of Byrhtnoð: he should have reckoned with deserters. However, Byrhtnoð’s determination before and during the battle shows his great courage. 213-215 be¯ot a¯ ho¯ fon . . . ce¯ne sy¯ ] Ælfwine’s speech echoes Offa’s warning of the day before (l. 198-201). The danger posed by deserters is something many of them were aware of. Nevertheless, Byrhtnoð could rely on a number of ‘mo¯ dige’ (l. 80) ‘heorðgene¯atas’ (l. 204) in his ‘heorðwerod’ (l. 24). The series of speeches which now follows takes up and develops the theme of courage and determination in the face of death. 217 Myrcon ] Mercians <?page no="153"?> 142 Old English Texts Ne sceolon me¯ on þ毯 re þe¯ode þegenas ætwı ¯tan 220 þæt ic of ðisse fyrde fe¯ran wille, eard gese¯can, nu¯ mı ¯n ealdor ligeð forhe¯awen æt hilde. Me¯ is þæt hearma m毯 st: he¯ wæs 毯 gðer mı ¯n m毯 g and mı ¯n hla¯ford.” Þa¯ he¯ forð e¯ode, f毯 hðe gemunde, 225 þæt he¯ mid orde a¯nne ger毯 hte flotan on þa¯m folce, þæt se¯ on foldan læg forwegen mid his w毯 pne. Ongan þa¯ winas manian, fry¯ nd and gefe¯ran, þæt hı ¯ forð e¯odon. Offa gem毯 lde, æscholt a¯sceo¯ c: 230 “Hwæt þu¯ , Ælfwine, hafast ealle gemanode, þegenas to¯ þearfe. Nu¯ u¯ re þe¯oden lı ¯ð, eorl on eorðan, u¯ s is eallum þearf þæt u¯ re 毯 ghwylc o¯ þerne bylde wigan to¯ wı ¯ge, þa¯ hwı ¯le þe he¯ w毯 pen mæge 235 habban and healdan, heardne me¯ce, ga¯r and go¯ d swurd. U¯¯ s Godrı ¯c hæfð, earh Oddan bearn, ealle beswicene: we¯nde þæs formoni man, þa¯ he¯ on me¯are ra¯d, on wlancan þa¯m wicge, þæt w毯 re hit u¯ re hla¯ford; 240 forþan wearð he¯r on felda folc to¯ tw毯 med, scyldburh to¯ brocen. A¯¯ bre¯oðe his angin, þæt he¯ he¯r swa¯ manigne man a¯fly¯ mde! ” Le¯ofsunu gem毯 lde, and his linde a¯ho¯ f, bord to¯ gebeorge; he¯ þa¯m beorne oncwæð: 245 “Ic þæt geha¯te, þæt ic heonon nelle fle¯on fo¯ tes trym, ac wille furðor ga¯n, wrecan on gewinne mı ¯nne winedrihten. Ne þurfon me¯ embe Stu¯ rmere stedefæste hæleð wordum ætwı ¯tan, nu¯ mı ¯n wine gecranc, 250 þæt ic hla¯fordle¯as ha¯m sı ¯ðie, wende fram wı ¯ge; ac me¯ sceal w毯 pen niman, ord and ı ¯ren.” He¯ ful yrre wo¯ d, feaht fæstlı ¯ce, fle¯am he¯ forhogode. Dunnere þa¯ cwæð, daroð a¯cwehte, 255 unorne ceorl, ofer eall clypode, bæd þæt beorna gehwylc Byrhtno¯ ð wr毯 ce: “Ne mæg na¯ wandian se¯ þe wrecan þenceð fre¯an on folce, ne for fe¯ore murnan.” Þa¯ hı ¯ forð e¯odon, fe¯ores hı ¯ ne ro¯ hton; 260 242 scyldburh to¯ brocen ] Offa suggests that the reason the battle has turned against the English is because the traitors broke the line of defence (‘wı ¯hagan’, l. 102; ‘scyldburh’) when they ran away. However, the line of defence has been reformed by l. 277 (‘bordweall’). <?page no="154"?> 143 The Battle of Maldon ongunnon þa¯ hı ¯redmen heardlı ¯ce feohtan, grame ga¯rberend, and God b毯 don þæt hı ¯ mo¯ ston gewrecan hyra winedrihten, and on hyra fe¯ondum fyl gewyrcan. Him se gy¯ sel ongan geornlı ¯ce fylstan; 265 he¯ wæs on Norðhymbron heardes cynnes, Ecgla¯fes bearn, him wæs Æscferð nama. He¯ ne wandode na¯ æt þa¯m wı ¯gplegan, ac he¯ fy¯ sde forð fla¯n geneahhe; hwı ¯lon he¯ on bord sce¯at, hwı ¯lon beorn t毯 sde, 270 毯 fre embe stunde he¯ sealde sume wunde, þa¯ hwı ¯le ðe he¯ w毯 pna wealdan mo¯ ste. Þa¯ gy¯ t on orde sto¯ d E¯ adweard se langa, gearo and geornful, gylpwordum spræc þæt he¯ nolde fle¯ogan fo¯ tm毯 l landes, 275 ofer bæc bu¯ gan, þa¯ his betera leg. He¯ bræc þone bordweall, and wið ða¯ beornas feaht, oðþæt he¯ his sincgyfan on þa¯m s毯 mannum wurðlı ¯ce wrec 毯 r he¯ on wæle l毯 ge. Swa¯ dyde Æþerı ¯c, æþele gefe¯ra, 280 fu¯ s and forðgeorn, feaht eornoste, Sı ¯byrhtes bro¯ ðor, and swı ¯ðe mænig o¯ þer clufon cellod bord, ce¯ne hı ¯ weredon; bærst bordes lærig, and se¯o byrne sang gryrele¯oða sum. Þa¯ æt gu¯ ðe slo¯ h 285 Offa þone s毯 lidan, þæt he¯ on eorðan fe¯oll, and ð毯 r Gaddes m毯 g grund geso¯ hte: raðe wearð æt hilde Offa forhe¯awen. He¯ hæfde ðe¯ah geforþod þæt he¯ his fre¯an gehe¯t, swa¯ he¯ be¯otode 毯 r wið his be¯ahgifan 290 þæt hı ¯ sceoldon be¯gen on burh rı ¯dan, ha¯le to¯ ha¯me, oððe on here crincgan, on wælsto¯ we wundum sweltan. He¯ læg ðegenlı ¯ce ðe¯odne gehende. Ða¯ wearð borda gebræc; brimmen wo¯ don, 295 gu¯ ðe gegremode; ga¯r oft þurhwo¯ d f毯 ges feorhhu¯ s. Forð þa¯ e¯ode Wı ¯sta¯n, Þursta¯nes sunu, wið þa¯s secgas feaht; 266 Norðhymbron ] the Northumbrians 269 fla¯ n geneahhe ] ‘plenty of arrows’ 271 毯 fre . . . wunde ] In this line rhyme replaces alliteration; see Bredehoft (2005). 277 He¯ bræc þone bordweall ] The topic of the line of defence is taken up again; however in this case the breaking of the line has a positive connotation. First E¯ adweard (l. 273), then Æþerı ¯c (l. 280) and ‘swı ¯ðe mænig o¯ þer’ (l. 282) break the line intentionally in order to kill as many Vikings as possible before they fall themselves. <?page no="155"?> 144 Old English Texts he¯ wæs on geþrange hyra þre¯ora bana, 毯 r him Wı ¯gelmes bearn on þa¯m wæle l毯 ge. 300 Þ毯 r wæs stı ¯ð gemo¯ t; sto¯ don fæste wigan on gewinne; wı ¯gend cruncon, wundum we¯rige; wæl fe¯ol on eorþan. O¯¯ swold and Ealdwold ealle hwı ¯le, be¯gen þa¯ gebro¯ þru, beornas trymedon, 305 hyra winema¯gas wordon b毯 don þæt hı ¯ þ毯 r æt ðearfe þolian sceoldon, unwa¯clı ¯ce w毯 pna ne¯otan. Byrhtwold maþelode, bord hafenode, se¯ wæs eald gene¯at, æsc a¯cwehte; 310 he¯ ful baldlı ¯ce beornas l毯 rde: “Hige sceal þe¯ heardra, heorte þe¯ ce¯nre, mo¯ d sceal þe¯ ma¯re, þe¯ u¯ re mægen ly¯ tlað. He¯r lı ¯ð u¯ re ealdor eall forhe¯awen, go¯ d on gre¯ote; a¯ mæg gnornian 315 se¯ ðe nu¯ fram þı ¯s wı ¯gplegan wendan þenceð. Ic eom fro¯ d fe¯ores; fram ic ne wille, ac ic me¯ be healfe mı ¯num hla¯forde, be swa¯ le¯ofan men, licgan þence.” Swa¯ hı ¯ Æþelga¯res bearn ealle bylde, 320 Godrı ¯c to¯ gu¯ þe. Oft he¯ ga¯r forle¯t, wælspere windan on þa¯ wı ¯cingas, swa¯ he¯ on þa¯m folce fyrmest e¯ode, he¯ow and hy¯ nde, oð þæt he¯ on hilde gecranc. Næs þæt na¯ se Godrı ¯c þe ða¯ gu¯ ðe forbe¯ah. 325 * * * * * 309-310 Byrhtwold maþelode . . . æsc a¯ cwehte ] The repetition of the maþelode-formula, accompanied by the action of shield-raising and spear-shaking, is an indication of the importance of what is to be said. Both Byrhtnoð and Byrhtwold hold decisive speeches at different points in the battle - Byrhtnoð to intimidate the Vikings, Byrhtwold to encourage the few remaining English. <?page no="156"?> 145 The Dream of the Rood Text 11: The Dream of the Rood The Dream of the Rood is perhaps the most artistic religious poem written in Old English. Originally an oral work, our text was written down in the late 10th century; however, the poem itself must be much older. Several of the lines of this poem have been inscribed on the Ruthwell Cross in runes (ll. 39-42, 44-49, 56-59, and 62-64). As the Ruthwell Cross dates to the late 7th to early 8th century, The Dream of the Rood must have been composed sometime before that, likely with Anglian authorship (see below). The poem itself presents a much different view of the Passion from that which readers will be familiar with from its representation in the High Middle Ages and onward. The Early Middle Ages often used the symbol of the cross for the suffering of Christ, without depicting Christ himself at all. This poem includes Christ; however, the typical scene of Christ suffering, as we know it, for example, from various paintings, does not at all come to force here. Christ is not represented as a suffering victim, nor is he the confused son of God: “My God, why have you forsaken me? ” does not appear, nor anything which could express a similar sentiment (see Matthew 27: 46 and Mark 15: 34). Christ is a valiant hero marching to battle, and his emotions and thoughts are hidden from us. His Godly nature is shown by his superiority and willingness to suffer; his human nature is shown in that he bleeds and dies - but this depiction fails to arouse compassion and pity in us; it rather produces admiration for the hero. Indeed, this poem seeks to impress the reader (or listener) with the severity of the Crucifixion in another way: through the use of prosopopoeia, the author gives us a view of the Crucifixion from the point of view of the cross. The cross is the opposite of Christ - the cross is weak, unsure of himself, afraid, and suffers immensely. He is only able to withstand the torments of crucifixion because his lord Christ will not allow him to do otherwise. The cross has been torn from his forest, misused by the Romans to bear their criminals, and finally forced to kill his own lord. Many times the cross repeats how weak he feels, and that he would like to disobey Christ’s will and let him down or crush his enemies, but he ne dorste (ll. 35, 42, 45, 47). The cross feels the pain, is wounded and covered with blood. After Christ has died, the cross is felled, and buried ignominiously (l. 75). Like Christ, however, the cross is found and reborn. Adorned with jewels (l. 77), he is able to experience the same sort of resurrection as Christ, which the cross himself cannot witness. The frame for the experiences of the cross, and thereby Christ, is a dream vision. The dreamer, a poor sinner, sees the glory of the cross, witnesses the Passion through the eyes of the cross, and afterwards the cross explains to him the significance of what he has seen. The cross, an instrument of torture, has been honoured above all others (ll. 90 ff), just as Mary now presides over humanity after Eve (a woman) plunged humanity into dishonour. Parallel to this, Christ will come to redeem all mankind on the last day (ll. 103-109). The dreamer is able to learn from the cross: only aware of his own sins at the beginning of the poem (ll. 13, 20), the dreamer is filled with hope and happiness for the future and the promises of heaven (ll. 122, 124-126). The text shows several non-WS features: West Germanic *a¯ is written <e> in ble¯dum (l. 149), the regular WS form being bl毯 dum (see § 2). The influence of word-initial palatal is absent in sceððan (l. 47) versus WS sceaððan. Breaking (see § 3) before r+C <?page no="157"?> 146 Old English Texts does not occur in wergas (l. 31). Under the influence of i-mutation (see § 9) e¯a is written <e> (versus WS ı ¯e, y¯) in beste¯med (ll. 22, 48). The 3sg. present indicative of magan appears as both meahte (early form; l. 18) and mihte (l. 37). Sources: Vercelli, Biblioteca Capitolare CXVII. - Marsden (2004); Mitchell/ Robinson (1992); Swanton (1970). - Secondary literature: Woolf (1958, 1970), Lee (1972), Orton (1980). - Facsimile: Sisam (1976). Hwæt, ic swefna cyst secgan wylle, hwæt me¯ gem毯 tte to¯ midre nihte, syðþan reordberend reste wunedon. Þu¯ hte me¯, þæt ic gesa¯we syllicre tre¯ow on lyft l毯 dan, le¯ohte bewunden, 5 be¯ama beorhtost. Eall þæt be¯acen wæs begoten mid golde; gimmas sto¯ don fægere æt foldan sce¯atum, swylce þ毯 r fı ¯fe w毯 ron uppe on þa¯m eaxlgespanne. Behe¯oldon þ毯 r engel Dryhtnes ealle fægere þurh forðgesceaft; ne wæs ð毯 r hu¯ ru fracodes gealga, 10 ac hine þ毯 r behe¯oldon ha¯lige ga¯stas, men ofer moldan and eall þe¯os m毯 re gesceaft. Syllic wæs se sigebe¯am - and ic synnum fa¯h, forwundod mid wommum. Geseah ic wuldres tre¯ow w毯 dum geweorðod, wynnum scı ¯nan, 15 gegyred mid golde; gimmas hæfdon bewrigen weorðlı ¯ce Wealdendes tre¯ow. Hwæðre ic þurh þæt gold ongytan meahte earmra 毯 rgewin, þæt hit 毯 rest ongan sw毯 tan on þa¯ swı ¯ðran healfe. Eall ic wæs mid sorgum gedre¯fed; 20 forht ic wæs for þ毯 re fægran gesyhðe; geseah ic þæt fu¯ se be¯acen wendan w毯 dum and ble¯om: hwı ¯lum hit wæs mid w毯 tan beste¯med, beswyled mid swa¯tes gange, hwı ¯lum mid since gegyrwed. Hwæðre ic þ毯 r licgende lange hwı ¯le behe¯old hre¯owcearig H毯 lendes tre¯ow, 25 oð ðæt ic gehy¯ rde, þæt hit hle¯oðrode; ongan þa¯ word sprecan wudu se¯lesta: 4 syllicre ] elative: ‘very strange’ 5 on lyft l毯 dan ] passive meaning - ‘lifted into the air’ 8 foldan sce¯atum ] ‘at the surface of the earth’ or ‘at the corners of the earth’ - this would mean that the four points of the cross symbolise the four points of the compass. 10 fægere . . . forðgesceaft ] refers to the ‘ha¯lige ga¯stas’ of line 11 - the angels who remained faithful to God during Lucifer’s revolt. 13 sigebe¯am ] literally ‘the tree of victory’ - a metaphor for the Cross 19 earmra 毯 rgewin ] ‘the ancient struggle of the wretched’ - the wretched being Christ and the Cross. <?page no="158"?> 147 The Dream of the Rood ‘Þæt wæs ge¯ara iu¯ - ic þæt gy¯ ta geman - þæt ic wæs a¯he¯awen holtes on ende, a¯styred of stefne mı ¯num. Gena¯man me¯ ð毯 r strange fe¯ondas, 30 geworhton him þ毯 r to¯ w毯 fersy¯ ne, he¯ton me¯ heora wergas hebban; b毯 ron me¯ þ毯 r beornas on eaxlum, oð ðæt hı ¯e me¯ on beorg a¯setton; gefæstnodon me¯ þ毯 r fe¯ondas geno¯ ge. Geseah ic þa¯ Fre¯an mancynnes efstan elne micle, þæt he¯ me¯ wolde on gestı ¯gan. Þ毯 r ic þa¯ ne dorste ofer Dryhtnes word 35 bu¯ gan oððe berstan, þa¯ ic bifian geseah eorðan sce¯atas. Ealle ic mihte fe¯ondas gefyllan, hwæðre ic fæste sto¯ d. Ongyrede hine þa¯ geong hæleð - þæt wæs God ælmihtig! - strang and stı ¯ðmo¯ d; gesta¯h he¯ on gealgan he¯anne, 40 mo¯ dig on manigra gesyhðe, þa¯ he¯ wolde mancyn ly¯ san. Bifode ic, þa¯ me¯ se beorn ymbclypte; ne dorste ic hwæðre bu¯ gan to¯ eorðan, feallan to¯ foldan sce¯atum, ac ic sceolde fæste standan. Ro¯ d wæs ic a¯r毯 red; a¯ho¯ f ic rı ¯cne Cyning, heofona Hla¯ford; hyldan me¯ ne dorste. 45 Þurhdrifan hı ¯ me¯ mid deorcan næglum; on me¯ syndon þa¯ dolg gesı ¯ene, opene inwidhlemmas; ne dorste ic hira 毯 nigum sceððan. Bysmeredon hı ¯e unc bu¯ tu¯ ætgædere; eall ic wæs mid blo¯ de beste¯med, begoten of þæs guman sı ¯dan, siððan he¯ hæfde his ga¯st onsended. Feala ic on þa¯m beorge gebiden hæbbe 50 wra¯ðra wyrda: geseah ic weruda God þearle þenian. Þy¯ stro hæfdon bewrigen mid wolcnum Wealdendes hr毯 w; scı ¯rne scı ¯man sceadu forðe¯ode, wann under wolcnum. We¯op eal gesceaft, 55 cwı ¯ðdon Cyninges fyll: Crı ¯st wæs on ro¯ de. Hwæðere þ毯 r fu¯ se feorran cwo¯ man to¯ þa¯m Æþelinge; ic þæt eall behe¯old. Sa¯re ic wæs mid sorgum gedre¯fed, hna¯g ic hwæðre þa¯m secgum to¯ handa e¯aðmo¯ d, elne mycle. Gena¯mon hı ¯e þ毯 r ælmihtigne God, 60 a¯ho¯ fon hine of ða¯m hefian wı ¯te; forle¯ton me¯ þa¯ hilderincas standan, ste¯ame bedrifenne; eall ic wæs mid str毯 lum forwundod. A¯¯ le¯don hı ¯e ð毯 r limwe¯rigne; gesto¯ don him æt his lı ¯ces he¯afdum; behe¯oldon hı ¯e ð毯 r heofenes Dryhten, and he¯ hine ð毯 r hwı ¯le reste, 31 him ] reflexive 37 ic mihte ] ‘I could have’ 52 þenian ] passive 57 fuse ] ‘the eager ones’ - this seems to refer to Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus, who took Jesus’ body from the cross. 62 str毯 lum ] ‘with arrows’, metaphor for the nails of l. 46 63 he¯afdum ] The dative plural with singular meaning is an Old English idiom; see also ‘bre¯ostum’, line 118. <?page no="159"?> 148 Old English Texts me¯ðe æfter ða¯m miclan gewinne. Ongunnon him þa¯ moldern wyrcan 65 beornas on banan gesyhðe, curfon hı ¯e ðæt of beorhtan sta¯ne; gesetton hı ¯e ð毯 ron sigora Wealdend. Ongunnon him þa¯ sorhle¯oð galan earme on þa¯ 毯 fentı ¯de, þa¯ hı ¯e woldon eft sı ¯ðian, me¯ðe fram þa¯m m毯 ran Þe¯odne; reste he¯ ð毯 r m毯 te weorode. Hwæðere we¯ ð毯 r gre¯otende go¯ de hwı ¯le 70 sto¯ don on staðole; stefn u¯ p gewa¯t hilderinca; hr毯 w co¯ lode, fæger feorgbold. Þa¯ u¯ s man fyllan ongan ealle to¯ eorðan; þæt wæs egeslic wyrd! Bedealf u¯ s man on de¯opan se¯aþe; hwæðre me¯ þ毯 r Dryhtnes þegnas, 75 fre¯ondas gefru¯ non, gyredon me¯ golde and seolfre. Nu¯ ðu¯ miht gehy¯ ran, hæleð mı ¯n se le¯ofa, þæt ic bealuwara weorc gebiden hæbbe, sa¯rra sorga Is nu¯ s毯 l cumen, 80 þæt me¯ weorðiað wı ¯de and sı ¯de menn ofer moldan and eall þe¯os m毯 re gesceaft, gebiddaþ him to¯ þyssum be¯acne. On me¯ Bearn Godes þro¯ wode hwı ¯le; for þan ic þrymfæst nu¯ hlı ¯fige under heofenum and ic h毯 lan mæg 85 毯 ghwylcne a¯nra þa¯ra þe him bið egesa to¯ me¯. Iu¯ ic wæs geworden wı ¯ta heardost, le¯odum la¯ðost, 毯 r þan ic him lı ¯fes weg rihtne gery¯ mde, reordberendum. Hwæt, me¯ þa¯ geweorþode wuldres Ealdor 90 ofer holtwudu, heofonrı ¯ces Weard, swylce swa¯ he¯ his mo¯ dor e¯ac, Marı ¯an sylfe, ælmihtig God, for ealle menn geweorðode ofer eall wı ¯fa cynn. Nu¯ ic þe¯ ha¯te, hæleð mı ¯n se le¯ofa, 95 þæt ðu¯ þa¯s gesyhðe secge mannum; onwre¯oh wordum, þæt hit is wuldres be¯am, se ðe ælmihtig God on þro¯ wode for mancynnes manegum synnum and Adomes ealdgewyrhtum. 100 De¯að he¯ þ毯 r byrigde; hwæðere eft Dryhten a¯ra¯s mid his miclan mihte, mannum to¯ helpe. 69 m毯 te weorode ] ‘with little company’ - understatement for ‘alone’ 70 we¯ ] the three crosses on Mount Golgatha 75 þegnas ] could refer to St. Helena, who discovered the cross and adorned it with gold and silver. 76 the second half-line is missing. 79-80 þæt . . . sorga ] ‘that I have suffered at the hands of the guilty and heavy sorrow’. 86 þa¯ ra . . . me¯ ] ‘those who fear me’ <?page no="160"?> 149 The Dream of the Rood He¯ ða¯ on heofenas a¯sta¯g. Hider eft fundaþ on þysne middangeard, mancynn se¯can on do¯ mdæge, Dryhten sylfa, 105 ælmihtig God, and his englas mid, þæt he¯ þonne wile de¯man, se a¯h do¯ mes geweald, a¯nra gehwylcum, swa¯ he¯ him 毯 rur he¯r on þyssum l毯 nan lı ¯fe geearnaþ Ne mæg þ毯 r 毯 nig unforht wesan 110 for þa¯m worde, þe se Wealdend cwyð: frı ¯neð he¯ for þ毯 re mænige, hw毯 r se man sı ¯e, se ðe for Dryhtnes naman de¯aðes wolde biteres onbyrigan, swa¯ he¯ 毯 r on ða¯m be¯ame dyde. Ac hı ¯e þonne forhtiað, and fe¯a þencaþ, 115 hwæt hı ¯e to¯ Crı ¯ste cweðan onginnen. Ne þearf ð毯 r þonne 毯 nig anforht wesan, þe him 毯 r on bre¯ostum bereð be¯acna se¯lest; ac ðurh ða¯ ro¯ de sceal rı ¯ce gese¯can of eorðwege 毯 ghwylc sa¯wl, 120 se¯o þe mid Wealdende wunian þenceð.’ Gebæd ic me¯ þa¯ to¯ þa¯m be¯ame blı ¯ðe mo¯ de, elne mycle, þ毯 r ic a¯na wæs m毯 te werede. Wæs mo¯ dsefa a¯fy¯ sed on forðwege, feala ealra geba¯d 125 langunghwı ¯la. Is me¯ nu¯ lı ¯fes hyht, þæt ic þone sigebe¯am se¯can mo¯ te a¯na, oftor þonne ealle men, well weorþian. Me¯ is willa to¯ ða¯m mycel on mo¯ de, and mı ¯n mundbyrd is 130 geriht to¯ þ毯 re ro¯ de. Na¯h ic rı ¯cra feala fre¯onda on foldan, ac hı ¯e forð heonon gewiton of worulde dre¯amum, so¯ hton him wuldres Cyning; lifiaþ nu¯ on heofenum mid He¯ahfædere, wuniaþ on wuldre; and ic we¯ne me¯ 135 daga gehwylce, hwænne me¯ Dryhtnes ro¯ d, þe ic he¯r on eorðan 毯 r sce¯awode, on þysson l毯 nan lı ¯fe gefetige, and me¯ þonne gebringe, þ毯 r is blis mycel, dre¯am on heofonum, þ毯 r is Dryhtnes folc 140 geseted to¯ symle, þ毯 r is singa¯l blis; and me¯ þonne a¯sette, þ毯 r ic syþþan mo¯ t wunian on wuldre, well mid þa¯m ha¯lgum 107-109 þæt . . . geearnaþ ] ‘in order to pass judgement - He in whom judgement lies - on everyone as they have earned in this transitory life’. 133 him ] reflexive 135 ic . . . me¯ ] ‘I long for’ <?page no="161"?> 150 Old English Texts dre¯ames bru¯ can. Sı ¯ me¯ Dryhten fre¯ond, se ðe he¯r on eorðan 毯 r þro¯ wode 145 on þa¯m gealgtre¯owe for guman synnum; he¯ u¯ s only¯ sde and u¯ s lı ¯f forgeaf, heofonlicne ha¯m. Hiht wæs genı ¯wad mid ble¯dum and mid blisse, þa¯m þe þ毯 r bryne þolodan. Se Sunu wæs sigorfæst on þa¯m sı ¯ðfate, 150 mihtig and spe¯dig, þa¯ he¯ mid manigeo co¯ m, ga¯sta weorode, on Godes rı ¯ce, Anwealda ælmihtig, englum to¯ blisse and eallum ða¯m ha¯lgum, þa¯m þe in heofonum 毯 r wunedon on wuldre, þa¯ heora Wealdend cwo¯ m, 155 ælmihtig God, þ毯 r his e¯ðel wæs. 149 bryne ] an allusion to the harrowing of hell and the redemption of the righteous from the fires of hell 150 These lines allude to Christ’s triumph in hell, releasing the souls held captive there. <?page no="162"?> 6. Middle English Texts Introduction The fourteen Middle English texts have been chosen to represent a wide range of Middle English culture, literary genres, and dialects. Important developments in Middle English times, such as the English recovery after the Norman Conquest, the wave of religious instruction literature and developments in literature in general, can all be seen in the progression of the texts. Some of these works can be considered ‘medieval bestsellers’, such as Chaucer, Langland and The Prick of Conscience, whereas other texts were known only regionally (York Plays, Kentish Sermons). The texts chosen were composed between the 11th and the 15th centuries. The literary genres include historiographical writing (text 1), animal literature (texts 2, 8 and 14), homiletic literature (texts 3 and 11), religious instruction (text 4), saint’s life (text 5), romances (texts 6 and 9), vision and allegory (text 7), lyrics (text 10), drama (text 12) and frame narrative (text 13). The texts also show the wide variety of dialects present in Middle English. There are two texts from the East Midlands (texts 1 and 2), two Kentish works (texts 3 and 4), the West Midlands are represented by texts 5-7, and texts 8-10 represent the South, the Southwest and East Anglia. The North is represented by texts 11 and 12, text 13 represents the London area, and text 14 is Middle Scots. All texts are preceded by an introduction which focuses on the specific features of the individual text. In addition, information on the manuscript is provided and references to editions are given. The introductory section also points out the most important linguistic features of the text. The texts are accompanied by footnotes at the bottom of the page; line numbers are used as references. Anthologies of Middle English texts are: Bennett/ Smithers (1968), Dunn/ Byrnes (1973), Garba´ty (1984), Kaiser (1961), Mosse´ (1969), Owen/ Owen (1971), Robertson (1970), Trapp (1973), Treharne (2004). - Literary histories are Baugh (1967), Bolton (1970), Schirmer (1983), Standop/ Mertner (1967). <?page no="163"?> 152 Middle English Texts Text 1: The Peterborough Chronicle The Peterborough Chronicle is the continuation of the version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (see O 2) which was kept in Peterborough (see maps). Unlike the other chronicles, which either break off in 1066 with the Norman Conquest or shortly thereafter, the Peterborough Chronicle was continued until 1154. From the years 1080 to 1154, this chronicle is the only original text written in the English language; all other writing in English ceased, and was replaced by Latin or Norman. This means that the Peterborough Chronicle is not only an important historical source, but is also of enormous importance for scholars and students of the English language. The changes which begin in late Old English and to a great extent are already complete in early Middle English can be seen as they develop through the Peterborough Chronicle. The following passage shows the political turbulence after the relatively stable reign of Henry I. After William the Conqueror and all of his direct male heirs had died, his granddaughter Matilda (daughter of Henry I) and his grandson Stephen (the son of William’s daughter Adela) contended for the throne. The Anarchy resulted - a time of instability, in which Stephen and Matilda constantly fought against each other, and the needs of the country were neglected. The entries for 1135 and 1137 are a (somewhat exaggerated) list of the injustices and corruption which occurred during Stephen’s reign. Indeed, the author overtly expresses a preference for the previous King Henry, criticising Stephen as much as possible. For example, despite King Henry’s efforts to collect a large amount of gold and silver, Stephen wasted it, and did not use any of it to buy indulgences for the dead king, a common practice of the time (ll. 24-25). The author of these passages not only comments on events of national significance, but also local events, such as the acts of the Abbot Martin. He also adds what is one of the first pieces of anti-Semitic diatribe, and describes what was to become almost a traditional topos in Christian literature: the Jewish murder of a Christian child. The so-called ‘Final Continuation’ of the Peterborough Chronicle shows a number of difficult written forms which resulted from the influence of both Norman and Latin scribal practice. The most important of these will be pointed out in the following table. No attempt is made to equate the written evidence with a largely hypothetical early Middle English pronunciation. 1. OE a¯ appears as <a> in: sua (l. 5); wua sua (l. 10); nan, na (l. 9, 10, 24, 30, 31, 37, 55, 65); athes (l. 31); bathe (l. 35); mare (l. 57, 66); stanes (l. 43). However, nammore (l. 52) indicates that the change from Old English a¯ to Middle English o˛¯ had already begun. The evidence of onne (l. 45) is doubtful. It may either represent the preposition on or the (inflected) Old English a¯ nne. The context suggests the preposition rather than the numeral. 2. The evidence of sæden (l. 4, 65) suggests that g had been dropped when immediately followed by d. 3. OE and late WS y¯˘ appears as both <i> and <y>: sinnes (l. 67); yfel, yuele (l. 15, 35, 68); circe, circewican (l. 58, 70, 76). 4. West Saxon breaking is absent in ald (l. 3). 5. OE e¯a is usually represented by single vowel graphs <æ, e>; as in ræuede(n) (l. 7, 53, 60), ded (l. 5), hefed (l. 39), hæued (l. 40); beom (l. 46) is an exception. <?page no="164"?> 153 The Peterborough Chronicle 6. OE e¯o is written <e, æ> and <eo>: frend (l. 7), heold, heolden (l. 31, 32, 68 etc.); undep (l. 43); ben (l. 22, 86); dær, dære (l. 10, 54). 7. OE æ+ o is written <æi> or <ai> and only once <ei>: dei (l. 2), dæi, dæies, dæis (l. 2, 5, 36, 53, 69), mai (l. 49). 8. OE 毯 (derived from West Germanic *ai under the influence of i-mutation) is written <æ> and <e>: sæ (l. 1, 21); hethen (l. 57); del (l. 83); todeld (l. 23); flesc (l. 55). 9. OE 毯 (derived from West Germanic *a¯ ) is written <æ> and <a>: uuare, uuaren (l. 3, 34), wæron, uuæren (l. 16, 31, 37 etc.). 10. Apocope seems to have taken place in the infinitive of sei (l. 10). 11. The conjugational ending for plural present is usually -eð (< OE -aþ); however, lien (l. 76) foreshadows the later ending -en. 12. The ending of the accusative plural of the personal pronoun for the third person is -m: heom (l. 36, 37, 38 etc.). This indicates that dative and accusative had already been levelled. 13. Adjectives are no longer marked for number: nan martyrs (l. 37); cnotted strenges (l. 40). 14. The noun sunne (l. 3) takes both the neuter and masculine personal pronoun: ‘it’ and ‘him’ (l. 3). According to Laing this is “Peterborough language.” Sources: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Laud Misc. 636. - Clark (1970); Plummer/ Earle (1892). - Secondary literature: Garmonsway (1954), Shores (1971). Millesimo cxxxv. On þis gære for se king Henri ouer sæ æt te Lammasse. And ðat oþer dei, þa he lai an slep in scip, þa þestrede þe dæi ouer al landes, and uuard þe sunne suilc als it uuare thre niht ald mone, an sterres abuten him at middæi. Wurþen men suiðe ofuundred and ofdred and sæden ðat micel þing sculde cumen herefter: sua dide, for þat ilc gær warth þe king ded ðat oþer dæi efter Sancte 5 Andreas massedæi on Normandi. Þa þestreden sona þas landes, for æuric man sone ræuede oþer þe mihte. Þa namen his sune and his frend and brohten his lic to Engleland and bebirieden in Redinge. God man he wes, and micel æie wes of him; durste nan man misdon wið oðer on his time. Pais he makede men and dær. Wua sua bare his byrthen gold and sylure, durste nan man sei to him naht 10 bute god. Enmang þis was his nefe cumen to Engleland, Stephne de Blais; and com to Lundene, and te lundenisce folc him underfeng, and senden e˛fter þe ærcebiscop 1 þis gære ] Henry I left England in 1133; he died in 1135. 1 Lammasse ] Lammas (Day): 1st of August 5-6 Sancte Andreas massedæi ] 30th of November - King Henry died on the 1st of December. 6-7 for . . . mihte ] ‘for immediately everyone started to rob as much as he could’ - ‘þe’ refers to æuric man. 7 sune ] Robert of Gloucester, an illegitimate son of Henry I 8 Redinge ] Reading; Henry I was buried at Reading Abbey, which he had founded in 1121. 10 dær ] refers to the animals in the Royal Forests, which were well protected against poachers. 12 Stephne ] Stephen, Count of Blois, crowned King of England in 1135 <?page no="165"?> 154 Middle English Texts Willelm Curbuil; and halechede him to kinge on Midewintre Dæi. On þis kinges time wes al unfrið and yfel and ræflac, for agenes him risen sona þa rice men þe 15 wæron swikes, alre fyrst Balduin de Reduers; and held Execestre agenes him, and te king it besæt, and siððan Balduin acordede. Þa tocan þa oðre and helden her castles agenes him. And Dauid king of Scotland toc to uuerrien him. Þa, þohuuethere þat, here sandes feorden betwyx heom, and hi togædere comen and wurðe sæhte, þoþ it litel forstode. 20 Millesimo cxxxvii. Ðis gære for þe king Stephne ofer sæ to Normandi; and ther wes underfangen, forþi ðat hi uuenden ðat he sculde ben alsuic alse the eom wes, and for he hadde get his tresor; ac he todeld it and scatered sotlice. Micel hadde Henri king gadered gold and syluer, and na god ne dide me for his saule tharof. 25 Þa þe king Stephne to Englaland com, þa macod he his gadering æt Oxeneford. And þar he nam þe biscop Roger of Serebyri and Alexander biscop of Lincol and te canceler Roger, hise neues, and dide ælle in prisun til hi iafen up here castles. Þa the suikes undergæton ðat he milde man was and softe and god and na iustise ne dide, þa diden hi alle wunder. Hi hadden him manred maked and athes suoren, 30 ac hi nan treuthe ne heolden. Alle he wæron forsworen and here treothes forloren, for æuric rice man his castles makede and agænes him heolden, and fylden the land ful of castles. Hi suencten suyðe þe uurecce men of þe land mid castelweorces. Þa þe castles uuaren maked, tha fylden hi mid deoules and yuele men. Þa namen hi þa men, þe hi wenden, ðat ani god hefden, bathe be nihtes and 35 be dæies, carlmen and wimmen, and diden heom in prisun and pined heom efter gold and siluer untellendlice pining: for ne uuæren næure nan martyrs swa pined alse hi wæron. Me henged up bi the fet and smoked heom mid ful smoke. Me henged bi the þumbes other bi the hefed and hengen bryniges on her fet. Me dide cnotted strenges abuton here hæued and uurythen it ðat it gæde to þe hærnes. Hi 40 diden heom in quarterne þar nadres and snakes and pades wæron inne, and drapen heom swa. Sume hi diden in crucethur - ðat is, in an ce˛ste þat was scort and nareu and undep - and dide scærpe stanes þerinne and þrengde þe man þærinne ðat him bræcon alle þe limes. In mani of þe castles wæron lof and grin: 14 Willelm Curbuil ] William de Corbeil, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1123-1136 14 Midewintre Dæi ] Christmas Day 16 Balduin de Reduers ] Balduin de Reviers led a revolt against King Stephen. 18 Dauid ] King David of Scotland had sworn fealty to Matilda, daughter of Henry I, and not to King Stephen. 27 Roger . . . Serebyri ] Roger, Bishop of Salisbury, one of the most powerful and influential men of the time 27 Alexander biscop of Lincol ] Alexander, Bishop of Lincoln, a nephew of Bishop Roger 28 hise neues ] ‘nephews’ - a euphemism. Chancellor Roger was actually the son of Bishop Roger. 29-30 na iustise ne dide ] ‘inflicted no (serious) punishment’ 30 alle wunder ] ‘every possible atrocity’ 34 castelweorces ] ‘compulsory labour in the erection of castles’ 34 fylden hi ] ‘they filled them with’ 44 lof and grin ] ‘fetters and chains’ <?page no="166"?> 155 The Peterborough Chronicle ðat wæron rachenteges ðat twa oþer thre men hadden onoh to bæron onne. Þat 45 was sua maced, ðat is, fæstned to an beom - and diden an scærp iren abuton þa mannes throte and his hals ðat he ne myhte nowiderwardes, ne sitten ne lien ne slepen, oc bæron al ðat iren. Mani þusen hi drapen mid hungær. I ne can ne I ne mai tellen alle þe wunder ne alle þe pines ðat hi diden wrecce men on þis land; and ðat lastede þa xix wintre, wile Stephne was king, and æure 50 it was uuerse and uuerse. Hi læiden gældes on the tunes æure um wile and clepeden it “tenserie”. Þa þe uurecce men ne hadden nammore to gyuen, þa ræueden hi and brendon alle the tunes ðat wel þu myhtes faren al a dæis fare, sculdest thu neure finden man in tune sittende ne land tiled. Þa was corn dære and flesc and cæse and butere, for nan ne wæs o the land. Wrecce men sturuen of 55 hungær. Sume ieden on ælmes þe waren sum wile rice men. Sume flugen ut of lande. Wes næure gæt mare wreccehed on land, ne næure hethen men werse ne diden þan hi diden. For ouer sithon ne forbaren hi nouther circe ne cyrceiærd, oc namen al þe god ðat þarinne was, and brenden sythen þe cyrce and al tegædere. Ne hi ne forbaren biscopes land ne abbotes ne preostes, ac ræueden munekes and 60 clerekes, and æuric man other þe ouermyhte. Gif twa men oþer iii coman ridend to an tun, al þe tunscipe flugæn for heom: wenden ðat hi wæron ræueres. Þe biscopes and lered men heom cursede æure, oc was heom naht þarof, for hi uueron al forcursæd and forsuoren and forloren. War sæ me tilede, þe erthe ne bar nan corn, for þe land was al fordon mid suilce dædes. And hi sæden openlice ðat 65 Crist slep and his halechen. Suilc, and mare þanne we cunnen sæin, we þoleden xix wintre for ure sinnes. On al þis yuele time heold Martin abbot his abbotrice .xx. wintre and half gær and .viii. dæis mid micel suinc, and fand þe munekes and te gestes al þat heom behoued, and heold mycel carited in the hus. And þoþwethere wrohte on þe circe 70 and sette þarto landes and rentes, and goded it suythe and læt it refen, and brohte heom into þe neuuæ mynstre on Sancte Petres mæssedæi mid micel wurtscipe: ðat was anno ab Incarnatione Domini Millesimo cxl, a combustione loci .xxiii. And he for to Rome and þær wæs wæl underfangen fram þe Pape Eugenie; and begæt thare priuilegies, an of alle þe landes of þabbotrice and an oþer of þe 75 50 xix wintre ] i. e. nineteen years 52 tenserie ] ‘protection money’ 57 hethen men ] ‘heathens’ - this probably refers to the Viking attacks of the 9th to 11th centuries during which much ravaging and pillaging occurred. 58 ouer sithon ] either ‘against all custom’ or ‘frequently’ 61 æuric . . . ouermyhte ] ‘the stronger robbed the weaker’. 68 xx wintre ] i. e. twenty years 69 gestes ] Travellers could take lodging and replenish their provisions at monasteries. 70 carited ] the giving of alms on feast days 71 læt it refen ] ‘had a new roof erected’ 72 heom ] i. e. the monks 72 Sancte Petres mæssedæi ] 29th of June 73 a . . . xxiii ] 23 years after the old church had burned down, which took place in 1116. 74 Pape Eugenie ] Pope Eugene III (1145-1163) 75 priuilegies ] ‘letters of protection’ intended to secure the estates of the monastery against their appropriation by the king or his barons. <?page no="167"?> 156 Middle English Texts landes þe lien to þe circewican, and, gif he leng moste liuen, alse he mint to don of þe horderwycan. And he begæt in landes, þat rice men hefden mid strengthe: of Willelm Malduit, þe heold Rogingham þæ castel, he wan Cotingham and Estun; and of Hugo of Walteruile he uuan Hyrtlingbyri and Stanewig and lx solidos of Aldewingle ælc gær. And he makede manie munekes, and plantede 80 winiærd and makede mani weorkes, and wende þe tun betere þan it ær wæs; and wæs god munec and god man, and forþi him luueden God and gode men. Nu we willen sægen sume del wat belamp on Stephnes kinges time. On his time þe Iudeus of Noruuic bohton an Cristen cild beforen Estren and pineden him alle þe ilce pining ðat ure Drihten was pined; and on Lang Fridæi him on rode 85 hengen for ure Drihtines luue, and sythen byrieden him; wenden ðat it sculde ben forholen. Oc ure Dryhtin atywede ðat he was hali martyr. And te munekes him namen and bebyried him heglice in þe mynstre. And he maket þurh ure Drihtin wunderlice and manifældlice miracles; and hatte he Sanct Willelm. 76 circewican ] office of the sacrist; the sacrist was mainly responsible for the sacred vessels. 76 gif . . . liuen ] ‘had he been granted a longer life’ 77 horderwycan ] office of the steward; the steward was responsible for both wardrobe and cellar. 78 Willelm . . . castel ] William Malduit was the commander of Rockingham Castle in Northamptonshire. 78 Cotingham ] Cottingham in Northamptonshire 79 Estun ] Great Easton in Leicestershire 79 Hugo of Walteruile ] one of the tenants of the estates of the monastery 79-80 Hyrtlingbyri . . . Aldewingle ] Irthlingborough, Stanwick, and Aldwinkle in Northamptonshire - lx solidos: sixty shillings 80-81 plantede winiærd ] ‘had a vineyard made’ 83 The events which follow are the first example of a steadily growing number of stories about Jews who ritually murdered Christian children. Anti-Semitism was on the rise during the High Middle Ages; see for example also Chaucer’s “Prioress’s Tale”. 84 Iudeus of Noruuic ] The Jews came to England in the wake of the Norman Conquest; Norwich was one of their early settlements. 85 Lang Fridæi ] Good Friday 89 Sanct Willelm ] His feast day is the 26th of March. William was never formally canonised; he was, however, one of the popular saints of East Anglia. <?page no="168"?> 157 The Middle English Physiologus Text 2: The Middle English Physiologus The Physiologus is a collection of stories about animals, their characteristics, and what the characteristics mean. There are several late antique versions of the Physiologus, the first probably Greek, which was then translated into Latin and other languages. The analysis of the animals in the Physiologus is obviously based upon the Christian tradition of scriptural exegesis, as the animals and their behaviour are explained in a moralising way, as can also be seen in M 3, the Kentish Sermon. This technique presents a strong contrast to the Aristotelian tradition, which, beginning with the Historia animalium, focuses rather on aspects of animals. Aristotle’s goal was to present animals systematically in order to compile a scientific work on the topic, rather than to educate, which is the case in the Physiologus. By reading and listening to the Physiologus, Christians are supposed to understand God and Christ’s omnipresence in nature, and the actions of animals reflect this and show, or even confirm, Christian moral teachings. The various Physiologus translations have several common elements as to their composition. Characteristics and behaviour of carefully selected animals are first described, then these aspects are allegorised. For the most part, however, the characteristics and behaviour depicted are based rather on fantasy than on actual observations. This also applies to the animals presented: the first animal chosen is often the lion, and many real animals and even stones are described and allegorised, the phoenix and unicorn, for example, often feature in the catalogue. The tradition of bestiaries, which arose in the 12th century, seems to be based on the Physiologus tradition, but there are several decisive differences. Although bestiaries are also catalogues of animals (including fictional animals) with an accompanying moral tale, an important part of a bestiary are the elaborate illustrations, which are not as prevalent in the Physiologus literature. The allegory in bestiaries also tended to be reduced to a moral story or simply left out. Our Middle English metrical Physiologus is an adaptation of the Latin Physiologus Theobaldi, a work about which we know little more than the name of the author. The earliest manuscript dates from the late 11th or early 12th century. The anonymous Middle English translator often translates the Latin original directly, but just as often translates extremely freely, to the extent of adding his own material. This is especially the case in the chapter about the eagle, printed here; likewise, the whale and its art of deception is expanded considerably. Old English a¯ is usually written <o>, as in ston (l. 16, 53); lore (l. 25, 61); however it is written <a> in gast (l. 60). This is an indication that the text does have some northern characteristics. Since OE y¯˘ is written <i>, as in listen (l. 19) and fir (l. 54), the South and the West Midlands can be excluded. Both word-initial and word-final <-sc> is written <s>, / s/ , as in fis(ses) (l. 35, 38, 40 etc.) and sal (l. 24, 32 etc.), sipes (l. 96, 102). The area of origin is the more northerly parts of the East Midlands. - According to Laing this is “language of W Norfolk.” Sources: British Library, London, MS Arundel 292. - Wirtjes (1991); Morris (1872), Hall (1920). - Secondary literature: White (1954), Diekstra (1985). <?page no="169"?> 158 Middle English Texts Natura aquile Kiðen I wille ðe ernes kinde [27] Also Ic it o boke rede; / Wu he neweð his n uðhede, Hu he cumeð ut of elde, / Siðen hise limes arn unwelde, Siðen his bec is alto wrong, / Siðen his fli n t is al unstrong, And his egen dimme. / Hereð wu he neweð him; 5 A welle he sekeð ðat springeð ai, / Boðe bi nigt and bi dai; Ðerouer he fle n eð and up he teð / Til ðat he ðe heuene seð, / Ður n skies sexe and seuene / Til he cumeð to heuene. So ri n t so he cunne, / He houeð in ðe sunne. Ðe sunne swiðeð al his fli n t / And oc it makeð his egen bri n t; 10 Hise feðres fallen for ðe hete / And he dun mide to ðe wete, Falleð in ðat welle grund, / Ðer he wurðeð heil and sund And cumeð ut al newe, / Ne were his bec untrewe. His bec is n et biforn wrong, / Ðo n hise limes senden strong. Ne mai n he tilen him non fode / Himself to none gode. 15 Ðanne goð he to a ston, / And he billeð ðeron; Billeð til his bec biforn / Haueð ðe wrengðe forloren. Siðen wið his ri n te bile / Takeð mete ðat he wile. Significacio Al is man, so is tis ern - / Wulde n e nu listen - Old in hise sinnes dern, / Or he bicumeð Cristen. 20 And tus he neweð him, ðis man, / Ðanne he nimeð to kirke; Or he it biðenken can, / His e n en weren mirke. Forsaket ðore Satanas / And ilk sinful dede; Takeð him to Iesu Crist, / For he sal ben his mede. Leueð on ure Louerd Crist / And lereð prestes lore. 25 Of his e n en wereð ðe mist, / Wiles he dreccheð ðore. His hope is al to Gode ward, / And of his luue he lereð, Ðat is te sunne sikerlike; / Ðus his si n te he beteð. Naked falleð in ðe funt-fat, / And cumeð ut al newe, Buten a litel - wat is tat? / His muð is n et untrewe. 30 His muð is n et wel unkuð / Wið pater noster and crede. Fare he norð er fare he suð, / Leren he sal his nede: Bidden bone to Gode / And tus his muð ri n ten, Tilen him so ðe sowles fode / Ður n grace off ure Dri n tin. 8 skies . . . seuene ] ‘regardless of the clouds’ 10 Ðe sunne . . . bri o t ] ‘The sun causes both his wings and eyes to shine brightly.’ 15 Himself . . . gode ] ‘for his own use’ 20 sinnes dern ] ‘the original sin’ 25 prestes lore ] the Pater Noster and the Creed (see line 31) which, according to the decrees of the Fourth Lateran Council, every Christian should know. 30 wat is tat ] ‘trifle’ <?page no="170"?> 159 The Middle English Physiologus Natura cetegrandie Cethegrande is a fis, / Ðe moste ðat in water is, [335] 35 Ðat tu wuldes seien n et, / ^ ef ðu it so n e, wan it flet, Ðat it were a neilond / Ðat sete one ðe se-sond. Ðis fis, ðat is vnride, / Ðanne him hungreð, he gapeð wide. Vt of his ðrote it smit an onde, / Ðe swetteste ðing ðat is o londe. Ðerfore oðre fisses to him dra n en. / Wan he it felen, he aren fa n en; 40 He cumen and houen in his muð: / Of his swike he arn uncuð. Ðis cete ðanne his chaueles luketh, / Ðise fisses alle in sukeð. Ðe smale he wile ðus biswiken, / Ðe grete mai n he no n t bigripen. Ðis fis wuneð wið ðe se-grund / And liueð ðer eure heil and sund Til it cumeð ðe time / Ðat storm stireð al ðe se, 45 Ðanne sumer and winter winnen, / Ne mai it wunen ðerinne, So droui is te sees grund, / Ne mai he wunen ðer ðat stund, Oc stireð up and houeð stille, / Wiles ðat weder is so ille. Ðe sipes ðat arn on se fordriuen / Loð hem is ded and lef to liuen; Biloken hem and sen ðis fis: / A neilond, he wenen, it is. 50 Ðerof he aren swiðe fa n en, / And mid here migt ðarto he dra n en. Sipes on festen / And alle up gangen Of ston mid stel in ðe tunder / Bel to brennen one ðis wunder, Warmen hem wel and heten and drinken. / Ðe fir he feleð and doð hem sinken, For sone he diueð dun to grunde: / He drepeð hem alle wiðuten wunde. 55 Significacio Ðis deuel is mikel wið wil and ma n t, / So wicches hauen in here craft. He doð men hungren and hauen ðrist / And mani oðer sinful list. Tolleð men to him wið his onde, / Wo so him folegeð, he findeð sonde. Ðo arn ðe little, in leue la n e; / Ðe mikle ne mai n he to him dra n en - Ðe mikle, I mene ðe stedefast, / In ri n te leue mid fles and gast. 60 Wo so listneð deueles lore, / On lengðe it sal him rewen sore: Wo so festeð hope on him, He sal him fol n en to helle dim. 49 sipes ] ship’s crew 49 fordriuen ] ‘that have lost their way’ 50 Biloken hem ] ‘look about’ (reflexive) 54 and. . . sinken ] ‘and sinks them’ 57 He doð ] ‘He causes’ 59 little . . . la o e ] ‘those of little faith’ 61 On lengðe ] ‘in the long run’ <?page no="171"?> 160 Middle English Texts Text 3: Kentish Sermons Maurice de Sully, Bishop of Paris from 1160 until his death in 1196, wrote a cycle of 67 homilies sometime between 1168 and 1175. Five of these homilies were translated in the 13th century from French into Middle English Kentish dialect. This gives us a picture of this dialect in its early stages (compare to M 4 - also Kentish, but written 100 years later). The sermons themselves are not of high literary value; the standard allegorical scriptural exegesis is used to explain the Bible passages. According to the fourfold scriptural exegesis, a given text has four levels of meaning. The first is the literal level, which is simply the level of the story told. The second level is the allegorical level, which strives to show the meaning of the characters and events - the allegory. The third level, the tropological or moral level, applies the interpretation of the text thus far to how a Christian should act and behave. This is a combination of specifically Christian moral conduct and also the ethical norms of society. The following text has these first three levels of interpretation: the first two paragraphs are the retelling of the story of the Wedding at Cana, the third paragraph explains what the water and wine symbolise, and the last paragraph applies these characteristics to our actions - that good Christians should look to themselves, considering whether their blood is like water or wine, and reform themselves, if necessary. The fourth level of interpretation, the anagogical, is missing in this text. The anagogical level applies to the soul and its ascent to heaven, or its proximity to God. This sermon, taken from John 2,1 ff, was composed for the third Sunday after Epiphany. The text shows a number of features typical of the Kentish dialect. The most important of these are: 1. OE (WS) y¯˘ (Old Kentish e¯˘) is written <e>: bredale (l. 2, 4 etc.), bregume (l. 19), fer (l. 31), euel, euele (l. 27, 28 etc.). 2. WS æ (Old Kentish e) is written <e>: hest (l. 21), þet (l. 2, 5 etc.); however, it is also frequently written <a> as in faten (l. 12, 14), þat (l. 3, 4 etc.), water, watere (l. 12, 15, 18 etc.), spac (l. 9). 3. OE æ+g (Old Kentish e+g) is written <ei>, <ey> and <e>: seide, seyde (l. 6, 9, 11, 16 etc.), sede (l. 7; the spelling also suggests loss of g when immediately followed by d). LALME on MS Laud Misc. 471: Linguistic Profile 6050, Kent. Sources: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Laud Misc. 471. - Bennett/ Smithers (1968); Morris (1872). - Secondary literature: Robson (1952). <?page no="172"?> 161 Kentish Sermons Nuptie facte sunt in Chana Galilee, et erat mater Iesu ibi; vocatus est autem Iesus ad nuptias et discipuli eius. Þet holi godspel of today us telþ þet a bredale was imaked ine þo londe of Ierusalem, in ane cite þat was icleped Cane, in þa time þat Godes sune yede in erþe flesliche. To þa bredale was ure Leuedi Seinte Marie and ure Louerd Iesus Crist and hise deciples. So iuel auenture þet wyn 5 failede at þise bredale; þo seide ure Leuedi Seinte Marie to here sune: “Hi ne habbet no wyn.” And ure Louerd answerde and sede to hire: “Wat belongeth hit to me oþer to þe, wyman? ” Nu ne dorste hi namore sigge, ure Lauedi; hac hye spac to þo serganz þet seruede of þo wyne, and hem seyde: “Al þet he hot yu do, so doþ.” 10 And ure Louerd clepede þe serganz and seyde to hem: “Folvellet,” ha seyde, “þos ydres [þet is to sigge þos croos oþer þos faten] of watere.” For þer were vi ydres of stone, þet ware iclepede baþieres, wer þo Gius hem wesse for clenesse and for religiun, ase þe custome was ine þo time. Þo serganz uuluelden þo faten of watere, and hasteliche was iwent into wyne bie þo wille of ure Louerde. Þo 15 seide ure Lord to þo serganz: “Moveth togidere and bereth to Architriclin” [þat was se þet ferst was iserued]. And also hedde idrunke of þise wyne þet ure Louerd hedde imaked of þe watere (ha niste nocht þe miracle, ac þo serganz wel hit wiste þet hedde þet water ibrocht), þo seide Architriclin to þo bredgume: “Oþer men,” seyde he, “doþ forþ þet beste wyn þet hi habbeþ, ferst at here 20 bredale; and þu hest ido þe contrarie, þet þu hest ihialde þet beste wyn wath nu! ” Þis was þe commencement of þo miracles of ure Louerde, þet he made flesliche in erþe; and þo beleuede on him his deciples. I ne sigge nacht þet hi ne hedden þerbefore ine him beliaue; ac fore þe miracle þet hi seghe, was here beliaue þe more istrengþed. 25 1-2 Nuptie ] cf. King James Bible: “And the third day there was a marriage in Cana of Galilee; and the mother of Jesus was there: And both Jesus was called, and his disciples.” 3 Cane ] the city of Cana in Galilee 8 wyman ] The phrase ‘mine hour is not yet come’ has been omitted. The following sentence (‘Nu . . . Lauedi’) is an addition. 9 of þo wyne ] partitive genitive based on the French phrase del vin in the original. The whole relative clause is an addition. 12 ydres ] is a rendering of ‘hydriae’ from the Vulgate; the meaning is explained in the next sentence. 12-13 vi ydres of stone ] The original participial construction is missing: ‘six waterpots . . . containing two or three firkins apiece’. 13 þet . . . baþieres ] The relative clause is an addition. 14 ase . . . time ] another addition 15 and hasteliche . . . Louerde ] another addition 16 Moveth togidere ] ‘pour a cup’ 17-18 þet . . . watere ] The relative clause has been added. 20-21 ferst . . . bredale ] The preacher leaves out Architriclin’s recommendation to serve the good wine first; the bad wine should be served later, ‘cum inebriati fuerint - and when men have well drunk’. 22 commencement . . . Louerde ] While the following relative clause ‘þet . . . erþe’ has been added, the original ‘et manifestavit gloriam suam - and manifested forth his glory’ of the Vulgate has been omitted. <?page no="173"?> 162 Middle English Texts Nu ye habbeþ iherd þe miracle; nu ihereþ þe signefiance. Þet water bitockned se euele Cristeneman. For also þet water is natureliche schald and akelþ alle þo þet hit drinkeþ, so is se euele Cristeman chald of þo luue of Gode, for þo euele werkes þet hi doþ; ase so is lecherie, spusbreche, roberie, manslechtes, husberners, bakbiteres, and alle oþre euele deden, þurch wyche þinkes man 30 ofserueth þet fer of helle, ase Godes oghe mudh hit seid. And alle þo signefied þet water þet þurch yemere werkes oþer þurch yemer iwil liesed þo blisce of heuene. Þet wyn, þat is naturelliche hot ine himselue, and anhet alle þo þet hit drinked, betokned alle þo þet bied anheet of þe luue of ure Lorde. Nu, lordinges, ure Lord God Almichti, þat hwylem in one stede and ine one 35 time flesliche makede of watere wyn, yet ha deþ mani time: maked of watere wyn gostliche wanne þurch his grace maked of þo euele manne good man, of þe orgeilus umble, of þe lechur chaste, of þe niþinge large; and of alle oþre folies, so ha maket of þo watere wyn. Þis his si signefiance of þe miracle. Nu loke euerich man toward himseluen, yef he is win, þet is to siggen, yef he is anheet of þo luue 40 of Gode, oþer yef he is water, þet is, yef þu art chold of Godes luue. Yef þu art euel man, besech ure Lorde þet he do ine þe his uertu, þet ha þe wende of euele into gode, and þet he do þe do swiche werkes þet þu mote habbe þo blisce of heuene. Quod uobis prestare dignetur. 26 signefiance ] At this point the second level of meaning (allegorical) comes into play; this is shown in the use of the present tense. 35 Nu ] At this point the third level of meaning (moral) comes into play; this is also shown in the use of the present tense. 36 yet . . . maked ] ‘which he continues to do often: he makes’ 38-39 and of . . . watere wyn ] ‘and the same goes for the other vices: in this way he turns water into wine’ 44 Quod . . . dignetur ] ‘May you be offered this [by Jesus Christ]’. <?page no="174"?> 163 Ayenbite of Inwit Text 4: Ayenbite of Inwit Ayenbite of Inwit, or the Prick of Conscience, is a translation of the French Somme le roi, written by Philipp the Bold’s confessor (late 13th century) and intended to be a work of religious instruction. After the 4th Lateran Council of 1215, literature for religious instruction increased significantly, as it was necessary to implement the new decrees promulgated by the council. The council was summoned by Pope Innocent III for several reasons, among others a plan for a new crusade. One of the main focuses, however, was essentially a reformation of the church canons and of the clergy itself: better education for priests, as well as the laity, was deemed necessary. According to canon 21, omnius utriusque sexus, every Christian was required to confess at least once a year. Further, the sacrament of the Eucharist at Easter was also required to be taken by every Christian yearly. Any person refusing to carry out these tasks could be denied church access or Christian burial. The priests in turn were given substantially more power over the lives of their parishioners. This Middle English translation of the French Somme le roi was completed on the 27th of October 1340: we know this from an inscription by the translator, Dan Michel, Þis boc is dan Michelis of Northgate / y-write an englis of his o o ene hand. þet hatte: Ayenbyte of inwyt. And is of þe bochouse of saynt Austines of Canterberi - ‘this book was written by Dan Michel of Northgate and is called Remorse of Conscience. It is from Saint Augustine’s Library in Canterbury’. Dan Michel emphasises the intentions of the Lateran Council with this translation: þis boc is ywrite / uor englisse men, þet hi wyte / hou hi ssolle ham-zelue ssriue, / and maki ham klene / ine þise liue - ‘this book has been written/ translated for the English, so that they can know how to confess and to make themselves clean in this life’. As with most other handbooks on the topic of confession, the main topics include the Ten Commandments and the vices and virtues (especially the seven deadly sins). The sacraments, which are usually described, are mostly left out in Ayenbite of Inwit; only the sacrament of confession is dealt with under the virtue fortitude. Additionally, Ayenbite of Inwit contains an ars moriendi, and various thoughts regarding the nature of knowledge and good and evil. The vices and virtues are dealt with allegorically, as can be seen in this selection from the chapter about gluttony: the tongue, Lady Swallow, for example, desperately desires more, and tries to convince her owner to continue eating even if he has already had enough (ll. 70-74). The tavern is depicted as the school of the devil (l. 53), a place in which many vices can arise, especially gluttony. This view of taverns can also be seen in the Morality Plays of the 15th and 16th centuries, in which the protagonist often begins his path into sin in a tavern. In general, it can be said that Dan Michel was not a very competent translator. A more valuable aspect of the text lies in the fact that Dan Michel consistently reproduced the Kentish dialect, giving us a representative picture of Kentish English in the 14th century. A Kentish provenance of the text is clearly suggested by the following features: 1. OE (WS) æ (Old Kentish e) is written <e>: þet (l. 3 etc.), eppel (l. 35), efter, efterward (l. 25, 58, 59 etc.). 2. OE y (Old Kentish e) is written <e>: zenne (l. 2, 4, 5 etc.), cherche (l. 23, 82). <?page no="175"?> 164 Middle English Texts 3. OE e¯a is written <ea>, <ya>, <ye>, <yea> and (when shortening has taken place) <a> heaued (l. 1, 2, 29), greate (l. 58, 64); sseaweþ, sseawy (l. 34, 82), hyalde (l. 38), hyealde (l. 37), grat (l. 8, 19, 58 etc.). LALME on MS Arundel 57: Linguistic Profile 5890, Kent. Sources: British Library, London, MS Arundel 57. - Morris (1965). - Secondary literature: Pfander (1936), Pantin (1955). Þe zeuende heaued of þe beste. Þe zeuende heaued of þe kueade beste, zuo is þe zenne of þe mouþe. And þeruore þet þe mouþ heþ tuo offices, huerof þe on belongeþ to þe zuel n , ase to þe mete an to þe drinke; þe oþer zuo is in speche, þeruore him to-delþ þe ilke zenne in tuo deles principalliche. Þet is to wytene: in zenne of glotounye, þet is ine mete and 5 in drinke; and ine zenne of kueade tonge, þet is ine fole spekinge. And uerst zigge we of þe zenne of glotounye. Þet is a vice þet þe dyeuel is moche myde ypayd and moche onpayþ God. Be zuych zenne heþ þe dyeuel wel grat mi n te in manne. Huer-of we redeþ ine þe godspelle þet God yaf yleaue þe dyeulen to guo in to þe zuyn. And þo hi weren ine ham, hise adreynten ine þe ze, 10 ine tokninge, þet þe glotouns ledeþ lif of zuyn and þe dyeuel heþ yleaue to guo in ham, and hise adrenche ine þe ze of helle; and ham to do ete zuo moche, þet hi to-cleue; and zuo moche drinke, þet hy ham adrencheþ. Huanne þe kempe heþ his uela n e yueld and him halt be þe þrote wel onneaþe he arist. Alsuo hit is of þan þet þe dyeuel halt be þa zenne. And þeruore 15 bleþeliche he yernþ to þe þrote, ase þe wolf to þe ssepe him uor to astrangli ase he dede to Euen and to Adam in paradys terestre. Þet is þe vissere of helle, þet nymþ þane viss bi þe þrote and by þe chinne. Þis zenne moche mis-payþ God. Vor þe glotoun makeþ to grat ssame huanne he makeþ his god of ane zeche uol of dong, þet is of his wombe, þet he loueþ more þanne God and ine him ylefth and 20 him serueþ. God him hat ueste, þe wombe zayþ ‘Þou ne sselt, ac et longe and a-trayt.’ God him hat be þe mor n en arise, þe wombe zayþ, ‘Þo ne sselt, ich am to uol, me behoueþ to slepe. Þe cherche nys non hare, hy abyt me wel.’ And huanne he arist, he begynþ his matyns and his benes and his oreysones and zayþ, ‘A God, huet ssolle we ete to day? Huader me ssolle eny þing uynde, þet by worþ? ’ Efter 25 þise matynes comeþ þe laudes and he zayþ, ‘A God, huet we hedde guod wyn yesteneuen and guode metes.’ And efterþan he bewepþ his zennes and zayþ, ‘Allas’, he zayþ, ‘ich habbe y-by nye n dyad to ni n t. To strang wes þet wyn teue. Þet heaued me akþ. Ich ne ssel by an eyse, al-huet ich habbe ydronke.’ 9 godspelle ] see Matthew 8: 30-32, Mark 5: 11-13, Luke 8: 32-33 12 and hise adrenche ] ‘and drown his captives’ 17 paradys terestre ] This refers to the Garden of Eden, see Genesis 3. 24 matyns ] matins (morning service) 26 laudes ] lauds (prayer before noon) <?page no="176"?> 165 Ayenbite of Inwit Þous to þe kueade zayþ. Þis zenne let man to ssame. Vor alþeruerst he becomþ 30 tauernyer. Þanne he playþ ate des. Þanne he zelþ his o n en. Þanne he becomþ ribaud, holyer and þyef. And þanne me hine anhongeþ. Þis is þet scot, þet me ofte payþ. [. . .] Nou mi n t þou ysi, uor þet we habbeþ hyer yzed, þet uele ginnes heþ þe dyeuel uor to nime þet uolk be þe þrote. Uor uerst he sseaweþ ham þe wynes and þe 35 metes þet byeþ uayre and likerouses, ase he dede to Euen þane eppel. And þet yef hit him ne is na n t worþ, he him zayþ: ‘Eth an drink ase þe ilke and þe ilke; uela n rede þe behoueþ hyealde, yef þe wylt þet me ne scorne þe na n t and þet me þe ne hyalde uor papelard.’ Oþer he him zayþ: ‘Þe helþe of þine bodye þou sselt loki, uor huo þet ne heþ helþe, he ne heþ na n t. Ne by na n t mansla n þe of þe selue; 40 þou sselt to þine bodye þe sostinonce.’ Oþer he him zayþ: ‘Nim yeme of þe guodes þet þou dest oþer mi n t do. Þou ne est na n t uor þe lost of þine bodye, ac to serui God. Þou sselt þine strengþe loki to God, ase zayþ Dauiþ.’ Þise sceles byeþ zuo cleuiinde þet þe wyseste and þe holyiste man byeþ oþerhuyl beca n t. Þe þridde bo n of þise zenne is to uerliche yerne to þe mete, ase deþ þe hond to 45 þe hes. And þe more þet is þe ilke uerlichhede, þe more is þe zenne. Vor ase hit ne is no zenne uor to habbe richesses, ac his to moche louye, alsuo hit ne is no zenne uor to ethe þe guode metes, ak ethe his to uerliche oþer disordeneliche. Ethe metes byeþ guode to guode and to ham þet be scele and be mesure his vseþ and hise nimeþ mid þe sause of þe drede of oure lhorde. Vor me ssel euremo 50 habbe drede þet me ne mys-nyme be ouerdede, and me ssel herye God and yelde hym þonkes of his yefþes. And be þe zuetnesse of þe mete, þet wyþ-oute ne may by, me ssel þenche Godes zuetnesse and to þe ilke mete þet uelþ þe herte. Þeruore me ret ine hous of religion ate mete, uor þet huanne þet bodi nymþ his mete of one half, þet þe herte nyme his of oþer half. 55 Þe uerþe bo n of þise zenne of þan, þet to nobleliche wylleþ libbe, þet despendeþ and wasteþ uor to uelle hare glotonye, hwer-of an hondred poure mi n ten libbe and yno n liche by ueld. Zuich uolk zene n eþ ine uele maneres. Verst in greate despenses þet hi makeþ. Efterward ine þan þet hi hit vseþ ine to grat hete and ine to grat lost. And efterward ine þe ydele blisse þet hi habbeþ. Vor hit 60 ne is na n t onlepiliche lecherie of zuel n , ac hit is wel ofte uor bost þet hi zecheþ zuo riche metes and makeþ zuo uele mes: huer-of ofte comeþ uele kueades. 31 o o en ] ‘possessions’ 34 uor . . . yzed ] ‘as we have said here’ 36 And þet yef ] ‘and if’ 41 þou . . . sostinonce ] ‘you are obliged to give your body sustenance’ 43 Dauiþ ] Psalms 58: 10 43-44 Þise . . . cleuiinde ] ‘these arguments are so tempting’ 49 Ethe metes ] The source text reads: toutes uiandes - ‘all foods’. 52-53 And . . . me ] ‘and when tasting the sweetness of the food, which cannot be sufficient, you . . .’ 56 of þise . . . of þan ] ‘is the sin of those’ 57 uor . . . glotonye ] ‘to satisfy their gluttony’ <?page no="177"?> 166 Middle English Texts Þe vifte bo n is þe bysihede of glotuns þet ne zecheþ bote to þe delit of hare zuel n . Þise byeþ propreliche lechurs þet ne zecheþ bote þe lost of hare zuel n . Ine þri þinges nameliche liþ þe zenne of zuyche uolke. Verst ine þe greate bysihede 65 þet hy habbeþ, to porchaci and to agraiþi. Efterward mid grat lost þet hy habbeþ ine þe us. Efterward ine þe blisse þet hi habbeþ ine þe recordinge. And huo þet mi n te telle huyche bysinesse hi doþ to þan þet hare metes by wel agrayþed - and ech to his o n ene smac! And hou hy mo n e maki of one mete uele mes desgysed uor hare uoule lost! And huanne þe mes byeþ y-come, on efter þe oþer, 70 þanne byeþ þe burdes and þe trufles uor entremes! And ine þise manere geþ þe tyme: þe wreche him uoryet, þe scele slepþ, þe ma n e gret and zayþ: ‘Dame Zuel n , þo me ssast, ich am zuo uol þet ich to-cleue.’ Ac þe tonge, þe lyckestre, him ansuereþ and zayþ: ‘Þa n þou ssoldest to-cleue, ich nelle na n t lete askapie þis mes.’ Efter þe lecherie þet is ine etinge, comþ þe blisse þet is ine þe recorder. 75 Efterward hi wesseþ þet hi hedden nykken of crane and wombe of cou, uor þet þe mosseles blefte lenger ine þe þrote and more mi n ten uorzuel n e. Nou þou hest y-hyerd þe zennes þet comeþ of glotounye and of lecherie. And þeruore þet zuyche zennes arizeþ communliche ine tauerne, þet is welle of zenne, þeruore ich wylle a lite take of þe zennes þet byeþ y-do ine þe tauerne. 80 Þe tauerne ys þe scole of þe dyeule huere his deciples studieþ, and his o n ene chapele þer huer me deþ his seruese and þer huer he makeþ his miracles, zuiche ase behoueþ to þe dyeule. At cherche kan God his uirtues sseawy and do his miracles: þe blynde to li n te; þe crokede to ri n te; yelde þe wyttes of þe wode; þe speche to þe dombe; þe hierþe to þe dyaue. Ac þe dyeuel deþ al ayenward ine þe 85 tauerne. Vor huanne þe glotoun geþ in to þe tauerne, ha geþ opri n t. Huanne he comþ a-yen, he ne heþ uot þet him mo n e sostyeni ne bere. Huanne he þerin geþ, he y-zycþ and y-herþ and specþ wel and onderstant. Huan he comþ ayen, he heþ al þis uorlore ase þe ilke þet ne heþ wyt ne scele ne onderstondinge. Zuyche byeþ þe miracles þet þe dyeuel makeþ. And huet lessouns þer he ret? Alle uelþe he 90 tekþ þer: glotounye, lecherie, zuerie, uorzuerie, lye n e, miszigge, reneye God, euele telle, contacky and to uele oþre manyeres of zennes. Þer ariseþ þe cheastes, þe strifs, þe mansla n þes; þer me tekþ to stele and to hongi. Þe tauerne is a dich to þieues and þe dyeules castel uor to werri God and his hal n en. And þo þet þe tauernes sustyeneþ, byeþ uela n es of alle þe zennen þet 95 byeþ y-do ine hare tauernes. And uor zoþe, yef me ham zede oþer dede asemoche ssame to hire uader oþer to hare moder oþer to hare gromes, ase me deþ to hire uader of heuene and to oure lheuedy and to þe hal n en of paradis, mochel hi wolden ham wreþi and oþer red hi wolden do þer to, þanne hi doþ. 63 to ] ‘to’ is unnecessary 66 mid grat lost ] ‘in the great pleasure’ 67-68 And . . . telle ] rhetorical question: ‘and who could describe’ 69 and . . . smac ] ‘and each according to his own tastes’ 73 ssast ] i. e. sslast - ‘you are killing me’ 92 euele telle ] literally: ‘to count badly’, i. e. to cheat 98-99 mochel . . . doþ ] ‘they would become very angry and would act differently from how they do (now)’. <?page no="178"?> 167 The South English Legendary Text 5: The South English Legendary The South English Legendary is a series of saints’ lives written for different Christian holidays. Both the temporale and the sanctorale (holidays dedicated to Christ, including Sundays, as opposed to those dedicated to particular saints) were included in the register of 92 saints’ lives. There are 51 manuscripts of the South English Legendary, which attests that the Legendary was extremely popular in the Middle Ages; only the Canterbury Tales, Prick of Conscience and Piers Plowman have been transmitted more extensively. The various manuscripts have been reworked over the centuries, so that we have several from as late as the 15th century, although the date of composition is postulated to be in the late 13th century. An especially interesting aspect of the South English Legendary is that, as in Ælfric’s Lives of the Saints (see introduction to O 6), many English saints are included. In addition to Thomas of Canterbury, the Legendary includes the Anglo- Saxon saintly Kings Eadmund, Eadweard and Oswald (see O 6 and M 11), as well as the Archbishop Dunstan and Bishop Cuthbert. Kenelm and Wulfstan, who can be seen as local saints of the West Midlands, where this text originates, are also included. Wulfstan of Worcester, whose Life is printed here, lived through several very tumultuous decades in Anglo-Saxon England. Born in the beginning of the 11th century, Wulfstan experienced the conquering of England first by Cnut, and eventually by William of Normandy. At a young age, Wulfstan began to be promoted to important church offices as a result both of his piety as well as of his powerful friends and relatives. After studying at Benedictine monasteries, he was promoted to Prior of Worcester, and eventually to bishop of the diocese. These events are treated briefly in his Life, but the biography of the saint only begins to unfold with the proof of his holiness: his first miracle (ll. 31ff). Wulfstan’s promotion to Bishop of Worcester in 1062 is the beginning of a historical episode in his Life: England’s transition from an Anglo-Saxon to a Norman monarchy and the effects. Wulfstan was the only bishop allowed to keep his office by William the Conqueror. In this episode, the author transcends the realm of hagiography and allows himself to comment on the political situation during Wulfstan’s times, as well as during the author’s own life. The Conquest of 1066 is depicted as a result of treachery, the Normans only being able to win England because so many of King Harold’s nobles turned against him. This possibility is left open in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (see O 2/ 126 ff.), but is not directly articulated as in Wulfstan’s Life (see ll. 64; 75-94). At this point, the Life takes a political turn. Wulfstan’s worthiness as a saint is still a main topic; however, not only his piety and dedication are emphasised, but also his political efforts as a lone but determined Anglo-Saxon cleric in a world dominated by Normans. William tries to remove Wulfstan from his office, criticising him for being too ignorant (ll. 120-122) for such a position, which Wulfstan humbly accepts. As a condition for his resignation, however, Wulfstan demands that Edward the Confessor, who invested him in this office, should also be the one to take it away. By thrusting his staff into Edward’s grave, which then nobody is capable of removing except Wulfstan himself, Wulfstan stages a divine judgement, similar to the sword in the stone motif found in several of the King Arthur stories. As a result of this divine evidence, Wulfstan’s enemies must beg him to keep his office. The relevance of these events for contemporary life is emphasised by the use of the present tense in lines 90: o eot huy beothþ ore kingues echone - ‘they are still our kings’. <?page no="179"?> 168 Middle English Texts A West Midland provenance is strongly suggested by the following features: 1. OE y¯˘ is written <u> und <uy>: luyte, luytel (l. 21, 22, 108, 121); sturien (l. 4), nullen (l. 21), muche, muchele (l. 24, 42, 77, 80 185 und 227), i-chulle (l. 132). However, nelle (l. 133, 135) appears twice. 2. The form of the personal pronoun for the third person plural is huy throughout. According to the LALME on MS Laud Misc. 108, “[t]he language is mixed, and suggests a western (probably Gloucs [Gloucestershire]) original, with an East Anglian overlay”. Sources: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Laud Misc. 108. Horstmann (1887). - Secondary literature: Jankofsky (1992); Booth (2002); Kemmler (2002). Seint Wolston, bischop of Wyrecestre was here of Engelonde, Swiþe holi man he was al is lif, ase ich me vnder-stonde. Þe n wile he was a n ong child, clene lif he ladde i-nov n : ^ wane oþur children ornen to plei n e, toward churche he drou n . Seint Edward was kyng þo, þat nouþe in heouene is, 5 And þe bischop of Wyricestre Bri n ttey hei n te, i-wis. Of þis bischop Bri n tei Seint Wolston is ordre nam, Ech aftur oþur, ase it fel, so þat he preost bi-cam. Þe bischop vnder-feng him sethþe and monek him makede i-wis In þe priorie of Wiricestre, þat noble hous and gret is. 10 Swyþe wel is ordre he heold in þat priorie And al is wille was for-to pay n e God and Seinte Marie. In none bedde he nolde come, ake n wane oþere n eoden þar-to, Bi-fore an auter he wolde go his oresones for-to do; ^ wane þe dede slep him ouer-eode þat he ne mi n te no leng gon, 15 His heued he wolde legge a-doun opon þe harde ston, Ope one grece bifore þe auter oþur is bok þare-vnder do, And liggen ane stounde in dweole miengyngue - al is slep scholde beon so. He nolde þreo dawes in þe wyke no-þing eten with-alle, Ne no word speken bote his beden for nou n t þat mi n te bi-falle; 20 Þe oþur dawes wel luytel he spak and wel luytel he eat al-so, Bote it were a luyte potage: holde he wolde him þer-to. So longue he leouede at Wirecestre in þat holie lijf wel stille, Þat he was imaked prior of þat hous muche an ein is wille. His couent he wuste swyþe wel and to alle guodnesse hem drou n , 25 Of God and alle guode men loue he hadde i-nou n . Þe priorie of Wyricestre Seint Oswold bi-gan er, 5 Seint Edward ] Edward the Confessor, King of England, 1042-1066 6 Bri o ttey ] Brihtheah, Wulfstan’s half-brother, Bishop of Worcester from 1033 until his death in 1038 18 dweole miengyngue ] a type of half-sleep or trance in which monks are especially susceptible to temptation. 27 Seint Oswold ] Oswald, Bishop of Worcester 961-992 and Archbishop of York 971-992 <?page no="180"?> 169 The South English Legendary Þat was bi-fore Seint Wolston nei n ane hondred n er; And þat he hadde er bi-gonne, þe oþur fulfulde, i-wis, So þat þoru n heore beire dede strong weork and hei n þare is. 30 Ase þis holie man Seint Wolston in a tyme liet a-rere A bel-hous of swiþe strong weork bellen to hanguy þere, And machouns a-boue and bi-nethe þare a-boute were, Bi laddren cloumben up and doun and þat weork bi-twene al bere, A man þare clemb up bi one laddre an þo he was up on hei n , 35 Fram eorþe mo þane fourti fet, ase al þat folk i-sei n , Dounward he ful, ase he mis-stap - men weren sore a-gaste, Seint Wolston stod and bi-heold hou he was a-dounward faste; He made þe signe of þe croyz ase he feol to-ward þe grounde: Harmles he feol and hol man i-nov n , his limes weren hole and sounde; 40 And a-ros up and dude is weork, ase him no-þing nere: Louerd, muche is þi mi n te and þat þou cuddest wel þere, Þat he so harde fram so hei n e feol and of eche harme was sker - Þou art a Louerd, þat wonderes dest ase seith þe sauter. Hit bi-feol so þat Bri n tey þe bischop of Wyricestre was ded; 45 A clerk was bischop after him þat men cleopeden Aldred; Þat Seint Wolston louede wel and he louede him al-so: For ech guod man wole louien oþur - it were elles vuele i-do. Sethþe it bi-fel þat þe erchebischop of Euerwicke was ded: Erchebischop huy maden þar þene bischop Aldred. 50 And þe bischopriche of Wiricestre vacaunt was and lere, Seint Wolston was sone i-chose and bischop i-maked þere. Bischop him made þe holie man Seint Edward þe king, And a-feng him in his dignete and tok him is staf and ring. His bischopriche he wuste wel and also is priorie, 55 And a-forcede him to serui wel God and Seint Marie. Four n er he hadde bischop i-beo and nou n t fulliche fiue, Þo Seint Edward þe holie kyng wende out of þis liue: Gret reuþe it was to al Engelond so weilawei þe stounde! For straunge men þere comen sethþe and brou n ten Enguelond to grounde. 60 Harold was þo ri n htest eyr for non oþur þere nas; Þe croune he bar of Enguelonde n wuche n wile so it was. 29 he ] i. e. Bishop Oswald 46 Aldred ] Ealdred, Bishop of Worcester 1046-1061 and Archbishop of York 1061-1069 47 he louede him al-so ] No mention is made of the difficult relationship between Wulfstan and Ealdread. As Archbishop of York, Ealdread still claimed revenues from the diocese of Worcester, which led to many years of legal action. 58 wende . . . liue ] Edward died on January 5th, 1066. 60 straunge men ] This text shows national prejudice against or even resentment of the Norman rulers. ‘Straunge men’ reappears in l. 75 and l. 102; see also the adjective ‘vnecouþe’ in l. 88 and the adverbial phrase ‘of oþere londe’, l. 93. 61 Harold ] Harold II, King of England, January-October 1066 <?page no="181"?> 170 Middle English Texts For Willame Bastard þat was þo eorl in Noremaundie, Þou n te to winne Enguelond þoru n strencþe and tricherie. He let him greiþi folk i-nou n and gret poer with him nam 65 And with gret strencþe in-to þe se he him dude and to Enguelonde he cam. He liet ordeinie is fierd wel and is banere up arerde And destruyde and nam al þat he fond and þat folk sore a-ferde. Harold heorde herof telle, þe king of Enguelonde, He liet greiþie faste is ost an ein him for-to stonde. 70 Þe baronie of Enguelonde redi was wel sone Þe king to helpe and heom-sulue ase ri n t was for-to done. Þe weorre was þo in Enguelonde deolful and strong i-nov n , And eyþur of oþeres men al-to grounde a-slou n . No strencþe ne hadden þis straunge men, þat were i-come so newe, 75 A n einest heom of Enguelonde þe n wyle huy wolden beo trewe. Ake alas þe muchele tricherie þat þo was and n eot is: Þat brou n te þo Enguelond al-to grounde i-wis! For þe Englische barones bi-comen some on-treowe and false also, To bi-trai n e heom-seolf and heore kyng þat so muche heom truste to. 80 Þis Noremauns and þis Englische men ane dai of bataile huy nome, Þare ase þe abbeie of þe bataille is ate daye to-gadere huy come; To grounde huy smiten and slowen al-so: ake alas þulke stounde, Þat Enguelond was þoru n tresoun þare i-brou n t to grounde! For þulke þat þe king truste to failleden him wel faste, 85 So þat he was bi-neoþe i-brou n t and ouer-come atþe laste; And to grounde i-brou n t and alle his and al Enguelond also, In-to vnecouþe mannes honde þat no ri n ht ne hadden þar-to; And neuer-eft it ne cam an ein to ri n hte eyres none - Vnkuynde eyres n eot huy beothþ ore kingues echone, 90 And nei n hn wat alle þis hei n e men and of þe lo n we al-so! For Willam liet him crouni king, þo þe bataile was al i-do, And bi-sette al Enguelond with men of oþere londe: Neuereft to is cuynde heritage ne cam it, ich onder-stonde. 63 Willame Bastard ] Duke William of Normandy (William the Conqueror) was born out of wedlock; he was crowned King of England after the Battle of Hastings. He ruled over England from 1066 to 1087; see O 2/ 92. 68 destruyde . . . a-ferde ] see also O 2/ 138-140. 77 þe muchele tricherie ] In this text the defeat of the English at Hastings is attributed to the treason of part of the nobility (see l. 84, ‘tresoun’). The cryptic phrase ‘with those men who wanted to help him’ from OE 2/ 126-127 could be a similar viewpoint. 82 abbeie of þe bataille ] a reference to Battle Abbey, which was founded by William and was one of the richest abbeys in England; see also l. 95-99. 90 vnkuynde eyres . . . echone ] This line and l. 91 clearly show that the author sides with King Harold II; in l. 61 Harold is called ‘ri n htest eyr’ and thus propagates the English line of succession. <?page no="182"?> 171 The South English Legendary Þis Willam Bastard, þat was king sethþe him onder-stod, 95 Þat he mid vnri n hte hadde i-sched mani ane mannes blod; And þare as þe bataille was ane abbei n e he liet a-rere, Þat ‘þe abbeie of þe bataille’ is i-cleoped þat wel noble stand n eot þere. For heore soulene he as liet a-rere þat he with vnri n hte þare a-slou n - Ake euere he heold forth þe kynedom of Enguelonde with wou n . 100 Ake sone so he was king i-mad and al Enguelond bi-sette, Ase he wolde, with straunge men and no man ne mi n hte him lette. Þis holie bischop Seint Wolston wel ofte him withseide Þat he with on-ri n hte hadde i-do a swuch luþer dede; And spac an ein him baldeliche and ne sparede for no drede, 105 For he was þo þe cuyndeste Englische man þat was of enie manhede; And for alle oþure weren deseritede nei n h þe king was with heom wrothþ, Þat he was so luyte a-drad of him and swor a-non is othþ, To pulte him out of is bischopriche he liet him somoune al-so To Westmunstre, to answerien him of þat he him hadde mis-do. 110 Nou nas nou n t Seint Wulston wel gret clerk in lore - For þo he scholde to scole gon to churche he n eode wel more. To Westmunstre he cam to is day ase he was i-somoned er. Þe king was in grete wrathþe wel prest to kepe him þer, And þe bischop of Caunterburi Lanfranc was is name, 115 And þe bischop Gondolf of Roucestre alle to don him schame. Seint Wolston bi-fore heom cam þat an ein him weren so strongue, Ase a þeof bi-fore iustise his dom to vnder-fongue. Þe king and þe Erchebischop al-so speken to him wordes grete, Þat he scholde, ase he wuyrþe was, is bischop-riche lete; 120 For-to holden swuch dignete to luyte he couþe of lore, And huy him hadden to longue i-þoled and þo nolden huy nonmore; And grete foles huy weren þat swuch a fol formest brou n te in swch mi n hte, And n if he was folliche onder-fongue huy wolden don him out with ri n hte. Seint Wolston stod wel mildeliche and herknede al þat huy sede - 125 Nadde he noman bote God to his answere him rede. 100 with wou o ] The author strengthens his argument of William’s unrightful claim on England. 103 him withseide ] Wulfstan is here portrayed as the great and courageous (see l. 106: ‘was of enie manhede’) ‘English’ antagonist of the new Norman rulers. The fact that Wulfstan was one of the most important councillors to William the Conqueror and greatly respected by him is simply left out. 104 with on-ri o hte ] i. e. as an unjust act 106 For . . . manhede ] freely: ‘He was then the only Englishman who acted like a man’. 107 heom ] probably an error for ‘him’ 115 Lanfranc ] Lanfranc, friend and councillor to William the Conqueror, Archbishop of Canterbury 1070-1089 116 Gondolf of Roucestre ] Gundulf, a friend of Lanfranc, was consecrated Bishop of Rochester in 1077. 121 to luyte . . . of lore ] English prelates were often accused of ignorance by their Norman successors. <?page no="183"?> 172 Middle English Texts “Sires,” he seide, “ri n ht it is þat ich eoure heste do, For, sire king, þou art mi souerein and þe erchebischop al-so. Þe croce ich habbe n are i-bore þat n e i-seothþ here, lo, A-knowe ich am and wel ich wot þat i-nam nou n t wuyrþe þer-to. 130 ^ wane n e wollez þat ich as bi-leue ase man þat vnwurþe is, Wel fain i-chulle eouwer heste do ase mine souereines, i-wis. Vn-bou n hsome to holie churche i-wis, i-nelle be nou n t: To n elden hire up, ase n e me hotez ich habbe as here i-brou n t. Ake, for n e ne token as me nou n t I nelle eou take non, 135 Ake him þat as me bi-tok bi-fore eov euerech-on; Þe guode man þat as me bi-tok n eonde he lijthþ wel stille, Ich as wulle him taken up and þanne ich do eoure wille.” To Seint Edwardes toumbe he wende þat was of marbre-ston, A nam up is croiz wel mildeliche and smot þe point þar-on. 140 Þe staf wende into þe marbre-ston ase it were in nesche sonde, And þo heo was inne deope i-nou n þe guode man hine liet stonde. “Nou,” he seide, “ich him habbe bi-take, him þat as tok me, And bi-fore eov here in olden op þe dignete. Takez as nouþe n wam n e wollez, som þat bet beo in lore, 145 And habbez guod dai nouþe euerech-one - n e ne mouwen esche me non-more.” Þis holie man wende forth a-mong heom alle wel softe. Þat folk stod ase it were i-nome and bi-heolden þe croce wel ofte, Hou heo stod in þe marbre-ston so deope and so faste: Of þe miracle heom wondrede alle and some weren sore a-gaste. 150 Some wenden þar-to sone þe croce up for-to drawe, Þare nas non so strong of heom þat mi n hte hire enes wawe. Huy porueiden er sire Gondolf bischop of Roucestre, Þat he scholde aftur Seint Wolston beon bischop of Wirecestre. Þe erchebischop aros him up to saisi þe croiz a-non, 155 Þe bischop of Roucestre wel baldeliche þudere-ward gan gon, Þe croiz he nam and faste he drou n in þe marbre-ston: He ne mi n hte hire nou n t enes wawien þat folk wondrede ech-on, And þare-a-boute wel þicke ornen þat wonder for-to seo. Þo þe king and þe erchebischop i-sei n en þat non oþur it ne mi n hte beo, 160 Heom of-þou n te heore dede and after Seint Wolstan sende, And þat huy wolden in faire manere heore trespas a-mende. Þe Messagers i-redie weren and aftur him sone wenden; ^ eot þis holie man, for al þe gult is heorte to heom bende, 139 Edwardes toumbe ] Edward the Confessor was buried in Westminster Abbey, founded by him. 140 smot . . . þar-on ] The events related in l. 125-186 would have been interpreted by a medieval audience as an act of divine intervention. The motif that only the ‘chosen’ will be able to wield the symbol of his office has a long tradition: only Arthur could pull Excalibur from the stone. 153 Huy ] i. e. the king and the archbishop <?page no="184"?> 173 The South English Legendary And seide, “Ich mot nede do mine souereines wille.” 165 To court he wende an ein to heom wel mildeliche and stille. Þo he was to court i-come huy a-risen an ein him þere, Þe king and þe erchebischop al-so and oþere þat þare were. With gret honur huy cleopeden him forthþ and forn iuenesse him bede, And boden a-mendi an ein him al heore grete misdede; 170 And beden him nime an ein is croce and don bi heore rede, For he was bet wuyrþe þare-to þane ani oþur, huy seide. “Nai certes, sires,” quath Seint Wolston, “þat nere me nou n t to do: Ich wot wel, þat n e seiden soth þat i-nam nou n t wuyrþe þare-to; Ake nimeth n wam eower wille be an oþur, þat conne more.” 175 Þe kyng and þe erchebischop also beden him milce and ore And seiden, þat þere nas non oþur þat so wuyrþe were þare-to. Longue it was are þis holie man wolde heore wille do, Ake, for-to obeien is souereins he wende forth atþe laste And nam þe croce wel mildeliche þare he stikede hire er so faste. 180 Also li n htliche ase ani-þing þe croce he gan up drawe, Þat so mani men fondeden er and ne mi n hten hire enes wawe. Þicke orn þat folk a-bouten him and no wonder it nas! Þe miracle was sone wide i-kud þat so apert was. Men anoureden þis holie man al-so muche ase huy mi n hte: 185 His power þat him was er bi-nome he tok a n ein with ri n hte. An ein to is bischopriche with gret honour he him drou n , His couent vnder-feng him faire with grete noblei n e i-nou n . Þis holie man ladde al is lif swyþe faire and clene. Sijknesses þare weren wel fewe þat man wolde him offe mene, 190 Þat he ne brou n te to hele a-non þoru n ore Louerdes grace. Sike men wel þicke comen to him in eche place; Deue and doumbe and blinde al-so he helde þoru n Godes grace, ^ wane huy comen to him ou n were in eche place. So longue he leouede on eorþe here þat he was of grete elde: 195 His bodi bi-gan to heuegy swiþe grete feblesse he fielde. A slou n feuere him cam on þat ne nam him nou n t ful strongue, Ac heo made is bodi to melte a-wei þat laste swiþe longue. Seue ni n ht bi-fore þat he deide his breþren he liet fette alle, And liet him alle his ri n htes do and seide, n wat heom scholde bi-falle. 200 Out of þis world to heouene he wende þare he schal ay bi-leue, In þe monþe of Ieneuer a Seint Fabianes eue, A þousend n er and nie hundret and foure þare-bi-fore, It was þat ore swete Louerd on vrþe was i-bore; In þe teoþe n ere also of þe kinedom 205 190 Sijknesses ] From this point on, Wulfstan has the typical attributes of a saint. He effects miraculous cures and is the benevolent father (abbot) of his monks. 200 ri o htes do ] a reference to the last rites 202 Seint Fabianes eue ] i. e. January 19th <?page no="185"?> 174 Middle English Texts Of Willam þe rede king þat aftur Willam Bastard cam. He hadde, are he heonne i-wende foure and þritti n er And four monþes and four dawes i-beo in worlde her. Four-score n er he was old and seuene al-so nei n h, Are he wende out of þis lijf to þe ioye of heuene an hei n . 210 Þo þis holie man was ded þe monekes comen sone In þe priorie of Wirecestre and duden þat was to done: Wuschen þat bodi, ase it was ri n ht and to churche it bere, Þe monekes alle with gret honour þat is breþerne were. Þe seruise a-bouten him huy duden ase it was wel ri n ht, 215 And to seggen heore sauteres al-so þare-bi huy woken a-ni n t. Þo it was wel with-inne ni n ht ase huy seiden in heore boke, Heom luste slepe swiþe wel þat vnneþes huy mi n ten loke; And some ne mi n hten nou n t fur-bere ake lei n en and slepen faste, Some ase it were in dweolkningue heore ei n ene to-gadere huy caste. 220 Þat holie bodi þat lai þare ded a-mong heom in þe bere A-ros up wel mildeliche, ase þei it a-liue were, And a-wei n hte heom euer-ech-on and bi-gan atþon ende And al along þe rewe þoru n þe queor he gan i-wiende; And euere ase he a-wei n hte heom sumdel he gan heom chide, 225 Þat huy nolden with heore slep heore ri n hte tyme a-bide. So muche was is holi heorte þe ordre for-to wite, Þat he nolde, þei he were ded his breþerne furn ite! Þis miracle was sone i-kud ase ri n ht was þat it were. At Wirecestre he was i-bured and n uyt he liht þere. 230 Þare man may for is holie bodi mani fair miracle i-seo. Nou God graunti, þat we mote with him in þe ioye of heouene beo. 206 Willam þe rede king ] William II, also called Rufus (‘rede’), son of William the Conqueror and King of England 1087-1100 207 foure and þritti o er ] Wulfstan was Bishop of Worcester for thirty-four years (1062-1195). 216 sauteres ] i. e. the singing of psalms <?page no="186"?> 175 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight Text 6: Sir Gawain and the Green Knight Sir Gawain and the Green Knight was written in the late 14th century in the northwest Midlands and is, at first glance, a typical Arthurian romance. The hero, Sir Gawain, is not only the most famous Knight of the Round Table and the best lover, he is also the most prominent hero of all Middle English romances (twelve different romances of Gawain’s exploits have been preserved). The frame of this romance undoubtedly meets all the requirements of romance literature; however, this work has many aspects which deviate from the tradition, both in form and content. Sir Gawain is one of few romances to directly explore the intricacies of the court, appealing rather to an elite audience than the usual lower aristocracy and middle class. Using courtly language to explore courtly ideals, the conflict inherent in the knightly virtue of courtaysye in Gawain is developed throughout this romance. The anonymous author was, perhaps, more likely a cleric than a nobleman; although his knowledge of both diction and customs of the court is extensive, the moral structure of the poem shows a very well-defined system of beliefs. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight is found in only one manuscript, Cotton Nero A.x., and the three other texts accompanying it and written in the same hand are all texts of a strongly religious nature. Homiletic tendencies in Sir Gawain appear frequently. The ambiguity inherent in this romance leads to a number of provocative questions, which take Sir Gawain above and beyond the usual dimensions of a romance. Not only the nature of Gawain himself is called into question, but the whole of chivalry and the Arthurian court. At the same time, the author experiments with the structure of the romance, manipulating the usual romance structure. Normally, a romance has five main actions: (1) arrival of a mysterious guest at court with some sort of task or challenge for a worthy knight; (2) the first quest, followed by winning a bride; (3) an inner conflict in the hero, having won the bride; (4) the second quest; (5) return of the now mature hero to Arthur’s court. The action of Sir Gawain begins at the Christmas banquet with the arrival of the Green Knight and his challenge, which, of course, Sir Gawain accepts. However, already at this point, the author offers critical remarks about this tradition. Gawain’s first quest, to seek the Green Knight, is summarily treated in 50 lines, and the author tells us that it would be to tore to telle of þe tenþe dole (l. 719, ‘too difficult to tell the tenth part’). When Gawain arrives at the court of Bertilak (the Green Knight in disguise), he is confronted with a different court, a perfect and more elegant court than Arthur’s. The search for a bride has also been reversed, and Gawain must rather fend off the advances of Bertilak’s wife than win a bride himself. Again, the contradictions inherent in chivalry are presented, as Gawain must be loyal to his host and turn down the lady without offending her or infringing on the rules of chivalry. Bertilak makes a deal with Gawain, that they should give each other the spoils of their day, which in Gawain’s case are kisses, and a belt from the lady. As the belt seems to Gawain the only possibility of saving himself from impending death at the hands of the Green Knight, and Gawain has promised the lady not to tell her husband about the belt, Gawain breaks his oath to Bertilak and keeps the belt. The climax of Sir Gawain is his defeat: though the Green Knight does not kill him, it is made clear to Gawain that he has failed in the virtue of chivalry; a personal crisis results, which we would have expected to occur between the first and second quests. Nor can Gawain overcome this crisis; though both the Green Knight and later Arthur and his court exonerate Gawain of misdoings, he himself is left with a feeling <?page no="187"?> 176 Middle English Texts of failure. Self-fulfilment is therefore not possible for Gawain, and the reader is left wondering what can be learned from this. The selection printed below includes the opening scenes, in which the poet traces the history of England from Troy to the court of Arthur. The arrival of the Green Knight and his challenge as well as the reaction of Arthur’s court follows. The dramatic dialogue scenes show the author’s talent in constructing the tale, and how this is supported by his extremely diverse vocabulary. The poem, with its total of 2530 lines, is divided into stanzas varying in length between 12 and 38 alliterative long lines. Every stanza ends with a so-called “bob and wheel,” five short lines rhyming ababa. Sı ´þen þe se´ge and þe assa´ut / watz se´sed at Tro´ ye, Þe bo´ r n brı ´ttened and bre´nt / to bro´ nde n and a´skez, Þe tu´ lk þat þe tra´mmes / of tre´soun þer wro´ n t Watz trı ´ed for his trı ´cherie, / þe tre´west on e´rþe. The alliterative long line used in the poems belonging to the tradition of the alliterative revival is not as rigid as the alliterative long line of Old English poetry. A detailed study of the properties of the alliterative patterns in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight can be found in Boroff (1962) und Turville-Petre (1976). The writing used in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight presents a number of difficulties which are discussed in the table below. 1. < n > can be used for word-initial / j/ : o e, _ er; it can also be used for the voiceless palatal fricative when preceded by a palatal vowel and followed by <t> (representing the Old English sequence <-ht->): wy o test, my o t etc. Similarly, it can be used for the voiceless velar fricative preceded by a velar vowel and followed by <t> (representing the Old English sequence <-ht->) as in -a o t. 2. The graph <z> represents both / s/ and / z/ : berdlez (Modern English -less) in contrast to byholdez, laykez, wedez etc. 3. The sequence <tz> represents / s/ : hatz etc. 4. The word-initial Old English sequence <hw->, which in Middle English usually becomes <wh->, is frequently written <qu->, a typically northern feature. The most important linguistic features indicating a northern provenance are: 1. OE a¯ is written <o> but also <a>: more (l. 84 etc.), hat (l. 4), home (l. 19, 159), no (l. 17 etc.), so (l. 9 etc.), wot (l. 105, 150). 2. OE o˘ +g is written <aw> (instead of <ou> or <ow>): stelbawe (l. 186). 3. The third person singular present indicative ends in -es, -ez and -z: byholdez (l. 1), syttes (l. 7), hatz (l. 15 etc.). 4. The present participle ends in -ande: schinande (l. 20), blycande (l. 56), herande (l. 201). LALME on MS Cotton Nero A.x.: Linguistic Profile 26, Cheshire. Sources: British Library, London, MS Cotton Nero A.x. - Tolkien/ Gordon (1967); Waldron (1970), Markus (1974). - Secondary literature: Benson (1965), Burrow (1965), Spearing (1970), Davenport (1978). - Facsimile: Gollancz (1923). <?page no="188"?> 177 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight Siþen þe sege and þe assaut watz sesed at Troye, Þe bor n brittened and brent to bronde n and askez, Þe tulk þat þe trammes of tresoun þer wro n t Watz tried for his tricherie, þe trewest on erþe. Hit watz Ennias þe athel, and his highe kynde, 5 Þat siþen depreced prouinces, and patrounes bicome Welne n e of al þe wele in þe west iles. Fro riche Romulus to Rome ricchis hym swyþe, With gret bobbaunce þat bur n e he biges vpon fyrst, And neuenes hit his aune nome, as hit now hat; 10 Ticius to Tuskan and teldes bigynnes, Langaberde in Lumbardie lyftes vp homes, And fer ouer þe French flod Felix Brutus On mony bonkkes ful brode Bretayn he settez wyth wynne, 15 Where werre and wrake and wonder Bi syþez hatz wont þerinne, And oft boþe blysse and blunder Ful skete hatz skyfted synne. Ande quen þis Bretayn watz bigged bi þis burn rych, 20 Bolde bredden þerinne, baret þat lofden, In mony turned tyme tene þat wro n ten. Mo ferlyes on þis folde han fallen here oft Þen in any oþer þat I wot, syn þat ilk tyme. Bot of alle þat here bult, of Bretaygne kynges, 25 Ay watz Arthur þe hendest, as I haf herde telle. Forþi an aunter in erde I attle to schawe, Þat a selly in si n t summe men hit holden, And an outtrage awenture of Arthurez wonderez. If n e wyl lysten þis laye bot on littel quile, 30 1 Troye ] This ‘English’ version of the concept translatio imperii links the line of British kings to Aeneas of Troy. 3 tulk . . . wro o t ] a reference to the traitor Antenor, who made a deal with the Greeks and betrayed Troy. 5 Ennias . . . kynde, ] Aeneas and his kin (‘kynde’) - in this text Romulus, Ticius, Langaberde and Felix Brutus - are the traditional founders of the empires which claim Trojan descent. 7 west iles ] ‘in the west’ 8 ricchis ] Here the author switches to historical present. 11 Ticius to Tuskan ] The predicate is ‘ricchis’, l. 8: ‘Ticius departs for Tuscany’. 22 In . . . tyme ] ‘frequently’ 27 in erde ] literally ‘on earth’, i. e. an ‘earthly’ story, not a fairy tale or ‘selly’ and far from ‘outtrage’ (exceedingly strange) as some people (‘summe men’) might be inclined to assume (ll. 28-29). <?page no="189"?> 178 Middle English Texts I schal telle hit as-tit, as I in toun herde, With tonge, As hit is stad and stoken In stori stif and stronge, With lel letteres loken, 35 In londe so hatz ben longe. [. . .] Þenn Arthour bifore þe hi n dece þat auenture byholdez, [250] And rekenly hym reuerenced, for rad was he neuer, And sayde, ‘Wy n e, welcum iwys to þis place, Þe hede of þis ostel Arthour I hat; 40 Li n t luflych adoun and lenge, I þe praye, And quat-so þy wylle is we schal wyt after.’ ‘Nay, as help me,’ quoþ þe haþel, ‘he þat on hy n e syttes, To wone any quyle in þis won, hit watz not myn ernde; Bot for þe los of þe, lede, is lyft vp so hy n e, 45 And þy bur n and þy burnes best ar holden, Stifest vnder stel-gere on stedes to ryde, Þe wy n test and þe worthyest of þe worldes kynde, Preue for to play wyþ in oþer pure laykez, And here is kydde cortaysye, as I haf herd carp, 50 And þat hatz wayned me hider, iwyis, at þis tyme. ^ e may be seker bi þis braunch þat I bere here Þat I passe as in pes, and no ply n t seche; For had I founded in fere in fe n tyng wyse, I haue a hauberghe at home and a helme boþe, 55 A schelde and a scharp spere, schinande bry n t, Ande oþer weppenes to welde, I wene wel, als; Bot for I wolde no were, my wedez ar softer. Bot if þou be so bold as alle burnez tellen, Þou wyl grant me godly þe gomen þat I ask 60 by ry n t.’ Arþour con onsware, And sayd, ‘Sir cortays kny n t, If þou craue batayl bare, Here faylez þou not to fy n t.’ 65 ‘Nay, frayst I no fy n t, in fayþ I þe telle, Hit arn aboute on þis bench bot berdlez chylder. If I were hasped in armes on a he n e stede, Here is no mon me to mach, for my n tez so wayke. 31-35 herde . . . loken ] A mere story (‘herde’) gains a higher truth factor through the process of being written down (‘lel letteres’). 54 in fere . . . wyse ] ‘fully armed for battle’ 64 bare ] ‘without armour’ <?page no="190"?> 179 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight Forþy I craue in þis court a Crystemas gomen, 70 For hit is ^ ol and Nwe ^ er, and here ar n ep mony: If any so hardy in þis hous holdez hymseluen, Be so bolde in his blod, brayn in hys hede, Þat dar stifly strike a strok for an oþer, I schal gif hym of my gyft þis giserne ryche, 75 Þis ax, þat is heue´ innogh, to hondele as hym lykes, And I schal bide þe fyrst bur as bare as I sitte. If any freke be so felle to fonde þat I telle, Lepe ly n tly me to, and lach þis weppen, I quit-clayme hit for euer, kepe hit as his auen, 80 And I schal stonde hym a strok, stif on þis flet, Ellez þou wyl di n t me þe dom to dele hym an other barlay, And n et gif hym respite, A twelmonyþ and a day; 85 Now hy n e, and let se tite Dar any herinne o n t say.’ If he hem stowned vpon fyrst, stiller were þanne Alle þe heredmen in halle, þe hy n and the lo n e. Þe renk on his rounce´ hym ruched in his sadel, 90 And runischly his rede y n en he reled aboute, Bende his bresed bro n ez, blycande grene, Wayued his berde for to wayte quo-so wolde ryse. When non wolde kepe hym with carp he co n ed ful hy n e, Ande rimed hym ful richely, and ry n t hym to speke: 95 ‘What, is þis Arþures hous,’ quoþ þe haþel þenne, ‘Þat al þe rous rennes of þur n ryalmes so mony? Where is now your sourquydrye and your conquestes, Your gryndellayk and your greme, and your grete wordes? Now is þe reuel and þe renoun of þe Rounde Table 100 Ouerwalt wyþ a worde of on wy n es speche, For al dares for drede withoute dynt schewed! ’ Wyth þis he la n es so loude þat þe lorde greued; Þe blod schot for scham into his schyre face and lere; 105 He wex as wroth as wynde, So did alle þat þer were. Þe kyng as kene bi kynde Þen stod þat stif mon nere, 75 giserne ] a battle-axe, originally similar to a halberd, with a long shaft and a spear point (see also l. 162 and l. 113, ‘geserne’). 82-83 Ellez . . . barlay ] ‘provided you grant me the right to give him a return stroke’ 85 A . . . day ] formulaic expression for one year 94 co o ed . . . hy o e ] ‘he screamed out loud’ <?page no="191"?> 180 Middle English Texts And sayde, ‘Haþel, by heuen, þyn askyng is nys, 110 And as þou foly hatz frayst, fynde þe behoues. I know no gome þat is gast of þy grete wordes; Gif me now þy geserne, vpon Godez halue, And I schal bayþen þy bone þat þou boden habbes.’ Ly n tly lepez he hym to, and la n t at his honde. 115 Þen feersly þat oþer freke vpon fote ly n tis. Now hatz Arthure his axe, and þe halme grypez, And sturnely sturez hit aboute, þat stryke wyth hit þo n t. Þe stif mon hym bifore stod vpon hy n t, Herre þen ani in þe hous by þe hede and more. 120 Wyth sturne schere þer he stod he stroked his berde, And wyth a countenaunce dry n e he dro n doun his cote, No more mate ne dismayd for hys mayn dintez Þen any burne vpon bench hade bro n t hym to drynk of wyne. 125 Gawan, þat sate bi þe quene, To þe kyng he can enclyne: ‘I beseche now with sa n ez sene Þis melly mot be myne. ‘Wolde n e, worþilych lorde,’ quoþ Wawan to þe kyng, 130 ‘Bid me bo n e fro þis benche, and stonde by yow þere, Þat I wythoute vylanye my n t voyde þis table, And þat my legge lady lyked not ille, I wolde com to your counseyl bifore your cort ryche. For me þink hit not semly, as hit is soþ knawen, 135 Þer such an askyng is heuened so hy n e in your sale, Þa n n e n ourself by talenttyf, to take hit to yourseluen, Whil mony so bolde yow aboute vpon bench sytten, Þat vnder heuen I hope non ha n erer of wylle, Ne better bodyes on bent þer baret is rered. 140 I am þe wakkest, I wot, and of wyt feblest, And lest lur of my lyf, quo laytes þe soþe - Bot for as much as n e ar myn em I am only to prayse, No bounte´ bot your blod I in my bode´ knowe; And syþen þis note is so nys þat no n t hit yow falles, 145 118 þat ] refers to Arthur 123 hys ] also refers to Arthur 128 sa o ez sene ] ‘simple words’ 130 Wawan ] i. e. Gawain 133 legge lady ] ‘liege lady’, i. e. the queen 142 And . . . lyf ] ‘losing my life would be nothing’ 143 Bot . . . prayse ] ‘I only deserve praise in so far as you are my uncle’. <?page no="192"?> 181 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight And I haue frayned hit at yow fyrst, foldez hit to me; And if I carp not comlyly, let alle þis cort rych bout blame.’ Ryche togeder con roun, And syþen þay redden alle same 150 To ryd þe kyng wyth croun, And gif Gawan the game. Then comaunded þe kyng þe kny n t for to ryse; And he ful radly vpros, and ruchched hym fayre, Kneled doun bifore þe kyng, and cachez þat weppen; 155 And he luflyly hit hym laft, and lyfte vp his honde, And gef hym Goddez blessyng, and gladly hym biddes Þat his hert and his honde schulde hardi be boþe. ‘Kepe þe, cosyn,’ quoþ þe kyng, ‘þat þou on kyrf sette, And if þou redez hym ry n t, redly I trowe 160 Þat þou schal byden þe bur þat he schal bede after.’ Gawan gotz to þe gome with giserne in honde, And he baldly hym bydez, he bayst neuer þe helder. Þen carppez to Sir Gawan þe kny n t in þe grene, ‘Refourme we oure forwardes, er we fyrre passe. 165 Fyrst I eþe þe, haþel, how þat þou hattes Þat þou me telle truly, as I tryst may.’ ‘In god fayth,’ quoþ þe goode kny n t, ‘Gawan I hatte, Þat bede þe þis buffet, quat-so bifallez after, And at þis tyme twelmonyth take at þe an oþer 170 Wyth what weppen so þou wylt, and wyth no wy n ellez on lyue.’ Þat oþer onswarez agayn, ‘Sir Gawan, so mot I þryue As I am ferly fayn 175 Þis dint þat þou schal dryue. ‘Bigog,’ quoþ the grene kny n t, ‘Sir Gawan, me lykes Þat I schal fange at þy fust þat I haf frayst here. And þou hatz redily rehersed, bi resoun ful trwe, Clanly al the couenaunt þat I þe kynge asked, 180 Saf þat þou schal siker me, segge, bi þi trawþe, Þat þou schal seche me þiself, where-so þou hopes I may be funde vpon folde, and foch þe such wages As þou deles me to-day bifore this douþe ryche.’ 147-148 And . . . blame ] ‘And if I speak improperly, this noble court is not to be blamed’. 159 þat . . . sette ] ‘that you can only strike once’ 171-172 and wyth . . . on lyue ] ‘and at no one else’. 174 so . . . þryue ] ‘by my life’ 177 Bigog ] ‘by God! ’ <?page no="193"?> 182 Middle English Texts ‘Where schulde I wale þe,’ quoþ Gauan, ‘where is þy place? 185 I wot neuer where þou wonyes, bi hym þat me wro n t, Ne I know not þe, kny n t, þy cort ne þi name. Bot teche me truly þerto, and telle me how þou hattes, And I schal ware alle my wyt to wynne me þeder, And þat I swere þe for soþe, and by my seker traweþ.’ 190 ‘Þat is innogh in Nwe ^ er, hit nedes no more,’ Quoþ þe gome in þe grene to Gawan þe hende; ‘ ^ if I þe telle trwly, quen I þe tape haue And þou me smoþely hatz smyten, smartly I þe teche Of my hous and my home and myn owen nome, 195 Þen may thou frayst my fare and forwardez holde; And if I spende no speche, þenne spedez þou þe better, For þou may leng in þy londe and layt no fyrre - bot slokes! Ta now þy grymme tole to þe, 200 And let se how þou cnokez.’ ‘Gladly, sir, for soþe,’ Quoþ Gawan; his ax he strokes. The grene kny n t vpon grounde grayþely hym dresses, A littel lut with þe hede, þe lere he discouerez, 205 His longe louelych lokkez he layd ouer his croun, Let the naked nec to þe note schewe. Gauan gripped to his ax, and gederes hit on hy n t, Þe kay fot on þe folde he before sette, Let hit doun ly n tly ly n t on þe naked, 210 Þat þe scharp of þe schalk schyndered þe bones, And schrank þur n þe schyire grece, and schade hit in twynne, Þat þe bit of þe broun stel bot on þe grounde. Þe fayre hede fro þe halce hit to þe erþe, Þat fele hit foyned with her fete, þere hit forth roled; 215 Þe blod brayd fro þe body, þat blykked on þe grene; And nawþer faltered ne fel þe freke neuer þe helder, Bot styþly he start forth vpon styf schonkes, And runyschly he ra n t out, þere as renkkez stoden, La n t to his lufly hed, and lyft hit vp sone; 220 And syþen bo n ez to his blonk, þe brydel he cachchez, Steppez into stelbawe and strydez alofte, And his hede by þe here in his honde haldez; 196 frayst . . . fare ] ‘then you will see what I can do’ 199 bot slokes ] ‘but enough’ (talking) 208 gederes . . . hy o t ] ‘and lifts it up high’: note the use of the historical present. <?page no="194"?> 183 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight And as sadly þe segge hym in his sadel sette As non vnhap had hym ayled, þa n hedlez he were 225 in stedde. He brayde his bulk aboute, Þat vgly bodi þat bledde; Moni on of him had doute, Bi þat his resounz were redde. 230 For þe hede in his honde he haldez vp euen, Toward þe derrest on þe dece he dressez þe face, And hit lyfte vp the y n e-lyddez and loked ful brode, And meled þus much with his muthe, as n e may now here: ‘Loke, Gawan, þou be grayþe to go as þou hettez, 235 And layte as lelly til þou me, lude, fynde, As þou hatz hette in þis halle, herande þise kny n tes; To þe grene chapel þou chose, I charge þe, to fotte Such a dunt as þou hatz dalt - disserued þou habbez To be n ederly n olden on Nw ^ eres morn. 240 Þe kny n t of þe grene chapel men knowen me mony; Forþi me for to fynde if þou fraystez, faylez þou neuer. Þerfore com, oþer recreaunt be calde þe behoues.’ With a runisch rout þe raynez he tornez, Halled out at þe hal dor, his hed in his hande, 245 Þat þe fyr of þe flynt fla n e fro fole houes. To quat kyth he becom knwe non þere, Neuer more þen þay wyste from queþen he watz wonnen. What þenne? Þe kyng and Gawan þare 250 At þat grene þay la n e and grenne, ^ et breued watz hit ful bare A meruayl among tho menne. Þa n Arþer þe hende kyng at hert hade wonder, He let no semblaunt be sene, bot sayde ful hy n e 255 To þe comlych quene with cortays speche, ‘Dere dame, to-day demay yow neuer; Wel bycommes such craft vpon Cristmasse, Laykyng of enterludez, to la n e and to syng, Among þise kynde caroles of kny n tez and ladyez. 260 Neuer þe lece to my mete I may me wel dres, For I haf sen a selly, I may not forsake.’ He glent vpon Sir Gawen, and gaynly he sayde, ‘Now sir, heng vp þyn ax, þat hatz innogh hewen’; 230 Bi . . . redde ] ‘even before he started talking’. 238 chose ] ‘to go’ <?page no="195"?> 184 Middle English Texts And hit watz don abof þe dece on doser to henge, 265 Þer alle men for meruayl my n t on hit loke, And bi trwe tytel þerof to telle þe wonder. Þenne þay bo n ed to a borde þise burnes togeder, Þe kyng and þe gode kny n t, and kene men hem serued Of alle dayntyez double, as derrest my n t falle; 270 Wyth alle maner of mete and mynstralcie boþe, Wyth wele walt þay þat day, til worþed an ende in londe. Now þenk wel, Sir Gawan, For woþe þat þou ne wonde 275 Þis auenture for to frayn Þat þou hatz tan on honde. 267 bi trwe tytel þerof ] ‘using it (i. e. the axe) as evidence’ 270 as . . . falle ] either ‘as good as could be’ or ‘just as this noble company deserved’ <?page no="196"?> 185 Piers Plowman Text 7: Piers Plowman Piers Plowman is one of the most important works in Middle English. Over 50 manuscripts have survived, which derive from three common texts (A, B and C). The first version, A, seems to have been written in the early 1360s, was then revised into B in the late 1370s, and the final draft, C, was not yet complete when the author, William Langland, died in 1385. Piers Plowman enjoyed great success for centuries after it had been written, and remains one of the most complex works of the time. Langland makes use of the popular tradition of dream poetry, placing the main action and message of the story within the frame of a dream vision. The poet-narrator falls asleep and has an allegorical dream (in Piers Plowman there are several visions), whose significance is explained to him by a guide whom he encounters within the dream. In the case of Piers Plowman, the narrator Will finds himself in a strange and corrupt world, which reflects the state of the Church in England in the 14th century. Will, as the visionary is called by his guide (II, 5), meets with corruption, misuse of power, hypocrisy and simony. Some few try to lead a good life, but the poor folk, for example, are blinded by the words of the sinful clergy (see lines 66-80). Indeed, most of the characters in the dream are indifferent about living a good or holy life before the eyes of God. It is in this corrupt world that the dreamer seeks some sort of orientation, which develops into his search for the “shrine of holy truth”. On his quest, as he is led through the social, political and moral dimensions of contemporary England, he is shown the various vices present throughout (Passus I-IX constitutes the first vision in the C-Text, used here). The first visio culminates in Piers Plowman, Will’s guide, attempting to lead the people to plough a half-acre together. This simple effort is, however, too selfless for the characters, and they are sabotaged by their own selfishness and stubbornness; not only does their attempt fail, but chaos breaks out to such an extreme that the dreamer (and the reader with him) feel as if they were back at the beginning. After this failure, the dreamer begins the second part of his quest, which now has a more spiritual character (Passus X-XVII). The concluding Passus (XVIII-XX) describe the final battle of good against evil, in which Christ saves humanity through his Crucifixion and the Harrowing of Hell, and the succeeding foundation of the Christian Church. Most of the prologue is printed here, which describes first of all Will’s entry into his dream, and the initial situation: the errors of present society. The second part is from Passus VI, the confession scene after Reason has held a sermon. Glotoun goes into a tavern, which was known to be the spawning place of vice. The motif of the tavern appears often in literature of religious instruction (see also M 4/ 78-end), as it is here that Satan has the most power. In the tavern, most of Seven Deadly Sins (as well as many minor sins) appear in one form or another: Gluttony - eating and drinking; Sloth - sitting around talking, dicing and gaming; Pride - telling stories (often lies); and of course, Lechery - the bar wenches were known to provide more than drinks. Langland also avails himself of the various literary techniques common in sermons and religious handbooks of his time, also including elements of drama in short scenes. Piers Plowman is written in alliterative long lines. Langland tries to use two alliterations in the first, and one alliteration in the second half-line as much as possible, but resorts to fewer or more alliterations as need be. The caesura falls between the second and third alliteration: <?page no="197"?> 186 Middle English Texts In a s´omur s´esoun whan s´ofte was þe sonne Y s´hope me into s´hroudes as y a s´hep were In a´bite as an h´ eremite, vnh´ oly of werkes, W´ ente forth in þe w´ orld w´ ondres to here, And s´ay many s´ellies and s´elkouthe thynges. The most important linguistic feature of the text is the reflex of Old English a¯ (see § 10), written <o>, as in vnholy (l. 3), wo, bothe (l. 10, 76) and so on. Old English a followed by a nasal is written <o>, as in mony (l. 27), conneth (l. 35); but it is also written <a>, as in many, chapman (l. 5, 62). Late West Saxon e˘a followed by <h> is written <ei>, as for example in seih (l. 17) and sey (l. 109); this is indicative of the changes affecting diphthongs in late West Saxon (see § 4). Old English y can be written <u>, / y: / , as in hulles (l. 6, 135), furste (l. 239), but also <uy> as in pruyde (l. 25) and luyther (l. 238). In general, the text shows features typical of a Southwest Midlands origin. Sources: Huntington Library, MS HM 143. - Pearsall (1978); Skeat (1886). - Secondary literature: Robertson/ Huppe´ (1951), Frank (1957), Lawlor (1962), Bloomfield (1963), Vasta (1965), Aers (1975), Griffiths (1985), Samuels (1985, 1988), Du Boulay (1991). In a somur sesoun whan softe was þe sonne Y shope me into shroudes as y a shep were; In abite as an heremite, vnholy of werkes, Wente forth in þe world wondres to here, And say many sellies and selkouthe thynges. 5 Ac on a May mornyng on Maluerne hulles Me biful for to slepe, for werynesse of-walked; And in a launde as y lay, lened y and slepte, And merueylousliche me mette, as y may telle. Al þe welthe of the world and þe wo bothe 10 Wynkyng, as hit were, witterliche y sigh hit; Of treuthe and tricherye, tresoun and gyle, Al y say slepynge, as y shal telle. Estward y beheld aftir þe sonne And say a tour - as y trowed, Treuthe was there-ynne. 15 Westward y waytede in a while aftir And seigh a depe dale - Deth, as y leue, Woned in tho wones, and wikkede spiritus. 2 shep ] could refer to an article of clothing, perhaps a cloak of coarse wool; also an allusion to the motif of a wolf in sheep’s clothing. 6 Maluerne hulles ] the Malvern Hills in Worcestershire 7 for werynesse of-walked ] ‘because I was wearied from walking’ 9 me mette ] Langland still uses ‘mette’ (dream) as an impersonal verb (cf. O 11/ 2: ‘me¯ gem毯 tte’). <?page no="198"?> 187 Piers Plowman A fair feld ful of folk fond y þer bytwene Of alle manere men, þe mene and þe pore, 20 Worchyng and wandryng as þis world ascuth. Somme potte hem to þe plogh, playde ful selde, In settynge and in sowynge swonken ful harde And wonne þat þis wastors with glotony destrueth. And summe putte hem to pruyde and parayled hem þer-aftir 25 In continance of clothyng in many kyne gyse. In preiers and penaunces potten hem mony, Al for loue of oure lord lyueden swythe harde In hope to haue a good ende and heuenriche blisse; As ankeres and eremites þat holdeth hem in here selles, 30 Coueyten no n t in contreys to cayren aboute For no likerous liflode here lycame to plese. And summe chesen chaffare - þei cheueth þe bettre, As it semeþ to oure sighte that suche men ythryueth; And summe murthes to make as mynstrels conneth, 35 Wolleth neyther swynke ne swete, bote sweren grete othes, Fyndeth out foule fantasyes and foles hem maketh And hath wytt at wille to worche yf þei wolde. That Poule prechede of hem preue hit y myhte; Qui turpiloquium loquitur is Luciferes knaue. 40 Bidders and beggers fast aboute n ede Til here bagge and here bely was bretful ycrammed, Fayteden for here fode and foughten at þe ale. In glotonye þo gomus goth þei to bedde And ryseþ with rybaudrye þo Robardus knaues; 45 Slep and also slewthe sueth suche euer. Pilgrymes and palmers plighten hem togyderes To seke seynt Iame and seyntes of Rome, 19 A fair feld ] see Matthew 13: 38, ‘the field is the world . . .’. 22 hem ] is in most instances used as a reflexive pronoun: ‘some applied themselves to the plough’. 25-26 And . . . gyse ] ‘And some gave themselves over to pride and dressed in various fashions’. 31-32 Coueyten . . . plese ] ‘do not desire to roam the country or indulge their bodies with delicious food’. 35 mynstrels ] Langland’s general condemnation of minstrels here is not typical of the tradition of moral theology, which differentiates between ‘good’ and ‘bad’ minstrels. 38 And . . . wille ] ‘and have enough intelligence’ 39 Poule prechede ] perhaps a reference to 2 Thess. 3: 10 40 Qui . . . loquitur ] ‘He who speaks foolish words’; see Eph. 5: 4 43 fayteden . . . fode ] ‘begged falsely for their food’ 45 Robardus knaues ] i. e. robbers 47 palmers ] Pilgrims returning from the Holy Land wore a palm-leaf as a sign of their pilgrimage. Palmers in this case refers to ‘professional pilgrims’ who could be hired. 48 seynt Iame ] the famous shrine of Santiago at Compostela in Galicia <?page no="199"?> 188 Middle English Texts Wenten forth on here way with many wyse tales And hadde leue to lye aftir, al here lyf-tyme. 50 Eremites on an hep with hokede staues Wenten to Walsyngham, and here wenches aftir; Grete lobies and longe þat loth were to swynke Clothed hem in copis to be knowe fram othere And made hemself heremites, here ese to haue. 55 I fonde þer of freris alle þe foure ordres, Prechyng þe peple for profyt of þe wombe, And glosede þe gospel as hem good likede; For coueytise of copis contraryed somme doctours. Mony of þise maistres of mendenant freres 60 Here moneye and marchandise marchen togyderes. Ac sith charite hath be chapman and chief to shryue lordes Mony ferlyes han falle in a fewe n eres, And but holi chirche and charite choppe adoun suche shryuars The moste meschief on molde mounteth vp faste. 65 Ther prechede a pardoner as he a prest were And brouth forth a bulle with bischopis selys, Sayde þat hymself myhte assoylen hem alle Of falsnesses of fastynges, of vowes ybrokene. Lewed men leued hym wel and lykede his wordes 70 And comen and knelede to kyssen his bulles; A bounchede hem with his bulles and blered here yes And raughte with his rageman rynges and broches. Thus n e gyue n oure gold glotons to helpe And leneth hit lorelles þat lecherye haunten. 75 Were þe bischop yblessed and worth bothe his eres His seel sholde nou n t be ysent in deseyte of þe people. 52 Walsyngham ] The shrine devoted to the Virgin Mary at Walsingham (Norfolk) was the second most popular place of pilgrimage after Canterbury. 56 foure ordres ] the four religious orders of the Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians and Carmelites 58 And . . . likede ] ‘and interpreted the Gospels according to their own purposes’ - a frequent complaint 59 doctours ] ‘church fathers’ 60 mendenant freres ] mendicant friars 61 Here . . . togyderes ] ‘they trade souls (only) for money’. 62 Ac . . . lordes ] ‘And since charity (i. e. the friars) has turned merchant and main confessor of lords’ 66 prechede a pardoner ] Pardoners were not allowed to preach - unless they had a special licence from the bishop. 72 A . . . yes ] ‘he tapped them on the head (in forgiveness) and blurred their eyes’, i. e. deceived them. 73 rageman ] contemptuous name for a document (see l. 67: ‘bulle’) with many seals 76 yblessed . . . eres ] This refers to the consecration of a bishop: ‘If the bishop had (God’s) blessing and was worth anything at all’. 77 seel ] the seal on the document (rageman) mentioned in l. 73 <?page no="200"?> 189 Piers Plowman Ac it is nou n t by þe bischop, y leue, þat þe boy precheþ, - For þe parsche prest and þe pardoner parten þe seluer That þe peple in parsches sholde haue, yf þei ne were. 80 Persones and parsche prestis pleyned to þe bischop That here parsches were pore sithe þis pestelence tyme, To haue a licence and a leue in Londoun to dwelle And synge þer for symonye while seluer is so swete. Bischopes and bachelers, bothe maystres and doctours, 85 That han cure vnder Crist and crownyng in tokene And ben charged with holy chirche charite to tylie, That is lele loue and lyfe among lered and lewed, Leyen in Londoun in lenton and elles. Summe seruen þe kynge and his siluer tellen, 90 In þe cheker and in þe chancerye chalengen his dettes Of wardus and of wardemotis, wayues and strayues; And summe aren as seneschalles and seruen oþer lordes And ben in stede of stewardus and sitten and demen. Consience cam and cused hem - and þe comune herde hit - 95 And seide, ‘Ydolatrie n e soffren in sondrye places manye And boxes ben yset forth ybounde with yren To vndertake þe tol of vntrewe sacrefice. In menynge of myracles muche wex hangeth there: Al þe world wot wel hit myghte nou n t be trewe, 100 And for it profiteþ n ou into pursward n e prelates soffren That lewed men in mysbileue lyuen and dyen. I leue by oure lord for loue of n oure coueytise That al þe world be the wors, as holy writ telleth 78 boy ]: a derisive term for ‘pardoner’ 79 parten þe seluer ] i. e. keep the money for themselves 81 Persones . . . prestis ] Often a parson held the benefice as an absentee and hired a (poorly) paid priest to carry out the duties of his office. 82 pestelence tyme ] This refers to the waves of the Black Death in 1348, 1361, 1369 und 1375. The drop in population led to a lower income for the priest. 83 licence . . . leue ] The priest needed the bishop’s permission if he wanted to live outside of his parish. 84 synge . . . symonye ] meaning: ‘and celebrate mass there in order to earn money for the purchase of a better office’. 89 lenton ] Lent refers to the period preceding Easter, devoted to fasting and meditation. 91 cheker . . . chancerye ] the offices of the royal exchequer (responsible for revenues (‘dettes’) and accounts) and the chancellor’s court 92 wardus . . . strayues ] refers to various royal revenues: wardus income from the estates of underage orphan nobles; wardemotis tax on city assemblies; wayues lost property; strayues stray animals. 97 boxes . . . yren ] iron-bound boxes for offerings 99 In menynge . . . wex ] This is a reference to candles (‘wex’) lit by the devout in expectation of (further) miracles. 101 And . . . pursward ] ‘and because it fills your purse’ <?page no="201"?> 190 Middle English Texts What cheste and meschaunce to þe children of Israel 105 Ful on hem þat fre were thorwe two fals prestis. For Offnies synne and Fines his brother Thei were discomfited in batayle and losten Archa domini. And for here syre sey hem synne and suffred hem do ille And chastisid hem noght þerof and nolde noght rebuken hem, 110 Anon as it was tolde hym that þe children of Israel Were disconfit in batayle and Archa domini lorn And his sones slawe ther, anon he ful for sorwe Fro his chayere þer he sat and brake his nekke atwene; And al was for vengeance he bet noght his children. 115 And for þei were prestis and men of holy chirche God was wel þe wrother and took þe raþer vengeance. [. . .] Thenne cam ther a kyng, knyghthede hym ladde, [139] Myght of tho men made hym to regne. And thenne cam Kynde Wytt and clerkus he made 120 And Conscience and Kynde Wit and knyghthed togedres Caste þat þe comunes sholde here comunes fynde. Kynde Wytt and þe comune contreued alle craftes And for most profitable a plogh gonne þei make, With lele labour to lyue while lif on londe lasteth. 125 Thenne Kynde Witt to þe kynge and to þe comune saide, ‘Crist kepe þe, kynge, and thy kyneriche And leue the lede so þy londe þat Lewte þe louye And for thy rightful ruylynge be rewardid in heuene.’ [. . .] Consience and þe kynge in to court wente [158] 130 Where houed an hundrid in houes of selke, Seriantz it semede that serueth at þe barre, Plededen for penyes and poundes þe lawe And nat for loue of oure lord vnlose here lyppes ones. 107-108 For Offnies . . . domini ] see 1 Sam. 4: 11; ‘Offnies’ and ‘Fines’ are genitives. 108 Archa domini ] Ark of the Covenant 111-113 Anon . . . anon he ] ‘As soon as . . . he’ 114 Fro . . . atwene ] see 1 Sam. 4: 18 115 bet noght his children ] Beating your children is a standard theme in medieval sermons; see Prov. 13: 24: ‘qui parcit virgae suae odit filium suum - he that spareth his rod hateth his son’. 120 Kynde Wytt ] natural intelligence 122 Caste . . . fynde ] (Together they) ‘decided that the lower estate be responsible for providing food for the whole community’. 124 And . . . make ] ‘And made the most useful instrument (for everybody): a plough’. 128 Lewte ] is a personification of the moral concepts of truth and justice. 133 for penyes and poundes ] corrupt and avaricious lawyers - a familiar complaint <?page no="202"?> 191 Piers Plowman Thow myghtest betre meten myst on Maluerne hulles 135 Than gete a mum of here mouth ar moneye were hem shewed. [. . .] ^ ut mette me more of mene and of riche, [219] As barones and burgeys and bondemen of thorpes, Al y say slepynge as n e shal here heraftur: Bothe bakeres and breweres, bochers and other, 140 Webbesteres and walkeres and wynners with handes, As taylers and tanners and tulyers of þe erthe, As dykers and deluers þat doth here dedis ylle And dryueth forth here days with ‘Dew vous saue, dame Emme.’ Cokes and here knaues cryede, ‘hote pyes, hote! 145 Goode gees and grys! ga we dyne, ga we! ’ Tauerners til hem tolde þe same: ‘Whit wyn of Oseye and wyn of Gascoyne, Of þe Reule and of þe Rochele the roost to defye! ’ Al þis y say sleping and seuyn sythes more. 150 [. . .] Now bygynneth Glotoun for to go to shryfte [VI, 350] And kayres hym to kyrke-ward, his cowpe to shewe. Fastyng on a Friday forth gan he wende By Betene hous the brewestere, þat bad hym good morwen, And whodeward he wolde the breuh-wyf hym askede. 155 ‘To holy churche,’ quod he, ‘for to here masse, And sennes sitte and be shryue and synege no more.’ ‘Y haue good ale, gossip Glotoun, woltow assaye? ’ ‘Hastow,’ quod he, ‘eny hote spyces? ’ ‘Y haue pepur and pyonie and a pound of garlek, 160 A ferthyng-worth fenkelsedes, for fastyng-dayes y bouhte hit.’ Thenne goth Glotoun in and grete othes aftur. Sesse þe souhteres saet on þe benche, 135 Thow . . . meten ] ‘you will rather encounter’ 144 Dew . . . Emme ] ‘God save you, Dame Emma’; this refers probably to the bawd Emma of Shoreditch, celebrated in many a popular ballad. 147 Tauerners . . . same ] ‘innkeepers praised their wares in similar terms’ 148 Oseye . . . Gascoyne ] Alsace and Gascony 149 Reule . . . Rochele ] La Reole and La Rochelle 152 And . . . shewe ] ‘and proceeds to church to confess his sins’ 154 Betene ] genitive singular, i. e. ‘Betty’s’ 159 hote spyces ] ‘hot spices’ were sometimes associated with heavy drinking. 160 pyonie ] peony seed; the peony is still used in homeopathy. 161 ferthyng-worth ] amounting to the value of a farthing 161 fenkelsedes ] Fennel seeds were used to suppress appetite during fasting. 162 grete othes ] Swearing along with drinking and gaming are the typical sins committed in the tavern (see also M 4/ 78 ff.). <?page no="203"?> 192 Middle English Texts Watte þe wernare and his wyf dronke, Tymme þe tynekare and tweyne of his knaues, 165 Hicke þe hackenayman and Hewe þe nedlare, Claryce of Cockes-lane and the clerc of þe churche, Syre Peres of Prydie and Purnele of Flaundres, An hayward, an heremyte, the hangeman of Tybourne, Dawe þe dikere, with a dosoyne harlotes 170 Of portours and of pikeporses and of pilede toth-draweres, A rybibour and a ratoner, a rakeare and his knaue, A ropere and a redyngkynge and Rose þe disshere, Godefray þe garlek-monger and Gryffyth þe Walshe, And of vphalderes an heep, herly by þe morwe 175 Geuen Glotoun with glad chere good ale to hansull. Clement þe coblere cast of his cloke And to þe newe fayre nempnede hit forth to sull. Hicke þe hackenayman hit his hod aftur And bade Bitte þe bochere ben on his syde. 180 There were chapmen ychose this chaffare to preyse, That ho-so hadde the hood sholde nat haue þe cloke, And that the bettere thyng, be arbitreres, bote sholde þe worse. Tho rysen vp rape and rounned togyderes And preisede this peniworths apart by hemsulue, 185 And there were othes an heep, for on sholde haue þe worse. They couthe nat by here consience acorden for treuthe Til Robyn þe ropere aryse they besouhte And nempned hym for a noumper, þat no debat were. Hicke þe hostiler hadde þe cloke, 190 In couenaunt þat Clement sholde the coppe fulle, And haue Hickes hood þe hostiler and holde hym yserued; And ho-so repentede hym rathest sholde aryse aftur And grete syre Glotoun with a galon of ale. There was leyhing and louryng and ‘lat go the coppe! ’ 195 Bargaynes and beuereges bygan tho to awake, And seten so til euensong, and songen vmbywhile, 167 Cockes-lane ] a London street, north of the Thames, known for its brothels 168 Syre Peres of Prydie ] ironic term for a neglectful priest 168 Purnele of Flaundres ] Flemish women were reputed to be prostitutes. 169 Tybourne ] The London gallows were in Tyburn. 172 rybibour ] musician playing the rubible, a small string instrument 173 redyngkynge ] probably a thatcher 173 disshere ] a woman who sells food 175 vphalderes ] second-hand clothes dealers 176 to hansull ] ‘as a welcome drink’ 178 newe fayre ] game in which objects were traded; judges (arbitreres, l. 183) decided what to do in case traded objects were not of equal value (bote sholde þe worse, l. 183). 179 hit . . . aftur ] ‘bet his hat thereupon’ <?page no="204"?> 193 Piers Plowman Til Glotoun hadde yglobbed a galoun and a gylle. His gottes gan to gothly as two grydy sowes; A pissede a potel in a pater-noster whyle, 200 A blew his rownd ruet at his rygebones ende, That alle þat herde þe horne helde here nose aftur And wesched hit hadde be wasche with a weps of breres. He myhte noþer steppe ne stande til he a staf hadde, And thenne gan he go lyke a glemans byche, 205 Sum tyme asyde and sum tyme arere, As ho-so layth lynes for to lacche foules. And when he drow to the dore, thenne dymmede his yes, And thromblede at the thresfold and threw to þe erthe, And Clement þe coblere cauhte hym by þe myddel 210 And for to lyfte hym aloft leyde hym on his knees. Ac Gloton was a greet cherl and greued in þe luftynge And cowed vp a caudel in Clementis lappe; Ys none so hungry hound in Hertfordshyre Durste lape of þat lyuynge, so vnlouely hit smauhte. 215 With alle þe wo of this world his wyf and his wenche Baren hym to his bed and brouhten hym þer-ynne, And aftur al this exces he hadde an accidie aftur; A sleep Saturday and Sonenday til þe sonne n ede to reste. Then gan he wake wel wanne and wolde haue ydronke; 220 The furste word that he spake was ‘Who halt þe bolle? ’ His wif and his inwit edwitede hym of his synne; A wax ashamed, þat shrewe, and shrofe hym as swythe To Repentaunce ryht thus: ‘Haue reuthe on me,’ he saide, ‘Thow lord that aloft art and alle lyues shope! 225 To the, God, y, Glotoun, gulty me n elde Of þat y haue trespased with tonge, y can nat telle how ofte, Sworn “Godes soule and his sides! ” and “So helpe me, God almyhty! ” There no nede ne was, many sythe falsly; And ouer-sopped at my soper and som tyme at nones 230 More then my kynde myhte deffye, And as an hound þat eet gras so gan y to brake 198 a galoun . . . gylle ] literally: ‘a gallon and a gill’, i. e. too much 200 potel . . . whyle ] A potel is 4 pints (about 2.5 litres); pater-noster whyle - as long as it takes to say this prayer in a hurry. 201 blew . . . ende ] This refers to flatulence. 205 glemans byche ] Jesters often had dogs trained to perform tricks. 212 greued . . . luftynge ] He was difficult to lift (because of his weight). 213 cowed . . . caudel ] ‘threw up a mess’ 215 lyuynge ] i. e. the vomit 218 accidie ] Sloth is one of the Seven Deadly Sins; here it is used to refer to Glotoun’s drunken slumber. 221 Who . . . bolle ] ‘Who’s got the cup? ’ <?page no="205"?> 194 Middle English Texts And spilde þat y aspele myhte - y kan nat speke for shame The vilony of my foule mouthe and of my foule mawe - On fastyng-dayes bifore noen fedde me with ale 235 Out of resoun, among rybaudes, here rybaudrye to here. Herof, gode God, graunte me for n euenesse Of all my luyther lyf in al my lyf-tyme For y vowe to verray God, for eny hungur or furste, Shal neuere fysch in þe Fryday defyen in my wombe 240 Til Abstinence myn aunte haue n eue me leue - And n ut haue y hated here al my lyf-tyme.’ 235 On fastyng-dayes . . . noen ] Only one meal was allowed when fasting, and not before noon. 236 here rybaudrye to here ] ‘in order to hear their jokes’ <?page no="206"?> 195 The Fox and the Wolf Text 8: The Fox and the Wolf The Fox and the Wolf is one of the two examples in Middle English of a secular “beast epic”, the other being Chaucer’s Nun’s Priest’s Tale. Medieval England seems to have preferred the genre “fable” to “beast epic”, even though the beast epic tradition was prevalent on the European continent: the French Roman de Renart cycle (from around 1175) spawned a tradition which spread into most other languages, like the Middle High German Reinhart Fuchs (from around 1180) and the Middle Dutch Van den vos Reinaerde (from around 1250). In England, however, this genre was reserved more for religious purposes, and we find animal lore more often in sermons or in literature for religious instruction as an exemplum. When The Fox and the Wolf is compared to similar works from the Continent, it is difficult to find a direct source or sources. It is preserved in only one manuscript, MS Digby 86 (dating The Fox and the Wolf to some time before 1300), alongside an Old French version of the Disciplina Clericalis by Petrus Alphonsi (1109-1114), of which the 23rd story is ‘the Fox and the Wolf in the Well’. Although the plot proceeds differently from the Middle English The Fox and the Wolf, it may have nonetheless had an influence on the composition. On the other hand, the Roman de Renart also includes the names Reneuard and Sigrim as we find them in this Fox and Wolf story (see ll. 128 and 133). However, the Middle English tale uses the names only in these two lines, otherwise referring to the ‘fox’ and the ‘wolf’. Indeed, The Fox and the Wolf has scenes not found in the Roman de Renart, such as the discussion between the fox and the cock, while the Roman de Renart has scenes which are missing in this story. The hens, for example, which the fox devours, do not appear in our story - although this scene has obviously been left out after l. 15 as the cock says in l. 28 that the fox has already eaten the others; on the other hand, the scenes in which Reneuard’s adultery is discussed are almost entirely left out, which leads to a more effective satire of the sacrament confession (see lines 88-113). The Fox and the Wolf is in general shorter and more concise than the 4th branch of the Roman de Renart, which uses the full dimensions of a beast epic. The Middle English tale, on the other hand, is so compact that it might better be compared to the genre fabliau with the main plot of tricking a simpleton (if possible, twice). The linguistic evidence suggests a Southwest Midland provenance of the text. Old English a¯ is written <o> throughout and rhymes with o ˙¯ . Old English 毯 is written <e> and <ee>. Old English y˘ is written <u> in putte (l. 121) and could be pronounced / e/ and / i/ , as the rhymes show. Word-initial etymological <h-> is missing sometimes as in oundred (l. 4). The <h-> can be added when it is not required etymologically, as in heddre (l. 22), houre (l. 18, 30), hounderstod (l. 39) etc. LALME on MS Digby 86: Linguistic Profile 7790, Gloucestershire. Sources: Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS Digby 86. - Bennett/ Smithers (1968); McKnight (1913). - Secondary literature: Bercovitch (1966), von Kreisler (1970), Bergner (1973). - Facsimile: Tschann (1996). <?page no="207"?> 196 Middle English Texts A vox gon out of þe wode go, / Afingret so þat him wes wo - He nes neuere in none wise / Afingret erour half so swiþe. He ne hoeld nouþer wey ne strete, / For him wes loþ men to mete; Him were leuere meten one hen / Þen half an oundred wimmen! He strok swiþe oueral / So þat he ofsei ane wal. 5 Wiþinne þe walle wes on hous: / Þe wox wes þider swiþe wous, For he þohute his hounger aquenche, / Oþer mid mete oþer mid drunche. Abouten he biheld wel n erne. / Þo eroust bigon þe vox to erne Al fort he come to one walle; / And som þerof wes afalle, And wes þe wal oueral tobroke, / And on n at þer wes iloke. 10 At þe furmest bruche þat he fond / He lep in, and ouer he wond. Þo he wes inne, smere he lou / And þerof he hadde gome inou (For he com in wiþouten leue / Boþen of haiward and of reue! ) On hous þer wes: þe dore wes ope. / Hennen weren þerinne icrope Fiue (þat makeþ anne flok); / And mid hem sat on kok. 15 Þe kok him wes flowen on hey, / And two hennen him seten ney. ‘Wox! ’ quad þe kok, ‘wat dest þou þare? / Go hom! Crist þe n eue kare: Houre hennen þou dest ofte shome.’ / ‘Be stille, Ich hote, a Godes nome! ’ Quaþ þe wox, ‘Sire Chauntecler, / Þou fle adoun and com me ner. I nabbe don her nout bote goed - / I have leten þine hennen blod. 20 Hy weren seke ounder þe ribe, / Þat hy ne mi n tte non lengour libe Bote here heddre were itake. / Þat I do for almes sake - Ich haue hem leten eddre-blod. / And þe, Chauntecler, hit wolde don goed (Þou hauest þat ilke ounder þe splen - / Þou nestes neuere daies ten); For þine lif-dayes beþ al ago / Bote þou bi mine rede do. 25 I do þe lete blod ounder þe brest, / Oþer sone axe after þe prest.’ ‘Go wei! ’ quod þe kok, ‘wo þe bigo! / Þou hauest don oure kunne wo - Go mid þan þat þou hauest nouþe. / Acoursed be þou of Godes mouþe! For were I adoun, bi Godes nome / Ich mi n te ben siker of oþre shome. Ac weste hit houre cellerer / Þat þou were icomen her, 30 He wolde sone after þe n onge / Mid pikes and stones and staues stronge. Alle þine bones he wolde tobreke - / Þene we weren wel awreke! ’ 4 half . . . wimmen ] The fox was often depicted as a lustful creature. 6 wes . . . wous ] ‘was in a hurry to get there’ 13 haiward ] a parish officer in charge of enclosures and fences 16 him ] need not be translated 16 two hennen ] Apparently, the fox has already eaten three of the five hens mentioned in l. 15. 20 leten blod ] The fox is often depicted as a doctor. 22 heddre ] ‘blood in the veins’ 22 Þat . . . sake ] ‘I do this out of the goodness of my heart’ 23 eddre-blod ] ‘blood in the veins’ 24 splen ] According to medieval medicine, the spleen was the seat of evil passions. 24 nestes ] ‘survive’ (in your nest) 26 I do . . . prest ] ‘Either I bleed you (under the breast) or you had better send for the priest’. 30 cellerer ] The cellarer was responsible for running the farm. <?page no="208"?> Bodleian Library, University of Oxford, MS Digby 86, fol. 138 r Reproduced by permission <?page no="209"?> 198 Middle English Texts He wes stille ne spak namore, / Ac he werþ aþurst wel sore: Þe þurst him dede more wo / Þen heuede raþer his hounger do. Oueral he ede and sohvte: / On auenture, his wiit him brohute 35 To one putte wes water inne, / Þat wes imaked mid grete ginne. Tuo boketes þer he founde: / Þat oþer wende to þe grounde, Þat wen me shulde þat on opwinde / Þat oþer wolde adoun winde. He ne hounderstod nout of þe ginne: / He nom þat boket and lop þerinne, For he hopede inou to drinke. / Þis boket biginneþ to sinke: 40 To late þe vox wes biþout / Þo he wes in þe ginne ibrout. Inou he gon him biþenche, / Ac hit ne halp mid none wrenche: Adoun he moste, he wes þerinne - / Ikaut he wes mid swikele ginne. Hit mi n te han iben wel his wille / To lete þat boket hongi stille. Wat mid serewe and mid drede, / Al his þurst him ouer-hede. 45 Al þus he com to þe grounde, / And water inou þer he founde. Þo he fond water, n erne he dronk / (Him þoute þat water þere stonk, For hit wes to n eines his wille! ) / ‘Wo worþe,’ quaþ þe vox, ‘lust and wille, Þat ne con meþ to his mete! / ^ ef Ich neuede to muchel i-ete, Þis ilke shome neddi nouþe, / Nedde lust iben of mine mouþe. 50 Him is wo, in euche londe, / Þat is þef mid his honde. Ich am ikaut mid swikele ginne / Oþer soum deuel me broute herinne. I was woned to ben wiis, / Ac nou of me idon hit hiis! ’ Þe vox wep and reuliche bigan. / Þer com a wolf gon, after þan, Out of þe depe wode bliue, / For he wes afingret swiþe. 55 Noþing he ne founde, in al þe ni n te, / Wermide his honger aquenche mi n tte. He com to þe putte, þene vox iherde: / He him kneu wel bi his rerde, For hit wes his nei n ebore / And his gossip, of children bore. Adoun bi þe putte he sat. / Quod þe wolf: ‘Wat may ben þat Þat Ich in þe putte ihere? / Hertou Cristine oþer mi fere? 60 Say me soþ - ne gabbe þou me nout: / Wo haueþ þe in þe putte ibrout? ’ Þe vox hine ikneu wel for his kun, / And þo eroust kom wiit to him; For he þoute, mid sommne ginne, / Himself houpbringe, þene wolf þerinne. Quod þe vox: ‘Wo is nou þere? / Ich wene hit is Sigrim þat Ich here.’ ‘Þat is soþ,’ þe wolf sede, / ‘Ac wat art þou, so God þe rede? ’ 65 ‘A! ’ quod þe vox, ‘Ich wille þe telle - / On alpi word Ich lie nelle. Ich am Reneuard, þi frend; / And n if Ich þine come heuede iwend, Ich hedde so ibede for þe / Þat þou sholdest comen to me.’ ‘Mid þe? ’ quod þe wolf, ‘warto? / Wat shulde Ich ine þe putte do? ’ 33 He ] the fox 40 biginneþ ] historical present 41 wes biþout ] ‘figured it out’ 49 Þat ] ‘for him who’ 53 Ac . . . hiis! ] ‘but now I’m done for’. 54 reuliche bigan ] ‘pitied himself’ 58 gossip . . . bore ] The fox is the godfather of the wolf’s children. 67 And . . . iwend ] ‘and had I known you were coming’ <?page no="210"?> 199 The Fox and the Wolf Quod þe vox: ‘Þou art ounwiis! / Her is þe blisse of Paradiis - 70 Her Ich mai euere wel fare, / Wiþouten pine, wiþouten kare. Her is mete, her is drinke; / Her is blisse wiþouten swinke. Her nis hounger neuermo, / Ne non oþer kunnes wo - Of alle gode her is inou! ’ / Mid þilke wordes þe volf lou. ‘Art þou ded, so God þe rede, / Oþer of þe worlde? ’ þe wolf sede. 75 Quod þe wolf: ‘Wenne storue þou, / And wat dest þou þere nou? Ne beþ nout n et þre daies ago / Þat þou, and þi wif also, And þine children, smale and grete, / Alle togedere mid me hete! ’ ‘Þat is soþ,’ quod þe vox, / ‘Gode þonk, nou hit is þus Þat Ihc am to Criste vend! / Not hit non of mine frend; 80 I nolde, for al þe worldes goed, / Ben ine þe worlde, þer Ich hem fond. Wat shuld Ich ine þe worlde go / Þer nis bote kare and wo, And liuie in fulþe and in sunne? / Ac her beþ ioies fele cunne - Her beþ boþe shep and get.’ / Þe wolf haueþ hounger swiþe gret, For he nedde n are i-ete; / And þo he herde speken of mete, 85 He wolde bleþeliche ben þare. / ‘A! ’ quod þe wolf, ‘gode ifere, Moni goed mel þou hauest me binome! / Let me adoun to þe kome, And al Ich wole þe for n eue.’ / ‘ ^ e! ’ quod þe vox, ‘were þou isriue, And sunnen heuedest al forsake, / And to klene lif itake, Ich wolde so bidde for þe / Þat þou sholdest comen to me.’ 90 ‘To wom shuld Ich,’ þe wolf seide, / ‘Ben iknowe of mine misdede? Her nis noþing aliue / Þat me kouþe her nou sriue. Þou hauest ben ofte min ifere - / Woltou nou mi srift ihere, And al mi liif I shal þe telle? ’ / ‘Nay! ’ quod þe vox, ‘I nelle.’ ‘Neltou? ’ quod þe wolf, ‘þin ore! / Ich am afingret swiþe sore - 95 Ich wot, toni n t Ich worþe ded, / Bote þou do me somne reed. For Cristes loue, be mi prest! ’ / Þe wolf bey adoun his brest And gon to siken harde and stronge. / ‘Woltou’, quod þe vox, ‘srift ounderfonge? Tel þine sunnen, on and on, / Þat þer beleue neuer on.’ ‘Sone,’ quad þe wolf, ‘wel ifaie! / Ich habbe ben qued al mi lif-daie: 100 Ich habbe widewene kors - / Þerfore Ich fare þe wors. A þousent shep Ich habbe abiten / And mo, n ef hy weren iwriten; Ac hit me ofþinkeþ sore. / Maister, shal I tellen more? ’ ‘ ^ e! ’ quad þe vox, ‘al þou most sugge, / Oþer elleswer þou most abugge.’ ‘Gossip! ’ quod þe wolf, ‘(for n ef hit me) / Ich habbe ofte sehid qued bi þe. 105 Men seide þat þou on þine liue / Misferdest mid mine wiue. Ich þe aperseiuede one stounde, / And in bedde togedere ou founde: Ich wes ofte ou ful ney / And in bedde togedere ou sey. 81 The rhyme is defective; this could imply that the text is corrupt. 81 hem ] hem could refer to frend (l. 80) or goed (l. 81) 84 haueþ ] historical present again 100 wel ifaie ] ‘gladly’ 101 widewene kors ] In the Bible, widows and orphans had a privileged status; cf. Ex 22: 22, James 1: 27. <?page no="211"?> 200 Middle English Texts Ich wende, also oþre doþ, / Þat Ich iseie were soþ, And þerfore þou were me loþ - / Gode gossip, ne be þou nohut wroþ! ’ 110 ‘Vuolf! ’ quad þe vox him þo, / ‘Al þat þou hauest herbifore ido, In þohut, in speche, and in dede, / In euch oþeres kunnes quede, Ich þe for n eue at þisse nede.’ / ‘Crist þe for n elde! ’ þe wolf seide, ‘Nou Ich am in clene liue, / Ne recche Ich of childe ne of wiue! Ac sei me wat I shal do / And ou Ich may comen þe to.’ 115 Ðo quod þe vox: ‘Ich wille þe lere. / Isiist þou a boket hongi þere? Þer is a bruche of heuene blisse! / Lep þerinne, mid iwisse, And þou shalt comen to me sone.’ / Quod þe wolf: ‘Þat is li n t to done! ’ He lep in and way sumdel / (Þat weste þe vox ful wel! ) Þe wolf gon sinke, þe vox arise - / Þo gon þe wolf sore agrise! 120 Þo he com amidde þe putte, / Þe wolf þene vox opward mette. ‘Gossip,’ quod þe wolf, ‘wat nou! / Wat hauest þou imunt - weder wolt þou? ’ ‘Weder Ich wille? ’ þe vox sede, / ‘Ich wille oup, so God me rede! And nou go doun wiþ þi meel - / Þi be n ete worþ wel smal! Ac Ich am þerof glad and bliþe / Þat þou art nomen in clene liue. 125 Þi soule-cnul Ich wile do ringe, / And masse for þine soule singe! ’ Þe wrecche bineþe noþing ne vind, / Bote cold water and hounger him bind. To colde gistninge he wes ibede - / Wroggen haueþ his dou iknede! Þe wolf in þe putte stod, / Afingret so þat he ves wod. Inou he cursede þat þider him broute! / Þe vox þerof luitel route. 130 Þe put him wes þe house ney / Þer freren woneden, swiþe sley. Þo þat hit com to þe time / Þat hoe shulden arisen ine, Forto suggen here houssong, / O frere þer wes among Of here slep hem shulde awecche. / Wen hoe shulden þidere recche, He seide: ‘Ariseþ, on and on, / And komeþ to houssong, heuereuchon! ’ 135 Þis ilke frere heyte Ailmer - / He wes hoere maister curtiler. He wes hofþurst swiþe stronge: / Ri n t amidward here houssonge Al hone to þe putte he hede, / For he wende bete his nede. He com to þe putte and drou, / And þe wolf wes heui inou. Þe frere mid al his maine tey, / So longe þat he þene wolf isey. 140 For he sei þene wolf þer sitte, / He gradde: ‘Þe deuel is in þe putte! ’ 109 Þat Ich iseie ] ‘That what I saw’ 112 þohut . . . dede ] The reference to ‘thought, mouth and deed’ can be found in many medieval confessional manuals: “homo tripliciter peccat, scilicet corde, ore, et opere”. 124 wiþ þi meel ] ‘to your meal’ 126 Þi . . . ringe ] ‘I’ll have the death knell rung for you’. 127 Þe wrecche . . . bind ] ‘the wretch won’t find anything down there except for cold water, and his hunger will continue’. 130 þat ] ‘the one who’ 131 Þe put him ] ‘Now the well’ 135 on and on ] ‘one after the other’ 136 maister curtiler ] ‘head gardener’ 138 Al hone ] ‘all alone’ <?page no="212"?> 201 The Fox and the Wolf To þe putte hy gonnen gon, / Alle mid pikes and staues and ston - Euch mon mid þat he hedde / (Wo wes him þat wepne nedde! ) Hy comen to þe putte, þene wolf opdrowe: / Þo hede þe wreche fomen inowe Þat weren egre him to slete / Mid grete houndes, and to bete! 145 Wel and wroþe he wes iswonge - / Mid staues and speres he wes istounge. Þe wox bicharde him, mid iwisse, / For he ne fond nones kunnes blisse Ne hof dintes for n euenesse. Explicit 143 mid þat ] ‘with what’ 148 Ne . . . for o euenesse ] ‘nor an end to the blows’ <?page no="213"?> 202 Middle English Texts Text 9: King Horn King Horn is one of the oldest remaining Middle English romances, composed sometime in the late 13th or early 14th century in the London area. Obviously based upon the Anglo-Norman romance Horn et Rimenild by Mestre Thomas, composed between 1170-1180, the Middle English story has been compressed to less than a third of its source text. The anonymous author has chosen to concentrate almost entirely on the plot, removing ‘unnecessary’ details, and also omitting any character development on the part of Horn. The typical elements of a romance, however, do appear in King Horn: for example, we have the magic ring, prophetic dreams, and of course, the typical motif of the lost son, who must first prove his worth and then return to reclaim his heritage. King Horn belongs to the series of romances dealing with the ‘Matter of England’, alongside Havelock the Dane and Athelston. The location of the action in King Horn is not based on truth, nor does it claim to be, as is often the case in Arthurian Romances (see for example, M 6/ 1-36, where Arthur and his court are put into the historical and geographical situation of England). Except for Ireland, attempts to locate the kingdoms mentioned in King Horn have been fruitless, and the poet even confuses the directions in which one must travel in order to reach the different kingdoms. The story of King Horn begins with pagan pirates, who land in the Kingdom of Suddene, kill Horn’s father King Murri, and put Horn and his friends out to sea in a rudderless boat. He and his companions land in Westernesse, where King Almair accepts them into his household. There, Horn receives a knightly education, and the daughter of the king, Rymenhild, falls desperately in love with him. Unbeknownst to him, the hero has a traitor in his midst: Fikenhild, one of Horn’s companions, conspires against him, and tells the king that Horn is Rymenhild’s lover. This leads to Horn’s second banishment; however, before he goes, the princess gives him a magic ring which will protect him when he thinks of her. Horn sails to Ireland and serves King Thurston there, who would like him to marry his daughter; however, Horn cannot accept this offer, for he has already promised to marry Rymenhild. During an adventure in Ireland, Horn meets some of the pirates who had killed his father, and is able to kill their leader. He then receives a message from Rymenhild that she has been engaged to marry King Modi, and returns disguised as a pilgrim to save her in the last minute. Before he can marry Rymenhild, Horn says he must return to Suddene and reclaim his throne, to which end he must take his loyal companion Athulf with him. The closing scenes of King Horn are printed here: Rymenhild’s rescue, Horn’s revenge, and the happy end as king and queen of Suddene. The most prominent linguistic features of the text suggest a provenance close to London. 1. Old English 毯 (derived from West Germanic *a¯ ) is written <a>: slape (l. 79), þare (l. 117). 2. Old English 毯 (derived from West Germanic *ai under the influence of i-mutation) is written <e>: lede (l. 67, 132), swete (l. 74). 3. Old English y¯˘ is written <e> and <u>: pelte (l. 78), dude (l. 30, 65, 67 etc.). 4. Grammatical gender is expressed in l. 68: castel . . . / . . . him biflette as well as in l. 91: castel . . . / For he . . . This may be due to the influence of French. LALME on MS Gg. 4. 27. 2.: Linguistic Profile 6800, Berkshire. <?page no="214"?> 203 King Horn Sources: University Library, Cambridge, MS Gg. 4. 27. 2. - McKnight (1901); Sands (1966), Allen (1984). - Secondary literature: Hill (1957), Arens (1973), Ziegler (1980), Barron (1987). Horn sat on chaere, / And bad hem alle ihere. [1353] “King,” he sede, “þu luste / A tale mid þe beste. I ne seie hit for no blame, / Horn is mi name. Þu me to kni n t houe, / And kni n thod haue proued. To þe, king, men seide / Þat i þe bitraide; 5 Þu makedest me fleme, / And þi lond to reme. Þu wendest þat i wro n te / Þat y neuere ne þo n te, Bi Rymenhild for to ligge, / And þat i wiþsegge. Ne schal ihc hit biginne, / Til i Suddene winne. Þu kep hure a stunde, / Þe while þat i funde 10 In to min heritage / And to mi baronage. Þat lond i schal ofreche, / And do mi fader wreche. I schal beo king of tune, / And bere kinges crune. Þanne schal Rymenhilde / Ligge bi þe kinge.” Horn gan to schupe dra n e, / Wiþ his Yrisse fela n es. 15 Aþulf wiþ him his broþer, / Nolde he non oþer. Þat schup bigan to crude, / Þe wind him bleu lude. Wiþinne daies fiue / Þat schup gan ariue, Abute middelni n te. / Horn him n ede wel ri n te. He tok Aþulf bi honde, / And vp he n ede to londe. 20 Hi founde vnder schelde, / A kni n t hende in felde. Þe kni n t him aslepe lay / Al biside þe way. Horn him gan to take, / And sede, “Kni n t, awake. Seie what þu kepest, / And whi þu her slepest. Me þinke, biþine crois li n te, / Þat þu longest to vre Dri n te. 25 Bute þu wule me schewe, / I schal þe tohewe.” Þe gode kni n t vp aros; / Of þe wordes him gros. He sede, “Ihc haue, a n enes my wille, / Payns ful ylle. Ihc was cristene a while, / Þo i com to þis ille Sarazins blake, / Þat dude me forsake. 30 On Crist ihc wolde bileue; / On him hi makede me reue, To kepe þis passage / From Horn þat is of age, 2 A tale mid þe beste ] Horn has just returned from his exile in order to claim his bride Rymenhild. He has arrived disguised as a pilgrim and the tale, ‘one of the best’, is about his adventures in Ireland. 4 And . . . proued ] ‘And I have proved that I am a (true) knight’, the subject has to be supplied. 5 men seide . . . bitraide ] Horn is referring to Fikenhild who had betrayed him by telling the king that he had seduced his daughter. 11 baronage ] i. e. ‘my kingdom’ 30 Sarazins ] ‘Sarazins’ also meant ‘pirates’. <?page no="215"?> 204 Middle English Texts Þat wunieþ bieste, / Kni n t wiþ þe beste. Hi slo n e wiþ here honde, / Þe king of þis londe, And wiþ him fele hundred. / And þerof is wunder 35 Þat he ne comeþ to fi n te: / God sende him þe ri n te, And wind him hider driue, / To bringe hem of liue. Hi slo n en kyng Murry, / Hornes fader, king hendy, Horn hi vt of londe sente; / Tuelf fela n es wiþ him wente, Among hem Aþulf þe gode, / Min o n ene child, my leue fode. 40 If Horn child is hol and sund, / And Aþulf wiþute wund, He luueþ him so dere, / And is him so stere, Mi n te iseon hem tueie, / For ioie i schulde deie.” “Kni n t, beo þanne bliþe, / Mest of alle siþe, Horn and Aþulf his fere, / Boþe hi ben here.” 45 To Horn he gan gon, / And grette him anon. Muche ioie hi makede þere, / Þe while hi togadere were. “Childre,” he sede, “hu habbe n e fare? / Þat ihc n ou se n hit is ful n are. Wulle n e þis londe winne, / And sle þat þer is inne? ” He sede, “Leue Horn child, / ^ utt lyueþ þi moder Godhild. 50 Of ioie he miste, / If heo þe aliue wiste.” Horn sede on his rime, / “Iblessed beo þe time I com to Suddene, / Wiþ mine Irisse menne. We schulle þe hundes teche / To speken vre speche. Alle we hem schulle sle, / And al quic hem fle.” 55 Horn gan his horn to blowe; / His folk hit gan iknowe. Hi comen vt of stere, / Fram Hornes banere. Hi slo n en and fu n ten, / Þe ni n t and þe v n ten. Þe Sarazins cunde, / Ne lefde þer non in þende. Horn let wurche / Chapeles and chirche; 60 He let belles ringe, / And masses let singe. He com to his moder halle, / In a roche walle. Corn he let serie, / And makede feste merie. Murie lif he wro n te; / Rymenhild hit dere bo n te. Fikenhild was prut on herte, / And þat him dude smerte. 65 ^ onge he n af and elde, / Mid him for to helde. Ston he dude lede, / Þer he hopede spede. 44 Mest . . . siþe ] ‘more than ever before’ 48 Þat ic . . . ful o are. ] ‘I haven’t seen you for a very long time’. 51 Of . . . miste ] ‘How happy would she be’ 57 stere . . . Hornes banere ] ‘They came to the battlefield upon Horn’s signal’. 59 in þende ] ‘in the end’ 60-61 wurche . . . singe ] Horn does this in order to consolidate his power and to restore the Christian faith. 63 Corn . . . merie ] ‘he allowed the corn to become dry (i. e. ripen) and then made a merry feast’ (i. e. in celebration of the harvest). 64 Murie . . . bo o te ] By remaining in his home country and celebrating his victory too long, Horn endangers Rymenhild. 67 Ston . . . Þer ] ‘he had stone brought to where’ <?page no="216"?> 205 King Horn Strong castel he let sette, / Mid see him biflette. Þer ne mi n te li n te / Bute fo n el wiþ fli n te; Bute whanne þe see wiþdro n e, / Mi n te come men yno n e. 70 Fikenhild gan wende / Rymenhild to schende. To wo n e he gan hure n erne; / Þe kyng ne dorste him werne. Rymenhild was ful of mode; / He wep teres of blode. Þat ni n t Horn gan swete, / And heuie for to mete Of Rymenhild his make, / Into schupe was itake. 75 Þe schup bigan to blenche; / His lemman scholde adrenche. Rymenhild wiþ hire honde / Wolde vp to londe. Fikenhild a n en hire pelte / Wiþ his swerdes hilte. Horn him wok of slape / So a man þat hadde rape. “Aþulf,” he sede, “fela n e, / To schupe we mote dra n e. 80 Fikenhild me haþ idon vnder, / And Rymenhild to do wunder. Crist, for his wundes fiue, / To ni n t me þuder driue.” Horn gan to schupe ride, / His feren him biside. Fikenhild, or þe dai gan springe, / Al ri n t he ferde to þe kinge, After Rymenhild þe bri n te, / To wedden hire bini n te. 85 He ladde hure bi þe derke, / Into his nywe werke. Þe fest hi bigunne, / Er þat ros þe sunne. Er þane Horn hit wiste, / To fore þe sunne vpriste. His schup stod vnder ture, / At Rymenhilde bure. Rymenhild, litel weneþ heo / Þat Horn þanne aliue beo. 90 Þe castel þei ne knewe, / For he was so nywe. Horn fond sittinde Arnoldin, / Þat was Aþulfes cosin, Þat þer was in þat tide, / Horn for tabide. “Horn kni n t,” he sede, “kinges sone, / Wel beo þu to londe icome. Today haþ ywedde Fikenhild, / Þi swete lemman, Rymenhild. 95 Ne schal i þe lie; / He haþ giled þe twie. Þis tur he let make / Al for þine sake. Ne mai þer come inne / Noman wiþ none ginne. Horn, nu Crist þe wisse, / Of Rymenhild þat þu ne misse.” Horn cuþe al þe liste / Þat eni man of wiste. 100 Harpe he gan schewe, / And tok fela n es fewe, Of kni n tes suiþe snelle, / Þat schrudde hem at wille. Hi n eden bi þe grauel, / Toward þe castel. Hi gunne murie singe, / And makede here gleowinge. 68 Mid . . . biflette ] ‘water would surround it’ 69 Þer . . . fli o te ] ‘Nothing could reach it, but a bird by flying.’ 71 gan wende ] ‘began to’ 73 Rymenhild . . . mode ] ‘Rymenhild was very angry’ 74 mete ] Horn’s dream is parallel to a dream Rymenhild had, predicting Horn’s separation from her, when Horn was staying at her father’s court. 81 And . . . wunder ] ‘and wants to maltreat Rymenhild’ 82 for . . . fiue ] ‘by his five wounds’ 93 Horn . . . tabide ] ‘to wait for Horn’ 102 Þat . . . wille ] ‘who dressed up as musicians according to Horn’s wish.’ <?page no="217"?> 206 Middle English Texts Rymenhild hit gan ihere, / And axede what hi were. 105 Hi sede hi weren harpurs, / And sume were gigours. He dude Horn in late, / Ri n t at halle gate. He sette him on þe benche, / His harpe for to clenche. He makede Rymenhilde lay, / And heo makede walaway. Rymenhild feol yswo n e; / Ne was þer non þat lou n e. 110 Hit smot to Hornes herte / So bitere þat hit smerte. He lokede on þe ringe, / And þo n te on Rymenhilde. He n ede vp to borde, / Wiþ gode suerdes orde. Fikenhildes crune / Þer ifulde adune, And al his men arowe / Hi dude adun þrowe! 115 Whanne hi weren asla n e, / Fikenhild hi dude to-dra n e. Horn makede Arnoldin þare / King, after king Aylmare, Of al Westernesse, / For his meoknesse. Þe king and his homage / ^ euen Arnoldin trewage. Horn tok Rymenhild bi þe honde, / And ladde hure to þe stronde, 120 And ladde wiþ him Aþelbrus, / Þe gode stuard of his hus. Þe se bigan to flowe, / And Horn gan to rowe. Hi gunne for ariue / Þer king Modi was sire. Aþelbrus he makede þer king, / For his gode teching. He n af alle þe kni n tes ore, / For Horn kni n tes lore. 125 Horn gan for to ride; / Þe wind him bleu wel wide. He ariuede in Yrlonde, / Þer he wo fondede. Þer he dude Aþulf child, / Wedden maide Reynild. Horn com to Suddene, / Among al his kenne. Rymenhild he makede his quene, / So hit mi n te wel beon; 130 104 And . . . gleowinge ] ‘and made their merriment’ 106 harpurs . . . gigours ] Minstrels were always welcome at court. Horn and his companions are able to play an instrument since musical training was part of a courtly education. 109 And . . . walaway ] ‘and she sang a song of woe.’ 110 feol yswo o e ] ‘fell into a swoon’ 112 ringe ] Rymenhild had given Horn a magic ring to protect him as well as remind him of her. 113 Wiþ . . . orde ] ‘with the point of a good sword’ 114 crune ] This could also be an ironic reference to line 13. 116 Fikenhild . . . to-dra o e ] ‘he had Fikenhild drawn and quartered’. 117 after king Aylmare ] i. e. King Almaire’s successor 119 Þe king . . . trewage ] ‘King Aylmar and his retinue swore loyalty to Arnoldin’. 121 Aþelbrus ] actually Almair’s steward and Horn’s teacher 123 king Modi ] While Horn was in Ireland, King Modi had asked for Rymenhild’s hand in marriage; Horn arrived just in time to prevent the marriage. 125 He . . . lore ] ‘He (Aþelbrus) honoured all knights on account of Horn’. 127 Þer . . . fondede ] ‘where he had found woe’. This probably refers to Horn’s battle against the Saracen general who had killed his father. In the same battle both of the Irish king’s sons were killed. While in Ireland, Horn also learned about King Modi’s suit for Rymenhild. 128 maide Reynild ] the King of Ireland’s daughter 130 So . . . beon ] ‘so all might be well’ <?page no="218"?> 207 King Horn Al folk hem mi n te rewe, / Þat loueden hem so trewe. Nu ben hi boþe dede; / Crist to heuene hem lede. Her endeþ þe tale of Horn / Þat fair was and no n t vnorn. Make we vs glade eure among, / For þus him endeþ Hornes song. Jesus þat is of heuene king, / ^ eue vs alle his suete blessing. 135 Explicit. Amen. 131 Al folk . . . trewe ] ‘They could devote their attention to the people who truly loved them’. 134 him ] ‘him’ should not be translated. <?page no="219"?> 208 Middle English Texts Text 10: Middle English Lyric Poetry The development of ‘lyrical poetry’ in England came somewhat later than on the Continent. Because the court and upper echelons of the clergy in England were Norman or French up into the 14th century, the French poetic tradition was used exclusively for this audience. Under King Henry II (1154-1189) and his wife Queen Eleonore of Aquitaine, the Anglo-Angevin court was even considered to be a hub of Old French and Old Provenc¸al literary culture. It was not until the Hundred Years’ War (1337-1453) and the Black Death pandemic (the first waves beginning in the 1340s) that the English language began to be used for courtly literary composition. The Hundred Years’ War led to a national division between the ‘English’ and the ‘French’; at the same time, with the plague decimating the lower classes, the need for workers, who spoke primarily English, rose. Although English had already begun to rise again as the official language in England, these two events hurried the process, and English began to be seen as a language fit for all classes. Although religious poetry had begun to develop earlier, England only began to develop a courtly lyric tradition beginning in the 14th century, and the secular or courtly tradition never quite equalled the religious tradition. Middle English Lyrics are mostly anonymous, and we have no large collections dedicated entirely to poetry, as is the case on the Continent. A notable exception is MS Harley 2253 of the British Library, in which over half of the lyrics we still have today are preserved. The Harley manuscript (named so after its owner, Robert Harley of Oxford) is a miscellany, containing not only lyrics, but also whatever else was of interest to the compiler, including Latin and Anglo-Norman works, saints’ lives, a version of King Horn (see M 9) some fabliaux, and even a few recipes. The manuscript can be assigned to the early 14th century and many of the lyrics contributed by one scribe, show the major characteristics of the West Midlands dialect. However, evidence of other dialects can sometimes be seen in the rhyme schemes. The Harley lyrics are mostly iambic, with two to seven stresses per line. They have a wide variety of rhyme schemes, including mono-rhymed stanzas and tail and endrhymes, but there are also some cases of alliteration. Alliteration was either used occasionally as a stylistic device (in The Way of Woman’s Love, alliteration is used in hendiadys, ll. 24 and 26: “wyþ haþeles and wyþ heowes . . . wiþ gomenes ant wiþ gleowes”) or consistently throughout the whole poem (for example, in The Lover’s Complaint: “Wiþ longyng y am lad / on molde y waxe mad . . .”), though not following the Old English alliterative system. An attempt to differentiate between more than two genres of Middle English Lyrics, namely secular and religious, is almost impossible; the terminology used for the various genres in Middle High German, Old French or Old Provenc¸al is based on medieval genre descriptions from these countries, which we hardly have in Middle English. A better model for Middle English consists of a thematic division. Religious Lyrics are dedicated to four main themes: Christ, Mary, life and death, and the transience of earthly matters, which includes the typical contemptus mundi (contempt for the world), memento mori (‘remember you will have to die’) and ubi sunt (‘where are our forefathers’) motifs. A further theme is the adoration of saints and angels. Within these groups, one can further differentiate between spiritual and emotional tones in which the lyrics are written. This can include praise, love, thanks, instruction, complaint, pity, regret, repentance, pleas, invocation, exhortation, <?page no="220"?> 209 Middle English Lyric Poetry instruction or compassion. The lyrics can also be analysed based upon the social background of the author or the theological or historical conventions. Secular Lyrics can be divided into love lyrics, political lyrics and lyrics for special occasions. Love lyrics can be further divided into praise, joy, complaint, melancholy, mourning and admonition. Political lyrics can be divided into historical lyrics (celebrating war or battles), as well as political or social tendencies, including debates, grievances or criticism of institutions. The following ten lyrics are a selection from both categories. The first two poems can be classified as love complaints, the third as a love admonition or warning. Most of the remaining lyrics are religious; the fourth is dedicated to Christ, the fifth to Mary. The sixth poem is a meditative or exhorting lyric in view of Christ’s Passion. The seventh and the eighth lyric are both examples of contrafactum, or parody. Which of these poems was composed first, unfortunately, cannot be determined. The last two lyrics (carols) clearly show that obscenity can be found in the Middle Ages just as well as in modern times. The use of metaphors in both poems is very intricate and its main purpose is to mask the high degree of obscenity. While the ninth poem points out the lot of foolish women, i. e. pregnancy, and can thus be seen as a warning against folly, the tenth poem is written in a very different spirit. Sexual activities are the major theme of the poem, as well as the (stereotypical) young maiden, apparently enjoying the ‘game’ and unable to say no. The reflex of Old English a¯ is written <o> in all poems. Old English y¯ is written <u>, as in lutel (1.2, 7.1, 8.1), sunne (4.45; 7.33; 8.13 etc.), as is also Old English y˘, as in murgeþ (3.1), vmbe (3.33). All these features are characteristic of the (south) West Midlands. - LALME on MS Harley 2253: Linguistic Profile 9260, Herefordshire; St. John’s College Cambridge 259: Linguistic Profile 8680, Norfolk Sources: British Library, London, MS Harley 2253. - St. John’s College, Cambridge MS 259. - Huntington Library MS EL. 1160. - Brook (1968); Böddeker (1878), Luria/ Hoffman (1974); Robbins (1964), Stemmler (1970), Green (1977). - Secondary literature: Moore (1951), Woolf (1968), Reiss (1972), Bergner (1983), Wenzel (1986), Bayless (2009). - Facsimile: Ker (1965). 1 Alysoun Bytuene Mersh ant Aueril / when spray biginneþ to springe, þe lutel foul haþ hire wyl / on hyre lud to synge. Ich libbe in loue-longinge / for semlokest of alle þynge; he may me blisse bringe; / icham in hire baundoun. An hendy hap ichabbe yhent, / ichot from heuene it is me sent; 5 from alle wymmen mi loue is lent, / ant lyht on Alysoun. 1 Mersh ant Aueril ] The poem starts out with a typical spring setting; see also M 13. 5-6 An hendy . . . Alysoun ] These lines are a refrain. Refrains are fairly common in medieval lyrics. All subsequent refrains have been shortened. <?page no="221"?> 210 Middle English Texts On heu hire her is fayr ynoh, / hire browe broune, hire e n e blake; wiþ lossum chere he on me loh, / wiþ middel smal ant wel ymake. Bote he me wolle to hire take / forte buen hire owen make longe to lyuen ichulle forsake / ant feye fallen adoun. An hendy hap, &c. 10 Nihtes when y wende ant wake, / forþi myn wonges waxeþ won; leuedi, al for þine sake / longinge is ylent me on. In world is non so wyter mon / þat al hire bounte telle con; hire swyre is whittore þen þe swon, / ant feyrest may in toune. An hendi, &c. Icham for wowyng al forwake, / wery so water in wore, 15 lest eny reue me my make / ychabbe y n yrned n ore. Betere is þolien whyle sore / þen mournen euermore. Geynest vnder gore, / herkne to my roun. An hendi, &c. 2 The Lover’s Complaint Wiþ longyng y am lad, / on molde y waxe mad, / a maide marreþ me; y grede, y grone, vnglad, / for selden y am sad / þat semly forte se. Leuedi, þou rewe me! / To rouþe þou hauest me rad. / Be bote of þat y bad; / my lyf is long on þe. / Leuedy of alle londe, / les me out of bonde; / broht icham in wo. / Haue resting on honde, / ant sent þou me þi sonde / sone, er 5 þou me slo; / my reste is wiþ þe ro. / Þah men to me han onde, / to loue nuly noht wonde, / ne lete for non of þo. / Leuedi, wiþ al my miht / my loue is on þe liht, / to menske when y may; / þou rew ant red me ryht, to deþe þou hauest me diht, / y de n e longe er my day; / þou leue vpon my lay; / treuþe ichaue þe plyht / to don þat ich haue hyht / whil 10 mi lif leste may. / Lylie-whyt hue is, / hire rode so rose on rys, / þat reueþ me mi rest; / wymmon war ant wys, / of prude hue bereþ þe pris, burde on of þe best. / Þis wommon woneþ by west, / brihtest vnder bys; / heuene y tolde al his / þat o nyht were hire gest. 7-8 On heu . . . ymake ] A typical ‘descriptio pulchritudinis’: hair, eyes, eyebrows, smile, waist and neck are described. 9 forte . . . make ] ‘so that I can be her lover’ 11 wende ] ambiguous: ‘I roll around in bed’ or ‘I walk about (sleepless)’ 14 ant ] read: ‘ant she is’ 18 Geynest . . .gore ] ‘nicest of all women’ literally: ‘nicest in a skirt’ 2 for . . . se ] ‘I can’t get enough of seeing her’. 3 Be bote . . .bad ] ‘be the fulfillment of my longings’ 4 is . . . þe ] ‘my life is in your hands’ 6 my reste . . .ro ] ‘I’m as restless as a roe deer’. 6 Þah . . . onde ] ‘even when someone hates me’ 8 menske ] read: ‘to love you’ 13-14 brihtest . . . bys ] ‘most beautiful woman’ 14 heuene . . . gest ] ‘Whoever may spend a night with her, would possess heaven completely, I think’. <?page no="222"?> © The British Library Board. MS Harley 2253, fol. 63 v Reproduced by permission <?page no="223"?> 212 Middle English Texts 3 Advice to Women In May hit murgeþ when hit dawes in dounes wiþ þis dueres plawes, ant lef is lyht on lynde; blosmes bredeþ on þe bowes, al þis wylde wyhtes wowes, 5 so wel ych vnderfynde. Y not non so freoli flour ase ledies þat beþ bryht in bour, wiþ loue who mihte hem bynde; so worly wymmen are by west; 10 one of hem ich herie best from Irlond into Ynde. Wymmen were þe beste þing þat shup oure he n e heuene kyng, n ef feole false nere; 15 heo beoþ to rad vpon huere red to loue þer me hem lastes bed when heo shule fenge fere. Lut in londe are to leue, þah me hem trewe trouþe n eue, 20 for tricherie to n ere, when trichour haþ is trouþe yplyht, byswyken he haþ þat suete wyht, þah he hire oþes swere. Wymmon, war þe wiþ þe swyke, 25 þat feir ant freoly ys to fyke; ys fare is o to founde; so wyde in world ys huere won in vch a toune vntrewe is on from Leycestre to Lounde. 30 Of treuþe nis þe trichour noht, bote he habbe is wille ywroht at steuenyng vmbe stounde; ah, feyre leuedis, be on war, 2 þis dueres plawes ] i. e. mating rituals among animals 15 feole ] i. e. ‘many men’ 16-18 heo . . . fere ] The meaning is far from clear because both fenge and fere can be taken as either noun or verb. There are therefore two possible readings: ‘They are all too ready (by their own account (‘red’)) to give themselves over to love’s (sinful) pleasures (a) if they can catch a man (b) if they are offered money’. 19-21 Lut . . . o ere ] ‘There are few (men in this country) you can believe, even if you trust them completely, for they only think of betrayal’. 25 war þe wiþ ] ‘beware of’ 33 at . . . stounde ] ‘at every lover’s tryst’ <?page no="224"?> 213 Middle English Lyric Poetry to late comeþ þe n eynchar 35 when loue ou haþ ybounde. Wymmen bueþ so feyr on hewe ne trowy none þat nere trewe, n ef trichour hem ne tahte; ah, feyre þinges, freoly bore, 40 when me ou woweþ, beþ war bifore whuch is worldes ahte. Al to late is send a n eyn when þe ledy liht byleyn ant lyueþ by þat he lahte; 45 ah wolde lylie-leor in lyn yhere leuely lores myn, wiþ selþe we weren sahte. 43 send a o eyn ] ‘to go back’ 44 when . . . byleyn ] ‘when she has already given herself to him’ 45 ant . . . lahte ] he could be masculine or feminine; meaning: ‘and lives on prostitution’ 48 we ] ‘we’ applies to both genders: ‘then we (men and women) could live happily and in peace’. <?page no="225"?> 214 Middle English Texts 4 A Spring Song on the Passion When y se blosmes springe ant here foules song, a suete loue-longynge myn herte þourhout stong, al for a loue newe, 5 þat is so suete ant trewe, þat gladieþ al my song; ich wot al myd iwisse my ioie ant eke my blisse on him is al ylong. 10 When y miselue stonde ant wiþ myn e n en seo þurled fot ant honde wiþ grete nayles threo - blody wes ys heued, 15 on him nes nout bileued þat wes of peynes freo - wel wel ohte myn herte for his loue to smerte ant sike ant sory beo. 20 Iesu, milde ant softe, n ef me streynþe ant myht longen sore ant ofte to louye þe aryht, pyne to þolie ant dre n e 25 for þe, swete Marye; þou art so fre and bryht, mayden ant moder mylde, for loue of þine childe, ernde vs heuene lyht. 30 Alas, þat y ne con turne to him my þoht ant cheosen him to lemmon; so duere he vs haþ yboht, wiþ woundes deope ant stronge, 35 wiþ peynes sore ant longe; of loue ne conne we noht. His blod þat feol to grounde 1-2 blosmes springe . . . foules song ] The spring setting and the awakening of love are a convention adopted from secular love poetry. 10 on him . . . ylong ] ‘depends entirely on him’ 16-17 on . . . freo ] ‘there was no part left on his body that was free of pain’. <?page no="226"?> 215 Middle English Lyric Poetry of his suete wounde of peyne vs haþ yboht. 40 Iesu, milde ant suete, y synge þe mi song; ofte y þe grete ant preye þe among; let me sunnes lete, 45 ant in þis lyue bete þat ich haue do wrong; at oure lyues ende, when we shule wende, Iesu, vs vndefong! 50 Amen. 39 suete wounde ] ‘sweet (i. e. precious) wound’ is a traditional oxymoron. <?page no="227"?> 216 Middle English Texts 5 The Five Joys of the Virgin Ase y me rod þis ender day by grene wode to seche play, mid herte y þohte al on a may, suetest of alle þinge. Lyþe, ant ich ou telle may 5 al of þat suete thinge. Þis maiden is suete ant fre of blod, briht and feyr, of milde mod, alle heo mai don vs god þurh hire bysechynge; 10 of hire he tok fleysh ant blod, Iesus heuene kynge. Wiþ al mi lif y loue þat may, he is mi solas nyht ant day, my ioie ant eke my beste play, 15 ant eke my louelongynge; al þe betere me is þat day þat ich of hire synge. Of alle þinge y loue hire mest, my dayes blis, my nyhtes rest, 20 heo counseileþ ant helpeþ best boþe elde ant n ynge; nou y may n ef y wole þe fif ioyes mynge. Þe furst ioie of þat wymman 25 when Gabriel from heuene cam ant seide God shulde bicome man ant of hire be bore, ant bringe vp of helle pyn monkyn þat wes forlore. 30 Þat oþer ioie of þat may wes o Cristesmasse day, when God wes bore on þoro lay ant brohte vs lyhtnesse; 1 þis ender day ] ‘recently’ 2 by grene wode ] the topos ‘locus amoenus’ is adopted from secular love poetry. 7 fre of blod ] ‘of noble blood’ 26 Gabriel ] see Luke 1: 26-31 33 on þoro lay ] ‘in blinding light’ <?page no="228"?> 217 Middle English Lyric Poetry þe ster wes seie byfore day, 35 þis hirdes bereþ wytnesse. Þe þridde ioie of þat leuedy, þat men clepeþ þe Epyphany, when þe kynges come wery to presente hyre sone 40 wiþ myrre, gold, ant encen n , þat wes mon bicome. Þe furþe ioie we telle mawen on Estermorewe when hit gon dawen, hyre sone, þat wes slawen, 45 aros in fleysh ant bon; more ioie ne mai me hauen, wyf ne mayden non. Þe fifte ioie of þat wymman when hire body to heuene cam, 50 þe soule to þe body nam, ase hit wes woned to bene. Crist, leue vs alle wiþ þat wymman þat ioie al forte sene. Preye we alle to oure leuedy, 55 ant to þe sontes þat woneþ hire by, þat heo of vs hauen merci, ant þat we ne misse in þis world to ben holy ant wynne heuene blysse. 60 Amen. 38 Epyphany ] the feast of Epiphany (January 6th) 41 myrre . . . encen o ] see Matthew 2: 11 <?page no="229"?> 218 Middle English Texts 6 I Syke When Y Singe I syke when y singe for sorewe þat y se when y wiþ wypinge biholde vpon þe tre ant se Iesu þe suete 5 is herte blod forlete for þe loue of me; ys woundes waxen wete, þei wepen stille ant mete. Marie, reweþ þe. 10 He n e vpon a doune, þer al folk hit se may, a mile from vch toune, aboute þe midday, þe rode is vp arered, 15 his frendes aren afered, ant clyngeþ so þe clay. Þe rode stond in stone; Marie stont hire one, and seiþ ‘Weylaway! ’ 20 When y þe biholde wiþ ey n en bryhte bo ant þi bodi colde - þi ble waxeþ blo, þou hengest al of blode 25 so he n e vpon þe rode, bituene þeues tuo - who may syke more? Marie wepeþ sore and siht al þis wo. 30 Þe naylles beþ to stronge, þe smyþes are to sleye, þou bledest al to longe, þe tre is al to hey n e, þe stones beoþ al wete. 35 Alas! Iesu, þe suete, for nou frend hast þou non 17 clyngeþ so þe clay ] literally ‘are shrinking as clay’, i. e. the number of friends decreases. 19 hire one ] ‘alone’ 27 þeues tuo ] see Matthew 27: 38 and Mark 15: 27 <?page no="230"?> 219 Middle English Lyric Poetry bote seint Iohan mournynde ant Marie wepynde for pyne þat þe ys on. 40 Ofte when y sike ant makie my mon, wel ille þah me like wonder is hit non, when y se honge he n e 45 ant bittre pynes dre n e Iesu, me lemmon, his wondes sore smerte, þe spere al to is herte ant þourh is sydes gon. 50 Ofte when y syke, wiþ care y am þourhsoht; when y wake, y wyke, of serewe is al mi þoht. Alas! Men beþ wode 55 þat suereþ by þe rode ant selleþ him for noht þat bohte vs out of synne. He bring vs to wynne þat haþ vs duere boht. 60 38-39 seint Iohan . . . Marie ] see John 19: 24-27 59 wynne ] i. e. the joys of paradise <?page no="231"?> 220 Middle English Texts 7 The Way of Christ’s Love Lvtel wot hit any mon hou loue hym haueþ ybounde þat for vs o þe rode ron ant bohte vs wiþ is wounde. Þe loue of him vs haueþ ymaked sounde, 5 ant ycast þe grimly gost to grounde. Euer ant oo, nyht ant day, he haueþ vs in is þohte; he nul nout leose þat he so deore bohte. He bohte vs wiþ is holy blod; what shulde he don vs more? 10 He is so meoke, milde, ant good, he nagulte nout þerfore. Þat we han ydon, y rede we reowen sore ant crien euer to Iesu, ‘Crist, þyn ore! ’ Euer ant oo, niht ant day, &c. 15 He seh his fader so wonder wroht wiþ mon þat wes yfalle, wiþ herte sor he seide is oht we shulde abuggen alle. His suete sone to hym gon clepe ant calle, 20 ant preiede he moste deye for vs alle. Euer ant oo, &c. He brohte vs alle from þe deþ and dude vs frendes dede. Suete Iesu of Na n areth, 25 þou do vs heuene mede. Vpon þe rode why nulle we taken hede? His grene wounde so grimly conne blede. Euer ant oo, &c. His deope wounden bledeþ fast; 30 of hem we ohte munne. He haþ ous out of helle ycast, ybroht vs out of sunne. ffor loue of vs his wonges waxeþ þunne; his herte blod he n ef for al monkunne. 35 Euer ant oo, &c. 3 þat . . . ron ] ‘who bled for us on the cross’ 16 so . . . wroht ] ‘was so wrathful’ 18 he . . . oht ] ‘he swore his oath’. 28 grene wounde ] ‘fresh wound’ <?page no="232"?> 221 Middle English Lyric Poetry 8 The Way of Woman’s Love Lutel wot hit any mon hou derne loue may stonde, bote hit were a fre wymmon þat muche of loue had fonde. Þe loue of hire ne lesteþ nowyht longe; 5 heo haueþ me plyht ant wyteþ me wyþ wronge. Euer ant oo for my leof icham in grete þohte; y þenche on hire þat y ne seo nout ofte. Y wolde nemne hyre to-day ant y dorste hire munne; 10 heo is þat feireste may of vch ende of hire kunne; bote heo me loue, of me heo haues sunne. Wo is him þat loueþ þe loue þat he ne may ner ywynne. Euer ant oo, &c. 15 Adoun y fel to hire anon ant crie, ‘Ledy, þyn ore! Ledy, ha mercy of þy mon! Lef þou no false lore! ^ ef þou dost, hit wol me reowe sore. 20 Loue dreccheþ me þat y ne may lyue namore.’ Euer ant oo, &c. Mury hit ys in hyre tour wyþ haþeles and wyþ heowes. So hit is in hyre bour, 25 wiþ gomenes ant wiþ gleowes. Bote heo me louye, sore hit wol me rewe. Wo is him þat loueþ þe loue þat ner nul be trewe. Euer ant oo, &c. ffayrest fode vpo loft, 30 my gode luef, y þe gre´e´te ase fele syþe ant oft as dewes dropes beþ we´e´te, as sterres beþ in welkne ant grases sour ant suete. Whose loueþ vntrewe, his herte is selde se´e´te. 35 Euer ant oo, &c. 11-12 heo . . . kunne ] ‘her beauty surpasses all others’. 30 ffayrest . . . loft ] ‘most beautiful of all women’ <?page no="233"?> 222 Middle English Texts 9 A, dere God A, dere God, qwat I am fayn, For I am madyn now gane. Þis enþer day I mete a clerke, And he was wylly in his werke; He prayd me with hym to herke; 5 And hys cownsell all for to layne. I trow he cowd of gramery, I xall now telle a good skyll wy; For qwat I hade siccurly, To warne hys wyll had I no mayn. 10 Qwan he and me browt un us þe schete, Of all hys wyll I hym lete; Now wyll not my gyrdyll met - A, dere God, quat xal I sayn? I xall sey to man and page 15 Þat I haue bene of pylgrymage; Now wyll I not lete for no rage With me a clerk for to pley. 7 gramery ] the reference is to ‘grammar’; however, the meaning is probably ‘magic’. 11 browt un us the schete ] ‘when we were between the sheets’ 13 Now . . . gyrdyll met ] ‘Now my belt is too short’, i. e. ‘I am pregnant’. 16 pylgrymage ] see M 7/ 52 where ‘pilgrimage’ and ‘whoring’ go hand in hand. <?page no="234"?> 223 Middle English Lyric Poetry 10 Sir John Hey, noyney! I wyll loue our Ser John and I loue eny. O Lord, so swett Ser John dothe kys At euery tyme when he wolde pley; Off hym-selfe so plesant he ys: 5 I haue no powre to say hym nay. Ser John loues me, and I loue hym: The more I loue hym the more I maye; He says, ‘Swett hart, cum kys me trym’: I haue no powre to say him nay. 10 Ser John to me is proferyng For hys plesure ryght well to pay, And in my box he puttes hys offryng: I haue no powre to say hym nay. Ser John ys taken in my mouse-trappe; 15 Fayne wold I haue hem bothe nyght and day; He gropith so nyslye abought my lape, I haue no powre to say hym nay. Ser John geuyth me reluys rynges, With praty plesure for to assay, 20 Furres off the fynest with othyr thynges: I haue no powre to say hym nay. 13 in my box . . . hys offryng; ] The literal meaning of ‘box’ is ‘offertory box’; the contextual meaning, however, is probably both ‘savings box’ and ‘vagina’. 15 mouse-trappe ] the rhyme on ‘lape’ suggests a euphemistic reference: ‘vagina’. <?page no="235"?> 224 Middle English Texts Text 11: The Northern Homily Cycle The Northern Homily Cycle is a series of sermons, intended to be delivered on Sundays and feast days. Three different versions remain: the ‘Original or Unexpanded Northern Homily Collection’, dating from around 1320. A second expanded version in the West Midlands dialect dates from the 14th century, and the final ‘Expanded Northern Homily Collection’ from the late 14th century. According to the prologue of the first version, the anonymous editor’s intentions were to create instructive Sunday sermons for a laity that could understand neither Latin nor French. The sermons in The Northern Homily Cycle are quite varied and range from Sunday sermon to feast day sermons, and can be a short exposition of a biblical text or a well-developed ‘story’. In any case, this can be followed by a further story, which is intended to help illustrate the message of the first part of the text. This can in turn include many genres, including exemplum, saint’s life or even fable. The following text begins with an exposition, taken from Luke 18: 9-14, about the sin of pride and the importance of humility. This is followed by a ‘Life of King Oswald’, an exemplum. The ‘Life of Oswald’ in this sermon, intended to be read on the 11th Sunday after Trinity, differs substantially from the Old English Oswald (O 6) or the historian Bede’s account of Oswald. King Oswald’s chaste marriage is not mentioned in the Old English sources, which focus rather on his martyrdom and the miracles which occurred thereafter. The first reference to Oswald’s chaste marriage comes in 1165, in the Oswald-Vita by the monk Reginald. The Middle High German Münchener Oswald (late 12th century) mentions the tub of water used to ensure that Oswald and his wife remain chaste, which also bears certain similarities to the practices of the Cistercian monks. The closest source for our Middle English Oswald is an exemplum from the Breslau Manuscript (the manuscript is from the 14th century, but the exempla probably date from the 12th century). In this edition, the hermit is not tested by Oswald’s wife, and instead of a tub of water, the bed is filled with nettles. Exactly how these motifs were able to reach England from the Continent is not clear. The sermon printed here, beginning at line 17212 of the cycle, is almost complete; only the short closing section has been omitted. The reflex of Old English a¯ in rhyming words is written <a> and, in non-rhyming position, occasionally <o>, as in more (l. 12, 27, 45 etc.), none (l. 43, 86, 113 etc.). Since the present participle ends in -and, as in sighand (l. 18), wonand (l. 37, 39), gapeand (l. 46), swimand (l. 48), wakeand (l. 93), this is clearly a northern text. - According to LALME on MS Harley 4196, it is “NME” (Northern Middle English). Sources: British Library, London, MS Harley 4196. - Nevanlinna (1972). - Secondary literature: Gerould (1905). <?page no="236"?> 225 The Northern Homily Cycle Dominica xj estatis secundum Lucam Dixit Jesus ad quosdam. In oure godspel Saint Luke vs leres / No man be prowd vntill his peres, Bot meke and bowsum to all men, / Als Crist will be ensaumple ken How twa men into þe temple n ede / At pray to God for þaire misdede. A phariseu þan was þat ane, / And þat oþer a puplicane. Þe phariseu made his prayere / To God of heuin on this manere: 5 Deus, gracias ago tibi quia non sum &c. / “I thank þe, God of heuyn-rike, / Þat I am noght till other like, Þat lifes in sin of litchery / And vses oþer sere foly, / To rob and reue and men to sla; / I loue þe, I am nane of þa, Ne I am noght so sinful man / Als es þis sinfull puplican. 10 I fast twa dayes in ilk a woke; / To gif my tithes lely I luke Of all my mobils more and les / And of all catell, þat mine es.” Þe puplicane, bihind he stode / With meke hert and drery mode, And sarily himself gan mene / Þat he so sinful man had bene. His eghen vp wald he noght lift, / For to ask of God no gift, 15 So held he himself foul and ill. / On breste he knokked with gude will Sighand sare with simpill chere / And praied to God on þis manere: Deus, propicius esto michi peccatori. He said: “Lord, of me haue mercy, / For a ful sinful man am I.” Þus praied he both with hert and hend / Mekely his mis to amend; 20 Þarfore sais Crist, þat in þat stede / God herd ful wele his bowsum bede. And vnto his hows went he þan, / Resaiued of God als rightwis man, Bot so was noght herd his felaws, / Þat rosed and praied so with prowd saus, For he þat makes himseluen highe / In word or werk or sight of eghe And hethely think of ilk felaw, / I sai n ow, he sall be made law; 25 And he þat mekes himself with will / He sall be heghind, als it es skill. On þis word endis oure godspell, / Bot what it menes, more will I tell. Exposicio super eundem Þis phariseu, als sais Saint Bede, / Es man þat here dose haly dede And kastes out al þat he dose / With pride in hert and euil rose, And makes him better þan he es, / For þat in him es no mekenes. 30 In his praier he may noght spede; / With grete wordes he gettes no mede. Þarfore þis haly man vs redes / Þat men be bowsum in þaire bedes And hald noght here þamseluen slike / Þat nane oþer may be þam like, For so ane hermite sumtyme wend, / Als by a tale here may be kend. 6 Deus. . . sum ] see Luke 18: 11 18 Deus . . . peccatori ] see Luke 18: 13 26 mekes . . . heghind ] see Luke 18: 14 28 Saint Bede ] the Venerable Bede; see O 3 (introduction) <?page no="237"?> 226 Middle English Texts De vita Sancti Oswaldi regis In Ingland in elder dawse / War seuyn kinges, als clerkes knaws; 35 In Bamburn in Northhumberland / Was ane of þa seuyn wonand, Þat Saint Oswalde named es now, / And worthi wele, als we sall trow. In his land was wonand þan / Ane ermit, halden a haly man. When he had wond þare threty n ere, / He wend no man might be his pere Þat in so haly life war stad; / Þarfore in hert sum pride he had. 40 Prowd bigan he so to be, / Þat no man was so haly als he. He thankid God, for he was slike, / Þat none in þe land was him like. For he himself þus haly held, / God ordand, that his pride was feld. A day he sat biside a brim, / Twa fissches saw he swithly swim. Þe more folowd þe less to gete, / Gapeand, als he wald him ette; 45 And als God wald miracle mak, / Right als two men þe fissches spak. Þe les said swimand to þe mare: / “Frende, I prai þe, me to spare For þis haly hermites lufe / Þat syttes here on þe bank oboue.” Þe more answerd and said in hy: / “For his luf noght spare will I, Bot to my mete I will þe mak.” / And þan þe les eft to him spak: 50 “For king Oswald luf,” said he, / “I pray þe now, thou will spare me.” When þis was said, he lete him pas; / Þe hermit þan awonderd was, How any king with realte / Might be in better life þan he, Sen king had will of welth and wife, / And he in pouert led his life. In þe way hamward als he was sett / With þe king Oswald he mett; 55 And when þe king of him had sight, / Downe of his palfray gan he light And hailsed him with louting doune, / And asked of him his benissowne, For haliest man þe folk him held, / Þat þan in all þat cuntre dweld. Þe king asked, if he oght walde, / And sone þe hermit to him talde, How he herd of þe fissches strife, / And seþin he frayned of his life. 60 Þe king kid, he was meke of mode. / “In me,” he said, “es nothing gude. I lede my life in iolite, / With solace sere, als þou may se. Al welth I haue of werldes win. / And in myself es noght bot syn.” Þe hermit said: “Þat may noght be; / And for his luf, þat died on tre, Lat me þi life all halely wit, / To tak me ensaumpill of it, 65 For, sertes, I wate ful weterly, / Þat þou ert halier man þan I; And þat es meruaile vnto me, / Þarfore þi life þou lat me se.” Þe king, to wit, what he wald mene, / Bad, he suld wend to þe quene, And said: “Haue here my gold ring / And bere with þe vnto tokining, And bid hir wirk right so with þe, / Als scho es wont to wirk with me.” 70 Þan went þe hermit to þe quene / And talde his takin þam bitwene. Scho welkumd him with gude entent / And to a chaumber with him scho went. 48 For . . . lufe ] ‘for the sake of the holy hermit’ 57 And . . . doune ]‘and welcomed him by kneeling down’ 61 Þe king . . . of mode ] freely: ‘the king said meekly’ 71 takin þam bitwene ] ‘the well-known token’ 72 Scho . . . entent ] ‘she received him in a friendly way’. <?page no="238"?> 227 The Northern Homily Cycle In kinges wede sune was he cledd, / And to þe hall þe quene him led. Knightes, squiers obout him drogh; / Ladis and maydens faire inogh. He wessche and was sett sone on dese, / And serued with many mainsum mese. 75 Gude wane þare was of brede and wine, / And riche seruis of þe kitchine. Bot when it was doune onane, / Als tit it was to almus tane. Þe hermit loked and was ful wo, / Þat þai bare his mete him fro. Þe quene spird at him tiþandes, / Fro brede so for to hald his handes, And with talking scho held him ay, / Till all was broght and born oway. 80 He thoght, it was done by sum skill / And oþer mete suld cum him till. And hastily on bord was broght / A mese, þat þe hermit liked noght: A lafe, al samin made of ry, / Was schorn bifor him curtaisly, Þarby a pese with water clere: / And þe quene bad him mak gude chere. Scho made him sembland gude and glad, / Bot oþer mete right none he had. 85 For schame þarof he might ett nane, / And sone þe burdes oway was tane. Vnto chamber þai went in hy / Þare had þai mirth of minstralsy. Knightes and ladis daunced samin; / Þe hermit thoght, it was no gamin, For ful nobilly fed þai ware, / And him hungerd wonder sare. At euyn he was to chamber led / Euyn vnto the quenes bed. 90 Þe quene lay right euyn him to, / Als scho with þe king was wont to do. Faire scho gan him hals and kys / And held him wakeand maugre his. All-if þe hermit was hungery / ^ it feled he hete of hir body. He lay in clothes white als milk / And feled þe lady soft als silk. And sone he bourded to þe quene, / Right als he at hame had bene. 95 Þe quene þan cald foure swiers, / Þat ordand war for swilk affers. Out of þe bed sune was he drawin / And in a fatt with water thrawin And halden was he in þat water, / Vntill his teth gan samyn clater. Þan was he tane and laid ogayne / Right by þe quene, and scho was baine To dri þe water of his hide, / And for to temp him in þat tide 100 And mak him abill in all-thing, / For to fulfill his fless liking. And sone it ferd, als I of mene, / And efter help þan cald the quene. Þan out of þe bed sone was he tane / And dipped eft in flum Jordane; And þarin hard þai gan him hald, / Vntill he was al clumsed for calde, And by þe quene þan was he laid - / “Allas, allas! ” oftsithes he said. 105 Him had wele leuer at hame haue bene, / Þan so be gestend with þe quene, For in þat ilk night was he thrise / Serued with þe same seruise; And by þan it dawed day, / Þe quene rase vp and went hir way; And þan þai lappid him in a haire / And couerd all ouer-clothes faire; And on the morn þe quene him cald / And asked him, if he oght wald. 110 He said: “For him, þat last sall ay, / Giues me leue to wend my way. I aske of þe none oþer thing, / For lang inogh haue I bene king.” 79 Þe quene . . . tiþandes ] ‘the queen asked him for the latest news’. 92 And . . . his ] ‘and kept him awake against his will’. 108 And . . . day ] ‘at dawn’ 109 haire ] ‘a hair shirt’ 111 For him . . . ay ] freely: ‘By God’ <?page no="239"?> 228 Middle English Texts Þe quene said: “Now hastou sene / My lordes lifing albidene; And I trow, þou may wit þarby, / Þat þou lifes more esely, For lang tyme haue we samin bene, / And n it we err both maidins clene. 115 If þou haue nede of anything, / Send vnto me or to þe king, And full frely we will þe giff / Mete and drink, whils þou may liff.” Þe hermit in his gere him graid / And vnto þe quene þus he said: “I ask nothing bot leue to gang, / For kinges life haue I led ful lang.” Þan furth he went and was ful faine / And mendid his life with all his maine. 120 Bi þis ensaumple may we se, / Þat no man here suld think þat he Es so haly in saul and lim, / Þat no man es like vntill him. Þe man þat wenes so more or les, / Bigilid with preue pride he es. <?page no="240"?> 229 York Plays Text 12: York Plays The Mystery Plays or Corpus Christi Cycles are a tradition that developed entirely in the Middle Ages, and is not descended from classical drama. The Corpus Christi Cycles, of which four English cycles remain, were performed on the Corpus Christi feast day, which is held on the first Thursday after Trinity Sunday. The feast day was proclaimed by Pope Urban IV (around 1264) in order to celebrate the presence of Christ in the Eucharist. A series of plays, all productions of biblical events, ran throughout the whole day, dramatising creation through to doomsday. Each of the plays was performed by a certain guild in the city, which could sometimes cast an ironic touch on the play itself: the butchers presented the Slaughtering of the Innocents, the bakers the Last Supper, and so on. Each of the guilds had their own pageant-wagon, which they would draw through the town, performing at several different locations one after another. The Corpus Christi Cycles aimed to instruct the laity on the proximity of doomsday, how they should behave as Christians, and to present God (and Christ) as he has shown himself to humanity. The Corpus Christi Cycles eventually replaced Latin liturgical drama: as medieval society became more secularised, the vernacular was used rather than Latin; the laity could perform as actors and the guilds organise the plays themselves rather than this being maintained by the clergy. In addition, the plays were no longer presented in the church, but on the streets. Each individual play could also draw on other sources than the Bible, including liturgy, legends, apocrypha and the church fathers. The York Cycle is the longest of all the English cycles, but does have some plays identical to the Towneley Cycle. It was presented every year. Viewed as one of the best cycles, York includes human insight and character analyses which surpass the other cycles. The language is pithy, colloquial, and often very graphic (as are the plays themselves). The entire demonstration of the 48 plays, each of which stopped at 12 different stations in York, must have lasted around 20 hours, beginning around 4: 30 am and ending around midnight. The Harrowing of Hell (written between 1463 and 1477), was presented by the saddlers. Most of the action is taken from the Gospel of Nicodemus. As this gospel is full of dialogue scenes, it could easily be used for the construction of a play. The play begins with a long monologue in which Jesus explains the importance of the actions he is about to commit to the audience - he is in hell before his resurrection, and therefore not in his fleshly nature. The climax, the overcoming of hell and death, is dramatised via a long debate between Jesus and Satan (ll. 213 ff). The actors’ roles are abbreviated as follows: Johannes Baptista - Joh. Bapt.; I, II Diabolus - I, II Diab. The reflex of Old English a¯ is written <o> and <oo>, as for example in goo (l. 120, 212, 341 usw.), sore (l. 204, 205), soo (l. 99 etc.), moo (l. 208, 328) and only once is written <a> in waa (l. 406) in order to rhyme with gloria; this means the text shows northern features. This is confirmed by the reflex of Old English -a¯ gwritten <aw>, as in awne (l. 237) and also -a¯ wwhich is written <au> and <aw>, as in saule, saules, saulis (l. 376, 272 etc.), knawe(s) (l. 283, 315); see, however, knowe (l. 159). A further northern feature is the form of the present participle ending in -and, as in walkand (l. 53), leuand (l. 55, 127), lastand (l. 66). The word-initial thin the 3rd person plural pronouns is a further northern feature, as in þame (l. 9), thare (l. 18), þei (l. 21 etc.). In <?page no="241"?> 230 Middle English Texts addition, the third person singular present indicative ends in -s, as in bidis (l. 23), menys (l. 46), comes (l. 57) etc., as does the plural: affies (l. 29), liffis (l. 70), musteres (l. 104). - According to LALME on MS Additional 35290, the text is probably from northern Lancashire. Sources: British Library, London, MS Additional 35290. - Beadle (1982; 2009); Smith (1885). - Secondary literature: Woolf (1972), Davidson (1977), Collier (1978). Jesus Manne on molde, be meke to me, And haue thy maker in þi mynde, And thynke howe I haue tholid for þe With pereles paynes for to be pyned. The forward of my fadir free 5 Haue I fulfillid, as folke may fynde, Þerfore aboute nowe woll I bee Þat I haue bought for to vnbynde. Þe feende þame wanne with trayne Þurgh frewte of erthely foode; 10 I haue þame getyn agayne Thurgh bying with my bloode. And so I schall þat steede restore For whilke þe feende fell for synne, Þare schalle mankynde wonne euermore 15 In blisse that schall neuere blynne. All þat in werke my werkemen were, Owte of thare woo I wol þame wynne, And some signe schall I sende before Of grace, to garre þer gamys begynne. 20 A light I woll þei haue To schewe thame I schall come sone. My bodie bidis in graue Tille alle thes dedis be done. My fadir ordand on þis wise 25 Aftir his will þat I schulde wende, For to fulfille þe prophicyes, And als I spake my solace to spende. My frendis þat in me faith affies, Nowe fro ther fois I schall þame fende, 30 And on the thirde day ryght vprise, And so tille heuen I schall assende. Sithen schall I come agayne To deme bothe goode and ill 14 For . . . synne ] refers to Lucifer’s fall, see Isaiah 14: 12. <?page no="242"?> 231 York Plays Tille endles joie or peyne; 35 Þus is my fadris will. Tunc cantent. Adame Mi bretheren, harkens to me here, Swilke hope of heele neuere are we hadde; Foure thowsande and sex hundereth n ere Haue we bene heere in þis stedde. 40 Nowe see I signe of solace seere, A glorious gleme to make vs gladde, Wherfore I hope oure helpe is nere And sone schall sesse oure sorowes sadde. Eua Adame, my husband hende, 45 Þis menys solas certayne. Such light gune on vs lende In paradise full playne. Isaiah Adame, we schall wele vndirstande - I, Ysaias, as God me kende, 50 I prechid in Neptalym, þat lande, And Zabulon, even vntill ende. I spake of folke in mirke walkand And saide a light schulde on þame lende. This lered I whils I was leuand, 55 Nowe se I God þis same hath sende. Þis light comes all of Criste, Þat seede to saue vs nowe. Þus is my poynte puplisshid - But Symeon, what sais þou? 60 Symeon Þhis, my tale of farleis feele, For in þe temple his frendis me fande. I hadde delite with hym to dele And halsed homely with my hande. I saide, ‘Lorde, late thy seruaunt lele 65 Passe nowe in pesse to liffe lastand, For nowe myselfe has sene thy hele Me liste no lengar to liffe in lande’. Þis light þou hast purueyed To folkes þat liffis in leede, 70 51-54 I prechid . . . lande ] see Isaiah 9: 1 ff. and the Gospel of Nicodemus, 18; the reference is to Nephthalim. 60 Symeon ] see Luke 2: 25-35 65-68 Lorde . . . lande ] see Luke 2: 29-32 70 in leede ] metrical tag (see also l. 135) <?page no="243"?> 232 Middle English Texts Þe same þat I þame saide I see fulfillid in dede. Joh. Bapt. Als voyce criand to folke I kende Þe weyes of Criste als I wele kanne. I baptiste hym with bothe my hende 75 Euen in þe floode of flume Jordanne. Þe holy goste fro heuene discende Als a white dowue doune on hym þanne; The fadir voice, my mirthe to mende, Was made to me euen als manne: 80 ‘This is my sone,’ he saide, ‘In whome me paies full wele.’ His light is on vs laide, He comes oure cares to kele. Moyses Of that same light lernyng haue I: 85 To me, Moyses, he mustered his myght, And also vnto anodir, Hely, Wher we were on an hille on hight. Whyte as snowe was his body, And his face like to þe sonne to sight; 90 No man on molde was so myghty Grathely to loke agaynste þat light. Þat same light se I nowe Shynyng on vs sarteyne, Wherfore trewly I trowe 95 We schalle sone passe fro payne. I Diab. Helpe, Belsabub, to bynde þer boyes - Such harrowe was neuer are herde in helle. II Diab. Why rooris þou soo, Rebalde? Þou royis - What is betidde, canne þou ought telle? 100 I Diab. What, heris þou no n t þis vggely noyse? Þes lurdans þat in Lymbo dwelle, Þei make menyng of many joies And musteres grete mirthe þame emell. II Diab. Mirthe? Nay, nay, þat poynte is paste, 105 More hele schall þei neuer haue. 76 flume Jordanne ] the River Jordan 82 ‘In whome . . . wele’ ] ‘in whom I am well pleased’, Matthew 3: 17 87 Hely ] the prophet Elijah, see 1 Kings 17 ff 97 Belsabub ] see 2 Kings 1: 2 102 lurdans þat in Lymbo dwelle ] this refers to the concept of the patriarchs of the Old Testament dwelling in Limbo, ‘the edge of hell’. <?page no="244"?> 233 York Plays I Diab. Þei crie on Criste full faste And sais he schal þame saue. Belsabub ^ a, if he saue þame noght, we schall, For they are sperde in speciall space. 110 Whils I am prince and principall Schall þei neuer passe oute of þis place. Calle vppe Astrotte and Anaball To giffe þer counsaille in þis case, Bele-Berit and Belial, 115 To marre þame þat swilke maistries mase. Say to Satan oure sire, And bidde þame bringe also Lucifer, louely of lyre. I Diab. Al redy, lorde, I goo. 120 Jesus Attollite portas, principes, Oppen vppe, n e princes of paynes sere, Et eleuamini eternales, Youre yendles n atis þat n e haue here. Sattan What page is þere þat makes prees 125 And callis hym kyng of vs in fere? Dauid I lered leuand, withouten lees, He is a kyng of vertues clere, A lorde mekill of myght And stronge in ilke a stoure, 130 In batailes ferse to fight And worthy to wynne honnoure. Sattan Honnoure? In þe deuel way! For what dede? All erthely men to me are thrall. Þe lady þat calles hym lorde in leede 135 Hadde neuer n itt herberowe, house, ne halle. I Diab. Harke Belsabub, I haue grete drede, For hydously I herde hym calle. Belliall We, spere oure n ates, all ill mot þou spede, And sette furthe watches on þe wall - 140 And if he calle or crie To make vs more debate, Lay on hym þan hardely And garre hym gange his gate. 113 Astrotte and Anaball ] name of devils, see Judges 2: 13, 3: 7, 10: 6 115 Bele-Berit and Belial ] Bele-Berit is probably Baalberith, see Judges 8: 33; for Belial see 2 Corinthians 6: 15. 121 Attollite . . . principes ] see Psalms 24: 7, 9 <?page no="245"?> 234 Middle English Texts Sattan Telle me what boyes dare be so bolde 145 For drede to make so mekill draye. I Diab. Itt is þe Jewe þat Judas solde For to be dede þis othir daye. Sattan Owe, þis tale in tyme is tolde, Þis traytoure traueses vs alway. 150 He schall be here full harde in holde, Loke þat he passe noght, I þe praye. II Diab. Nay, nay, he will no n t wende Away or I be ware, He shappis hym for to schende 155 Alle helle or he go ferre. Sattan Nay faitour, þerof schall he faile, For alle his fare I hym deffie. I knowe his trantis fro toppe to taile, He leuys with gaudis and with gilery. 160 Þerby he brought oute of oure bale Nowe late Lazar of Betannye; Þerfore I gaffe to þe Jewes counsaille Þat þei schulde alway garre hym dye. I entered in Judas 165 Þat forwarde to fulfille, Þerfore his hire he has Allway to wonne here stille. Belsabub Sir Sattanne, sen we here þe saie Þat þou and þe Jewes wer same assente, 170 And wotte he wanne Lazar awaye Þat tille vs was tane for to tente, Trowe þou þat þou marre hym maye, To mustir mightis what he has mente? If he nowe depriue vs of oure praye, 175 We will n e witte whanne þei are wente. Sattan I bidde n ou be no n t abasshed, But boldely make youe boune With toles þat n e on traste, And dynge þat dastard doune. 180 Jesus Principes, portas tollite, Vndo youre n atis, n e princis of pryde, 159 I knowe . . . taile ] ‘I know his tricks in and out’. 162 Lazar ] see John 11: 1-46 165 I . . . Judas ] see John 13: 27 171 Lazar ] see John 11: 1-46 181-183 Principes . . . glorie ] see Psalms 24: 7, 9 <?page no="246"?> 235 York Plays Et introibit rex glorie, Þe kyng of blisse comes in þis tyde. Sattan Owte, harrowe! What harlot is hee 185 Þat sais his kyngdome schall be cryed? Dauid Þat may þou in my Sawter see, For þat poynte I prophicied. I saide þat he schuld breke Youre barres and bandis by name, 190 And on youre werkis take wreke - Nowe schalle n e see þe same. Jesus Þis steede schall stonde no lenger stoken: Opynne vppe, and latte my pepul passe. I Diab. Owte! Beholdes, oure baill is brokynne, 195 And brosten are alle oure bandis of bras - Telle Lucifer alle is vnlokynne. Belsabub What þanne, is Lymbus lorne? Allas, Garre Satan helpe þat we wer wroken; Þis werke is werse þanne euere it was. 200 Sattan I badde n e schulde be boune If he made maistries more. Do dynge þat dastard doune And sette hym sadde and sore. Belsabub ^ a, sette hym sore - þat is sone saide, 205 But come þiselffe and serue hym soo. We may not bide his bittir braide, He wille vs marre and we wer moo. Sattan What, faitours, wherfore are n e flayd? Haue n e no force to flitte hym froo? 210 Belyue loke þat my gere be grathed, Miselffe schall to þat gedlyng goo. Howe, belamy, abide, With al thy booste and bere, And telle to me þis tyde 215 What maistries makes þou here? Jesus I make no maistries but for myne, Þame wolle I saue I telle þe nowe. Þou hadde no poure þame to pyne, But as my prisounes for þer prowe 220 Here haue þei soiorned, noght as thyne, 190 by name ] ‘in particular’ 204 And . . . sore ] ‘and set upon him heftily’ 208 and ] ‘even if’ 213 belamy ] here used derisively <?page no="247"?> 236 Middle English Texts But in thy warde - þou wote wele howe. Sattan And what deuel haste þou done ay syne Þat neuer wolde negh þame nere or nowe? Jesus Nowe is þe tyme certayne 225 My fadir ordand before, Þat they schulde passe fro payne And wonne in mirthe euer more. Sattan Thy fadir knewe I wele be sight, He was a write his mette to wynne, 230 And Marie me menys þi modir hight - Þe vttiremeste ende of all þi kynne. Who made þe be so mekill of myght? Jesus Þou wikid feende, latte be thy dynne. Mi fadir wonnys in heuen on hight, 235 With blisse þat schall neuere blynne. I am his awne sone, His forward to fulfille, And same ay schall we wonne And sundir whan we wolle. 240 Sattan God sonne? Þanne schulde þou be ful gladde, Aftir no catel neyd thowe crave! But þou has leued ay like a ladde, And in sorowe as a symple knave. Jesus Þat was for hartely loue I hadde 245 Vnto mannis soule, it for to saue; And for to make þe mased and madde, And by þat resoune þus dewly to haue Mi Godhede here, I hidde In Marie modir myne, 250 For it schulde no n t be kidde To þe nor to none of thyne. Sattan A, þis wolde I were tolde in ilke a toune. So, sen þou sais God is thy sire, I schall þe proue be right resoune 255 Þou motes his men into þe myre. To breke his bidding were þei boune, And, for they did at my desire, Fro paradise he putte þame doune 223-224 And what . . . nowe? ] freely: ‘And what the devil have you been doing until now, and why haven’t you come earlier to them? ’ 230 He . . . wynne ] Joseph earned his living as a carpenter, see Matthew 13: 55 and Mark 6: 3. 232 Þe . . . kynne ] ‘the last and lowliest of all your kin’ 256 Þou . . . myre ] ‘you lead his followers into the mire’ (into error). <?page no="248"?> 237 York Plays In helle here to haue þer hyre. 260 And thyselfe, day and nyght, Has taught al men emang To do resoune and right, And here werkis þou all wrang. Jesus I wirk noght wrang, þat schal þow witte, 265 If I my men fro woo will wynne. Mi prophetis playnly prechid it, All þis note þat nowe begynne. Þai saide þat I schulde be obitte, To helle þat I schulde entre in, 270 And saue my seruauntis fro þat pitte Wher dampned saulis schall sitte for synne. And ilke trewe prophettis tale Muste be fulfillid in mee; I haue þame boughte with bale, 275 And in blisse schal þei be. Sattan Nowe sen þe liste allegge þe lawes, Þou schalte be atteynted or we twynne, For þo þat þou to wittenesse drawes Full even agaynste þe will begynne. 280 Salamon saide in his sawes Þat whoso enteres helle withynne Shall neuer come oute, þus clerkis knawes - And þerfore felowe, leue þi dynne. Job, þi seruaunte, also 285 Þus in his tyme gune telle Þat nowthir frende nor foo Shulde fynde reles in helle. Jesus He saide full soth, þat schall þou see, Þat in helle may be no reles, 290 But of þat place þan preched he Where synffull care schall euere encrees. And in þat bale ay schall þou be Whare sorowes sere schall neuer sesse, And for my folke þerfro wer free, 295 Nowe schall þei passe to þe place of pees. Þai were here with my wille, And so schall þei fourthe wende, And þiselue schall fulfille Þer wooe withouten ende. 300 281 Salamon . . . sawes ] see Psalms 49: 15 285 Job ] see Job 24: 19 <?page no="249"?> 238 Middle English Texts Sattan Owe, þanne se I howe þou menys emang Some mesure with malice to melle, Sen þou sais all schall no n t gang, But some schalle alway with vs dwelle. Jesus ^ aa, witte þou wele, ellis were it wrang, 305 Als cursed Cayme þat slewe Abell, And all þat hastis hemselue to hange, Als Judas and Archedefell, Datan and Abiron, And alle of þare assente, 310 Als tyrantis euerilkone Þat me and myne turmente. And all þat liste noght to lere my lawe Þat I haue lefte in lande nowe newe - Þat is my comyng for to knawe, 315 And to my sacramente pursewe, Mi dede, my rysing, rede be rawe - Who will noght trowe, þei are noght trewe. Vnto my dome I schall þame drawe, And juge þame worse þanne any Jewe. 320 And all þat likis to leere My lawe and leue þerbye, Shall neuere haue harmes heere, But welthe, as is worthy. Sattan Nowe here my hande, I halde me paied, 325 Þis poynte is playnly for oure prowe. If þis be soth þat þou hast saide We schall haue moo þanne we haue nowe. Þis lawe þat þou nowe late has laide I schall lere men no n t to allowe; 330 Iff þei it take þei be betraied, For I schall turne þame tyte, I trowe. I schall walke este and weste, And garre þame werke wele werre. 306 Cayme . . . Abell ] see Genesis 4: 3-8 308 Judas ] see Matthew 27: 5 308 Archedefell ] refers to Ahitophel, see 2 Samuel 17: 23 309 Dathan and Abiram did not hang themselves, but were swallowed by the earth because they had rebelled against Moses, see Deuteronomy 16: 31. 310 And . . . assente ] ‘and their like’ 316 sacramente ] refers to the sacraments of penance and the Eucharist. 317 rede be rawe ] ‘frequently preached’ 325 I . . . paied ] ‘we’re even’ 333 este and weste ] ‘in every direction’ <?page no="250"?> 239 York Plays Jesus Naye, feende, þou schall be feste, 335 Þat þou schalte flitte not ferre. Sattan Feste? Þat were a foule reasoune - Nay bellamy, þou bus be smytte. Jesus Mighill myne aungell, make þe boune And feste yone fende þat he noght flitte. 340 And, Deuyll, I comaunde þe go doune Into thy selle where þou schalte sitte. Sattan Owt! Ay herrowe! Helpe, Mahounde! Nowe wex I woode oute of my witte. Belsabub Sattan, þis saide we are, 345 Nowe schall þou fele þi fitte. Sattan Allas for dole and care, I synke into helle pitte. Adame A, Jesu, lorde, mekill is þi myght, That mekis þiselffe in þis manere, 350 Vs for to helpe as þou has hight, Whanne both forfette, I and my feere. Here haue we leuyd withouten light Four thousand and vi c n ere; Now se I be þis solempne sight 355 Howe thy mercy hath made vs clere. Eue A, lorde, we were worthy Mo turmentis for to taste, But mende vs with mercye Als þou of myght is moste. 360 Baptista A, lorde, I loue þe inwardly, That me wolde make þi messengere Thy comyng in erth for to crye, And teche þi faith to folke in feere; And sithen before þe for to dye 365 And bringe boodworde to þame here, How þai schulde haue thyne helpe in hye. Nowe se I all þi poyntis appere Als Dauid, prophete trewe, Ofte tymes tolde vntill vs; 370 Of þis comyng he knewe, And saide it schulde be þus. 338 þu . . . smytte ] ‘you are done for’ 343 Owt . . . Mahounde ] Here Satan is so beside himself that he can only cry for help. 346 Nowe . . . fitte ] ‘now you will get what you deserve’. 354 Four . . . c o ere ] i. e. 4600 years <?page no="251"?> 240 Middle English Texts Dauid Als I haue saide, n itt saie I soo, Ne derelinquas, domine, Animam meam in inferno, 375 Leffe noght my saule, lorde, aftir þe In depe helle where dampned schall goo; Ne suffre neuere þi sayntes to se, The sorowe of þame þat wonnes in woo Ay full of filthe, and may not fleye. 380 Adame We thanke his grete goodnesse He fette vs fro þis place. Makes joie nowe, more and lesse. Omnis We laude God of his grace. Tunc cantent. Jesus Adame, and my frendis in feere, 385 Fro all youre fooes come fourth with me. ^ e schalle be sette in solas seere Wher n e schall neuere of sorowes see. And Mighill, myn aungell clere, Ressayue þes saules all vnto þe 390 And lede þame als I schall þe lere, To paradise with playe and plente´. Mi graue I woll go till, Redy to rise vpperight, And so I schall fulfille 395 That I before haue highte. Michill Lorde, wende we schall aftir þi sawe, To solace sere thai schall be sende. But þat þer deuelis no draught vs drawe Lorde, blisse vs with þi holy hende. 400 Jesus Mi blissing haue n e all on rawe, I schall be with youe wher n e wende, And all þat lelly luffes my lawe, Þai schall be blissid withowten ende. Adame To the, lorde, be louyng, 405 Þat vs has wonne fro waa. For solas will we syng Laus tibi cum gloria etc. 374-375 Ne . . . inferno ] see Psalms 16: 10 and Acts 2: 27 389 Mighill ] see Jude 1: 9 399 But . . . drawe ] freely: ‘So that these devils cannot triumph over us’. 401 on rawe ] ‘one after the other’ <?page no="252"?> 241 Geoffrey Chaucer Text 13: Geoffrey Chaucer The Canterbury Tales are perhaps the most well-known English work of the Middle Ages. Written by Geoffrey Chaucer (1343-1400? ) near the end of his life, the work is transmitted in several fragments. The framework of the Canterbury Tales is a pilgrimage undertaken to the Shrine of Saint Thomas Becket in Canterbury. A group of 29 pilgrims and the narrator “Chaucer” meet at the Tabard Inn in Southwark, just south of London. Harry Bailey, owner of the inn, suggests that they travel to Canterbury together, and that each pilgrim should tell four stories, two on the way there and two on the way back. Of the 120 tales that should have resulted from this, only twenty-four and a fragment have been preserved; however, to what extent Chaucer later reduced the proportions of his story, and to what extent stories have been lost to us, cannot be determined. Unlike Boccaccio’s Decamerone, also a frame narrative in which 10 aristocrats each tell two stories to pass the time, Chaucer’s pilgrims are all from different classes. This variety is utilised to tell stories of different moral levels, different genres and in different styles. The lower classes, the Miller, the Reeve and the Shipman, for example, all tell fabliaux tales - short verse tales with a comic twist. The upper classes, including the Knight, his Squire and the Franklin, all tell romances (see M 6 and 9). The members of the clergy all tell more or less religious tales; the Prioress, Monk, Nun, Clerk and the Pardoner use the genres exemplum, hagiography, tragedy, and didactic tale. Not only does Chaucer use the characters for literary diversity, the characters also interact with each other as one would expect from members of these classes. The Miller and the Reeve attack each other’s professions through their tales and in the end have to be separated by the Host (see lines 79-90, 133-144 and 542-548). On the other hand, some pilgrims are able to learn from each other’s stories: the Pardoner, for example, decides not to marry after hearing a part of the Wife of Bath’s prologue. The Canterbury Tales begin with a prologue, which is divided into three main parts. An introduction (ll. 1-42) is followed by the first-person-narrator’s (“Chaucer’s”) impressions of the other pilgrims (ll. 43-714), and finally the narrative switches to the Host, who explains how the stories will be told (ll. 715-858). The host is also the moderator for the rest of the tales. According to the Host’s wishes, only tales of best sentence and moost solaas (‘well-written and interesting’, l. 798) are to be told. The text printed here is taken from Fragment A which contains the ‘General Prologue’ as well as the tales of the knight, the miller, the reeve and the fragmentary tale of the cook. The first two sections are taken from the ‘General Prologue’; section three provides the full text of the Reeve’s Prologue and Tale. Looking at the ‘Reeve’s Tale’, a fabliau, we can see at a glance that this originally aristocratic genre has been transformed by Chaucer in various directions. Whereas most of the Old French fabliaux devote little space to the constitution of character, Chaucer succeeds brilliantly in breathing new life into the stock characters of the genre: clerics, craftsmen, and women as sex objects. In the ‘Reeve’s Tale’, most of the characters are individualised quite intricately. The miller is described on two levels, i.e. his outward appearance and his behaviour, and he even has a proper name. The narrator also dwells on the miller’s high social ambitions in respect of the marriage of his daughter. The students (clerics) are presented in a very elaborate way. It is interesting to note that Chaucer uses social and linguistic prejudice in his direct and <?page no="253"?> 242 Middle English Texts indirect characterisation of John and Aleyn: they come from the north and use their northern dialect frowned upon by southern speakers. Chaucer is thus one of the first authors to use dialect as a highly efficient means of characterisation. The story of the ‘Reeve’s Tale’, based on the motif of ‘the misplaced cradle’, seems to be rather traditional. However, as a close look at the text will reveal, Chaucer is also experimenting with literary conventions and genres. Thus, the brief dialogue between Malyne, the miller’s daughter, and Aleyn, her lover for one night, can be seen as a parody of the courtly genre ‘aube’ or ‘Tagelied’ with its description of the courtly lover taking leave of his lady at the break of day (see ll. 460-471). Chaucer’s language has been the subject of quite a number of special studies. It is therefore not necessary to point out the special linguistic features of the Ellesmere Manuscript. See Fries (1985), Markus (1990), Samuels (1963, 1972, 1983a, 1983b), Sandved (1985). - LALME describes MS Ellesmere 26 C 9 as Linguistic Profile 6400 (partly), London. Sources: Ellesmere 26 C 9 from the Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California. - Benson (1987); Robinson (1957), Pratt (1974), Fichte/ Kemmler (1989). - Secondary literature: Kolve (1984), Mann (1973), Pearsall (1985), Wetherbee (1989), Patterson (1991), Johnston (2001). Here bygynneth the Book of the Tales of Caunterbury Whan that Aprill with his shoures soote The droghte of March hath perced to the roote, And bathed every veyne in swich licour Of which vertu engendred is the flour; Whan Zephirus eek with his sweete breeth 5 Inspired hath in every holt and heeth The tendre croppes, and the yonge sonne Hath in the Ram his half cours yronne, And smale foweles maken melodye, That slepen al the nyght with open ye 10 (So priketh hem nature in hir corages), Thanne longen folk to goon on pilgrimages, And palmeres for to seken straunge strondes, To ferne halwes, kowthe in sondry londes; And specially from every shires ende 15 Of Engelond to Caunterbury they wende, The hooly blisful martir for to seke, That hem hath holpen whan that they were seeke. 5 Zephirus ] the west wind of classical literature 7-8 yonge . . . yronne ] The sun has passed halfway through Aries; i. e. it is the beginning of April, for the sign of Aries starts on March 21st. 13 palmeres ] a reference to the professional pilgrims who could be hired; they wore a palmleaf sewn to their clothing to show that they had completed a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. 17 martir ] Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, was murdered by four knights of King Henry II in the cathedral of Canterbury in 1170; he was canonised in 1173. <?page no="254"?> 243 Geoffrey Chaucer Bifil that in that seson on a day, In Southwerk at the Tabard as I lay 20 Redy to wenden on my pilgrymage To Caunterbury with ful devout corage, At nyght was come into that hostelrye Wel nyne and twenty in a compaignye Of sondry folk, by aventure yfalle 25 In felaweshipe, and pilgrimes were they alle, That toward Caunterbury wolden ryde. The chambres and the stables weren wyde, And wel we weren esed atte beste. And shortly, whan the sonne was to reste, 30 So hadde I spoken with hem everichon That I was of hir felaweshipe anon, And made forward erly for to ryse, To take oure wey ther as I yow devyse. But nathelees, whil I have tyme and space, 35 Er that I ferther in this tale pace, Me thynketh it acordaunt to resoun To telle yow al the condicioun Of ech of hem, so as it semed me. And whiche they weren, and of what degree, 40 And eek in what array that they were inne; And at a knyght than wol I first bigynne. [. . .] The R EVE was a sclendre colerik man. [I, 587] His berd was shave as ny as ever he kan; His heer was by his erys ful round yshorn; 45 His top was dokked lyk a preest biforn. Ful longe were his legges and ful lene, Ylyk a staf; ther was no calf ysene. Wel koude he kepe a gerner and a bynne; Ther was noon auditour koude on him wynne. 50 Wel wiste he by the droghte and by the reyn The yeldynge of his seed and of his greyn. His lordes sheep, his neet, his dayerye, His swyn, his hors, his stoor, and his pultrye Was hoolly in this Reves governynge, 55 And by his covenant yaf the rekenynge, 20 Southwerk ] Southwark, now a London suburb, in Chaucer’s time a village on the road to Canterbury 20 Tabard ] name of an inn 23 At nyght ] in the evening 29 atte beste ] ‘perfectly’ 45-46 His heer . . . biforn ] i. e. the reeve tries to pass for a cleric; see also l. 77. 56 yaf the rekenynge ] ‘he rendered his account’; the subject has to be supplied. <?page no="255"?> 244 Middle English Texts Syn that his lord was twenty yeer of age. Ther koude no man brynge hym in arrerage. Ther nas baillif, ne hierde, nor oother hyne, That he ne knew his sleighte and his covyne; 60 They were adrad of hym as of the deeth. His wonyng was ful faire upon an heeth; With grene trees yshadwed was his place. He koude bettre than his lord purchace. Ful riche he was astored pryvely. 65 His lord wel koude he plesen subtilly, To yeve and lene hym of his owene good, And have a thank, and yet a cote and hood. In youthe he hadde lerned a good myster: He was a wel good wrighte, a carpenter. 70 This Reve sat upon a ful good stot That was al pomely grey and highte Scot. A long surcote of pers upon he hade, And by his syde he baar a rusty blade. Of Northfolk was this Reve of which I telle, 75 Biside a toun men clepen Baldeswelle. Tukked he was as is a frere aboute, And evere he rood the hyndreste of oure route. [. . .] The prologe of the Reves Tale. Whan folk hadde laughen at this nyce cas [I, 3855] Of Absolon and hende Nicholas, 80 Diverse folk diversely they seyde, But for the moore part they loughe and pleyde. Ne at this tale I saugh no man hym greve, But it were oonly Osewold the Reve. By cause he was of carpenteris craft, 85 A litel ire is in his herte ylaft; He gan to grucche, and blamed it a lite. “So theek,” quod he, “ful wel koude I thee quite With bleryng of a proud milleres ye, If that me liste speke of ribaudye. 90 But ik am oold; me list not pley for age; Gras tyme is doon; my fodder is now forage; This white top writeth myne olde yeris; 67 yeve . . . owene good ] i. e. the reeve is a thief. 76 Baldeswelle ] Bawdeswell, Norfolk 77 Tukked . . . frere ] This is a reference to the girdle worn by friars to pull up their long coat. 80 Absolon . . . Nicholas, ] two of the protagonists in the preceding ‘Miller’s Tale’. 93 This white . . . yeris ] ‘My white hairs signal my old age’ <?page no="256"?> 245 Geoffrey Chaucer Myn herte is also mowled as myne heris, But if I fare as dooth an open-ers - 95 That ilke fruyt is ever lenger the wers, Til it be roten in mullok or in stree. We olde men, I drede, so fare we: Til we be roten, kan we nat be rype; We hoppen alwey whil that the world wol pype. 100 For in oure wyl ther stiketh evere a nayl, To have an hoor heed and a grene tayl, As hath a leek; for thogh oure myght be goon, Oure wyl desireth folie evere in oon. For whan we may nat doon, than wol we speke; 105 Yet in oure asshen olde is fyr yreke. “Foure gleedes han we, which I shal devyse - Avauntyng, liyng, anger, coveitise; Thise foure sparkles longen unto eelde. Oure olde lemes mowe wel been unweelde, 110 But wyl ne shal nat faillen, that is sooth. And yet ik have alwey a coltes tooth, As many a yeer as it is passed henne Syn that my tappe of lif bigan to renne. For sikerly, whan I was bore, anon 115 Deeth drough the tappe of lyf and leet it gon, And ever sithe hath so the tappe yronne Til that almoost al empty is the tonne. The streem of lyf now droppeth on the chymbe. The sely tonge may wel rynge and chymbe 120 Of wrecchednesse that passed is ful yoore; With olde folk, save dotage, is namoore! ” Whan that oure Hoost hadde herd this sermonyng, He gan to speke as lordly as a kyng. He seide, “What amounteth al this wit? 125 What shul we speke alday of hooly writ? The devel made a reve for to preche, Or of a soutere a shipman or a leche. Sey forth thy tale, and tarie nat the tyme. Lo Depeford, and it is half-wey pryme! 130 Lo Grenewych, ther many a shrewe is inne! It were al tyme thy tale to bigynne.” “Now, sires,” quod this Osewold the Reve, “I pray yow alle that ye nat yow greve, Thogh I answere, and somdeel sette his howve; 135 For leveful is with force force of-showve. 112 coltes tooth ] ‘the desire (tooth) of a young man (coltes)’ 130 half-wey pryme ] about 7.30 a.m. 135 sette his howve ] ‘make a fool of him’ <?page no="257"?> 246 Middle English Texts “This dronke Millere hath ytoold us heer How that bigyled was a carpenteer, Peraventure in scorn, for I am oon. And, by youre leve, I shal hym quite anoon; 140 Right in his cherles termes wol I speke. I pray to God his nekke mote to-breke; He kan wel in myn eye seen a stalke, But in his owene he kan nat seen a balke.” Heere bigynneth the Reves Tale At Trumpyngtoun, nat fer fro Cantebrigge, 145 Ther gooth a brook, and over that a brigge, Upon the whiche brook ther stant a melle; And this is verray sooth that I yow telle: A millere was ther dwellynge many a day. As any pecok he was proud and gay. 150 Pipen he koude and fisshe, and nettes beete, And turne coppes, and wel wrastle and sheete; Ay by his belt he baar a long panade, And of a swerd ful trenchant was the blade. A joly poppere baar he in his pouche; 155 Ther was no man, for peril, dorste hym touche. A Sheffeld thwitel baar he in his hose. Round was his face, and camus was his nose; As piled as an ape was his skulle. He was a market-betere atte fulle. 160 Ther dorste no wight hand upon hym legge, That he ne swoor he sholde anon abegge. A theef he was for sothe of corn and mele, And that a sly, and usaunt for to stele. His name was hoote deynous Symkyn. 165 A wyf he hadde, ycomen of noble kyn; The person of the toun hir fader was. With hire he yaf ful many a panne of bras, For that Symkyn sholde in his blood allye. She was yfostred in a nonnerye; 170 For Symkyn wolde no wyf, as he sayde, But she were wel ynorissed and a mayde, 143-144 seen a stalke . . . balke ] cf. Matthew 7: 3 152 And turne coppes ] the meaning is ambiguous: either ‘produce’ wooden cups or ‘empty’ cups in a drinking contest. 157 Sheffeld thwitel ] Sheffield knife 158 camus . . . nose ] see also l. 198 168-169 With hire . . . allye ] a reference to the rich dowry necessary to find a suitable husband for an illegitimate daughter. <?page no="258"?> 247 Geoffrey Chaucer To saven his estaat of yomanrye. And she was proud, and peert as is a pye. A ful fair sighte was it upon hem two; 175 On halydayes biforn hire wolde he go With his typet wounde aboute his heed, And she cam after in a gyte of reed; And Symkyn hadde hosen of the same. Ther dorste no wight clepen hire but “dame”; 180 Was noon so hardy that wente by the weye That with hire dorste rage or ones pleye, But if he wolde be slayn of Symkyn With panade, or with knyf, or boidekyn. For jalous folk ben perilous everemo - 185 Algate they wolde hire wyves wenden so. And eek, for she was somdel smoterlich, She was as digne as water in a dich, And ful of hoker and of bisemare. Hir thoughte that a lady sholde hire spare, 190 What for hire kynrede and hir nortelrie That she hadde lerned in the nonnerie. A doghter hadde they bitwixe hem two Of twenty yeer, withouten any mo, Savynge a child that was of half yeer age; 195 In cradel it lay and was a propre page. This wenche thikke and wel ygrowen was, With kamus nose and eyen greye as glas, With buttokes brode and brestes rounde and hye. But right fair was hire heer; I wol nat lye. 200 This person of the toun, for she was feir, In purpos was to maken hire his heir, Bothe of his catel and his mesuage, And straunge he made it of hir mariage. His purpos was for to bistowe hire hye 205 Into som worthy blood of auncetrye; For hooly chirches good moot been despended On hooly chirches blood, that is descended. Therfore he wolde his hooly blood honoure, Though that he hooly chirche sholde devoure. 210 Greet sokene hath this millere, out of doute, With whete and malt of al the land aboute; And nameliche ther was a greet collegge 187 smoterlich ] ‘sullied’ because of her illegitimate descent as daughter of the parson (cf. l. 167). 188 digne . . . dich ] the meaning is ‘stinking with pride’. 211 greet sokene ] i. e. the miller had a profitable monopoly. <?page no="259"?> 248 Middle English Texts Men clepen the Soler Halle at Cantebregge; Ther was hir whete and eek hir malt ygrounde. 215 And on a day it happed, in a stounde, Sik lay the maunciple on a maladye; Men wenden wisly that he sholde dye. For which this millere stal bothe mele and corn An hundred tyme moore than biforn; 220 For therbiforn he stal but curteisly, But now he was a theef outrageously, For which the wardeyn chidde and made fare. But therof sette the millere nat a tare; He craketh boost, and swoor it was nat so. 225 Thanne were ther yonge povre scolers two, That dwelten in this halle, of which I seye. Testif they were, and lusty for to pleye, And, oonly for hire myrthe and revelrye, Upon the wardeyn bisily they crye 230 To yeve hem leve, but a litel stounde, To goon to mille and seen hir corn ygrounde; And hardily they dorste leye hir nekke The millere sholde not stele hem half a pekke Of corn by sleighte, ne by force hem reve; 235 And at the laste the wardeyn yaf hem leve. John highte that oon, and Aleyn highte that oother; Of o toun were they born, that highte Strother, Fer in the north; I kan nat telle where. This Aleyn maketh redy al his gere, 240 And on an hors the sak he caste anon. Forth goth Aleyn the clerk, and also John, With good swerd and with bokeler by hir syde. John knew the wey - hem nedede no gyde - And at the mille the sak adoun he layth. 245 Aleyn spak first: “Al hayl, Symond, y-fayth! Hou fares thy faire doghter and thy wyf? ” “Aleyn, welcome,” quod Symkyn, “by my lyf! And John also, how now, what do ye heer? ” “Symond,” quod John, “by God, nede has na peer. 250 Hym boes serve hymself that has na swayn, Or elles he is a fool, as clerkes sayn. Oure manciple, I hope he wil be deed, Swa werkes ay the wanges in his heed; 214 Soler Halle ] a reference to King’s Hall at Cambridge 215 malt ] Colleges frequently brewed their own ale. 238 Strother ] a town in either Yorkshire or Northumberland 250 nede has na peer ] proverbial: ‘Necessity knows no law’. <?page no="260"?> 249 Geoffrey Chaucer And forthy is I come, and eek Alayn, 255 To grynde oure corn and carie it ham agayn; I pray yow spede us heythen that ye may.” “It shal be doon,” quod Symkyn, “by my fay! What wol ye doon whil that it is in hande? ” “By God, right by the hopur wil I stande,” 260 Quod John, “and se howgates the corn gas in. Yet saugh I nevere, by my fader kyn, How that the hopur wagges til and fra.” Aleyn answerde, “John, and wiltow swa? Thanne wil I be bynethe, by my croun, 265 And se how that the mele falles doun Into the trough; that sal be my disport. For John, y-faith, I may been of youre sort; I is as ille a millere as ar ye.” This millere smyled of hir nycetee, 270 And thoghte, “Al this nys doon but for a wyle. They wene that no man may hem bigyle, But by my thrift, yet shal I blere hir ye, For al the sleighte in hir philosophye. The moore queynte crekes that they make, 275 The moore wol I stele whan I take. In stide of flour yet wol I yeve hem bren. ‘The gretteste clerkes been noght wisest men,’ As whilom to the wolf thus spak the mare. Of al hir art counte I noght a tare.” 280 Out at the dore he gooth ful pryvely, Whan that he saugh his tyme, softely. He looketh up and doun til he hath founde The clerkes hors, ther as it stood ybounde Bihynde the mille, under a levesel; 285 And to the hors he goth hym faire and wel; He strepeth of the brydel right anon. And whan the hors was laus, he gynneth gon Toward the fen, ther wilde mares renne, And forth with “wehee,” thurgh thikke and thurgh thenne. 290 This millere gooth agayn, no word he seyde, But dooth his note, and with the clerkes pleyde Til that hir corn was faire and weel ygrounde. And whan the mele is sakked and ybounde, This John goth out and fynt his hors away, 295 And gan to crie “Harrow! ” and “Weylaway! 278-279 The gretteste . . . mare ] proverbial; the reference to the mare is ultimately based on the genre beast fable. <?page no="261"?> 250 Middle English Texts Oure hors is lorn, Alayn, for Goddes banes, Step on thy feet! Com of, man, al atanes! Allas, our wardeyn has his palfrey lorn.” This Aleyn al forgat, bothe mele and corn; 300 Al was out of his mynde his housbondrie. “What, whilk way is he geen? ” he gan to crie. The wyf cam lepynge inward with a ren. She seyde, “Allas! youre hors goth to the fen With wilde mares, as faste as he may go. 305 Unthank come on his hand that boond hym so, And he that bettre sholde han knyt the reyne! ” “Allas,” quod John, “Aleyn, for Cristes peyne Lay doun thy swerd, and I wil myn alswa. I is ful wight, God waat, as is a raa; 310 By Goddes herte, he sal nat scape us bathe! Why ne had thow pit the capul in the lathe? Ilhayl! By God, Alayn, thou is a fonne! ” Thise sely clerkes han ful faste yronne Toward the fen, bothe Aleyn and eek John. 315 And whan the millere saugh that they were gon, He half a busshel of hir flour hath take, And bad his wyf go knede it in a cake. He seyde, “I trowe the clerkes were aferd. Yet kan a millere make a clerkes berd, 320 For al his art; now lat hem goon hir weye! Lo, wher he gooth! Ye, lat the children pleye. They gete hym nat so lightly, by my croun.” Thise sely clerkes rennen up and doun With “Keep! Keep! Stand! Stand! Jossa, warderere, 325 Ga whistle thou, and I shal kepe hym heere! ” But shortly, til that it was verray nyght, They koude nat, though they dide al hir myght, Hir capul cacche, he ran alwey so faste, Til in a dych they caughte hym atte laste. 330 Wery and weet, as beest is in the reyn, Comth sely John, and with him comth Aleyn. “Allas,” quod John, “the day that I was born! Now are we dryve til hethyng and til scorn. Oure corn is stoln; men wil us fooles calle, 335 Bathe the wardeyn and oure felawes alle, And namely the millere, weylaway! ” 320 make a clerkes berd ] i. e. ‘outwit a clerk’ 322 he ] i. e. the horse 324 rennen ] Chaucer’s use of the historical is similar to the function of the present continous in Modern English - ‘these poor clerks are running to and fro’. <?page no="262"?> 251 Geoffrey Chaucer Thus pleyneth John as he gooth by the way Toward the mille, and Bayard in his hond. The millere sittynge by the fyr he fond, 340 For it was nyght, and forther myghte they noght; But for the love of God they hym bisoght Of herberwe and of ese, as for hir peny. The millere seyde agayn, “If ther be eny, Swich as it is, yet shal ye have youre part. 345 Myn hous is streit, but ye han lerned art; Ye konne by argumentes make a place A myle brood of twenty foot of space. Lat se now if this place may suffise, Or make it rowm with speche, as is youre gise.” 350 “Now, Symond,” seyde John, “by Seint Cutberd, Ay is thou myrie, and this is faire answerd. I have herd seyd, ‘Man sal taa of twa thynges: Slyk as he fyndes, or taa slyk as he brynges.’ But specially I pray thee, hooste deere, 355 Get us som mete and drynke, and make us cheere, And we wil payen trewely atte fulle. With empty hand men may na haukes tulle; Loo, heere oure silver, redy for to spende.” This millere into toun his doghter sende 360 For ale and breed, and rosted hem a goos, And boond hire hors, it sholde namoore go loos, And in his owene chambre hem made a bed, With sheetes and with chalons faire yspred Noght from his owene bed ten foot or twelve. 365 His doghter hadde a bed, al by hirselve, Right in the same chambre by and by. It myghte be no bet, and cause why? Ther was no roumer herberwe in the place. They soupen and they speke, hem to solace, 370 And drynken evere strong ale atte beste. Aboute mydnyght wente they to reste. Wel hath this millere vernysshed his heed; Ful pale he was for dronken, and nat reed. He yexeth, and he speketh thurgh the nose 375 As he were on the quakke, or on the pose. To bedde he goth, and with hym goth his wyf. 339 Bayard ] a name for a horse 346 ye han lerned art ] this is a reference to the arts curriculum at a medieval university. 347-348 argumentes . . . space ] Chaucer alludes to a contemporary prejudice against the art of disputation (‘argumentes’). 364 chalons ] blankets manufactured at Chalons <?page no="263"?> 252 Middle English Texts As any jay she light was and jolyf, So was hir joly whistle wel ywet. The cradel at hir beddes feet is set, 380 To rokken, and to yeve the child to sowke. And whan that dronken al was in the crowke, To bedde wente the doghter right anon; To bedde goth Aleyn and also John; Ther nas na moore - hem nedede no dwale. 385 This millere hath so wisely bibbed ale That as an hors he fnorteth in his sleep, Ne of his tayl bihynde he took no keep. His wyf bar hym a burdon, a ful strong; Men myghte hir rowtyng heere two furlong; 390 The wenche rowteth eek, par compaignye. Aleyn the clerk, that herde this melodye, He poked John, and seyde, “Slepestow? Herdestow evere slyk a sang er now? Lo, swilk a complyn is ymel hem alle; 395 A wilde fyr upon thair bodyes falle! Wha herkned evere slyk a ferly thyng? Ye, they sal have the flour of il endyng. This lange nyght ther tydes me na reste; But yet, na fors, al sal be for the beste. 400 For, John,” seyde he, “als evere moot I thryve, If that I may, yon wenche wil I swyve. Som esement has lawe yshapen us, For, John, ther is a lawe that says thus: That gif a man in a point be agreved, 405 That in another he sal be releved. Oure corn is stoln, sothly, it is na nay, And we han had an il fit al this day; And syn I sal have neen amendement Agayn my los, I will have esement. 410 By Goddes sale, it sal neen other bee! ” This John answerde, “Alayn, avyse thee! The millere is a perilous man,” he seyde, “And gif that he out of his sleep abreyde, He myghte doon us bathe a vileynye.” 415 389 bar hym a burdon ] ‘sang the bass accompaniment’, i. e. ‘snorted just as he did’. 395 complyn ] the last canonical hour; here the reference is to the service sung before retiring for the night. 396 wilde fyr ] an acute inflammation of the skin 398 the flour . . . endyng ] i. e. the worst end possible 399 tydes me na reste ] ‘I will get no sleep’ <?page no="264"?> 253 Geoffrey Chaucer Aleyn answerde, “I counte hym nat a flye.” And up he rist, and by the wenche he crepte. This wenche lay uprighte and faste slepte, Til he so ny was, er she myghte espie, That it had been to late for to crie, 420 And shortly for to seyn, they were aton. Now pley, Aleyn, for I wol speke of John. This John lith stille a furlong wey or two, And to hymself he maketh routhe and wo. “Allas! ” quod he, “this is a wikked jape; 425 Now may I seyn that I is but an ape. Yet has my felawe somwhat for his harm; He has the milleris doghter in his arm. He auntred hym, and has his nedes sped, And I lye as a draf-sak in my bed; 430 And when this jape is tald another day, I sal been halde a daf, a cokenay! I wil arise and auntre it, by my fayth! ‘Unhardy is unseely,’ thus men sayth.” And up he roos, and softely he wente 435 Unto the cradel, and in his hand it hente, And baar it softe unto his beddes feet. Soone after this the wyf hir rowtyng leet, And gan awake, and wente hire out to pisse, And cam agayn, and gan hir cradel mysse, 440 And groped heer and ther, but she foond noon. “Allas! ” quod she, “I hadde almoost mysgoon; I hadde almoost goon to the clerkes bed. Ey, benedicite! Thanne hadde I foule ysped! ” And forth she gooth til she the cradel fond. 445 She gropeth alwey forther with hir hond, And foond the bed, and thoghte noght but good, By cause that the cradel by it stood, And nyste wher she was, for it was derk; But faire and wel she creep in to the clerk, 450 And lith ful stille, and wolde han caught a sleep. Withinne a while this John the clerk up leep, And on this goode wyf he leith on soore. So myrie a fit ne hadde she nat ful yoore; He priketh harde and depe as he were mad. 455 This joly lyf han thise two clerkes lad Til that the thridde cok bigan to synge. 423 a furlong . . . two ] ‘for about five minutes’ 424 maketh routhe and wo ] ‘he feels sorry for and pities himself’. 434 Unhardy is unseely ] proverbial: ‘the timid one is unlucky’. 454 So . . . fit ] ‘such a good time’ <?page no="265"?> 254 Middle English Texts Aleyn wax wery in the dawenynge, For he had swonken al the longe nyght, And seyde, “Fare weel, Malyne, sweete wight! 460 The day is come; I may no lenger byde; But everemo, wher so I go or ryde, I is thyn awen clerk, swa have I seel! ” “Now, deere lemman,” quod she, “go, far weel! But er thow go, o thyng I wol thee telle: 465 Whan that thou wendest homward by the melle, Right at the entree of the dore bihynde Thou shalt a cake of half a busshel fynde That was ymaked of thyn owene mele, Which that I heelp my sire for to stele. 470 And, goode lemman, God thee save and kepe! ” And with that word almoost she gan to wepe. Aleyn up rist, and thoughte, “Er that it dawe, I wol go crepen in by my felawe,” And fond the cradel with his hand anon. 475 “By God,” thoughte he, “al wrang I have mysgon. Myn heed is toty of my swynk to-nyght, That makes me that I ga nat aright. I woot wel by the cradel I have mysgo; Heere lith the millere and his wyf also.” 480 And forth he goth, a twenty devel way, Unto the bed ther as the millere lay. He wende have cropen by his felawe John, And by the millere in he creep anon, And caughte hym by the nekke, and softe he spak. 485 He seyde, “Thou John, thou swynes-heed, awak, For Cristes saule, and heer a noble game. For by that lord that called is Seint Jame, As I have thries in this shorte nyght Swyved the milleres doghter bolt upright, 490 Whil thow hast, as a coward, been agast.” “Ye, false harlot,” quod the millere, “hast? A, false traitour! False clerk! ” quod he, “Thow shalt be deed, by Goddes dignitee! Who dorste be so boold to disparage 495 My doghter, that is come of swich lynage? ” And by the throte-bolle he caughte Alayn, And he hente hym despitously agayn, 457 the thridde . . . synge ] the third crow of the cock, about an hour before dawn 481 a twenty devel way ] ‘in the name of twenty devils’ 495-496 disparage . . . lynage ] ‘degrade my daughter’s superior lineage’ <?page no="266"?> 255 Geoffrey Chaucer And on the nose he smoot hym with his fest. Doun ran the blody streem upon his brest; 500 And in the floor, with nose and mouth tobroke, They walwe as doon two pigges in a poke; And up they goon, and doun agayn anon, Til that the millere sporned at a stoon, And doun he fil bakward upon his wyf, 505 That wiste no thyng of this nyce stryf; For she was falle aslepe a lite wight With John the clerk, that waked hadde al nyght, And with the fal out of hir sleep she breyde. “Help! hooly croys of Bromeholm,” she seyde, 510 ”In manus tuas! Lord, to thee I calle! Awak, Symond! The feend is on me falle. Myn herte is broken; help! I nam but deed! Ther lyth oon upon my wombe and on myn heed. Help, Symkyn, for the false clerkes fighte! ” 515 This John stirte up as faste as ever he myghte, And graspeth by the walles to and fro, To fynde a staf; and she stirte up also, And knew the estres bet than dide this John, And by the wal a staf she foond anon, 520 And saugh a litel shymeryng of a light, For at an hole in shoon the moone bright, And by that light she saugh hem bothe two, But sikerly she nyste who was who, But as she saugh a whit thyng in hir ye. 525 And whan she gan this white thyng espye, She wende the clerk hadde wered a volupeer, And with the staf she drow ay neer and neer, And wende han hit this Aleyn at the fulle, And smoot the millere on the pyled skulle, 530 That doun he gooth, and cride, “Harrow! I dye! ” Thise clerkes beete hym weel and lete hym lye, And greythen hem, and tooke hir hors anon, And eek hire mele, and on hir wey they gon. And at the mille yet they tooke hir cake 535 Of half a busshel flour, ful wel ybake. Thus is the proude millere wel ybete, And hath ylost the gryndynge of the whete, And payed for the soper everideel 507 a lite wight ] ‘for a short time’ 510 hooly croys of Bromeholm ] A reference to the relic of the true cross kept at the Cluniac priory at Bromholm in Norfolk. 511 In manus tuas ] ‘Into thy hands (I commend my spirit)’, Luke 23: 46. <?page no="267"?> 256 Middle English Texts Of Aleyn and of John, that bette hym weel. 540 His wyf is swyved, and his doghter als. Lo, swich it is a millere to be fals! And therfore this proverbe is seyd ful sooth, “Hym thar nat wene wel that yvele dooth.” A gylour shal hymself bigyled be. 545 And God, that sitteth heighe in magestee, Save al this compaignye, grete and smale! Thus have I quyt the Millere in my tale. Heere is ended the Reves Tale 544 Hym thar . . . dooth ] ‘He that does evil need not expect well’. 545 A gylour ] proverbial: ‘a deceiver will himself be deceived’. <?page no="268"?> 257 Robert Henryson Text 14: Robert Henryson Robert Henryson, a Middle Scottish poet, worked as a teacher in the second half of the 15th century in Dunfermline; he composed a collection of fables, probably in the 1470s. Fables were very popular in the Middle Ages and early modern period. Similar to the homiletic tradition and the Physiologus (see M 2 and 3), fables seek to provide a moral or exemplum based on a situation from the animal world. Essentially, fables are allegorical poetry, teaching the reader how to act. Even in the prologue to his collection, Henryson uses the traditional medieval exegetic tradition when describing the nut and its shell: The nuttis schell, thocht it be hard and teuch, / Haldis the kirnell, sueit and delectabill; / Sa lyis thair ane doctrine wyse aneuch / And full of frute, ynder ane fenzeit fabill (‘the nut may be hard and tough, but it holds the kernel, sweet and delectable; likewise do (these stories) hold a wise and fruitful kernel under a feigned fable’). Henryson is thus able to legitimise his work; although poetry has no claim on truth, it can nonetheless hide a deeper meaning under the surface. This deeper meaning is always carefully explained by Henryson at the end of the story. Most fables express some sort of general truth or moral, applicable to the whole world; Henryson, though he does employ this strategy, also specifically uses the moral to express definite social criticism (this is to some extent the case in The Fox and the Wolf), making Henryson’s fables much richer than traditional fables. Though Henryson mentions Aesop in the prologue to his fables, he seems to have relied more on the Latin fable tradition. Gualterus Anglicus, Archbishop of Palermo, is also credited with writing a collection of Latin fables around 1175, upon which Henryson relies strongly. The Old French Roman de Renart was of course also a source, as well as the Disciplina Clericalis by Petrus Alphonsi. The Taill of the Foxe, that begylit the wolff in the schadow of the Mone makes use of three motifs which can be found in other fables: the angry farmer who gives his ox to the wolf; the wolf who thinks his reflection is a wheel of cheese; and the fox and the wolf in the well (see M 8). These three motifs can also all be found in the 23rd exemplum of the Disciplina Clericalis, probably Henryson’s main source for the action in this fable. Unlike the exemplum, however, Henryson interprets the action and builds a moralitas quite different from his source. A survey of the vowel qualities in Middle Scots can be found in Aitken (1977). Among the most notable features of the text the following deserve to be mentioned: Old English a¯ is written both <a> and <ai>, as for example in stanis, sa, ma (l. 13, 4, 112) and sair, mair (l. 9, 22). The present participle ends in -ande, as in hirpilland (l. 25), eirrand (l. 37), lourand (l. 64) and so on. Word-initial hwis written <quh->, as in quhilk (l. 2), quhy (l. 34), quhair (l. 60) and so on. Sources: The text is based on an edition printed by the Scottish printer Thomas Bassandyne in 1571. - Fox (1981); Elliott (1974), Gopen (1987). - Secondary literature: Gray (1979), Powell (1983). <?page no="269"?> 258 Middle English Texts In elderis dayis, as Esope can declair, [2231] Thair wes ane husband quhilk had ane plewch to steir. His vse wes ay in morning to ryse air: Sa happinnit him, in streiking tyme off n eir, Airlie in the morning to follou furth his feir 5 Vnto the pleuch, bot his gadman and he. His stottis he straucht with ‘Benedicite! ’; The caller cryit: ‘How! Haik! ’ vpon hicht, ‘Hald draucht, my dowis,’ syne broddit thame full sair: The oxin wes vnwsit, n oung, and licht, 10 And for fersnes thay couth the fur forfair. The husband than woxe angrie as ane hair, Syne cryit, and caist his patill and grit stanis: ‘The volff,’ quod he, ‘mot haue n ou all at anis! ’ Bot n it the volff wes neirar nor he wend, 15 For in ane busk he lay, and Lowrence baith, In ane rouch rone wes at the furris end, And hard the hecht; than Lowrence leuch full raith: ‘To tak n one bud,’ quod he, ‘it wer na skaith.’ ‘Weill,’ quod the volff, ‘I hecht the, be my hand, 20 ^ one carlis word as he wer king sall stand.’ The oxin waxit mair reulie at the last; Syne efter thay lousit, fra that it worthit weill lait; The husband hamewart with his cattell past. Than sone the volff come hirpilland in his gait 25 Befoir the oxin, and schupe to mak debait. The husband saw him, and worthit sumdeill agast, And bakwart with his beistis wald haif past. The volff said: ‘Quhether dryuis thou this pray? I chalenge it, for nane off thame ar thyne! ’ 30 The man thairoff wes in ane felloun fray, 1 In elderis dayis ] ‘In the days of our forefathers’ 4 in . . . o eir ] season for ploughing, either spring or autumn 7 His . . . straucht ] ‘He put his young oxen to work’. 8 cryit . . . hicht ] ‘called loudly “Let’s go! ”’ 9 Hald . . . dowis ] ‘Keep pulling, my doves! ’ 11 And . . . forfair ] ‘They destroyed the furrow with their vehemence’. 13 patill ] a small spade used for cleaning the plough 15 nor he wend ] ‘than he suspected’ 18 full raith ] ‘immediately’ 21 _ one . . . stand ] ‘This man’s word is as good as the king’s’, i. e. we can rely on him. 23 lousit ] ‘they unharnessed the oxen’. 29 thou ] The wolf always uses the familiar form ‘thou’, whereas the farmer uses the formal ‘ n e’ (see l. 34); the fox, on the other hand, addresses the farmer with ‘thou’ (see l. 86) and the wolf with ‘ n e’ (see l. 109). <?page no="270"?> 259 Robert Henryson And soberlie to the volff answerit syne: ‘Schir, be my saull, thir oxin ar all myne: Thairfoir I studdie quhy n e suld stop me, Sen that I faltit never to n ou, trewlie.’ 35 The volff said, ‘Carll, gaif thou not me this drift Airlie, quhen thou wes eirrand on n one bank? And is thair oucht, sayis thou, frear than gift? This tarying wyll tyne the all thy thank: Far better is frelie for to giff ane plank 40 Nor be compellit on force to giff ane mart. Fy on the fredome that cummis not with hart! ’ ‘Schir,’ quod the husband, ‘ane man may say in greif, And syne ganesay fra he auise and se. I hecht to steill; am I thairfoir ane theif? 45 God forbid, schir, all hechtis suld haldin be. Gaif I my hand or oblissing,’ quod he, ‘Or haue n e witnes or writ for to schau? Schir, reif me not, bot go and seik the lau.’ ‘Carll,’ quod the volff, ‘ane lord, and he be leill, 50 That schrinkis for schame, or doutis to be repruuit - His sau is ay als sicker as his seill. Fy on the leid that is not leill and lufit! Thy argument is fals, and eik contrufit, For it is said in prouerb: “But lawte 55 All vther vertewis ar nocht worth ane fle.’” ‘Schir,’ said the husband, ‘remember of this thing: Ane leill man is not tane at halff ane taill. I may say and ganesay; I am na king. Quhair is n our witnes that hard I hecht thame haill? ’ 60 Than said the volff, ‘Thairfoir it sall nocht faill. Lowrence,’ quod he, ‘cum hidder of that schaw, And say na thing bot as thow hard and saw.’ 35 Sen . . . trewlie ] ‘Since I have never done anything wrong to you’. 40-41 Far . . . mart ] ‘It is better to give a little of your own accord than to have to pay a lot in the end’. 47 Gaif . . . oblissing ] ‘Have I sealed the deal with this handshake? ’ 50-52 ane . . . seill ] freely: ‘The word of a loyal lord who fears shame or reproof can always be trusted’. 55-56 But . . . fle ] ‘justice is the greatest virtue of all’. 58 Ane . . . taill ] ‘A good man will not be fooled by a half-truth’. 61 Thairfoir . . . faill ] ‘my case shall not fail for that reason’. <?page no="271"?> 260 Middle English Texts Lowrence come lourand, for he lufit neuer licht, And sone appeirit befoir thame in that place: 65 The man leuch na thing quhen he saw that sicht. ‘Lowrence,’ quod the volff, ‘thow man declair this cace, Quhairof we sall schaw the suith in schort space. I callit on the leill witnes for to beir: Quhat hard thou that this man hecht me lang eir? ’ 70 ‘Schir,’ said the tod, ‘I can not hastelie Swa sone as now gif sentence finall; Bot wald n e baith submit n ow heir to me, To stand at my decreit perpetuall, To pleis baith I suld preif, gif it may fall.’ 75 ‘Weill,’ quod the volff, ‘I am content for me.’ The man said: ‘Swa am I, how euer it be.’ Than schew thay furth thair allegeance but fabill, And baith proponit thair pley to him compleit. Quod Lowrence, ‘Now I am iuge amycabill: 80 ^ e sall be sworne to stand at my decreit, Quhether heirefter n e think it soure or sweit.’ The volff braid furth his fute, the man his hand, And on the toddis taill sworne thay ar to stand. Than tuke the tod the man furth till ane syde, 85 And said him, ‘Freind, thou art in blunder brocht; The volff will not forgif the ane oxe hyde. ^ it wald my self fane help the, and I mocht, Bot I am laith to hurt my conscience ocht. Tyne nocht thy querrell in thy awin defence; 90 This will not throu but grit coist and expence. ‘Seis thou not buddis beiris bernis throw, And giftis garris crukit materis hald full euin? Sumtymis ane hen haldis ane man in ane kow; All ar not halie that heifis thair handis to heuin.’ 95 ‘Schir,’ said the man, ‘ n e sall haue sex or seuin Richt off the fattest hennis off all the floik - I compt not all the laif, leif me the coik.’ 70 lang eir ] ‘earlier’ 78 Than . . . fabill ] ‘Then they explained the case accurately’. 86 thou . . . brocht ] ‘you’re in trouble now’. 90-91 Tyne . . . expence ] ‘Do not weaken your case by only thinking of your defence (strategy) / You will have to pay a little (in order to win your case)’. 92-93 ‘Seis . . . euin? ] freely: ‘Do you not see how bribes make things easier, and gifts straighten out even crooked affairs? ’ 94 Sumtymis . . . kow ] ‘Sometimes a hen can save you a cow’. 98 I compt . . . coik ] freely: ‘I don’t care about the hens, just leave me the cock’. <?page no="272"?> 261 Robert Henryson ‘I am ane iuge,’ quod Lowrence than, and leuch: ‘Thair is na buddis suld beir me by the rycht. 100 I may tak hennis and caponis weill aneuch, For God is gane to sleip, as for this nycht; Sic small thingis ar not sene in to his sicht. Thir hennis,’ quod he, ‘sall mak thy querrell sure: With emptie hand na man suld halkis lure.’ 105 Concordit thus, than Lowrence tuke his leiff, And to the volff he went in to ane ling; Syne preuelie he plukkit him be the sleiff: ‘Is this in ernist,’ quod he, ‘ n e ask sic thing? Na, be my saull, I trow it be in heithing.’ 110 Than said the volff: ‘Lowrence, quhy sayis thou sa? Thow hard the hecht thy selff that he couth ma.’ ‘The hecht,’ quod he, ‘ n one man maid at the pleuch - Is that the cause quhy n e the cattell craif? ’ Halff into heithing said Lowrence than, and leuch: 115 ‘Schir, be the rude, vnroikit now n e raif: The Deuill ane stirk taill thairfoir sall n e haif! Wald I tak it vpon my conscience To do sa pure ane man as n one offence? ‘ ^ it haif I commonnit with the carll,’ quod he. 120 ‘We ar concordit vpon this cunnand: Quyte off all clamis, swa n e will mak him fre, ^ e sall ane cabok haue into n our hand That sic ane sall not be in all this land, For it is somer cheis, baith fresche and fair; 125 He sayis it weyis ane stane and sumdeill mair.’ ‘Is that thy counsell,’ quod the volff, ‘I do, That n one carll for ane cabok suld be fre? ’ ‘ ^ e, be my saull, and I wer sworne n ow to, ^ e suld nane vther counsell haue for me; 130 For gang n e to the maist extremitie, It will not wyn n ow worth ane widderit neip: Schir, trow n e not I haue ane saull to keip? ’ 100 ‘Thair . . . rycht ] ‘No bribe can bring me away from the right path’. 107 in . . . ling ] ‘immediately’ 112 that . . . ma ] ‘(the promise) he made’ 116-117 vnroikit . . . haif ] freely: ‘you’re raving without reason; you’ll get nothing as a result’. 121-122 We . . . fre ] ‘We have agreed on this: if you forget all claims and release from his obligation’. 127 I do ] ‘(your advice) that I should follow’ 132 wyn . . . neip ] freely: ‘will bring you nowhere’ <?page no="273"?> 262 Middle English Texts ‘Weill,’ quod the volff, ‘it is aganis my will That n one carll for ane cabok suld ga quyte.’ 135 ‘Schir,’ quod the tod, ‘ n e tak it in nane euill, For, be my saull, n our self had all the wyte.’ ‘Than,’ said, the volff, ‘I bid na mair to flyte, Bot I wald se n one cabok off sic pryis.’ ‘Schir,’ said the tod, ‘he tauld me quhair it lyis.’ 140 Than hand in hand thay held vnto ane hill; The husband till his hous hes tane the way, For he wes fane he schaippit from thair ill, And on his feit woke the dure quhill day. Now will we turne vnto the vther tway: 145 Throw woddis waist thir freikis on fute can fair, Fra busk to busk, quhill neir midnycht and mair. Lowrence wes euer remembring vpon wrinkis And subtelteis, the volff for to begyle; That he had hecht ane caboik he forthinkis; 150 ^ it at the last he findis furth ane wyle, Than at him selff softlie couth he smyle. The volff sayis, ‘Lowrence, thov playis bellie blind; We seik all nycht, bot na thing can we find.’ ‘Schir,’ said the tod, ‘we ar at it almaist; 155 Soft n ow ane lytill, and n e sall se it sone.’ Than to ane manure place thay hyit in haist; The nycht wes lycht, and pennyfull the mone. Than till ane draw well thir sen n eours past but hone, Quhair that twa bukkettis seuerall suithlie hang; 160 As ane come vp ane vther doun wald gang. The schadow off the mone schone in the well: ‘Schir,’ said Lowrence, ‘anis n e sall find me leill; Now se n e not the caboik weill n our sell, Quhyte as ane neip and round als as ane seill? 165 He hang it n onder that na man suld it steill. Schir, traist n e weill, n one caboik n e se hing Micht be ane present to ony lord or king! ’ 144 And . . . day ] ‘and stayed on his feet, guarding the door, until daybreak’. 153 thov . . . blind ] ‘you are playing blind man’s bluff’. 156 Soft . . . lytill ] ‘Calm down a little’ 157 manure place ] ‘manor house’ 158 pennyfull . . . mone ] i. e. full moon 159 but hone ] ‘at once’ <?page no="274"?> 263 Robert Henryson ‘Na,’ quod the volff, ‘mycht I n one caboik haif On the dry land, as I it n onder se, 170 I wald quitclame the carll off all the laif: His dart oxin I compt thame not ane fle; ^ one wer mair meit for sic ane man as me. Lowrence,’ quod he, ‘leip in the bukket sone, And I sall hald the ane, quhill thow haue done.’ 175 Lowrence gird doun baith sone and subtellie; The vther baid abufe and held the flaill. ‘It is sa mekill,’ quod Lowrence, ‘it maisteris me: On all my tais it hes not left ane naill. ^ e man mak help vpwart, and it haill: 180 Leip in the vther bukket haistelie, And cum sone doun and mak me sum supple! ’ Than lychtlie in the bukket lap the loun; His wecht but weir the vther end gart ryis: The tod come hailland vp, the volff n eid doun. 185 Than angerlie the volff vpon him cryis: ‘I cummand thus dounwart, quhy thow vpwart hyis? ’ ‘Schir,’ quod the foxe, ‘thus fairis it off fortoun: As ane cummis vp, scho quheillis ane vther doun! ’ Than to the ground sone n eid the volff in haist; 190 The tod lap on land, als blyith as ony bell, And left the volff in watter to the waist: Quha haillit him out, I wait not, off the well. Heir endis the text; thair is na mair to tell. ^ it men may find ane gude moralitie 195 In this sentence, thocht it ane fabill be. Moralitas This wolf I likkin to ane wickit man Quhilk dois the pure oppres in euerie place, And pykis at thame all querrellis that he can, Be rigour, reif and vther wickitnes. 200 The foxe, the Feind I call into this cais, Arctand ilk man to ryn vnrychteous rinkis, Thinkand thairthrow to lok him in his linkis. 172 His . . . fle ] ‘His damn oxen are worth nothing to me’. 182 and mak . . . supple ] ‘and help me a little’ 184 but weir ] ‘doubtless’ 188-189 fortoun . . . doun ] The fox is making an ironic reference to the Wheel of Fortune. 199 And . . . can ] ‘And pick as many quarrels as he can’. 202 Arctand . . . rinkis ] ‘forcing everyone to take the crooked path’ <?page no="275"?> 264 Middle English Texts The husband may be callit ane godlie man With quhome the Feynd falt findes, as clerkis reids, 205 Besie to tempt him with all wayis that he can. The hennis ar warkis that fra ferme faith proceidis: Quhair sic sproutis spreidis, the euill spreit thair not speids, Bot wendis vnto the wickit man agane - That he hes tint his trauell is full vnfane. 210 The wodds waist, quhairin wes the wolf wyld Ar wickit riches, quhilk all men gaipis to get: Quha traistis in sic trusterie ar oft begyld, For mammon may be callit the Deuillis net, Quhilk Sathanas for all sinfull hes set: 215 With proud plesour quha settis his traist thairin, But speciall grace lychtlie can not outwin. The cabok may be callit couetyce, Quhilk blomis braid in mony mannis ee: Wa worth the well of that wickit vyce, 220 For it is all bot fraud and fantasie, Dryuand ilk man to leip in the buttrie That dounwart drawis vnto the pane of hell - Christ keip all Christianis from that wickit well! 208-210 Quhair . . . vnfane ] freely: ‘The devil will not succeed where there are good works; he concentrates his efforts on wicked men; he regrets having laboured in vain’. 211 quhairin . . . wyld ] ‘where the wolf was tricked’ 213 Quha . . . trusterie ] ‘whoever trusts in such trash’ 216-217 With . . . outwin ] ‘Whoever sets his trust therein (i. e. money), can only be saved by God’s special grace’. 222 buttrie ] Storerooms (‘buttery’) were often in the basement. <?page no="276"?> 7. Glossaries How to use the glossaries The glossary for the Old English texts contains all forms except for Latin words and Roman numerals. For inflected forms which occur frequently there is a reference to the infinitive or nominative singular under which they are listed and parsed. Nominal forms are listed according to case and number, verbal forms according to personnumber-tense-mode. If a form appears frequently in a given text, only the first few text and line references will be given, provided homography can be ruled out. Nouns, adjectives and verbs which only appear in the texts in inflected forms will be listed as they appear; the form of the nominative singular or infinitive is given in square brackets at the end of the list. Proper names glossed in the explanatory notes accompanying the texts are listed in the glossaries but not glossed. When using the glossary for the Old English texts you should be aware of the following rules: 1. æ follows a and þ, ð follow t. 2. Long vowels follow short vowels. 3. Negative contractions of verbs as well as complex collocations such as ‘for ðan þe’ are listed at the end of the respective entry. The individual forms are listed in alphabetic order with a reference to the main entry: for example ‘næs’ directs you to ‘be¯on’, ‘for þa¯m’ to ‘for’. 4. Forms only appearing with the prefix geare listed alphabetically under ‘ge-’; forms which appear both with and without ‘ge-’ are listed under the root word. The glossary for the Middle English texts is structured parallel to the Old English glossary; however, there are no glosses for entries which can easily be derived from Modern English. Pronominal and verbal forms appearing frequently are listed and discussed under the Modern English form of the nominative or infinitive, which is given in quotation marks. The Modern English form is also used when there is considerable dialectal variation: for example, “sæ” (2 instances), “se” (2 instances), “see” (2 instances) and “ze” (also 2 instances) are referenced to “sea”, although this form is not found in the texts. Although this is not the standard method, it has the decided advantage of offering readers the form they are already familiar with. Observe the following guidelines in using the Middle English glossary: 1. æ follows a, o follows g and word initial ð, þ, th follow t. 2. Negative and pronominal contractions of verbs are listed at the end of a given entry. 3. Vocalic v and consonantal u are not differentiated. The abbreviations used in both glossaries are found below. The reference to the text is shown by text number/ line number. The Middle English poems in text 10 are delineated by a decimal point, e. g. ‘10.1/ 5’ means text ten, poem one, line five. References to a new text are signalled by an asterisk. <?page no="277"?> 266 Glossaries Please note, the category case is indicated in the following way: nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, and instrumental are shortened to the first letter of the case and the number is appended to this. For example, nasg. = nominative or accusative singular and so on. Similarly, cases governed by prepositions or verbs are indicated in brackets; for example, (d.a.) = dative or accusative preposition or verb. adj. adjective perspron. personal pronoun adv. adverb pl. plural art. article pn. place name aux. auxiliary verb poss. possessive col. collocation prep. preposition comp. comparative prn. proper name compd. compound form pron. pronoun conj. conjunction prps. preterite present contr. contracted form ps. present (indicative) dempron. demonstrative pronoun psp. present participle f. feminine pt. past (indicative) imp. imperative ptp. past participle impv. impersonal verb refl. reflexive inf. infinitive rel. relative use infl. inflected form relpart. relative particle infl. inf. inflected infinitive sb. substantive init. word initial sg. singular interj. interjection subj. subjunctive irr. irregular sup. superlative m. masculine vb. verb n. neuter voc. vocative neg. negated form I-III weak verb classes num. numeral 1-7 strong verb classes obj. object case 1., 1.sg. 1st person etc. ord. ordinal 1, 2 conjugation according to part. particle class 1 and 2 <?page no="278"?> Old English Glossary a¯ (adv.) always, (for)ever, continuously 2/ 155 *6/ 27, 180 *7/ 9 *8/ 109 *10/ 315; aa 7/ 4 abbod (nsg. m.) abbot 2/ 96 abbudisse (nsg. f.) abbess 3/ 118; abbudissan (gdsg.) 3/ 66, 108 a¯ be¯od (imp.sg.) to announce 10/ 49; a¯ be¯ad (sg.pt.) 10/ 27 [a¯be¯odan 2] a¯ bı ¯dan (1) to (a)wait, remain behind 6/ 158 Abraham (prn.) 1/ 3, 7, 9-10 etc.; Abrahames (gsg.) 1/ 1 a¯ bre¯oðe (sg.ps. subj.) to fail, degenerate 10/ 242; a¯ broþene (ptp.) 7/ 113 [a¯bre¯oþan] ac (adv., conj.) but, however, moreover; and 1/ 27 *2/ 17, 108, 126 etc. *3/ 27, 56, 74 etc. *4/ 19 *5/ 29, 35 *6/ 9, 50, 113-114 etc. *7/ 10, 29, 43 etc. *8/ 3, 10, 21 etc. *10/ 82, 193, 247 etc. *11/ 11, 43, 115 etc. a¯ cwele (imp.sg.) to kill 1/ 18; a¯ cwealde (sg.pt.) 7/ 60 [a¯cwellan I] a¯ cwehte (sg.pt.) to shake 10/ 255, 310 [a¯cweccan I] a¯ cwencan (I) to quench, extinguish 7/ 18 a¯ de (dsg. m.n.) (funeral) pyre 4/ 26 [a¯d] a¯ dlig (adj. nsg. m.) sick, diseased 6/ 170; a¯ dligum (dpl.) 6/ 128 a¯ dliga (nsg. m.) sick person 6/ 23; a¯ dligan (dsg.) 6/ 166 Adomes (prn. gsg.) Adam 11/ 100 a¯ dra¯ f (sg.pt.) to drive out/ away 2/ 103 [a¯drı ¯fan 1] a¯ dr毯 fan (I) to drive out/ away 2/ 6; a¯ dr毯 fde (sg.pt.) 2/ 3 a¯ dre¯ah → a¯ dre¯ogað a¯ dre¯d (sg.pt.) to dread, fear 8/ 79 [a¯dr毯 dan I] a¯ dre¯ogað (pl.ps.) to practise, commit, pass time 7/ 69; a¯ dre¯ah (sg.pt.) 6/ 154 [a¯dre¯ogan 2] a¯ druncen (ptp.) to drown 2/ 115 [a¯drincan 3] a¯ dw毯 scte (sg.pt.) to put out 6/ 8 [a¯dw毯 scan I] a¯ e¯ode (sg.pt.) to happen 2/ 102 [a¯ga¯n irr.] afaran (napl. m.) successor, offspring 9/ 7, 52 a¯ feallen (ptp.) to fall (down) 5/ 53 *10/ 202 [a¯feallan 7] a¯ firsa (imp.sg.) to drive away 8/ 39 [a¯feorsian II] a¯ flı ¯gde (ptp.) to expell 6/ 125 [a¯flı ¯egan I] a¯ fly¯ mde (sg.pt.) to put to flight 10/ 243 [a¯flı ¯eman I] a¯ fyllan (I) to kill 6/ 13; a¯ fylle (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 82, 84 a¯ fyrhte (ptp.) to frighten, terrify 6/ 119, 146 [a¯fyrhtan I] a¯ fy¯ san (I) to drive away, impell 10/ 3; a¯ fy¯ sed (ptp.) 11/ 125 a¯ gan (prps.) to own, have 1/ 29 *10/ 87; a¯ h (sg.ps.) 10/ 175 *11/ 107; a¯ ht (2.sg.ps.) 3/ 91; a¯ hte (sg.pt.) 7/ 83 *10/ 189; a¯ hton (pl.pt.) 2/ 62, 74, 75 etc. ◆ neg.: na¯ h (sg.ps.) 11/ 131 a¯ geaf (sg.pt.) to deliver 3/ 117 *10/ 44; a¯ gyfen (ptp.) 10/ 116 [a¯giefan 5] a¯ gen (adj. asg. n.) own 5/ 27, 35, 41, 43-44; a¯ genum (dsg. n.m.) 6/ 41 *7/ 49; (dpl.) 7/ 80; a¯ genne (asg. m.) 2/ 24 *7/ 72 a¯ ge¯ted (ptp.) to kill 9/ 18 [a¯ge¯tan I] a¯ ginnan (pl.ps. subj.) to begin 7/ 135 [a¯ginnan 3] a¯ goten (ptp.) to empty, shed 6/ 124 [a¯ge¯otan 2] a¯ gyfen → a¯ geaf a¯ h; a¯ hafen; a¯ hangen → a¯ gan; a¯ hefde; a¯ he¯ng a¯ he¯awen (ptp.) to cut down 11/ 29 [a¯he¯awan 7] a¯ hefde (sg.pt. (weak)) to lift (up), raise 1/ 22; a¯ ho¯ f (sg.pt. (strong)) 10/ 130, 244 *11/ 44; a¯ ho¯ fon (pl.pt.) 10/ 213 *11/ 61; a¯ hafen (ptp.) 10/ 106 [a¯hebban 7] a¯ he¯ng (sg.pt.) to hang 6/ 142; a¯ hangen (ptp.) 6/ 147 [a¯ho¯ n 7] a¯ ho¯ f, a¯ ho¯ fon → a¯ hefde a¯ hr毯 rde → a¯ r毯 rende a¯ hreddene (infl.inf.) to save, rescue 6/ 14; a¯ hredde (sg.ps. subj.) 6/ 13 [a¯hreddan I] a¯ hsode → (ge) a¯ scian a¯ ht → a¯ gan a¯ hte, a¯ hton → o¯ wiht; a¯ gan a¯ hwa¯ r (adv.) anywhere 7/ 152 Aidan (prn.) 6/ 33, 43, 56; Aidanus 6/ 62, 64; Aidanes (gsg.) 6/ 176 a¯ ı ¯dligan (II) to profane 3/ 46 alda → eald aldorman, aldormen, aldormon, aldormonnes → ealdormann Aldred (prn.) 2/ 131 a¯ lecgað (pl.ps.) to lay down; kill 4/ 28, 40; a¯ le¯don (pl.pt.) 6/ 17 *11/ 63; a¯ le¯d (ptp.) 4/ 29 [a¯lecgan I] a¯ lı ¯hð (sg.ps.) to deny 6/ 170 [a¯le¯ogan 2] all, alle, alne → eall a¯ ly¯ fan (I) to allow, grant 10/ 90; a¯ ly¯ fed (ptp.) 3/ 52 *8/ 34 Amen (interj.) 6/ 180 *7/ 163 a¯ myrde (sg.pt.) to injure 10/ 165 [a¯myrran I] a¯ n (adj. nasg. m.n.) a, one, a single, alone 2/ 4, 85 *3/ 25, 27, 78 *4/ 42, 44 *5/ 13, 62 *6/ 57, <?page no="279"?> 268 a¯ n (OE) 115, 135, 153 *7/ 69, 89, 137, 142 *8/ 103; a¯ na (nsg. m.) 6/ 147 *8/ 43, 45 *10/ 94 *11/ 123, 128; a¯ ne (asg. f.) 5/ 62 *6/ 11 *7/ 68-69; a¯ nre (dsg. f.) 1/ 3 *4/ 28, 30 *6/ 124 *8/ 101, 103; a¯ nne (asg. m.) 1/ 21 *2/ 7 *5/ 15 *10/ 117, 226; 毯 nne 5/ 21 *6/ 143 *8/ 51, 107; a¯ nra (gpl.) 11/ 86, 108; a¯ num (dsg. m.n.) 2/ 17, 32 *6/ 57, 141, 146, 152; (adv.) 7/ 70 anbı ¯diað (imp.pl.) to stay, remain 1/ 7; geanbı ¯dode (sg.pt.) 2/ 136 [anbı ¯dian II] a¯ ncennedan (dasg. m.) only-begotten 1/ 2, 20, 26 and (conj.) and, but and . . . and, ond . . . ond both . . . and andefn (nsg. f.) amount 4/ 28 andette (sg.ps.) to confess, acknowledge 3/ 11; ondette 3/ 37; (sg.pt.) 3/ 41 [andettan I] andgit (nsg. n.) meaning 5/ 57; andgiete (dsg.) 5/ 57 andgitfullı ¯cost (adv. sup.) (most) meaningful 5/ 61 Andred (pn.) 2/ 3 andsund (adj. nsg. m.) healthy, whole 6/ 110; ansund (nsg. f.) 6/ 137; (nsg. m.) 6/ 147 andsware (asg. f.) answer 3/ 93 *10/ 44 andswarode (sg.pt.) to answer 3/ 1, 9; ondswarade 3/ 157; ondswarede 3/ 89; andswerode 8/ 103; ondsworede 3/ 47; ondswaredon (pl.pt.) 3/ 155, 162; ondswarodon 3/ 151 [andswarian II] andwearde (adj. nsg. n.) present 3/ 21; (npl.) 8/ 56; ondweardum (dpl.) 3/ 110 andwlitan (dsg. m.) face, countenance 8/ 11, 18 [andwlita] andwyrde (sg.pt.) to answer 1/ 11, 18 *5/ 36 [andwyrdan I] a¯ ne → a¯ n anforht (adj. nsg.) terrified 11/ 117 a¯ nforle¯te (sg.pt. subj.) to abandon 3/ 119 [a¯nforl毯 tan 7] Angelcynn (prn.) England, the English 5/ 3-4, 24, 34, 54; Angelcynne (dsg.) 5/ 11, 48 angin (nsg. n.) enterprise 10/ 242 Angle (npl. m.) Angles 6/ 67; Engle 2/ 116 *7/ 87, 95 *9/ 70; Engla (gpl.) 7/ 144; Englum (dpl.) 7/ 152 Anla¯ f (prn.) 9/ 46; Anla¯ fes (gsg.) 9/ 31; Anla¯ fe (dsg.) 9/ 26 a¯ nlipig (adj. nsg. m.) single 2/ 83; a¯ nle¯pne (asg. m.) 5/ 15 a¯ nne, a¯ nra, a¯ nre → a¯ n a¯ nr毯 d (adj. asg. m.) resolute 10/ 44, 132 ansund → andsund Antecrı ¯stes (prn. gsg.) Antichrist 7/ 5 a¯ num → a¯ n Anwealda (nsg. m.) God, ruler 11/ 153 Apollines (prn.) Apollo 8/ 53 Apollonius (prn.) 8/ 1, 3, 6, 25 etc.; Apolloni (voc.) 8/ 36, 44, 49 etc.; Apollonige (dsg.) 8/ 50, 87, 91; Apollonio (dsg.) 8/ 11, 16, 22 etc.; Apollonium (asg.) 8/ 79, 92 apostatan (npl. m.) apostate 7/ 113 apostola (gpl.) apostle 3/ 131 [apostol] apuldran (dsg. f.) apple tree 2/ 125 a¯ r (nsg. m.) messenger 10/ 26 a¯ ra¯ s → a¯ rı ¯san a¯ r毯 dan (I) to read 5/ 51, 54; a¯ re¯dodne (ptp.) to choose 8/ 108 a¯ r毯 rende (psp.) to raise, erect, spread 6/ 86; a¯ r毯 rde (sg.pt.) 1/ 14 *6/ 11, 19; a¯ hr毯 rde 6/ 54; a¯ r毯 red (ptp.) 6/ 26 *11/ 44 [a¯r毯 ran I] arcebiscop (nsg. m.) archbishop 2/ 131, 140, 146, 151; ærcebiscep 2/ 56; ærcebiscepe (dsg.) 5/ 58 Arcestrates (prn.) 8/ 11, 48, 65, 98 a¯ reccean (I) to translate, explain, tell 5/ 13, 61; a¯ rece (imp.sg.) 8/ 25; a¯ rehte (sg.pt.) 8/ 29 a¯ re¯dodne → a¯ r毯 dan a¯ rehte → a¯ reccean a¯ rfæstnisse (dsg. f.) piety 3/ 68 [a¯rfæstnes] a¯ rhwate (adj. npl.) eager for glory 9/ 73 a¯ rian (II (d.)) to spare, pardon 1/ 26 a¯ riht (adv.) rightly, properly 7/ 98 a¯ rı ¯san (1) to arise, rise 3/ 161; a¯ ra¯ s (sg.pt.) 1/ 3 *3/ 83, 104 *6/ 133 *11/ 101; a¯ rison (pl.pt.) 8/ 73 arodlı ¯ce (adv.) quickly 1/ 17 a¯ rwurðlı ¯ce (adv.) solemnly 6/ 38, 109, 121 a¯ rwurðne (adj. asg. m.) honourable 6/ 33 a¯ rwurðnysse (dsg. f.) honour, reverence 6/ 106, 120 [a¯rwurðnes] a¯ rwurðode (sg.pt.) to honour 6/ 92 [a¯rweorðian II] a¯ s毯 de (sg.pt.) to tell, say 10/ 198 [a¯secgan III] a¯ sænde (1.sg.ps.) to send 8/ 110 [a¯sendan I] Ascanmynster (pn.) Axminster, Devon 2/ 35 (ge) a¯ scian (II) to ask, demand; discover a¯ scie (1.sg.ps.) 1/ 11; a¯ xsast (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 26; a¯ xsa (imp.sg.) 8/ 21; a¯ scode (sg.pt.) 1/ 10; a¯ hsode 3/ 44; gea¯ scode 2/ 8; gea¯ xode 6/ 112 a¯ sceo¯ c (sg.pt.) to shake 10/ 230 [a¯scacan 7] a¯ sette (sg.ps. subj.) to set, put, erect 4/ 46 *11/ 142; a¯ setton (pl.pt.) 11/ 32 [a¯settan I] a¯ sle¯an (6) to cut off 6/ 102; a¯ slagen (ptp.) 6/ 110 a¯ sme¯agan (I) to consider 7/ 138 <?page no="280"?> 269 a¯ smiþod (ptp.) to forge 6/ 109 [a¯smiðian II] a¯ solcennesse (asg. f.) laziness 7/ 146 [a¯solcennes] a¯ song → singan a¯ spended (ptp.) to spend 4/ 38 [a¯spendan I] a¯ sprang (sg.pt.) to spread 6/ 151 [a¯springan 3] Assere (prn.) 5/ 58 assum (dpl. m.) ass, donkey 1/ 5, 8 [assa] a¯ sta¯ g (sg.pt.) to rise, ascend 11/ 103 [a¯stı ¯gan 1] a¯ stirian (I) to stir, move 8/ 55; a¯ styred 11/ 30 a¯ strece (imp.sg.) to stretch (out), reach 1/ 19; a¯ streht (ptp.) 6/ 117 [a¯streccan I] a¯ styred → a¯ stirian a¯ swefede (ptp.) to kill 9/ 30 [a¯swebban I] a¯ te¯ah (sg.pt.) to draw, pull 1/ 16; a¯ tuge (sg.pt. subj.) 3/ 134 [a¯te¯on 2] a¯ ð (asg. m.) oath 7/ 158; a¯ ðas (apl.) 2/ 119, 143 a¯ ðbricas (apl. m.) oath-breaking 7/ 111 [a¯ðbrice] a¯ ðume (dsg. m.) son-in-law 8/ 107 [a¯ðum] a¯ þwo¯ h (sg.pt.) to wash 6/ 123 [a¯ðwe¯an 6] Augustı ¯nus (prn.) 6/ 1 a¯ w毯 gan (I) to annul 6/ 169 a¯ wearp (sg.pt.) to throw away, cast aside, depose 3/ 50 *6/ 34; a¯ worpenne (ptp. nsg. m.) 2/ 38 [a¯weorpan 3] a¯ weg (adv.) away 6/ 146 a¯ wehte (sg.pt. subj.) to awake, rouse, raise (up) 3/ 135; a¯ wehton (pl.pt.) 8/ 90 [a¯weccan I] a¯ wendan (I) to turn (from, to); translate 6/ 159; a¯ wende (sg.pt.) 5/ 61; a¯ wend (ptp.) 6/ 39; a¯ wendum (ptp.) 6/ 74 a¯ wo¯ c (sg.pt.) to awake 6/ 137 [a¯wacan 6] a¯ worpenne → a¯ wearp a¯ wrı ¯tað (pl.ps.) to write (down) 8/ 109; a¯ wra¯ t (sg.pt.) 7/ 142; a¯ writene (ptp.) 5/ 27 a¯ xsa, a¯ xsast → (ge) a¯ scian Æ æ¯¯ (nsg. f.) law 5/ 40 毯 fæst (adj. nsg. m.) pious, religious 3/ 136; 毯 fæste (apl.) 3/ 74; 毯 festan (asg. f.) 3/ 78 毯 fæstnes (nsg. f.) religion, piety 3/ 12; 毯 fæstnisse (dsg.) 3/ 68; 毯 festnesse 3/ 78 毯 fen (asg. m.) evening 2/ 96; 毯 fenne 3/ 145 毯 fentı ¯de (asg. f.) eventide 11/ 68 毯 festan → 毯 fæst æfestful (adj. nsg. m.) full of envy 8/ 9 æfestig (adj. nsg. m.) envious 8/ 6 æfestigað (sg.ps.) to envy 8/ 10 [æfestigian II] 毯 festnesse → 毯 fæstnes 毯 fre (adv.) ever, always, constantly 2/ 119, 133 *5/ 36 *6/ 68, 74 *7/ 116 *9/ 66 *10/ 271 (OE) 毯 nig æftan (adv.) (from) behind 7/ 54 *9/ 63 æfter (adv., prep. (d.)) after, afterwards, behind 2/ 76, 92, 154 *3/ 69, 73, 102 *4/ 5, 26, 34 *5/ 30 *6/ 7, 72, 104, 178 *7/ 10, 70, 90, 90 *8/ 2, 26, 57 etc. *10/ 65 *11/ 65 ◆ col.: æfter þa¯ m (adv.) 7/ 60, 80; æfter ðan ðe (conj.) after 6/ 1 æfterfylige (sg.ps. subj.) to follow after, succeed 3/ 29 æftergengan (gpl. m.) follower, successor 6/ 6 [æftergenga] Ægelna¯ ð (prn.) 2/ 151 毯 ghw毯 r (adv.) everywhere, completely 7/ 22, 47, 115 毯 ghwæþer ge ge → 毯 gþer 毯 ghwylc (pron., adj. nsg. m.f.) each, every, all 10/ 234 *11/ 120; 毯 ghwylcan (dsg. m.) 7/ 30; 毯 ghwylcne (asg. m.) 11/ 86 毯 gþer (pron., adj.) every one, either (of both) 7/ 59 *10/ 133; 毯 gðer 10/ 224; 毯 gðre (dsg. f.) 2/ 127 ◆ col.: 毯 gþær ge (conj.) both . . . and, as well as 2/ 98; 毯 gðer ge . . . ge 5/ 7, 30; 毯 gþer ge . . . ge 5/ 3; 毯 gðer ge . . . ge . . . ge 5/ 5, 8; 毯 ghwæþer ge . . . ge 3/ 2 毯 gylde (adj. nsg. m.) unpaid, without compensation 7/ 83 Ư¯ gypta londe (pn.) Egypt 3/ 128 毯 lc (adj., pron. nsg. m.n.) any, all, every, each 4/ 34, 36 *7/ 53-54, 70, 90 *8/ 59; 毯 lces (gsg. m.) 4/ 41; 毯 lcere (dsg. f.) 4/ 15 *6/ 108; 毯 lcre 5/ 62; 毯 lcum (dsg. m.) 5/ 61 *6/ 61; 毯 lcra (gpl.) 7/ 32 Ælfere (prn.) 10/ 80 Ælfno¯ ð (prn.) 10/ 183 Ælfred (prn.) King Alfred 2/ 48, 59, 63 etc. *5/ 1 Ælfrı ¯ces (prn., gsg.) 10/ 209 Ælfwine (prn.) 10/ 211, 231 Ællan (prn.) 2/ 39 ælmæsriht (nsg. m.) right to alms 7/ 37 ælmesgeorn (adj. nsg. m.) charitable 6/ 53 ælmihtig (adj. nsg. m.) almighty 3/ 103 *11/ 39, 93, 98, 106, 153, 156; ælmihtigan (dsg. m.) 6/ 169, 175; ælmihtegum (dsg. m.) 5/ 16; ælmihtigne (asg. m.) 11/ 60 Ælmihtiga (nsg. m.) the Almighty (God) 1/ 26 *6/ 68; Ælmihtigan (dsg.) 6/ 12, 180 ælmyssan (dasg. f.) almsgiving 6/ 58-59 ænde; ænglas → ende; engel 毯 nig (adj. nsg. m.n.) any, any one 2/ 149 *3/ 151 *6/ 162 *7/ 23, 49, 52, 101 *10/ 70, 195 *11/ 110, 117; 毯 nige (dasg. f.) 3/ 16 *7/ 12, 26, 98; 毯 nigre (dsg. f.) 3/ 40; 毯 nigum (dsg. m.) 7/ 122 *11/ 47; 毯 nigne (asg. m.) 5/ 16 <?page no="281"?> 270 毯 nlice (OE) 毯 nlice (adj. asg. n.) singular, splendid 6/ 69 [毯 nlic] 毯 nne → a¯ n 毯 r (adv., conj.) before that, formerly; soon; earlier 2/ 9, 21, 28 etc. *3/ 45, 50, 63 etc. *5/ 28, 53 *6/ 69, 95, 120 etc. *7/ 5, 83, 92-93 etc. *8/ 35, 64, 101 *10/ 60-61, 158, 198 etc. *11/ 114, 118, 137 etc.; 毯 ror (comp.) 2/ 142; 毯 rur 11/ 108 ◆ col.: 毯 r þa¯ m (adv.) 7/ 63; 毯 r þan 11/ 88; 毯 r þysan 7/ 13, 41; 毯 r þan þe (conj.) 2/ 147 *6/ 11; 毯 r ð毯 m ðe 5/ 23 毯 ra (gpl. m.) wave, sea 9/ 26 ærcebiscepe, ærcebiscepe → arcebiscop 毯 rænde (asg. n.) message 10/ 28 毯 rendfæst (adj. nsg. m.) bound on an errand 6/ 140 毯 rendgewrit (asg. n.) letter 5/ 13 毯 rendwrecum (dpl. m.) messenger 5/ 5 毯 rest (adv.) first 2/ 96 *3/ 46, 99, 126 *4/ 6 *5/ 40 *10/ 5, 186 *11/ 19; 毯 rost 10/ 124 毯 reste (adj. nsg. f. sup.) first 3/ 127; 毯 restan (dsg. m.) 4/ 34 毯 rgewin (asg. n.) former strife, trouble 11/ 19 ærnað (pl.ps.) to run, ride 4/ 32, 41; ærndon (pl.pt.) 10/ 191 [ærnan I] 毯 rne (adj. asg. m.) early 6/ 15 毯 ror, 毯 rur → 毯 r 毯 rost → 毯 rest 毯 rwacol (adj. nsg.) early awake 8/ 89 æsc (asg. m.) spear 10/ 43, 310 Æscesdune (pn.) Ashdown, Berkshire 2/ 63 Æscferð (prn.) 10/ 267 æschere (nsg. m.) Viking army 10/ 69 æscholt (asg. n.) spear 10/ 230 毯 ses (gsg. n.) carrion 9/ 63 *10/ 107 [毯 s] æstel (nasg. m.) bookmark 5/ 62-63 毯 swicas (apl. m.) offence, fraud 7/ 109 æt (prep. (d.)) at, near, by, in, on, upon, with 2/ 4, 34-35, 40 etc. *3/ 15, 23, 87 etc. *5/ 58-59, 66 *6/ 95, 142 *7/ 15, 143, 157 *8/ 29, 87, 93, 100 *9/ 4, 8, 42, 44 *10/ 10, 39, 48, 55 etc. *11/ 8, 63 毯 t (sg.pt.) to eat 8/ 3, 7; 毯 ton (pl.pt.) 8/ 3 [etan 5] æte¯awed, æte¯owde → æty¯ weð ætforan (prep. (d.)) before 2/ 149 *10/ 16 ætgædere (adv.) together, at the same time 3/ 150 *6/ 56 *7/ 141 *11/ 48 æthle¯ape (sg.ps. subj.) to run away from, escape 7/ 80 [æthle¯apan 7] 毯 ton → 毯 t ætsamne (adv.) together, united 9/ 57; ætsomne 3/ 4, 145 ætsto¯ d (sg.pt.) to remain 6/ 147 [ætstandan 6] 毯 tterne (adj. nsg. m.) poisonous, deadly 10/ 146; 毯 ttrenne (asg. m.) 10/ 47 ætwı ¯tan (1) to blame, reproach 10/ 220, 250 æty¯ weð (sg.ps.) to show, reveal, display, appear 3/ 28; æte¯owde (sg.pt.) 2/ 96; æte¯awed (ptp.) 3/ 60 [ætı ¯ewan I] æðela, æþelan → æðele æþelborene (adj. npl.) of noble birth 8/ 100 æðelborennesse (asg. f.) nobility of birth 8/ 24, 27 æðele (nsg. m.f.) noble, excellent, famous 6/ 1; æþele 9/ 16 *10/ 280; æðela 6/ 62; æþelan (asg. m.) 10/ 151; æðelum (dpl.) 8/ 106 Æþelga¯ res (prn. gsg.) 10/ 320 æþeling (nasg. m.) man of royal blood, nobleman 2/ 7, 12, 16, 21, 31 *9/ 3, 58; æþelinges (gsg.) 2/ 35; æþelinge (dsg.) 11/ 58; æðelingum (dpl.) 3/ 64 æþelo (asg. f.) noble origin 10/ 216 Æþelred (prn.) 7/ 61; Æþelredes (gsg.) 10/ 53, 151, 203 Æþelsta¯ n (prn.) 9/ 1 Æþelwulf (prn.) 2/ 58, 61; Æþelwulfing 2/ 79 Æþered (prn.) 2/ 47, 59, 63 etc. Æþerı ¯c (prn.) 10/ 280 毯 wbrycas (apl. m.) adultery 7/ 110 毯 wiscmo¯ de (adj. npl.) ashamed, abashed 9/ 56 B ba¯ → be¯gen Bachsecg (prn.) 2/ 64; Bagsecg 2/ 66 baldlı ¯ce (adv.) boldly 10/ 311; baldlı ¯cost (sup.) 10/ 78 ba¯ n (asg.) bone 4/ 42; (napl.) 6/ 89, 112, 115 etc. bana (nsg. m.) killer, slayer 10/ 299; banan (dasg.) 2/ 27 *11/ 66 band (sg.pt.) to bind 6/ 138; geband 1/ 15 *6/ 140 [bindan 3] Bardanı ¯ge (pn.) Bardney, Lincolnshire 6/ 113 Basengum (prn.) Old Basing, Hampshire 2/ 71 Bastard → Wyllelm bæc → ofer bæcbord (asg. n.) larbord 4/ 3, 5, 7 bæd, b毯 de, b毯 don → (ge) biddan bær → beran bærnað (pl.ps.) burn (down) 7/ 100 [bærnan I] bærnette (dsg. n.) burning 1/ 15 [bærnett] b毯 ron; bærst → beran; berstan bæðe (dsg. n.) bath 3/ 65 [bæð] be (prep. (d.)) by, near, in, on, upon 1/ 22 *3/ 34, 82, 88, 126, 133 *4/ 40 *5/ 15, 57 *6/ 78, 94, 96, 110, 140, 152 *7/ 121, 142, <?page no="282"?> 271 151, 154 *8/ 6, 66 *10/ 9, 152, 318-319; bı ¯ 3/ 126-132 *5/ 67; big 10/ 182 ◆ col.: be fullan (adv.) completely 5/ 34 be¯acen (nasg. n.) sign, token, beacon 11/ 6, 21; be¯acne (dsg.) 11/ 83; be¯acna (gpl.) 11/ 118 beadur毯 s (nsg. m.) onslaught 10/ 111 beaduwe (dsg. f.) battle 10/ 185 [beadu] beaduweorca (gpl. n.) operation in a war 9/ 48 be¯agas (apl. m.) ring, armlet 10/ 31, 160 [be¯ag] be¯ah → (ge) bu¯ gan be¯ahgifa (nsg. m.) ring-giver, king 9/ 2; be¯ahgifan (asg.) 10/ 290 bealuwara (gpl. m.) evildoer 11/ 79 [bealuware] be¯am (nsg. m.) tree, cross 11/ 97; be¯ame (dsg.) 11/ 114, 122; be¯ama (gpl.) 11/ 6 bearh → beorgan bearn (nsg. m.) child, son 7/ 49, 73 *10/ 92, 155, 186, 209, 238, 267, 300, 320 *11/ 83; bearne (dsg.) 7/ 49; bearnum (dpl.) 3/ 99 bearnmyrðran (npl. m.) child-murderer 7/ 132 bearnum → bearn beæftan (prep. (d.)) after, behind 2/ 19, 21 Bebbanbyrig (pn.) Bamburgh, Northumberland 6/ 110 bebe¯odan (2) to command, commend bebı ¯ode (1.sg.ps.) 5/ 17, 63; bebe¯odende (psp.) 3/ 170; bibe¯ad (sg.pt.) 3/ 148; gebe¯ad 2/ 16, 24; bebudon (pl.pt.) 3/ 114; beboden (ptp.) 3/ 86, 117 *8/ 83; geboden (ptp.) offer 2/ 28 beboda (apl. n.) commandment, order 6/ 154 [bebod] beboden, bebudon → bebe¯odan bebyrged (ptp.) to bury 6/ 88 [bebyrgan I] be¯c → bo¯ c beco¯ m, beco¯ man, beco¯ mon → becuman becuman (4) to come 8/ 13; beco¯ m (sg.pt.) 6/ 1, 35, 81, 132 *8/ 15; becwo¯ m 3/ 168; beco¯ mon (pl.pt.) 5/ 20 *10/ 58; beco¯ man 9/ 70 Be¯da (prn.) the Venerable Bede 6/ 21, 171 bed毯 lde (ptp.) to deprive 7/ 25 [bed毯 lan I] bedde (dsg. n.) bed 6/ 22 *8/ 88 [bedd] bedealf (sg.pt.) to bury 11/ 75 [bedelfan 3] bedrifenne (ptp.) to cover 11/ 62 bee¯ode (sg.pt.) to practice, perform, surround 2/ 9 *3/ 48, 50; bee¯odon (pl.pt.) 3/ 13; bee¯odan 3/ 36; bie¯odon 3/ 45 befæstan (I) to apply, use, entrust 5/ 19; befæste (sg.ps. subj.) 5/ 19 *8/ 91 befe¯olan (3) to apply oneself 5/ 49 beforan (adv., prep. (d.a.)) before, in front of, earlier 8/ 70, 88 *9/ 67 began → beginnan bege¯atan, bege¯aton → begietan (OE) be¯on be¯gen (adj. npl.) both 2/ 43, 69, 106 *6/ 97 *9/ 57 *10/ 182-183, 191 etc.; ba¯ (dpl.) 2/ 112 begeondan (prep. (d.)) beyond 2/ 110 *3/ 61; begiondan 5/ 14; begeonde 2/ 97 begietan (5) to get, gain, acquire 5/ 10; begitan 2/ 98; bege¯aton (pl.pt.) 5/ 29; bege¯atan 9/ 73 beginnan (3) to begin 1/ 17; began (sg.pt.) 6/ 135; begunnon (ptp.) 6/ 70 begiondan → begeondan begitan → begietan begoten (ptp.) to cover, shed 11/ 7, 49 [bege¯otan 2] begunnon → beginnan beha¯ tan (7) to promise beh毯 t (sg.ps.) 6/ 169; behe¯t (sg.pt.) 2/ 143 *6/ 79 *8/ 69; behe¯ton (pl.pt.) 2/ 133; behe¯tan 7/ 156 beh毯 t → beha¯ tan behe¯old (sg.pt.) to behold, gaze at 8/ 4-5, 7 *11/ 25, 58; behe¯oldon (pl.pt.) 6/ 118 *11/ 9, 11, 64 [behealdan 7] behe¯t, behe¯tan, behe¯ton → beha¯ tan behindan (prep. (d.a.)) behind 9/ 60 behionan (prep. (d.)) on this side of 5/ 12 belifen (pl.pt.) to remain 2/ 154 [belı ¯fan 1] belimpeð (sg.ps.) to pertain, belong 4/ 9; belumpon (pl.pt.) 3/ 78; belumpen 3/ 68 [belimpan 3] belocen (ptp.) to lock 2/ 22 [belu¯ can 2] belumpen, belumpon → belimpeð benam → benimð bence (dsg. f.) bench 10/ 213 [benc] benimð (sg.ps. (g.)) to deprive 4/ 13; benam (sg.pt.) 2/ 1 [beniman 4] be¯num (dpl. f.) prayer, request 6/ 31 [be¯n] be¯o → be¯on be¯odas (apl. m.) table, dish 8/ 4 [be¯od] be¯odaþ (pl.ps.) to offer, announce, proclaim 7/ 116; budon (pl.pt.) 2/ 27 be¯on (irr.) to be 2/ 133, 144, 149 *4/ 24, 30-31, 42 *8/ 74, 76, 94 *10/ 185 ◆ 1.sg.ps.: eom 3/ 158 *6/ 159 *10/ 179, 317 ◆ 2.sg.ps.: eart 3/ 153 *8/ 36, 49, 89 *10/ 36 ◆ 3.sg.ps.: bið 3/ 26-27 *4/ 15-16, 18-20, 24 etc. *5/ 62 *6/ 170 *7/ 23-24, 57-58 *11/ 86; is 1/ 11, 24-25 *3/ 11, 21-22, 30 etc. *4/ 8, 11, 15 etc. *5/ 48, 56 *6/ 24, 65, 160-161 *7/ 3-4, 18, 21 etc. *8/ 8, 17, 19 etc. *10/ 31, 93, 223, 233 *11/ 80, 97, 126 etc. ◆ sg.ps. subj.: be¯o 8/ 12; sı ¯ 11/ 144; sı ¯e 1/ 11 *3/ 10, 24 *5/ 16, 67 *11/ 112; sy¯ 4/ 47 *6/ 180 *8/ 21, 23 *10/ 215 ◆ pl.ps.: be¯oð 1/ 29 *4/ 23, 37; siendon 5/ 65; synd 4/ 6 *7/ 76; syndan 7/ 25, 31-32, 34, 74, 110, 129-133; syndon 3/ 14, 19 *8/ 105 <?page no="283"?> 272 be¯on (OE) *11/ 46 ◆ pl.ps. subj.: sı ¯en 5/ 45, 49, 65; sy¯ n 7/ 55-56, 84, 112 ◆ sg.pt.: wæs 1/ 27 *2/ 7, 18, 20 etc. *3/ 7, 9-10 etc. *4/ 2-3, 5, 8 *5/ 11, 40, 53 *6/ 1, 23, 30 etc. *7/ 43, 46, 86 etc. *8/ 1, 34, 59 etc. *9/ 7, 40 *10/ 23, 75-76, 103-104 etc. *11/ 6, 10, 13 etc.; was 2/ 7, 42 ◆ sg.pt. subj.: w毯 re 2/ 28, 95, 126 *3/ 8, 111-112, 148 etc. *6/ 153 *8/ 53 *10/ 195, 240 ◆ pl.pt.: w毯 ron 2/ 25, 31, 65 etc. *3/ 46, 73, 124, 144 etc. *4/ 6 *5/ 2, 4, 8 etc. *6/ 40, 126 *8/ 3, 57 *10/ 110 *11/ 8; w毯 ran 2/ 17 *3/ 5 *7/ 8, 157; w毯 run 2/ 10, 13, 19 etc. ◆ pl.pt. subj.: w毯 ren 5/ 22, 66 ◆ neg.: nis (sg.ps.) 3/ 162 *7/ 103; nys 6/ 171; næs (sg.pt.) 7/ 9 *10/ 325; n毯 re (sg.pt. subj.) 2/ 26 *8/ 53; n毯 ron (pl.pt.) 5/ 27; n毯 ren (pl.pt. subj.) 5/ 14 beorg (asg. m.) mountain, hill 11/ 32; beorge (dsg.) 11/ 50 beorgan (3) to protect, save, seek a cure for 7/ 127, 140, 160; beorge (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 40; bearh 7/ 48; burgon (pl.pt.) 10/ 194 beorge → beorg; beorgan Beorhha¯ mstede (pn.) Great Berkhamstead, Hertfordshire 2/ 139 beorht (adj. nsg.) bright, radiant, white 9/ 15; beorhtan (dsg. m.) 11/ 66; beorhtost (sup.) 11/ 6 beorn (nsg. m.) man, warrior 9/ 45 *10/ 270 *11/ 42; beornes (gsg.) 10/ 131, 160; beorne (dsg.) 10/ 154, 245; beornas (npl.) 10/ 17, 62, 92, 111, 182, 277, 305, 311 *11/ 32, 66; beorna (gpl.) 9/ 2 *10/ 257; beornum (dpl.) 10/ 101 be¯orscipes → gebe¯orscipe be¯ot (asg. n.) vow, boast 10/ 15, 213 ◆ col.: on be¯ot (adv.) threateningly 10/ 27 be¯otode (sg.pt.) to boast, vow 10/ 290 [be¯otian II] be¯oð → be¯on bera¯ d (sg.pt.) to ride up to, overtake 2/ 9 [berı ¯dan 1] beran (4) to carry, bear, bring 1/ 9 *4/ 26 *10/ 12, 62; bereð (sg.ps.) 11/ 118; byrð 4/ 38; berað (imp.pl.) 3/ 153 *8/ 69; bær (sg.pt.) 1/ 10 *6/ 56, 121; b毯 ron (pl.pt.) 10/ 99 *11/ 32; be¯ron (pl.pt. subj.) 10/ 67; geboren (ptp.) 8/ 2; geborene 8/ 106 bere¯afian (II) to rob, deprive of 8/ 82 bereð, be¯ron → beran berstan (3) to burst 11/ 36; bærst (sg.pt.) 10/ 284 bery¯ pte (ptp.) to rob, plunder 7/ 24, 32 [bery¯ pan I] beseah (sg.pt.) to look 1/ 21 *8/ 11, 76, 102 [bese¯on 5] beslagen (ptp.) to strike, kill 9/ 42 [besle¯an 6] besorgað (sg.ps.) to regret 8/ 18 [besorgian II] beste¯med (ptp.) to drench, make wet 11/ 22, 48 [beste¯man II] besto¯ don (pl.pt.) to surround 10/ 68 [bestandan 6] bestry¯ pte (ptp.) to strip, plunder 7/ 32 [bestry¯ pan I] beswı ¯ce (sg.ps. subj.) to betray, deceive 7/ 57; beswicene (ptp.) 7/ 34 *10/ 238 [beswı ¯can 1] beswyled (ptp.) to drench 11/ 23 [beswylian II] besyrwde (ptp.) to deceive, ensnare 7/ 34 [besyrwan I] bet (adv. comp.) better 7/ 13; betre 5/ 45 (ge) be¯tan (I) to amend, atone for, compensate, make good, restore, satisfy 2/ 142 *7/ 126, 155; gebe¯tan 4/ 43 *6/ 158; be¯ttan (pl.pt.) 7/ 42 bet毯 hte (sg.pt.) to entrust 6/ 100; bet毯 ht (ptp.) 7/ 24 betera (adj. nsg. m. comp.) better 10/ 276; betere (nsg. n.) 10/ 31; beteran (napl.) better 3/ 18 *9/ 48 [see go¯ d] betre; betst, betstan → bet; go¯ d betst (adv. sup.) best 2/ 149 be¯ttan → (ge) be¯tan betwe¯onan (prep. (d.)) between 4/ 18 *7/ 159 betweox (prep. (d.)) between, among 1/ 21; betwux 6/ 51 ◆ col.: betwux þa¯ m (adv.) while 6/ 4 bety¯ nde (sg.pt.) to close, conclude 3/ 139, 170 [bety¯ nan I] beþencan (I) to bring to mind, reflect on 7/ 137; (pl.ps. subj.) 7/ 153 bewænde (sg.pt.) to turn 8/ 31 [bewendan I] beweaxen (ptp.) to cover 6/ 23 [beweaxan 7] bewiste (sg.pt.) to guard 6/ 58 [bewitan prps.] bewrigen (ptp.) to cover over 11/ 17, 53 [bewre¯on, 1, 2] bewunden (ptp.) to envelop 11/ 5 [bewinden 3] bı ¯; bibe¯ad → be; bebe¯odan bicgað (pl.ps.) to buy 7/ 69; gebo¯ hte (sg.pt.) 7/ 72 [bycgan I] (ge) bı ¯dan (1) to await, remain; experience 3/ 163; gebı ¯dan 7/ 12; geba¯ d (sg.pt.) 8/ 87 *10/ 174 *11/ 125; gebiden (ptp.) 7/ 12 *11/ 50, 79 (ge) biddan (5) to bid, ask, pray 6/ 13; gebiddan 6/ 72; gebiddenne (infl.inf.) 1/ 8; bidde (1.sg.ps.) 6/ 162 *8/ 33, 90, 106; gebiddaþ (pl.ps.) 11/ 83; bæd (sg.pt.) 3/ 50, 145 *6/ 30, 65 *10/ 20, 128, 170, 257; gebæd <?page no="284"?> 273 3/ 163 *6/ 99 *11/ 122; b毯 de (sg.pt. subj.) 3/ 147; b毯 don (pl.pt.) 2/ 47; 3/ 157 *6/ 119 *8/ 74, 104 *10/ 87, 262, 306 bie¯odon → bee¯ode bifian (II) to shake, tremble 11/ 36; bifode (sg.pt.) 11/ 42 big → be bı ¯gong (nsg. m.) worship 3/ 9; bı ¯gonges (gsg.) 3/ 59; bı ¯gange (dsg.) 3/ 14, 37 bigwiste (asg. f.) food, sustenance 6/ 174 bilgeslehtes (nsg. n.) battle 9/ 45 bill (asg. n.) sword 10/ 162; billum (dpl.) 10/ 114 bilwitre (isg. m.) innocent 3/ 166 [bilewit] binnan (prep. (d.)) within, in 2/ 42, 121 *6/ 6, 89, 109 etc.; binnon 8/ 98 Birinus (prn.) 6/ 76, 78; Birine (dsg.) 6/ 85 bisceop (nasg. m.) bishop 2/ 44 *3/ 5, 33 *6/ 33, 42, 62 etc.; biscep 2/ 76 *5/ 1, 66; biscop 2/ 153 *3/ 62 *6/ 45; bisceopes (gsg.) 6/ 41, 176; biscepe (dsg.) 5/ 58; biscope 3/ 42, 44, 52; biscoppe 2/ 117; biscepas (npl.) 5/ 65; biscopa (gpl.) 7/ 146 bisceoprı ¯ce (asg. n.) diocese 2/ 44 bisceopsto¯ le (dsg. m.) episcopal see 6/ 85; biscepsto¯ le 5/ 61 bisgum (dpl. f.) occupation 5/ 55 [bisgu] bisy (adj. nsg. f.) busy 8/ 108 biter (adj. nsg. m.) bitter 10/ 111; biteres (gsg.) 11/ 114; bitere (npl.) 10/ 85 bið → be¯on blandenfeax (adj. nsg. m.) grey-haired 9/ 45 Ble¯cingae¯g (pn.) Blekinge (Sweden) 4/ 6 ble¯dum (dpl. m.) glory 11/ 149 [bl毯 d] ble¯om (dpl. m.) colour 11/ 22 [ble¯o] ble¯tsie (1.sg.ps.) to bless 1/ 27; geble¯tsode (ptp.) 1/ 30 *6/ 64 [be¯tsian II] ble¯tsunge (dsg. f.) blessing 1/ 31 [ble¯tsung] blis (nsg. f.) bliss, joy 11/ 139, 141; blisse (gsg.) 3/ 82 *11/ 149, 153; blysse (dsg.) 6/ 63 blissigende (psp.) to be glad, rejoice 6/ 143; blissode (sg.pt.) 8/ 38; geblissod (ptp.) 8/ 92 blı ¯ðe (1) (adv.) friendly, cheerfully, joyously 6/ 138, 177 *8/ 66 blı ¯ðe (2) (adj. nasg. m.) friendly, cheerful, joyous 3/ 155 *8/ 12; (isg. m.) 11/ 122; (napl.) 3/ 157 *8/ 3 *6/ 142; blı ¯ðum (dsg. m.) 8/ 11; blı ¯þum 6/ 41; blı ¯þra (nsg. m. comp.) 10/ 146 blı ¯ðemo¯ d (adj. nsg. m.) friendly 3/ 158; blı ¯ðemo¯ de (npl.) 3/ 156 blı ¯þra, blı ¯þum → blı ¯ðe (2) blo¯ de (dsg. m.) blood 11/ 48 [blo¯ d] blo¯ dgyte (nsg. m.) bloodshed 7/ 43 (OE) (ge) bringan blo¯ digne (adj. asg. m.) bloody 10/ 154 [blo¯ dig] blysse → blis bo¯ c (nasg. f.) book 5/ 55, 64 *6/ 171; booc (nsg.) 3/ 127; be¯c (dsg.) 2/ 147 *5/ 64; (napl.) 5/ 34, 42, 45 *7/ 126, 135 *9/ 68; bo¯ ca (gpl.) 3/ 129 *5/ 25-26 bo¯ ceras (apl. m.) scholar, scribe 3/ 69 boda (nsg. m.) messenger 10/ 49; bodan (npl.) 7/ 116 bodad, bodade → bodian bodian (II) to preach 6/ 79; bodigende (psp.) 6/ 45, 50; bodade (sg.pt.) 3/ 34; bodad (ptp.) 3/ 11, 19 bodunge (asg. f.) preaching 6/ 41 [bodung] bogan (npl. m.) bow 10/ 110 [boga] bolstre (dsg. m.) pillow 3/ 164 [bolster] booc → bo¯ c bord (nasg. n.) shield 10/ 15, 42, 62 etc.; bordes (gsg.) 10/ 284; borda (gpl.) 10/ 295; bordum (dpl.) 10/ 101 bordweall (asg. m.) shield-wall 10/ 277; bordweal 9/ 5 bo¯ sme (dsg. m.) bosom 9/ 27 [bo¯ sm] bo¯ t (nsg. f.) remedy, relief, compensation, atonement 7/ 17; bo¯ te (dsg.) 6/ 125; (asg.) 7/ 9, 12, 15, 135; (gsg.) 7/ 29 bra¯ d (adj. nasg. m.) broad 4/ 11 *9/ 71 *10/ 15, 163 bræc (sg.pt.) to break 10/ 277; br毯 con (pl.pt.) 2/ 41; br毯 can 7/ 41, 155; brocen (ptp.) 10/ 1 [brecan 4] br毯 d (sg.pt.) to draw, pull out 10/ 154, 162 [bregdan 3] bregu (nsg. m.) lord 9/ 33 bre¯melum (dpl. m.) bramble 1/ 22 [bre¯mel] brenge (sg.ps. subj.) to bring 3/ 30 [brengan I; see (ge) bringan] bre¯ostum (dpl.) breast 10/ 144 *11/ 118 [bre¯ost] Bretwa¯ lum (prn. dpl.) the (Celtic) British 2/ 6 bricge (asg. f.) bridge, causeway 10/ 74, 78 [brycg] bricgweardas (apl. m.) guardians of the causeway 10/ 85 brimlı ¯þendra (gpl. m.) Viking, seafarer 10/ 27 [brimlı ¯ðend] brimmen (npl. m.) Viking, seafarer 10/ 295; brimmanna (gpl.) 10/ 49 [brimman] brimu (asg. n.) sea, water 9/ 71 [brim] (ge) bringan (I) to bring, lead, carry, present bryng (imp.sg.) 8/ 113; gebringeð (sg.ps.) 7/ 123; gebringe (sg.ps. subj.) 11/ 139; gebro¯ hte (sg.pt.) 6/ 113; gebro¯ ht (ptp.) 6/ 155, 178; bro¯ ht 7/ 23 <?page no="285"?> 274 broce (OE) broce (dsg. n.) disease, sickness 6/ 138 [broc] brocen; bro¯ ht → bræc; (ge) bringan brosnunge (dsg. f.) decay, corruption 6/ 64, 108 [brosnung] bro¯ þor (nasg. m.) brother 2/ 99 *7/ 49, 73 *9/ 2; bro¯ ðor 2/ 107, 128-129 *3/ 66 *6/ 104 *10/ 282; bro¯ þur 2/ 8, 48, 59 etc.; bro¯ ður 2/ 71; bro¯ þor (gsg.) 6/ 112; bro¯ ðor 6/ 105; bro¯ ðru (npl.) 10/ 191; bro¯ ðor 3/ 158, 161; gebro¯ þer 9/ 57; gebro¯ þru 10/ 305 bru¯ can (2 (g.)) to use, enjoy 9/ 63 *11/ 144 Brunanburh (pn.) 9/ 5 bru¯ necg (asg. n.) bright-bladed 10/ 163 bryce (dsg. m.) breach, violation 7/ 17 bryhtm (nsg. m.) blink 3/ 27 bryne (asg. m.) burning, fire 7/ 18, 43, 161 *11/ 149 bryng → (ge) bringan Brytene (pn.) Britain 9/ 71 Bryttas (prn.) the British 6/ 67; Brytta (gpl.) 6/ 5 *7/ 142, 144; Bryttan (dpl.) 7/ 152 bryttian (II) to enjoy 9/ 60 Bryttiscum (adj. dsg. m.) British 2/ 18 budon → be¯odaþ bufan (prep. (d.)) above 4/ 23 (ge) bu¯ gan (2) to bend, turn, submit, withdraw 2/ 136 *10/ 276 *11/ 36, 42; gebu¯ gan 7/ 154; be¯ah (sg.pt.) 2/ 50; bugon (pl.pt.) 2/ 141 *10/ 185 bu¯ r (asg. m.) chamber, cottage 2/ 9; bu¯ re (dsg.) 8/ 70 Burgenda land (pn.) Bornholm 4/ 4; Burgenda lande (dsg.) 4/ 5 burgon → beorgan Burgr毯 d (prn.) 2/ 47 burh (nasg. f.) enclosure, settlement, town 4/ 15 *6/ 85 *10/ 291; byrig (dsg.) 2/ 22 *4/ 16 *6/ 88 burhwaru (nsg. f.) citizenry, population 2/ 131 bu¯ rþe¯ne (dsg. m.) chamberlain 10/ 121 [bu¯ rþe¯n] bu¯ tan (prep. (d.), conj.) except (that, for) unless, but, only 2/ 17, 32, 83 *6/ 35, 108 *7/ 40, 102, 159; bu¯ ton 2/ 2 *3/ 40, 53, 154 *5/ 66 *6/ 146, 160 *10/ 71; (adv.) without, outside 2/ 42 butsacarlas (npl. m.) boatman 2/ 103 [butsecarl] bu¯ tu¯ (adj. apl.) both 2/ 73 *11/ 48 bydela (gpl.) messenger, priest 7/ 147 [bydel] bylde (sg.pt.) to encourage 10/ 169, 209, 234, 320 [byldan I] byre (asg. m.) opportunity 10/ 121 Byrhtelmes (prn.) 10/ 92 Byrhtno¯ ð (prn.) 10/ 17, 42, 101 etc.; Byrhtno¯ ðes (gsg.) 10/ 114 Byrhtwold (prn.) 10/ 309 byrig → burh byrigde (sg.pt.) to taste 11/ 101 [byrigan I] byrne (nsg. f.) corslet 10/ 144, 284; byrnan (asg.) 10/ 163 byrst (nsg. m.) loss, injury 7/ 39; byrsta (gpl.) 7/ 12 byrð → beran bysene (dsg. f.) example 3/ 48 [bysen] bysige (adj. npl.) busy 10/ 110 bysmara → bysmor bysmeredon (pl.pt.) to mock 11/ 48 [bysmerian II] bysmor (asg. m.) disgrace, shame, insult 7/ 39, 99; bysmore (dsg.) 7/ 90; bysmara (gpl.) 7/ 12 C ca¯ flı ¯ce (adv.) bravely 10/ 153 ca¯ fne (adj. asg. m.) brave 10/ 76 [ca¯f] cald (adj. asg. n.) cold 10/ 91 Calesti (prn. gsg.) Calixtus 2/ 135 campe (dsg. m.) combat, battle 9/ 8; gecampe 10/ 153 [camp] campstede (dsg. m.) battlefield 9/ 29, 49 cano¯ nes (gsg. m.) canon, rule 3/ 129 canst → cunnan castel (asg. m.) castle, fort 2/ 123; castelas (apl.) 2/ 154 ceaflum (dpl. m.) jaw 7/ 148 [ceafl] ceallian (II) to call, shout 10/ 91 ce¯ap (asg. m.) purchase, bargain 7/ 72; ce¯ape (dsg.) 7/ 69 ceastergewaran (npl.) citizens 8/ 106 ceastre (gsg. f.) castle, stronghold, town 8/ 99 [ceaster] Cedmon (prn.) 3/ 88 Cedwalla (prn.) 6/ 6-7; Cedwallan (asg.) 6/ 17, 96 Ce¯fi (prn.) 3/ 10, 33 cellod (adj. asg. n.) concave (? ), embossed (? ) 10/ 283 cempa (nsg. m.) champion, warrior 10/ 119 ce¯ne (adj. nsg. m.) brave, keen, bold 10/ 215; (npl.) 10/ 283; ce¯nre (nsg. f. comp.) 10/ 312 ce¯nlı ¯ce (adv.) boldly 6/ 9 Ce¯olan (prn.) 10/ 76 Ceolnoþ (prn.) 2/ 56 ceorl (nsg. m.) man, peasant, commoner, husband 10/ 256; ceorle (dsg.) 7/ 33 *10/ 132 Cerdice (prn.) 2/ 35 cild (nasg. n.) child, infant, young man 1/ 8, 18 *2/ 132, 140, 152 <?page no="286"?> 275 cirice (f.) church cyrce (asg.) 6/ 27; cyrcan (dsg.) 6/ 73, 106, 121, 123; (apl.) 6/ 54; ciricean (npl.) 5/ 24 cla¯ þe (dsg. m.) cloth 6/ 141 [cla¯ð] cl毯 ne (1) (adj. npl.) clean, pure 3/ 123 *5/ 11 cl毯 ne (2) (adv.) entirely 7/ 24, 31 cl毯 nsian (II) to purify 7/ 158 cliopodon, clipode → clypian clufan (pl.pt.) to cleave, split 9/ 5; clufon 10/ 283 clumedan (pl.pt.) to mumble 7/ 148 [clumian II] clypian (II) to speak, cry out, call 7/ 148; clypode (sg.pt.) 3/ 35 *6/ 12, 63, 101, 155 *10/ 25, 256; clipode 1/ 1, 17, 25; cliopodon (pl.pt.) 8/ 57 clyppan (I) to embrace, clasp, honour 3/ 118 cnapa (nsg. m.) child, youth; servant 6/ 175; cnapum (dpl.) 1/ 4, 7, 31 cnear (nsg. m.) small ship 9/ 35 cne¯om毯 gum (dpl. m.) kinsman, ancestor 9/ 8 [cne¯owm毯 g] cniht (nsg. m.) young man 10/ 9, 153; cnihtas (npl.) 8/ 111 cnyt (sg.ps.) to bind 7/ 93 [cnyttan I] co¯ lode (sg.pt.) to grow cold 11/ 72 [co¯ lian II] co¯ m, co¯ man, co¯ me → cuman (2) cometa (nsg. m.) comet 2/ 95 co¯ mon → cuman (2) con → cunnan condel (nsg. f.) candle, lamp 9/ 15 coro¯ na (asg. f.) crown 2/ 93 Costontı ¯nus (prn.) 9/ 38 coþum (dpl. f.) disease, sickness 6/ 123 [coðu] cradolcild (npl. n.) child in the cradle 7/ 35 cræfte (dsg. m.) physical strength, might; skill, art 8/ 55; cræftum (dpl.) 8/ 62 [cræft] Cre¯acas (prn.) the Greeks 5/ 41 cre¯ad (sg.pt.) to press, hasten 9/ 35 [cru¯ dan 2] crincgan (3) to fall, die in battle, perish 10/ 292; gecranc (sg.pt.) 10/ 250, 324; cruncon (pl.pt.) 10/ 302; crungun 9/ 10 Crı ¯st (prn.) 6/ 5, 10 *11/ 56; Crı ¯stes (gsg.) 2/ 147 *3/ 43, 65, 129, 163; Crı ¯ste (dsg.) 3/ 5 *6/ 88, 96, 160 *11/ 116 crı ¯sten (adj., sb.) Christian crı ¯stenes (gsg.) 7/ 64; crı ¯stene (npl.) 7/ 27; Crı ¯stne 5/ 21; Crı ¯stenan 6/ 98; crı ¯stenra (gpl.) 7/ 96, 115; Crı ¯stna 5/ 44 crı ¯stendo¯ me (dsg. m.) Christianity 7/ 81 [crı ¯stendo¯ m] crı ¯stene, crı ¯stenes, crı ¯stenra, crı ¯stna, crı ¯stne → crı ¯sten cruncon, crungun → crincgan (OE) cyme cu毯 don → cweðan cuman (1) (dsg. m.) guest 8/ 91 [cuma] cuman (2) (4) to come 2/ 137 *3/ 51; (ptp.) 3/ 111; (pl.ps. subj.) 8/ 81; cymeð (sg.ps.) 3/ 28 *4/ 11, 33; cumað (pl.ps.) 1/ 9 *4/ 12; cume (sg.ps. subj.) 3/ 25; co¯ m (sg.pt.) 2/ 91, 97, 102-103 etc. *3/ 107 *5/ 2 *6/ 9, 76, 168 *9/ 37 *10/ 65 *11/ 151; cuo¯ m 2/ 57, 77; cwo¯ m 3/ 116 *11/ 155; co¯ me (sg.pt. subj.) 6/ 11; co¯ mon (pl.pt.) 1/ 13 *2/ 106 *6/ 97 *8/ 100, 105; co¯ man 2/ 114; cwo¯ man 11/ 57; cumen (ptp.) 6/ 83 *10/ 104 *11/ 80; cumene 6/ 59 cumbolgehna¯ stes (nsg. n.) crash of banners, battle 9/ 49 Cumbran (prn.) 2/ 5 cume, cumen, cumene → cuman (2) cunnan (prps.) to be able to, know, can con (1.sg.ps.) 3/ 89; canst (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 93; cunne (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 39, 78, 85; cunnon (pl.ps.) 3/ 29 *5/ 30; cunnen (pl.ps. subj.) 5/ 51; cu¯ ðe (sg.pt.) 3/ 91 *6/ 96; cu¯ þe 6/ 42; cu¯ ðon (pl.pt.) 5/ 39, 54; cu¯ þon 7/ 98; cu¯ ðen (pl.pt. subj.) 5/ 12 cunnian (II (g.a.)) to test, try 10/ 215 cunnon → cunnan cuo¯ m → cuman (2) curfon (pl.pt.) to cut, carve 11/ 66 [ceorfan 3] Cu¯ ðberht (prn.) 6/ 175 cu¯ ðe, cu¯ þe, cu¯ ðen, cu¯ ðon, cu¯ þon → cunnan cu¯ ðlı ¯ce (adv.) certainly 3/ 11 cu¯ ðlicre (adj. asg. comp.) certain, true 3/ 30 cwalu (nsg. f.) death 7/ 44 cw毯 dan, cw毯 de, cw毯 den, cw毯 don, cwæð, cwæðende, cwe¯don → cweðan cwe¯n (nsg. f.) queen, princess, woman 6/ 112 *8/ 75, 78; cwe¯ne 8/ 71; (asg.) 8/ 74 cwenan (asg. f.) wife 7/ 69, 91 [cwene] cwe¯ne → cwe¯n cweðan (5) to say, speak, name, call 11/ 116; cweþenne (infl.inf.) 7/ 38, 134; cwæðende (psp.) 6/ 63; cweðende 8/ 112; cwyð (sg.ps.) 11/ 111; cwæð (sg.pt.) 1/ 2, 7, 18, 25 *3/ 1-2, 5, 21 etc. *5/ 36 *6/ 153, 156, 171 *8/ 7, 9, 12, 16 etc. *10/ 211, 255; gecwæð 6/ 108 *8/ 14 *10/ 168; cw毯 de (2.sg.pt.) 8/ 82; cw毯 don (pl.pt.) 3/ 152, 155; cw毯 dan 7/ 111; cu毯 don 2/ 26, 28-29; cwe¯don 2/ 94; cw毯 den (pl.pt. subj.) 5/ 27 cwı ¯ðdon (pl.pt.) to bewail 11/ 56 [cwı ¯ðan I] cwo¯ m, cwo¯ man → cuman (2) cwyð; cy¯ dde → cweðan; cy¯ ðan cyle (asg. m.) cold, chill 4/ 44-45 cyme (dsg. m.) coming, arrival 3/ 131; cymes (gsg.) 6/ 38 <?page no="287"?> 276 cymeð (OE) cymeð → cuman (2) cynedo¯ m (asg. m.) kingdom, government 6/ 91 cynegas → cyning Cynegyls (prn.) 6/ 77, 85; Kynegyls 6/ 82; Cynegylse (dsg.) 6/ 83 Cyneheard (prn.) 2/ 7 cynehelm (asg. m.) royal crown 8/ 51 cynelic (adj. nsg. m.) kingly, royal 8/ 2; cynelices (gsg.) 8/ 85; cynelice (apl.) 6/ 57; cynelican 8/ 5 cynerı ¯ce (nsg. n.) kingdom 6/ 66; kynerı ¯ces (gsg.) 5/ 55 Cynewulf (prn.) 2/ 1, 3, 5, 34 cyng, cyngc, cynge, cynges, cynincg → cyning cyning (nasg. m.) king, ruler 2/ 8, 11, 13 etc. *3/ 1, 5, 10, 21 etc. *4/ 5, 16 *6/ 1, 14, 38, 40 etc. *8/ 14, 48 *9/ 1, 35, 58 *11/ 44, 133; cynincg 6/ 5, 26, 53 etc.; cyningc 4/ 16 *8/ 16, 19, 44, 80, 91; kyning 5/ 1; cyng 2/ 91-92, 99-100, 105 etc., *8/ 50, 65, 102; cyngc 8/ 1, 8-9, 11 etc.; kyncg 2/ 94; kyng 2/ 61, 71, 73; cyninges (gsg.) 2/ 14, 19, 83-84 *3/ 20, 31, 54 *6/ 36, 58-59, 62, 95 *8/ 101 *11/ 56; cynges 2/ 117 *8/ 15, 61; cyninge (dsg.) 2/ 29-30 *6/ 5, 33, 57; kyninge 2/ 10, 63 *6/ 77; cynge 2/ 108, 124 *8/ 6, 8, 63; kynge 2/ 77, 91; cyningas (npl.) 2/ 43, 65 *9/ 29; cynegas 6/ 84; kyningas 4/ 22 *5/ 4; cyninga (gpl.) 2/ 66 cynn (nasg. n.) kind, family, generation 11/ 94; cynnes (gsg.) 10/ 217, 266; cynne (dsg.) 10/ 76 cyrcan, cyrce → cirice cyrichatan (npl. m.) opponent of the church 7/ 114 [cyrichhata] cyrm (nsg. m.) cry, shout, uproar 10/ 107 cyst (nsg. f.) best 11/ 1 cyste (sg.pt.) to kiss 8/ 15 [cyssan I] cystig (adj. nsg. m.) generous, liberal 6/ 54 cy¯ ðan (I) to proclaim, tell, relate 5/ 2; gecy¯ þan 10/ 216; cy¯ ð (sg.ps.) 8/ 10; cy¯ ðde (sg.pt.) 2/ 108 *3/ 109; cy¯ þde 2/ 25; cy¯ dde 6/ 156, 168; gecy¯ dd (ptp.) 2/ 69; gecy¯ ðd 2/ 101 cy¯ þþe (dasg. f.) native land 9/ 38, 58 [cyðð] D daga, dagum → dæg daroð (asg. m.) spear, javelin 10/ 149, 255; daraða (gpl.) 9/ 54 d毯 de (gsg. f.) deed, act, action 7/ 53, 104; d毯 da (ngapl.) 3/ 136 *7/ 74, 152; d毯 dum (dpl.) 2/ 2 *6/ 92, 157 [d毯 d] dæg (nasg. m.) day, time 2/ 74, 81, 93 etc. *4/ 25 *8/ 88 *9/ 21 *10/ 198; dæge (dsg.) 1/ 6 *2/ 134 *3/ 61; daga (gpl.) 11/ 136; dagum (dpl.) 3/ 141 *4/ 1 dæghwa¯ mlı ¯ce (adv.) daily 7/ 10, 100 dægweorces (gsg. n.) day’s work 10/ 148 [dægweorc] d毯 l (nasg. m.) portion, part 4/ 28, 30, 35 *5/ 35, 44 *6/ 23, 61 *8/ 68; d毯 le (dsg.) 4/ 34 *7/ 122, 154 d毯 lde (sg.pt.) to divide, part, deal out, distribute 6/ 36; d毯 lon (pl.ps. subj.) 10/ 33 [d毯 lan I] dænnede (sg.pt.) to stream 9/ 12 de¯ad (adj. nsg. m.) dead 4/ 20; de¯ada 4/ 30; de¯adan (gsg.) 4/ 40, 45 de¯ah (sg.ps.) to be of use, avail 10/ 48; dohte (sg.pt.) 7/ 42, 86 [dugan prps.] dear → durran de¯að (nasg. m.) death 11/ 101; de¯aðes (gsg.) 11/ 113; de¯aðe (dsg.) 3/ 167; de¯aþe 6/ 157 de¯man (I) to judge, determine, decree 11/ 107; gede¯med (ptp.) 3/ 82 Denemearcan (pn.) Denmark 4/ 4 Deniscan (prn.) the Danes, Vikings 2/ 54, 62, 71, 75, 81 Denon (prn.) the Danes, Vikings 10/ 129 de¯ofol (nsg. m.) devil 7/ 7; de¯ofla (apl.) 6/ 125 de¯ofolgyld (napl. n.) devil-worship, idol 3/ 51; de¯ofolgilda (gpl.) 3/ 46; de¯ofulgilda 3/ 60; de¯ofolgildum (dpl.) 3/ 42; de¯ofulgeldum 3/ 55 de¯op (adj. asg. n.) deep 9/ 55; de¯opan (dsg.) 11/ 75 de¯or (nsg. n.) animal, beast 9/ 64 deorcan (adj. dpl.) dark, wicked 11/ 46 [deorc] de¯ore (adv.) dearly, at great cost 7/ 72 Deorwentan (pn.) the River Derwent 3/ 61 de¯orwurðan (adj. gsg. f.) precious, dear 6/ 141; (apl.) 8/ 4; (gsg. m.) 8/ 68 derian (I (d.)) to injure, harm 10/ 70; dereð (sg.ps.) 7/ 74; derede (sg.pt.) 7/ 45, 53 de¯st, de¯ð, dide, didon → (ge) do¯ n Difelin (pn.) Dublin 9/ 55 Dinges mere (pn.) 9/ 54 disc (asg. m.) dish, plate 6/ 60-61; disce (dsg.) 6/ 57 do¯ → (ge) do¯ n dohte → de¯ah dohtor (nsg. f.) daughter 6/ 112 *7/ 91 *8/ 15, 19, 32, 61, 89, 92, 108; (gsg.) 8/ 38, 104; (asg.) 8/ 44, 46, 101; (dsg.) 8/ 31, 110 dolg (npl. n.) wound, scar 11/ 46 <?page no="288"?> 277 do¯ m (nasg. m.) judgement, ordeal, sentence, decree, law 2/ 24 *7/ 160 *10/ 38, 129; do¯ mes (gsg.) 3/ 131 *11/ 107; do¯ me (dsg.) 3/ 111; do¯ mum (dpl.) 3/ 134 do¯ mdæge (dsg. m.) doomsday 11/ 105 do¯ me, do¯ mes, do¯ mum → do¯ m (ge) do¯ n (irr.) to do, make, act, perform 3/ 34, 74, 137 *5/ 9, 52 *7/ 140, 151, 154; gedo¯ (1.sg.ps.) 8/ 37; de¯st (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 44; gede¯st 8/ 8; de¯ð (3.sg.ps.) 7/ 27, 79, 122; do¯ (sg.ps. subj.) 5/ 17, 64 *7/ 54; do¯ ð (pl.ps.) 7/ 68; gedo¯ ð 4/ 46; gedo¯ n (pl.ps. subj.) 5/ 47; dyde (sg.pt.) 2/ 100, 142, 149 *3/ 5, 85, 148 *6/ 61, 139 *10/ 280 *11/ 114; dide 8/ 83; dydon (pl.pt.) 6/ 128; dydan 7/ 13; didon 8/ 111; gedo¯ n (ptp.) 2/ 135, 142 *8/ 35, 71 *10/ 197 Dorcanceaster (pn.) Dorchester-on-Thames 6/ 86 dorste → durran do¯ ð → (ge) do¯ n dra¯ fe (asg. f.) drove, herd 7/ 96 [dra¯f] dr毯 fde (sg.pt.) to drive 7/ 61 [dr毯 fan I] dre¯am (nsg. m.) joy, gladness, delight 11/ 140; dre¯ames (gsg.) 11/ 144; dre¯amum (dpl.) 11/ 133 drenga (gpl. m.) warrior 10/ 149 [dreng] dre¯ogað (pl.ps.) to suffer 7/ 68 [dre¯ogan 2] dre¯orig (adj. nsg.) bloody, blood-stained 9/ 54 drı ¯fað (pl.ps.) to drive 7/ 96; drı ¯fe (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 59 [drı ¯fan 5] Drihten, Drihtne, Drihtnes → Dryhten drincað (pl.ps.) to drink 4/ 17 [drincan 3] drohtnunga (dsg. f.) condition, way of life 6/ 34 [drohtnung] dryhten, Dryhten (nasg. m.) ruler, king; God 9/ 1 *11/ 64, 101, 105, 144; Drihten 3/ 98, 102 *6/ 92 *10/ 148; Drihtnes (gsg.) 9/ 16; Dryhtnes 11/ 9, 35, 75, 113, 136, 140; Drihtne (dsg.) 3/ 112, 166 dugeþe (asg. f.) army; benefit, honour 7/ 144; duguþe (dsg.) 10/ 197 [duguð] du¯ ne (dsg. f.) height, mountain 1/ 3, 6, 25 [du¯ n] Dunnere (prn.) 10/ 255 durran (prps.) to dare dear (sg.ps.) 7/ 20, 22, 26; dorste (sg.pt.) 11/ 35, 42, 45, 47 duru (asg. f.) door 2/ 11 *3/ 25 du¯ st (nasg. n.) earth, dust 6/ 143, 147; du¯ ste (dsg.) 6/ 125, 141, 147 dw毯 san (adj. dpl.) fool 7/ 127 [dw毯 s] dwelode (sg.pt.) to lead astray 7/ 7 [dwelian II] dydan, dyde, dydon → (ge) do¯ n dy¯ re (adj. npl.) precious, costly 4/ 37 dysige (adj. npl.) ignorant, foolish 7/ 115 [dysig] (OE) ealdormann dysignesse (dasg. f.) folly, madness 3/ 48, 50 [dysignes] dyslicum (adj. dpl.) foolish, stupid 6/ 155 [dyslic] E e¯a (nsg. f.) water, stream 3/ 61 *4/ 9 e¯ac → swelce e¯ac (adv.) also, and, likewise, moreover 2/ 100, 115, 147 *5/ 6-7, 20, 23 etc. *6/ 76, 140, 151 *7/ 7, 11, 56 etc. *8/ 76 *9/ 2, 19, 30, 37 *10/ 11 *11/ 92 ◆ col.: e¯ac swa¯ 6/ 64; e¯ac swelce 3/ 73, 170; e¯ac swilce 6/ 20, 127, 151 *8/ 74; e¯ac swylce 3/ 166 E¯¯ adga¯ r (prn.) 2/ 76, 85, 97 e¯adiga (adj. nsg. m.) blessed, happy 6/ 8 e¯adignesse (gsg. f.) blessedness, bliss, prosperity 3/ 38 [e¯adignes] e¯admo¯ d → e¯aðmo¯ d E¯¯ admund (prn.) 2/ 54 *9/ 3 E¯¯ adric (prn.) 10/ 11 E¯¯ adweard (prn.) 7/ 60 *10/ 117, 273; E¯¯ adweardes (gsg.) 9/ 7, 52 E¯¯ adwine (prn.) 2/ 103, 107, 132 etc. *3/ 64 *6/ 5, 69; E¯¯ adwines (gsg.) 6/ 95 e¯agan (gsg. n.) eye 3/ 27; e¯agum (dpl.) 8/ 30 [e¯age] eahta (num.) eight 6/ 94 eal → eall e¯ala¯ (interj.) alas, oh, lo 7/ 137 *8/ 45 ealað → ealo Ealchsta¯ n (prn.) 2/ 44 eald (adj. nsg. m.) old 8/ 5 *9/ 46 *10/ 310; ealda (nsg. m.) 10/ 218; alda 2/ 68; ealdan (asg. f.) 1/ 14, 16; ealde (asg. f.) 8/ 33; (npl.) 9/ 69; (asg. n.) 10/ 47; ealdra (gpl.) 7/ 32; ieldran (npl. comp.) ancestors, elders 5/ 28 ealde, ealdan → eald; mynster ealdgewyrhtum (dpl. n.) deed of old, former action 11/ 100 [ealdgewyrht] ealdor (nsg. m.) lord, prince; God 10/ 202, 222, 314 *11/ 90; ealdres (gsg.) 10/ 53; ealdre (dsg.) 10/ 11 *11/ 90 ealdorbisceop (nsg. m.) high-priest 3/ 9 ealdorlangne (adj. asg. m.) life-long, eternal 9/ 3 [ealdorlang] ealdormann (nasg. m.) nobleman, ruler, officer 3/ 20; ealdorman 8/ 6 *10/ 219; ealdormon 3/ 107; aldormon 2/ 3, 5, 20 etc.; aldorman 2/ 58; aldormonnes (gsg.) 2/ 32; aldormen (npl.) 3/ 31; ealdormannum (dpl.) 3/ 23 <?page no="289"?> 278 ealdra (OE) ealdra → eald ealdre, ealdres → ealdor Ealdred (prn.) 2/ 140, 146 Ealdwold (prn.) 10/ 304 ealgodon (pl.pt.) to defend 9/ 9 [ealgian II] Ealhelm (prn.) 10/ 218 eall (1) (adv.) entirely 6/ 145, 159 *10/ 314 *11/ 20, 48, 62; eal 7/ 87; ealles 7/ 11, 30, 62, 114, 120, 124, 140 ◆ col.: mid ealle 7/ 125, 144 eall (2) (adj. nsg. n.) all 2/ 134 *4/ 29, 34, 38 *6/ 77, 96 *11/ 6; (asg. n.) 2/ 93, 144 *4/ 36 *5/ 23-24, 33 *6/ 45, 54 *10/ 256 *11/ 58, 94; (nsg. f.) 5/ 48 *11/ 12, 82; (npl. n.) 4/ 4; eal (nsg. n.) 7/ 65, 74, 89, 95 *11/ 55; (asg. n.) 3/ 126 *7/ 122, 127 *8/ 5; (apl. n.) 3/ 104, 122; ealle (asg. f.) 3/ 142 *4/ 24 *6/ 117-118 *7/ 11 *10/ 304; (dsg. f.) 7/ 65, 138; (npl.) 1/ 29 *2/ 141 *3/ 4, 82, 154-156 *4/ 31, 33 *5/ 46 *6/ 15, 48 *7/ 38, 141, 160 *8/ 3, 42, 44, 52, 56, 71, 73, 101 *10/ 63, 203, 207 *11/ 9, 128; (apl.) 2/ 97 *3/ 109 *4/ 39 *5/ 9, 41-42 *6/ 34, 82 *8/ 7, 29 *10/ 196, 231, 320 *11/ 37, 74; (dpl.) 11/ 93; eallum (dsg. m.) 3/ 155; eallon ) 2/ 137; (dpl.) 2/ 117; eallra (dsg. f.) 6/ 167; eallre (dsg. f.) 7/ 40; ealre 7/ 83; ealne (asg. m.) 2/ 138 *3/ 59 *7/ 98; ealla (napl.) 5/ 34, 43; ealra (gpl.) 3/ 111 *7/ 56, 134 *10/ 174 *11/ 125; eallum (dpl.) 3/ 8, 15, 42, 64 etc. *5/ 46 *6/ 54, 92, 133, 137 *7/ 41, 97, 101 *8/ 49, 59, 61 *10/ 216, 233 *11/ 154; all (asg. n.) 2/ 55; alle (npl.) 2/ 13, 17, 32; alne (asg. m.) 2/ 63, 80 ealles → eall (1) gelo¯ me eallinga (adv.) altogether, entirely 3/ 11 eallon, eallra, eallre → eall (2) eallswa¯ (adv., conj.) just as, even as 2/ 46, 75, 77, 79 eallum, ealne → eall (2) ealne, ealneg → weg ealo (nsg. n.) ale 4/ 18; ealað (gsg.) 4/ 46 ealra, ealre → eall (2) e¯am (nsg. m.) uncle 6/ 5 eard (asg. m.) native place, country 7/ 144, 149 *9/ 73 *10/ 53, 58, 222; earde (dsg.) 6/ 161 *7/ 34, 46, 56 etc. earh (adj. nsg. m.) cowardly 10/ 238 ◆ neg.: unearge (npl. m.) brave 10/ 206 earhlice (adj. npl.) shameful 7/ 84 earm (1) (nasg. m.) arm 2/ 99 *6/ 21, 102, 108 *10/ 165 earm (2) (adj. asg. n.) poor, miserable, wretched 2/ 154; earman (dsg. f.) 7/ 136; earme (npl.) 7/ 34 *11/ 68; earmra (gpl.) 8/ 75 *11/ 19 earmlı ¯ce (adv.) miserably, wretchedly 7/ 138 earmlicum (dsg. m.) miserable, pitiable 6/ 157 [earmlic] earmra → earm (2) earn (asg. m.) eagle 9/ 63 *10/ 107 (ge) earnung (f.) deserts, merit, favour geearnunga (apl.) 6/ 24, 148 *10/ 196; geearnunge 6/ 122; geearnungum (dpl.) 6/ 68; earnungan (dpl.) 7/ 14-15 eart → be¯on e¯ast (adv.) eastwards 3/ 61 E¯¯ ast Englum (pn.) East Anglia 2/ 36; Eastengle 2/ 53 e¯astan (adv.) from the east, easterly 4/ 11-12 *9/ 69 E¯¯ asterdæge (dsg. m.) Easter Sunday 6/ 56 e¯asteðe (dsg. n.) river bank 10/ 63 [e¯asteð] E¯¯ astran (ndpl. f.) Easter 2/ 92-93; E¯¯ astron (dpl.) 2/ 77 E¯¯ astseaxena (pn. gpl.) East Saxons 10/ 69 e¯aðe (adv.) easily 5/ 47; e¯aþe 7/ 137 e¯aðmo¯ d (adj. nsg. m.) humble-minded, obedient 11/ 60; e¯admo¯ d 6/ 53 e¯aðmo¯ dlı ¯ce (adv.) humbly, meekly 3/ 137 eaxlgespanne (dsg. n.) crossbeam 11/ 9 eaxlum (dpl. f.) shoulder 11/ 32 ebban (dsg. m.) ebb-tide 10/ 65 [ebba] Ebriscgeðı ¯ode (dsg. f.) the Hebrew language 5/ 40 e¯ce (adj. nsg. m.) eternal, everlasting 3/ 98, 102; e¯can (dsg. f.) 6/ 174, 177; e¯ces (gsg. m.) 3/ 39 *9/ 16; e¯cre (gsg. f.) 3/ 38 ecg (nsg. f.) edge, sword 10/ 60; ecgum (dpl.) 9/ 4, 68 Ecgla¯ fes (prn.) 10/ 267 ecgum → ecg e¯cnysse (dsg. f.) eternity 6/ 27 [e¯cnes] e¯cre; Eferwı ¯c → e¯ce; Eoforwı ¯c efne (adv.) even 3/ 47, 78 *8/ 8 efstan (I) to hasten, hurry 11/ 34; efston (pl.pt.) 10/ 206 eft (adv.) again, afterwards 1/ 9, 25 *2/ 52, 136 *3/ 28, 91, 116 etc. *5/ 35, 40, 42 *6/ 39, 89, 112 etc. *7/ 81 *8/ 79 *9/ 56 *10/ 49, 156, 201 *11/ 68, 101, 103 ege (nsg. m.) fear, terror 1/ 27 *3/ 131 *7/ 121 egesa (nsg. m.) awe, fear, horror 11/ 86 egeslic (nsg. n.) awful, terrible 7/ 6, 66 *11/ 74; egeslican (dsg. n.) 6/ 138; egeslice (npl.) 7/ 74 e¯iglande (asg. n.) island 9/ 66 elcor (adv.) otherwise 3/ 53 elcunge (dsg. f.) delay 8/ 104 ellen (asg. n.) courage, zeal 10/ 211; elne (dsg.) 11/ 34, 60, 123 <?page no="290"?> 279 ellenwo¯ dnisse (dsg. f.) zeal 3/ 138 [ellenwo¯ dnes] elne → ellen embe → ymb ende (nsg. m.) end, conclusion; region 2/ 134, 138, 155 *6/ 155 *7/ 4, 43, 87 *8/ 29 *11/ 29; ænde (dsg.) 3/ 138 *7/ 30 endebyrdnesse (nasg. f.) order, succession 3/ 82, 94 endlyftan (ord. isg. n.) eleventh 3/ 65 engel (nsg. m.) angel 1/ 17-18, 25 *11/ 9; englas (npl.) 11/ 106; ænglas 6/ 176; engla (gpl.) 10/ 178; englum (dpl.) 11/ 153 engla → engel; Engle; Englaland Englafelda (pn.) Englefield, Berkshire 2/ 58 Englaland (pn.) England 2/ 93; Englalande (dsg.) 2/ 98; Engla lande 6/ 1 englas → engel Engle (prn.) the English 2/ 116 *7/ 87, 95 *9/ 70; Engla (gpl.) 2/ 108; Englum (dpl.) 7/ 152 Englisc (asg.) the English language 5/ 13, 51, 54 etc. *6/ 25 engliscan (npl. m.) the English 2/ 114 englisces (adj. gsg. n.) English 2/ 111 Engliscgereorde (dsg. n.) the English language 3/ 71 englum → engel; Engle e¯ode, e¯odon → ga¯ n eodorcende (psp.) to chew the cud 3/ 123 Eoforwı ¯c (pn.) York 2/ 91, 107, 111; Eoforwicceastre 2/ 36, 41, 52 *3/ 61 eoh (asg. m.) horse 10/ 189 eom → be¯on eorl (nsg. m.) nobleman 2/ 67-69, 97, 102-103 etc. *10/ 6, 51, 89 etc.; eorles (gsg.) 10/ 165; eorle (dsg.) 2/ 117 *10/ 28, 159; eorlas (napl.) 2/ 58, 65, 85 *9/ 31, 73; eorla (gpl.) 2/ 67 *9/ 1 eornost (f.) on eornost (adv.) in earnest, seriously 7/ 98 e¯orodcistum (dpl. f.) troop 9/ 21 [e¯oredcist] eorðe (nsg. f.) ground, earth 6/ 124; eorðan (gsg.) 3/ 99 *11/ 37; (dsg.) 3/ 22 *4/ 23 *11/ 42, 74, 137, 145; (asg.) 6/ 127, 130 *10/ 126, 233, 286; eorþan (dsg.) 10/ 107, 157, 303 eorðwege (dsg. m.) earthly way 11/ 120 e¯ow, e¯ower → ge¯ E¯¯ owland (pn.) Öland 4/ 7 e¯owre, e¯owrum → ge¯ ernian → geearnian Estland (pn.) Estonia 4/ 15; Estlande (dsg.) 4/ 12 Estmere (pn.) Frisches Haff 4/ 10-12 Estum (prn.) Estonians 4/ 10, 19-20, 41, 44 (OE) (ge) feallan e¯ðel (nasg. m.) homeland, territory 5/ 7 *11/ 156; e¯þel (asg.) 10/ 52 F fadian (II) to arrange, order 7/ 158; fadode (sg.pt.) 7/ 50 fa¯ h (adj. nsg. m.) stained 11/ 13 Falster (pn.) Falster 4/ 3 fandian (I) to try, tempt 1/ 1 faran (6) to set forth, go, travel, journey; die 2/ 120 *6/ 157 *10/ 88, 156; far (imp.sg.) 1/ 2; fare (sg.ps. subj.) 8/ 81; fo¯ r (sg.pt.) 2/ 36, 46, 52 etc.; gefo¯ r died 2/ 44, 55, 77; fo¯ ron (pl.pt.) 2/ 106, 118; gefo¯ re (sg.pt. subj.) 4/ 1; gefaren (ptp.) 2/ 109 *7/ 138 fæc (nasg. n.) space of time, moment 3/ 27, 164; fæce (dsg.) 3/ 28, 69 fæder (nsg. m.) father 1/ 11-12 *7/ 48, 73 *8/ 17, 63; (gsg.) 8/ 36, 67, 88 *10/ 218; (dsg.) 7/ 49 *8/ 16, 35, 80; (asg.) 1/ 10 *8/ 15 f毯 ge (adj. npl.) doomed to death, fated 9/ 12, 28 *10/ 105, 119; f毯 ges (gsg. m.) 10/ 297; f毯 gean (dsg. m.) 10/ 125 fægen (adj. nsg. m.) glad, joyful 6/ 84 fæger (adj. nsg. m.) fair, lovely, beautiful 11/ 73; fægran (dsg. f.) 11/ 21; fægre (isg. m.) 3/ 138; fægere 11/ 8, 10; fægera (gpl.) 8/ 58 fægere (adv.) suitably 10/ 22 f毯 ges → f毯 ge fægnode (sg.pt.) to rejoice, be glad 6/ 38, 134 [fægnian II (g.)] fægran, fægre → fæger f毯 hðe (asg. f.) hostility, feud 10/ 225 [f毯 hðu] f毯 ringa (adv.) suddenly 8/ 14 f毯 rlı ¯ce (adv.) suddenly 6/ 145 f毯 rsceaðan (dsg. m.) (sudden) attacker 10/ 142 fæste (adv.) fast, firmly 3/ 57, 104 *7/ 93 *10/ 21, 103, 171, 301 *11/ 38, 43 fæsten (asg. n.) place of safety 10/ 194 fæstenbrycas (npl. m.) non-observance of fasts 7/ 112 [fæstenbryce] fæstlı ¯ce (adv.) firmly 3/ 42 *10/ 82, 254 fæstnian (II) to secure 10/ 35 f毯 tels (apl. m.) vessel 4/ 46 fæxedon (ptp.) long-haired 2/ 95 fe¯a (adv.) hardly 11/ 115 feaht; feala → feohtan; fela fealene (adj. asg. m.) fallow 9/ 36 [fealu] (ge) feallan (7) to fall, decay, die 6/ 12 *10/ 54, 105 *11/ 43; feallende (psp.) 6/ 100; fe¯ol (sg.pt.) 6/ 127, 130 *10/ 126, 303; fe¯oll 6/ 21, 132 *10/ 119, 166, 286; gefe¯ol 8/ 47, 62; fe¯ollon (pl.pt.) 6/ 15, 98 *8/ 29 *10/ 111; fe¯ollan 9/ 12 <?page no="291"?> 280 fealohilte (OE) fealohilte (nsg. n.) golden-hilted 10/ 166 fe¯awa (adj. npl.) few 5/ 12, 14, 22; fe¯awum (dpl.) 8/ 98 feccan (II) to fetch 8/ 39, 41, 92; gefeccan 10/ 160; feccende (psp.) 6/ 149; fette (sg.pt.) 6/ 22 fela (npl.) many, much 2/ 69, 76, 129 *6/ 20, 58, 122, 179 *7/ 7, 9, 12 etc. *8/ 10, 58 *10/ 73, 90; feala 11/ 50, 125, 131 feld (nasg. m.) field, area, battlefield 6/ 129, 131 *9/ 12; felda (dsg.) 10/ 241 fe¯ng (sg.pt.) to catch, seize 2/ 79 *3/ 21 *5/ 16 *6/ 104 *10/ 10; fe¯ngon (pl.pt.) 6/ 98 ◆ col.: fe¯ng to¯ rı ¯ce succeeded to the throne 5/ 15-16 *6/ 104 [fo¯ n 7] feoh (asg. n.) money, property, prize; cattle 2/ 16, 99 *4/ 26, 35 *10/ 39; fe¯os (gsg.) 2/ 24 *4/ 27; fe¯o (dsg.) 4/ 32-33, 36 feohtan (3) to fight, attack 2/ 133 *10/ 16, 261; gefeohtan 10/ 129; feohtende (psp.) 2/ 13, 17, 31; feaht (sg.pt.) 2/ 5, 54, 126 *10/ 254, 277, 281, 298; gefeaht 2/ 59, 63, 65 etc.; fuhton (pl.pt.) 2/ 107; gefuhton 2/ 49, 60; gefohten (ptp.) 2/ 82 feohte (nsg. f.) fighting, battle 10/ 103 [see gefeoht] feohtende → feohtan fe¯ol, fe¯oll, fe¯ollan, fe¯ollon → (ge) feallan fe¯olhearde (adj. apl.) sharpened 10/ 108 fe¯ond (asg. m.) enemy, foe, devil 6/ 13; fy¯ nd 6/ 17 *10/ 82; fe¯ondas (napl.) 11/ 30, 33, 38; fe¯onda (gpl.) 1/ 29 *6/ 10; fe¯ondum (dpl.) 7/ 71 *10/ 103, 264 feor (adv.) far (away) 3/ 60, 162 *10/ 3, 57 fe¯ore, fe¯ores → feorh feorgbold (nsg. n.) body 11/ 73 feorh (asg. n.) life 2/ 16, 32 *9/ 36 *10/ 125, 142, 184; fe¯ores (gsg.) 10/ 260, 317; fe¯ore (dsg.) 10/ 194, 259 feorhhu¯ s (asg. n.) body 10/ 297 feorran (adv.) from afar 11/ 57 fe¯os → feoh fe¯ower (num.) four 6/ 66 *8/ 67 fe¯owerty¯ num (num. dpl.) fourteen 3/ 141 fe¯ran (I) to go, journey, depart 10/ 41, 221; fe¯rde (sg.pt.) 1/ 4 *3/ 55 *6/ 2, 45, 129, 134, 138, 140; gefe¯rde happened 2/ 135; fe¯rdon (pl.pt.) 1/ 31 *2/ 49 *6/ 50 fe¯re (adj. npl.) ready, prepared 2/ 123 ferian (II) to carry, convey, go 10/ 179; ferode (sg.pt.) 6/ 89, 106, 136; feredon (pl.pt.) 6/ 176 fers (apl. n.) verse 3/ 94 fe¯seð (sg.ps.) to drive away 7/ 89 [fe¯san I] fette → feccan fe¯þan (npl. m.) foot-soldier 10/ 88 [fe¯ða] fierd (asg. f.) army, campaign 2/ 40, 60; fierde (dsg.) 2/ 49; fyrde 10/ 221 fierlenan (adj. dsg. n.) far away, distant 1/ 4; fyrlenum (dpl.) 6/ 80 [fierlen] fı ¯f (num.) five 2/ 121 *4/ 27, 32; fı ¯fe (npl.) 9/ 28 *11/ 8 fı ¯ftegum (num. dpl.) fifty 5/ 63 fı ¯fte¯ne (num.) fifteen 4/ 11 findan (3) to find, meet 8/ 82; findeð (sg.ps.) 4/ 42; fundon (pl.pt.) 10/ 85; funden (ptp.) 5/ 40 fiorme (asg. f.) use, profit 5/ 26 first (asg. m.) space of time, duration 5/ 50; fyrstes (gsg.) 6/ 160; fyrste (dsg.) 6/ 87 fı ¯rum (dpl.) men, people 3/ 103 [fı ¯ras, pl.] fiscað (nsg. m.) fishing 4/ 16 fla¯ n (asg. m.) arrow 10/ 269; fla¯ nes (gsg.) 10/ 71 fl毯 sce (dsg. n.) flesh 6/ 108 [flæsc] fle¯am (asg. m.) flight 10/ 81, 254; fle¯ame (dsg.) flight 2/ 113 *9/ 37 *10/ 186 fle¯ogan (2) to fly 10/ 7, 109, 150; flee 10/ 275 fle¯on (2) to flee 10/ 247; flugon (pl.pt.) 6/ 146 *10/ 194 flo¯ d (asg. m.) flood, sea, stream 9/ 36 *10/ 65, 72; flo¯ dan (dsg.) 2/ 4 flot (asg. n.) sea 9/ 35 *10/ 41 flotan (gpl. m.) sailor 9/ 32; (npl.) 10/ 72; (asg.) 10/ 227 [flota] flotmen (npl.) sailor, pirate 7/ 88 [flotmann] flo¯ wende (psp.) to flow 10/ 65 [flo¯ wan 7] flugon → fle¯on flyht (asg. m.) flight 10/ 71 folc (nasg. n.) people, nation, tribe; army 2/ 126, 154 *3/ 55 *6/ 87, 97, 100 *10/ 22, 45, 54, 241 *11/ 140; folces (gsg.) 2/ 111, 130 *3/ 128 *5/ 5 *6/ 93 *7/ 5, 64, 148 *9/ 67 *10/ 202; folce (dsg.) 3/ 65 *6/ 39, 50-51 *8/ 58 *10/ 227, 259, 323 folcgefeoht (npl. n.) pitched battle 2/ 82, 120 folclaga (npl. f.) public law 7/ 30 [folclagu] folcstede (dsg. m.) battlefield 9/ 41 foldan (asg. f.) earth 3/ 103; (gsg.) 11/ 8; (dsg.) 10/ 54, 166, 227 *11/ 43, 132 [folde] folgian (II) to follow, obey 2/ 26 folman (dsg. f.) hand, palm 10/ 21, 108, 150 [folma] fo¯ r → faran for (prep. (d.a.i.)) for, because of, before, in 1/ 20, 23 *2/ 1, 130, 141, 143 *3/ 71, 83 *5/ 20, 37 *6/ 17, 68, 70 etc. *7/ 5, 36, 55 etc. *8/ 9, 25 *11/ 21, 93, 99 etc. *10/ 64, 89, 96, 259 ◆ col.: for hwı ¯ 8/ 89; for hwon 3/ 147 ◆ <?page no="292"?> 281 causal: forða¯ m 8/ 20, 22, 91, 105; forða¯ mþe 8/ 44; for þa¯ m because, because of, wherefore 7/ 12-13, 29, 41 etc.; for þa¯ m þe 1/ 30 *2/ 45; forþan 10/ 241; for þan 11/ 84; for ðan þe 6/ 172; for þan þe 6/ 42; for ð毯 m 5/ 30-31; for ð毯 m ðe 5/ 26-27; for ðon 3/ 13, 29, 77, 138 *5/ 17; for þon 3/ 17, 36, 39 etc.; forðy¯ 5/ 44, 65; for ðy¯ 4/ 14, 36; for þy¯ 6/ 168 forbærnan (I) to burn down, cremate 3/ 60 *6/ 149; forbærneð (sg.ps.) 4/ 38; forbærnað (pl.ps.) 4/ 25; forbærnen (pl.ps. subj.) 3/ 41; forbærned (ptp.) 4/ 42 *5/ 24; forbærnde 2/ 115 *7/ 60 forbe¯ah (sg.pt.) to avoid 10/ 325 [forbu¯ gan 2] forburnon (ptp.) to burn down 6/ 146 [forbeornan 3] ford (asg. m.) ford 10/ 88; forda (dsg.) 10/ 81 fordo¯ n (irr.) to destroy 7/ 144; fordyde (sg.pt.) 3/ 63 foregange (sg.ps. subj.) to precede 3/ 29 [foregangan 7] fores毯 don (pl.pt.) to mention before 6/ 107; fores毯 dan 6/ 133; (ptp.) 6/ 22, 137 foresce¯awað (sg.ps.) to provide, preordain 1/ 12 [foresce¯awian II] forespecan (npl.) sponsor 7/ 157 [forespeca] foresprecenan (ptp.) to mention before 3/ 44 forfarene (ptp.) to destroy 2/ 115 forgeaf (sg.pt.) to give 8/ 78 *10/ 139, 148 *11/ 147; forgifen (ptp.) 3/ 113 *8/ 77 [forgifan 5] forgrunden (ptp.) to grind down, destroy 9/ 43 [forgrindan 3] forgyldon (pl.ps. subj.) to buy off 10/ 32 [forgieldan 3] forhæfednysse (asg. f.) temperance, continence 6/ 47 [forhæfednes] forhealdan (7) to withhold 7/ 20; forhealdað (pl.ps.) 7/ 21 forheardne (asg. m.) very hard 10/ 156 [forheard] forhe¯awen (ptp.) to cut down 10/ 115, 223, 288, 314 [forhe¯awan 7] forhergod (ptp.) to harry, plunder 5/ 24 [forhergian II] forhogdnisse (dsg. f.) contempt 3/ 72 [forhogodnes] forhogode (sg.pt.) to scorn 10/ 254 [forhogian II] forht (adj. nsg. n.) afraid, timid 11/ 21 forhtiað (pl.ps.) to be afraid, fear 11/ 115; forhtedon (pl.pt. subj.) 10/ 21 [forhtian II] forhwæga (adv.) somewhere, about 4/ 28, 32 (OE) forðe¯ode forl毯 tan (7) to let go, relinquish, surrender, abandon, neglect 7/ 154 *10/ 2, 208; forl毯 tende (psp.) 3/ 167; forl毯 t (imp.sg.) 8/ 36; forle¯t (sg.pt.) 3/ 85 *8/ 27, 57 *9/ 42 *10/ 149, 156, 187, 321; forle¯ton (pl.pt.) 5/ 38 *11/ 61; forl毯 ten (ptp.) 5/ 30 forle¯as → forle¯osen forlegene (ptp.) fornicator 7/ 132 [forlicgan 5] forle¯osen (pl.ps. subj.) to lose, abandon, let go 3/ 41; forle¯as (sg.pt.) 8/ 26; forlure (2.sg.pt.) 8/ 95; forloren (ptp.) 7/ 112 *8/ 11 forle¯t, forle¯ton → forl毯 tan forliden (ptp.) to suffer shipwreck 8/ 19 [forlı ¯ðan 1] forligru (apl. n.) fornication 7/ 110 [forliger] forlogen (ptp.) to lie, perjure oneself 7/ 112; forlogene 7/ 76 [forle¯ogan 2] forloren, forlure → forle¯osen forman (adj. asg. m.) first 10/ 77; fyrmest (nsg. m. sup.) 10/ 323 formoni (adj. npl.) too many 10/ 239 fornumene (ptp.) to take away 7/ 37 [forniman 4] forny¯ dde (ptp.) to force, compell 7/ 33 [forny¯ dan I] foroft (adv.) very often 7/ 46, 48, 104 fo¯ ron → faran forr毯 de (sg.ps. subj.) to betray 7/ 58; forr毯 dde (sg.pt.) 7/ 60 [forr毯 dan I] forrotige (sg.ps. subj.) to decay 6/ 63 [forrotian II] forsawene (ptp.) to despise, scorn 7/ 38 [forse¯on 5] forso¯ con (pl.pt.) to reject, oppose, deny 6/ 120; forso¯ can 2/ 49 [forsacan 6] forspendað (pl.ps.) to spend, squander 4/ 39 [forspendan I] forspilde (sg.pt.) to kill 7/ 62 [forspillan I] forsto¯ d (sg.pt.) to understand 5/ 60 [forstandan 6] forsworene (ptp.) to forswear, swear falsely 7/ 76 [forswerian 6] forsyngod (ptp.) to sin greatly 7/ 105; forsyngodan 7/ 136 [forsyngian II] forð (adv.) forth, forwards, onwards 6/ 134, 141 *7/ 123 *8/ 58, 60 *9/ 20 *10/ 3, 12, 150 etc. *11/ 132 forða¯ m, forða¯ mþe, forþan → for forþbro¯ hte (sg.pt.) to bring forth, produce 3/ 71 [forðbringan I] forðearle (adv.) very much, greatly 6/ 22 forðe¯ode (sg.pt.) to go forth, conquer 11/ 54 [forðga¯n irr.] <?page no="293"?> 282 forðfe¯rde (OE) forðfe¯rde (sg.pt.) to die 2/ 37 [forðfe¯ran I] forðfo¯ r (nsg. f.) departure, death 3/ 148; forðfo¯ re (gsg.) 3/ 140, 171; (dsg.) 3/ 144; forþfo¯ re (dsg.) 3/ 152 forðgeorn (adj. asg. m.) eager to advance 10/ 281 forðgesceaft (asg. f.) eternal decree 11/ 10 forðlı ¯cor (adv. comp.) further 2/ 78 forðwege (dsg. m.) way forth, departure 11/ 125 forðy¯ → for forwandigendre (ptp.) hesitating 8/ 23 forwegen (ptp.) to destroy 10/ 228 [forwegan 5] forweorðan (3) to perish 7/ 141; forwurdan (ptp.) 7/ 63, 150 forworhtan → forwyrcan forwundod (ptp.) to wound sorely 11/ 14, 62 [forwundian II] forwurdan → forweorðan forwyrcan (I) to forfeit, destroy 7/ 125; forworhtan (pl.pt.) 7/ 149 forwyrnde (sg.pt.) to prohibit 8/ 85 [forwiernan I] foryrmde (ptp.) to reduce to poverty 7/ 33 [foryrman I] fo¯ tes (gsg. m.) foot 10/ 247; fo¯ tum (dpl. m.) 6/ 51, 139 *10/ 119, 171 [fo¯ t] fo¯ tm毯 l (asg. n.) footstep 10/ 275 fracodes (adj. gsg. m.) bad, evil 11/ 10; fracodum (dpl.) 6/ 157 [fracod] fram (prep. (d.)) from, of, since, concerning, on 2/ 97, 134, 138 *3/ 7 *4/ 28, 32 *6/ 3, 5, 34, 39 etc. *7/ 97 *8/ 34, 39 *10/ 185, 187, 193 etc. *11/ 69; from 2/ 25, 28, 87 *3/ 44, 49, 75 etc. *5/ 64 *9/ 8 francan (dsg. m.) spear, javelin 10/ 77; (asg.) 10/ 140 Franclande (pn.) the Frankish kingdom 6/ 152 frægn → frignende Fræna (prn.) 2/ 68 fre¯a (nsg. m.) ruler, God 3/ 103; fre¯an (asg.) 10/ 12, 16, 184, 259, 289 *11/ 33 fremdan (adj. npl.) foreign, strange 4/ 40 *7/ 48; fremdum (dpl.) 7/ 35, 74 [fremde] fremsumnesse (asg. f.) benefit, gift 3/ 15; fremsumnessum (dpl.) 3/ 133 [fremsumnes] Frencyscan (prn. npl.) ‘the French’ 2/ 129 fre¯ode (asg. f.) peace 10/ 39 [fre¯od] fre¯olsbricas (npl.) non-observance of festivals 7/ 112 [fre¯olsbrice] fre¯ond (nsg. m.) friend 11/ 144; fre¯ondas (npl.) 11/ 76; fry¯ nd (apl.) 8/ 39 *10/ 229; fre¯onda (gpl.) 6/ 150 *9/ 41 *11/ 132; fre¯ondum (dpl.) 3/ 3 *4/ 21 *6/ 3 *8/ 70 fre¯ondlı ¯ce (adv.) friendly 5/ 1 fre¯ondscype (asg. f.) friendship 2/ 64 fre¯ondum → fre¯ond fre¯oriht (npl.) rights of freemen 7/ 37 frignende (psp.) to ask (for), enquire 3/ 8; frı ¯neð (sg.ps.) 11/ 112; frægn (sg.pt.) 3/ 151, 154, 160; gefru¯ non (pl.pt.) 11/ 76 frı ¯ora (adj. gpl.) free 5/ 48 [fre¯o] friþ (asg. m.n.) peace 2/ 43, 51, 86 etc.; frið 10/ 39; fryð 2/ 119; friþes (gsg.) 10/ 41; friþe (dsg.) 10/ 179 fro¯ d (adj. nsg. m.) old, mature, wise 10/ 140, 317; fro¯ da (nsg. m.) 9/ 37 fro¯ fres (gsg. f.) joy, consolation 8/ 85 [fro¯ for] from → fram fruman (dsg. m.) origin, beginning 3/ 126 [fruma] frumsceaft (asg. f.) creation 3/ 92 frymdi (adj. nsg. m.) desirous 10/ 179 fry¯ nd → fre¯ond fryð; fuhton → friþ; feohtan ful (adv.) fully, completely 7/ 17, 58, 84 etc. *10/ 253, 311; full 10/ 153 fu¯ le (adj. npl.) foul, disgusting 7/ 132; fu¯ lne (asg. m.) 7/ 148 [fu¯ l] fulgon (pl.pt.) to penetrate 2/ 30 [fe¯olan 3] fu¯ liað (pl.ps.) to rot, decay 4/ 45 [fu¯ lian I] full → ful full (adj.) full 4/ 46 fullan → be fullı ¯ce (adv.) fully, completely 7/ 82-83 fulluht, fulluhte → fulwihte fu¯ lne → fu¯ le fultume (dsg. m.) help, support 5/ 47 fultumian (II) to help, support 3/ 17; gefultumadon (pl.pt.) 2/ 48; gefultumed (ptp.) 3/ 76 fulwihte (gsg. f.m.) baptism 3/ 65; fulluht (asg.) 6/ 45 *7/ 156; fulluhte (dsg.) 6/ 84 *7/ 157 fulworhte (sg.pt.) to finish 6/ 69 [fulwyrcan I] fundaþ (sg.ps.) to be eager for; set out, journey 11/ 103; fundode (sg.pt.) 6/ 142 [fundian II] funden, fundon → findan fundode → fundaþ furðor (adv.) further 10/ 247; furður 5/ 51-52 furðum (adv.) even 5/ 13, 15 fu¯ s (adj. nsg. m.) eager, ready 10/ 281; fu¯ se (asg. n.) 11/ 21; (npl.) 11/ 57 fyl → fyll fylgean (I) to follow, observe 7/ 156; fylgen (pl.ps. subj.) 3/ 31 fyll (asg. m.) fall, death (in battle) 11/ 56; fyl 10/ 71, 264; fylle (dsg.) 6/ 8, 101 <?page no="294"?> 283 fyllan (I) to fell, strike down 11/ 73; gefyllan 11/ 38; gefylled (ptp.) 9/ 41, 67 fylle → fyll fylstan (I) to support, help 10/ 265; fylste (sg.pt.) 6/ 96; gefylste 6/ 10 fy¯ lþe (dasg. f.) foul sin 7/ 69-70 [fy¯ ð] fy¯ nd → fe¯ond fy¯ r (nasg. n.) fire 1/ 10-11 *3/ 24 *6/ 144, 148 *7/ 18; fy¯ re (dsg.) 3/ 41 *6/ 145 fyrde → fierd fyrdrinc (nsg. m.) warrior 10/ 140 fyrhtu (dsg. f.) fear 3/ 132 fyrlenum → fierlenan fyrmest → forman fyrste, fyrstes → first fy¯ sde (sg.pt.) to send forth 10/ 269 [fy¯ san I] G Gaddes (prn. gsg.) 10/ 287 gaderade (sg.pt.) to gather, assemble 2/ 124; gegædrade 2/ 99; gegadrodon (pl.pt.) 2/ 40 [gad(e)rian II] gafole → gofol galan (6) to sing, call 11/ 67 ga¯ n (irr.) to go, come, move, proceed, advance 8/ 78, 100 *10/ 247; g毯 þ (sg.ps.) 2/ 35; ga¯ ð (pl.ps.) 1/ 8; (imp.pl.) 10/ 93; e¯ode 2/ 11 *3/ 84, 90, 115, 149 *6/ 57 *8/ 1, 14, 22 etc. *10/ 132, 159, 225 etc.; e¯odon 2/ 23, 28 *6/ 16, 49 *8/ 99 *10/ 229, 260 gangan to go, move 10/ 3, 40, 62, 170; gongan 3/ 143; gegangan to win 10/ 59; gangon (pl.ps. subj.) 10/ 56; gongende (psp.) 3/ 85, 146; gangænde 6/ 139 gange (dsg.) flow 11/ 23 [gang] ga¯ r (nasg. m.) spear 10/ 13, 134, 154 etc.; ga¯ re (dsg.) 10/ 138; ga¯ ras (napl.) 10/ 46, 67, 109; ga¯ rum (dpl.) 9/ 18 ga¯ rberend (npl. m.) spear-bearer, warrior 10/ 262 ga¯ rmittinge (dsg. f.) battle 9/ 50 ga¯ rr毯 s (asg. m.) attack 10/ 32 ga¯ rum → ga¯ r ga¯ st (asg. m.) ghost, spirit, soul 3/ 170 *11/ 49; ga¯ ste (dsg.) 10/ 176; ga¯ stas (npl.) 11/ 11; ga¯ sta (gpl.) 11/ 152 Ga¯ stes → ha¯ lig gatu (apl. n.) gate, door 1/ 29 *2/ 22, 30 [geat] ga¯ ð → ga¯ n g毯 lsan (asg. m.) pride, wantonness 7/ 148 [g毯 lsa] g毯 þ; ge → ga¯ n; 毯 gþer (OE) geble¯tsode ge (conj.) and 4/ 21; ge . . . ge both . . . and 3/ 142 ge¯ (perspron. 2.npl.) you 8/ 76, 103, 108 *10/ 32, 34, 56-57, 59; e¯ower (gpl.) 8/ 111; e¯ow (dapl. refl.) 1/ 7, 9 *3/ 158 *8/ 69, 77, 109 *10/ 31, 41, 46, 48, 93; ı ¯ow 5/ 45 ◆ poss. adj.: e¯owre (npl.) 2/ 29 *8/ 109; e¯owrum (dsg. m.) 6/ 161 geaf, ge¯afon → gifan geald → gylde gealga (nsg. m.) gallows, cross 11/ 10; gealgan (asg.) 11/ 40 gealgian (II) to defend 10/ 52 gealgtre¯owe (dsg. m.) gallows-tree, cross 11/ 146 [gealgtre¯ow] geanbı ¯dode → anbı ¯diað gea¯ nl毯 hte (sg.pt.) to unite 6/ 68 [a¯nl毯 can I] ge¯ar (asg. n.) year 2/ 52, 78 *4/ 23; ge¯ares (gsg.) 2/ 82, 85; ge¯are (dsg.) 2/ 39, 44, 55 etc. *3/ 65 *6/ 93-94; ge¯ara (gpl.) 7/ 7, 47, 104; ge¯arum (dpl.) 6/ 6, 178 ge¯ara (adv.) formerly 11/ 28 geare (adv.) readily, clearly 3/ 35 *6/ 14 gearo (adj. nsg. m.) ready, prepared 2/ 15 *10/ 274; gearowe (npl.) 10/ 72, 100 ge¯arum → ge¯ar gea¯ scode, gea¯ xode → (ge) a¯ scian ge毯 metige (sg.ps. subj.) to free, disengage 5/ 18 [毯 metian I] geærneð (sg.ps.) to gallop, run 4/ 35 [ærnen I] geæþele (adj. nsg.) natural, congenial 9/ 7 geba¯ d; geband; gebæd → (ge) bı ¯dan; band; (ge) biddan geb毯 rum (dpl. n.) behaviour 2/ 14 [geb毯 re] gebe¯ad → bebe¯odan gebe¯ded (ptp.) to force 9/ 33 [geb毯 dan I] gebedum (dpl. n.) prayer 6/ 15, 70, 73 gebe¯oras (napl. m.) pot-companion, guest 6/ 142, 145; gebe¯orum (dpl.) 6/ 143-144 gebeorge (dsg. n.) protection 10/ 31, 131, 245 [gebeorg] gebe¯orscipe (dsg. m.) feast, beer party 3/ 81, 90 *8/ 2, 20, 73; gebe¯orscipes (gsg.) 3/ 85; be¯orscipes 8/ 63 gebe¯orum → gebe¯oras gebe¯tan → (ge) be¯tan gebı ¯dan → (ge) bı ¯dan gebiddan, gebiddaþ, gebiddenne → (ge) biddan gebiden → (ge) bı ¯dan gebı ¯gan (I) to turn, bend, convert 6/ 29, 43; gebı ¯gde (sg.pt.) 6/ 46, 81 gebland (asg. n.) confusion 9/ 26 geble¯tsode → ble¯tsie <?page no="295"?> 284 geblissod (OE) geblissod → blissigende geboden → bebe¯odan gebo¯ hte → bicgað geboren, geborene → beran gebræc (nsg. n.) breaking, smashing 10/ 295 gebringe, gebringeð → (ge) bringan gebrocod (ptp.) to crush, hurt 6/ 22, 135 [brocian II] gebro¯ ht, gebro¯ hte → (ge) bringan gebro¯ þer, gebro¯ þru → bro¯ þor gebrowen (ptp.) to brew 4/ 19 [bre¯owan 2] gebu¯ gan → (ge) bu¯ gan gebyrdum (dpl. f.) birth, descent 8/ 106 [byrd] gebyriað (pl.ps.) to be fitting, appropriate 7/ 117 [byrian II] gebysnode (sg.pt.) to set an example 6/ 46 [bysnian II] gecampe → campe gece¯ose (sg.ps. subj.) to choose, decide 8/ 106, 110; gece¯as (sg.pt.) 10/ 113; gecoren (ptp.) 3/ 111 [ce¯osan 2] gecierde → gecyrran gecı ¯g (imp.sg.) to call, name, summon 8/ 39; gecı ¯ged (ptp.) 6/ 6 [cı ¯egan I] gecirdon → gecyrran gecna¯ wan (7) to know, perceive 5/ 47; gecna¯ wað (imp.pl.) 7/ 3; gecna¯ we (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 39, 78 gecneordnessan (npl. f.) diligence, study 8/ 90 [cneordnes] gecoren → gece¯ose gecranc → crincgan gecwæð → cweðan gecwe¯mde (sg.pt.) to please 8/ 19 [cwe¯man I] gecy¯ dd → cy¯ ðan gecynde (adj. nsg.) natural, innate 2/ 77 ◆ neg.: ungecyndne (asg. m.) unnatural, alien 2/ 38 gecyrran (I) to turn, change, come back 6/ 158; gecierde (sg.pt.) 1/ 31; gecirdon 2/ 39 gecyrrednysse (gsg. f.) conversion 6/ 84 [gecyrrednes] gecy¯ þan, gecy¯ ðd → cy¯ ðan gedafenað (sg.ps.) to befit 8/ 22; gedafenade (sg.pt.) 3/ 79 [dafenian II] gede¯med; gede¯st → de¯man; (ge) do¯ n gedihte (sg.pt.) to compose 6/ 171 [dihtan I] gedo¯ , gedo¯ n, gedo¯ ð → (ge) do¯ n gedre¯fed (ptp.) to trouble, afflict 11/ 20, 59 [dre¯fan] gedrehtan (pl.pt.) to afflict 7/ 45; gedrehte (ptp.) 6/ 126 [dreccan I] gedrync (nsg. n.) drinking 4/ 24; gedrynce (dsg.) 4/ 27 gedwolgoda (gpl. m.) false god 7/ 21, 25; gedwolgodan (dpl.) 7/ 23 [gedwolgod] gedwylde (dsg. n.) heresy 6/ 114 geearnian (II) to earn, deserve 7/ 161; ernian 7/ 13; geearnaþ (sg.ps.) 11/ 109; geearnode (sg.pt.) 6/ 177; geearnedan (pl.pt.) 7/ 14 geearnunga, geearnunge, geearnungum → (ge) earnung geednı ¯wod (ptp.) to renew 8/ 33 [ednı ¯wan II] geendian (II) to end, finish, complete 6/ 157; geendode (sg.pt.) 8/ 73; geendade 3/ 139, 165 geendunge (dasg. f.) end, ending 6/ 99 *8/ 63 gee¯ode (sg.pt.) to happen 6/ 64 [gega¯n irr.] gee¯odon (pl.pt.) to conquer 2/ 55 [gega¯n irr.] gefaren → faran gefæstnodon (pl.pt.) to fasten 11/ 33; gefæstnod (ptp.) 6/ 105 [gefæstnian II] gefe → gifu gefeaht → feohtan gefeccan → feccan gefeoht (nsg. n.) action of fighting, fight, battle 2/ 51, 109, 112, 135; gefeohte (dsg.) 2/ 76 *6/ 16, 97, 127, 132 *7/ 89 *9/ 28 *10/ 12; gefeohtum (dpl.) 2/ 5 gefeohtan → feohtan gefe¯ol → (ge) feallan gefe¯onde (psp.) to rejoice 3/ 58, 149 [fe¯on 5 (g.)] gefe¯ra (nsg. m.) companion, comrade 10/ 280; gefe¯ran (napl.) 2/ 30 *3/ 59 *6/ 4, 49 *10/ 170, 229; gefe¯rum (dpl.) 2/ 28 *6/ 12 gefe¯rde → fe¯ran gefe¯rum → gefe¯ra gefetige (sg.ps. subj.) to fetch 11/ 138 [fesian II] gefirn → gefyrn geflı ¯emde (sg.pt.) to put to flight 2/ 81; (ptp.) 2/ 69; geflı ¯emdon (pl.pt.) 2/ 74; gefle¯med (ptp.) 9/ 32 [flı ¯eman I] gefohten → feohtan gefo¯ r, gefo¯ re → faran geforþod (ptp.) to carry out, accomplish 10/ 289 [geforðian II] gefremman (I) to advance, further accomplish 6/ 79; gefremmede (ptp.) 2/ 120 gefru¯ non → frignende gefuhton → feohtan gefullod (ptp.) to baptise 6/ 4 [fulwian II] gefultumadon, gefultumed → fultumian gefylced (ptp.) to marshal troops 2/ 126 [fylcian I,II] gefylcum (dpl. n.) army, host 2/ 64; gefylcium 2/ 73 gefylda (ptp.) to fill 5/ 25 [fyllan I] <?page no="296"?> 285 gefyllan, gefylled → fyllan gefylled (ptp.) to fulfil 6/ 107 gefylste → fylstan gefyrn (adv.) formerly, long ago 6/ 139; gefirn 8/ 104 gegadrodon, gegædrade → gaderade gegangan → gangan gegearwode (sg.pt.) to prepare, equip 3/ 146, 160; gegearwod (ptp.) 7/ 162 [gegearwian II] geglængde (ptp.) to adorn, decorate 3/ 70; geglenged 3/ 116 [glengan I] gego¯ dod (ptp.) to make rich 8/ 81 [go¯ dian II] gegremode (sg.pt.) to enrage, provoke, infuriate 10/ 296; gegræmedan (pl.pt.) 7/ 143; gegremod (ptp.) 10/ 138 [gremian II] gegre¯teð → gre¯tan gegrundene (ptp.) to grind, sharpen 10/ 109 [grindan 3] gegyred, gegyrwed → gyrde geha¯ dode (ptp.) to ordain 7/ 50 [ha¯dian II] geha¯ lgade, geha¯ lgode → ha¯ lgode geha¯ te, geha¯ ten → ha¯ tan geha¯ tlandes (gsg. n.) promised land 3/ 128 [geha¯tland] gehæft (ptp.) to catch, hold captive 1/ 22 [hæftan I] geh毯 lde, geh毯 le, geh毯 led, geh毯 lede → h毯 lan gehealdan → healdan gehelpan (3) to help 6/ 173; helpe (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 163 gehende (prep. (d.)) near, close by 10/ 294 gehe¯old, gehe¯olde → healdan gehe¯t → ha¯ tan gehı ¯erdun → gehy¯ ran gehı ¯ersumnesse (asg. f.) obedience 1/ 1 [gehı ¯ersumnes] gehı ¯ersumodest (2.sg.pt.) to obey 1/ 30; hı ¯ersumedon (pl.pt.) 5/ 5 [hı ¯ersumian II] gehiht (imp.sg.) to hope 8/ 12 [hyhtan I] gehı ¯oldon → healdan gehı ¯rde → gehy¯ ran gehle¯op → hle¯op gehlyston (pl.pt.) to listen 10/ 92 [hlystan I] gehwa¯ → hwa¯ gehwanon → hwanon gehwæne, gehwæs → hwa¯ gehwæþere, gehwæðere, gehwæþre → hand gehwelcum → hwelc gehwerfde → gehwyrfde gehwilcum, gehwylc, gehwylce, gehwylcum → hwelc gehwyrfde (sg.pt.) to turn, change 3/ 115; gehwerfde 3/ 124 [gehwierfan I] (OE) gelo¯ me gehy¯ nede → hy¯ nan gehy¯ ran (I) to hear (of), understand, serve, obey 3/ 34 *11/ 78; gehy¯ ranne (infl.inf.) 3/ 125; gehy¯ rst (2.sg.ps.) 10/ 45; hy¯ rað (pl.ps.) 4/ 4, 7; hy¯ rde (sg.pt.) 3/ 17; gehy¯ rde 3/ 1, 35, 94 *8/ 87, 90, 96 *10/ 117 *11/ 26; gehı ¯rde 8/ 34; hy¯ rdon (pl.pt.) 3/ 171; gehy¯ rdan 7/ 152; gehı ¯erdun 2/ 19 gehy¯ rnesse (dsg. f.) hearing, listening 3/ 122 gehy¯ rst → gehy¯ ran gehy¯ rsum (adj. nsg.) obedient 8/ 94 geinseglode (sg.pt.) to seal 8/ 112 [inseglian II] gelagod (ptp.) to appoint by law, ordain 7/ 21 [lagian II] gelamp → gelimpan gelaðode (sg.pt.) to invite 8/ 20 [laðian II] gel毯 dde, gel毯 ddon → l毯 dan gel毯 red, gel毯 rede, gel毯 redestan → l毯 ran gel毯 stan (I) to support, perform, fulfil 2/ 127 *7/ 156 *10/ 11; gel毯 ste (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 20; (sg.pt.) 10/ 15 gele¯afa (nsg. m.) belief, faith 6/ 10, 30, 39; gele¯afan (dasg.) 3/ 2, 43, 65 *6/ 17, 29, 45-46, 63 etc. gele¯affulla (adj. asg. m.) pious 6/ 40, 83 gele¯d → lecgað geleornad, geleornade, geleornede, geleornian, geleornode → leornian gelette (sg.pt.) to hinder 10/ 164 [lettan I] gele¯wede (ptp.) to blemish, hurt 7/ 129 [le¯wian II] gelı ¯ce (adj., adv.) like, similar 3/ 74 *7/ 126; gelı ¯cost (sup.) 6/ 131; gelı ¯ccast 7/ 70; gelı ¯cum (dpl.) 3/ 31 gelı ¯efan (I) to believe, trust in gely¯ fan 6/ 163; gelı ¯efe (1.sg.ps.) 5/ 17; gelı ¯fst (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 46; gely¯ fe (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 65; gely¯ fed (sg.pt.) 6/ 2, 5 gelimp (asg. n.) fortune 8/ 33; gelymp 8/ 25, 29; gelimpum (dpl.) 7/ 102 gelimpan (3) to happen, befall 7/ 79; gelimpð (sg.ps.) 7/ 85; gelamp 6/ 40, 55, 82 *8/ 98 gelimplice (adv.) properly, suitable 3/ 86 gelimpð; gelimpum → gelimpan; gelimp geliornod, geliornode, geliornodon → leornian gelo¯ gode (sg.pt.) to place, arrange 1/ 14 *6/ 89 *7/ 63; gelo¯ godon (pl.pt.) 6/ 121 [lo¯ gian II] 7/ 63 gelo¯ me (adv.) often, constantly 7/ 39, 80, 160 ◆ col.: ealles to¯ gelo¯ me only too often 7/ 22, 51, 121, 147; oft and gelo¯ me very often 7/ 43-44, 77, 86-87, 113 <?page no="297"?> 286 gelpan (OE) gelpan (3) to boast 9/ 44 gelustfullı ¯cor (adv. comp.) readily 3/ 13 gely¯ fan, gely¯ fe, gely¯ fed → gelı ¯efan gely¯ fdre (adj. dsg. f.) advanced 3/ 80 gelymp → gelimp geman (1.sg.ps. (g.)) to remember 11/ 28; gemunað (imp.pl.) 10/ 212; gemunde (sg.pt.) 5/ 23, 33, 40, 53 *10/ 225; gemundon (pl.pt. subj.) 10/ 196 [gemunan prps.] gema¯ nan (dsg. m.) clashing 9/ 40 [ma¯na] gemanigfealde (sg.ps.) to multiply 1/ 28 [manigfealdan I] gemanode → manian gem毯 lde → m毯 lde gem毯 ne (adj., adv.) common, in common 7/ 40, 69, 82, 85; gem毯 num (dsg. m.) 7/ 69 gemængde (sg.pt.) to mix 8/ 42, 56 [mengan I] gem毯 num → gem毯 ne gem毯 red (ptp.) to celebrate, glorify 3/ 67 [m毯 ran I] gem毯 tte (sg.pt.) to dream 11/ 2 [m毯 tan I] ge¯mde → gy¯ me gemet (asg. n.) metre 3/ 105 gemetlı ¯ce (adv.) moderately 3/ 142 geme¯tte → me¯tte gemiltsa (imp.sg. (d.)) to pity 6/ 101; gemiltsigend (psp.) 8/ 75 [miltsian II] gemo¯ t (nasg. n.) meeting, encounter 10/ 199, 301; gemo¯ tes (gsg.) 9/ 50 gemunað, gemunde, gemundon → geman gemynd (asg. n.) mind, memory, remembrance 5/ 2; gemynde (dsg.) 3/ 104 gemyndgade (sg.pt.) to remember 3/ 123 [myndgian II] gemynt (ptp.) to intend 6/ 134 [myntan I] ge¯n (adv.) yet, still 3/ 33, 61 genam, gena¯ man, gena¯ me, gena¯ mon → niman geneahhe (adv.) enough 10/ 269 gene¯al毯 hton, gene¯ale¯can → ne¯ale¯can gene¯at (nsg. m.) follower 10/ 310 genemned → nemnde generede (sg.pt.) to save 2/ 32 *9/ 36 [nerian I] Genesis (prn.) 3/ 127 genı ¯wad (ptp.) to renew 11/ 148 [nı ¯wian II] geno¯ h (adj. nsg. m.) enough, sufficient 4/ 19 *7/ 92; geno¯ ge (npl.) 11/ 33 genumen → niman genyrwde (ptp.) to narrow, restrict 7/ 37 [nyrwan I] geoffra (imp.sg.) to sacrifice 1/ 3; geoffrode (sg.pt. subj.) 1/ 16 [offrian II] geond (prep. (a.)) through, throughout, over, across 2/ 93, 154 *6/ 45, 54, 59 etc.; giond 5/ 3-4, 24, 34, 53; gynd 7/ 11, 36, 62, 139 geong (adj. nsg. m.) young 10/ 210 *11/ 39; geonga 10/ 155; gioncga 2/ 68; iunga 8/ 9, 12, 17, 19; iungan (dsg. m.) 8/ 39; giungne (asg. m.) 9/ 44; giunge (npl. m.) 9/ 29; iunge (apl. m.) 6/ 48 *8/ 15 georn (adj. nsg. m.) eager 10/ 107; georne (npl.) 10/ 73 georne (adv.) eagerly, readily 6/ 48 *7/ 7, 10, 17, 19 etc. *10/ 84, 123, 206; giorne 5/ 8; geornost (sup.) 7/ 141 geornful (adj. nsg. m.) eager 10/ 274 geornfulnesse (dsg. f.) yearning, desire, zeal 3/ 135; geornfulnysse 6/ 55 [geornfulnes] geornlı ¯ce (adv.) eagerly, carefully 3/ 134 *10/ 265; geornlı ¯cor (comp.) 3/ 17, 33, 36 geornost → georne ger毯 can (I) to reach, attain, obtain, strike 7/ 15; ger毯 hte (sg.pt.) 10/ 142, 158, 226 ger毯 dest (2.sg.ps.) to agree 10/ 36 [ger毯 dan I] ger毯 dum (dpl. n.) harness, trappings 10/ 190 [r毯 de] ger毯 hte; gerehte → ger毯 can; reccenne gere¯nod (ptp.) to adorn 10/ 161 [re¯nian II] gereorde (dsg. n.) speech, voice 6/ 41, 43 [reord] gerestan (I) to rest 3/ 146 *8/ 78, 83; reste (sg.pt.) 11/ 64, 69 geriht (ptp.) to direct 11/ 131 [rihtan I] gerihta → riht gerihtl毯 cende (psp.) to direct, guide 6/ 86 [rihtl毯 can I] gerisena (gpl. n.) what is decent 7/ 32 [risen] gerisenlecor (adv. comp.) fittingly 3/ 48 gerisenlice (adj. apl.) fitting, proper 3/ 67; gerisenlicre (comp.) 3/ 30 gery¯ mde (sg.pt.) to open, clear, extend 11/ 89; ry¯ mdon (pl.pt.) 5/ 7; gery¯ med (ptp.) 6/ 66 *10/ 93 [ry¯ man I] gesamnode → gesomnian gesa¯ we, gesawen, gesa¯ won → gesı ¯on ges毯 d, ges毯 de, gesægd → secgan ges毯 lig (adj. nsg. m.) blessed, happy 6/ 87; ges毯 ligan (dsg. m.) 6/ 32 *8/ 93 ges毯 liglica (adj. npl.) blessed, happy 5/ 3 ges毯 ne → gesı ¯ene gesæt → sit gesce¯adwı ¯snysse (dsg. f.) discrimination, reason 6/ 52 [sce¯adwisnes] gesceaft (nsg. f.) creation, creature 9/ 16 *11/ 12, 55, 82; gesceafte (asg.) 7/ 71 gesceape (dsg. n.) creation 3/ 126 gescyrpedne (ptp.) to equip 3/ 56 geseah; gesealde, gesealdon → gesı ¯on; sillan <?page no="298"?> 287 gese¯can; gesegen → se¯can; gesı ¯on gesegnode → segniende gese¯man (I) to reconcile 10/ 60 gese¯ne → gesı ¯ene gese¯o, geseoh → gesı ¯on geseted → settan gesetnysse (apl. f.) foundation 6/ 55 [gesetnes] gesette, gesetton → settan gesewen → gesı ¯on gesib (adj. nsg. m.) related 7/ 48; gesibban (asg.) 7/ 48 [sibb] gesı ¯cclod (ptp.) to sicken 6/ 130 [sı ¯clian II] gesiehð, gesihð → gesı ¯on gesı ¯ene (adj. npl.) visible, evident, conspicuous 11/ 46; gesy¯ ne (nsg. n.) 7/ 76, 136; ges毯 ne 7/ 102; gese¯ne 7/ 41 gesihðe (dsg. f.) vision 3/ 167; gesyhðe 11/ 21, 41, 66, 96 gesingodest → syngian gesı ¯on (5) to see, perceive 5/ 29; gesiehð (3.sg.ps.) 1/ 24-25; gesihð 8/ 10; gese¯o (sg.ps. subj.) 3/ 18; (1.sg.ps.) 8/ 24; geseoh (imp.sg.) 3/ 10; geseah (sg.pt.) 1/ 21 *2/ 94 *3/ 55, 83 *5/ 23 *6/ 99, 176 *8/ 6, 31, 61 *11/ 14, 21, 33, 36, 51; gesa¯ we (sg.pt. subj.) 8/ 79 *11/ 4; gesa¯ won (pl.pt.) 1/ 6 *8/ 72 *10/ 84, 203; gesawen (ptp.) 3/ 8; gesewen 2/ 39; seemed 3/ 21; gesegen 3/ 112; can be seen 3/ 171 geslægen, geslo¯ gon → sle¯an geso¯ hte, geso¯ hton, geso¯ htun → se¯can gesomnian (II) to gather, assemble 3/ 109; gesamnode (ptp.) 4/ 31 gesomnunge (dsg. f.) community 3/ 121 gesprec (asg. n.) conference, discussion 3/ 3, 7 gesta¯ h; gestandan → gestı ¯gan; standan gestaðelige (1.sg.ps.) to fix, establish 8/ 95 [staðolian II] gesthu¯ s (asg. n.) guest-house 8/ 78 gestı ¯gan (1) to climb up, mount, ascend 11/ 34; gesta¯ h (sg.pt.) 11/ 40 gesto¯ don → standan gestre¯on (npl. n.) property 4/ 37 gesunde (adj. npl.) safe, healthy, prosperous 2/ 27 *8/ 74, 76 [sund] gesundful (adj. nsg. f.) uncorrupted 6/ 65 geswænctest → swencte gesweotolode (sg.pt.) to reveal, show 1/ 13; geswutelode 6/ 116, 179 [sweotolian II] geswugedan (pl.pt. (g.)) to keep silent 7/ 147 [swugian II] geswutelode → gesweotolode gesyhðe; gesy¯ ne → gesihðe; gesı ¯ene gesynto (asg. f.) use, wealth 3/ 16 (OE) geweald gesyrwed (ptp.) to arm 10/ 159 [sierwan I] get毯 ht → t毯 can getæl (asg. n.) account, sequence 3/ 122 geteld (asg. n.) tent 6/ 115, 117 getimbro (apl. n.) building 3/ 60 [timber] getı ¯mode (sg.pt.) to happen 6/ 136 [tı ¯mian II] getı ¯þodon (pl.pt.) to grant 6/ 31; getı ¯þod (ptp.) 6/ 32 [tı ¯ðian II] getogen → te¯ah getohte (dsg. f.) battle 10/ 104 getre¯owþa (gpl. f.) truth, loyalty 7/ 8; getry¯ wða (npl.) 7/ 47, 159 [tre¯owð] getruman (asg. m.) troop, array 2/ 66-67 getrymmende (psp.) to strengthen 3/ 159; getrymde (sg.pt.) 6/ 10; getrymmed (ptp.) 10/ 22 [trymman I] getry¯ wlı ¯ce (adv.) truly, loyally 7/ 52 getry¯ wða → getre¯owþa geþafian (II) to allow, assent 3/ 4; geþafade (sg.pt.) 3/ 6; þafode 3/ 120 geþafunge (asg. f.) assent 3/ 20; þafunge 7/ 88 [geþafung] geþanc (asg. m.) thought 10/ 13; geþance (dsg.) 7/ 124 geþeaht (asg. n.) advice, counsel 3/ 3, 7 geþeahteras (npl. m.) counsellor 3/ 31 geðencean (I) to think, intend 5/ 15; þence (1.sg.ps.) 10/ 319; þenceð (sg.ps.) 10/ 258, 316 *11/ 121; geðenc (imp.sg.) 5/ 19; þencaþ (pl.ps.) 11/ 115; þo¯ hte 7/ 52 geðe¯oda → geðı ¯ode geþe¯odde (sg.pt.) to join 3/ 106, 121 [ðe¯odan I] geðe¯odes → þe¯ode (1) geþe¯odnisse (dsg. f.) joining 3/ 72 [ðe¯odnes] geþe¯owede (ptp.) to enslave 7/ 36 [ðe¯owian II] geþicgean (5) to accept 2/ 17 geþincðu (asg. f.) dignity, rank, office 6/ 71 geðı ¯ode (asg. n.) language, speech 5/ 27, 35, 41 etc.; geðe¯oda (gpl.) 5/ 38 geþolian → þolian geþrange (dsg. n.) throng 10/ 299 [ðrang] geunne (sg.ps. subj. (d.g.)) to grant 10/ 176; u¯ ðe (sg.pt.) 2/ 130 *6/ 17; u¯ þon (pl.pt.) 2/ 25 [unnan prps.] geuntrumod (ptp.) to become sick 6/ 155 [untrumian II] gewald → geweald gewanian (II) to lessen, curtail 7/ 22; gewanode (ptp.) 7/ 37 gewa¯ t → gewı ¯te gewænde, gewændon → wendan geweald (asg. n.) power, control, dominion 2/ 61, 75 *10/ 178 *11/ 107; gewald (asg.) 2/ 62, 75, 81; gewealde (dsg.) 7/ 35, 71, 74 <?page no="299"?> 288 gewearð (OE) gewearð → weorðan gewelede (ptp.) to huddle 7/ 97 [welwan I] gewelhw毯 r → welhw毯 r gewelhwilcan (adj. dsg. m.) (nearly) every 7/ 87; gewelhwylcan 7/ 43 gewe¯man (I) to convert 6/ 32 gewende; gewe¯old → wendan; wealdan geweorce (dsg. n.) fortification 2/ 50 geweorðad → weorþian geweorþe → weorðan geweorðod, geweorðode → weorþian gewihte (asg. n.) weight 8/ 67 gewinn (nsg. n.) strife, war 4/ 18 *10/ 214; gewinne (dsg.) 6/ 11 *10/ 248, 302 *11/ 65 gewinnan (3) to conquer 7/ 144 *10/ 125; gewinnen 2/ 46; winnað (pl.ps.) 6/ 14; winnende (prps.) 2/ 40; wann (sg.pt.) 6/ 95; gewunnon (pl.pt.) 6/ 16 gewis (adj. nsg. m.) certain 3/ 171 gewislı ¯cor (adv. comp.) clearly 8/ 28 gewitan → gewı ¯te gewı ¯te (sg.ps. subj.) to set out, depart, go 3/ 26; gewa¯ t (sg.pt.) 3/ 90 *9/ 35 *10/ 72, 150 *11/ 71; gewiton (pl.pt.) 11/ 133; gewitan 9/ 53 gewitenesse (gsg. f.) departure, death 3/ 140 [gewitenes] gewiton → gewı ¯te gewo¯ d → wadan geworden → weorðan geworht, geworhte, geworhton → wyrcan gewrecan → wrecan gewrit (asg. n.) letter, book, writing 5/ 51, 54; gewrite (dsg.) 8/ 109; gewrites (gsg.) 3/ 129; gewrita (apl.) 8/ 110-111 gewunade (sg.pt.) to be used to 3/ 67 [wunian II] gewunan (dsg. m.) custom 7/ 118 gewundode (sg.pt.) to wound 2/ 13; gewundod (ptp.) 10/ 135; gewundad 2/ 18, 33 [wundian II] gewunnon → gewinnan gewurde → weorðan gewyrcan, gewyrcað → wyrcan gewyrhtum (dpl.) deed, merit 7/ 80 gewyrmed (ptp.) to warm 3/ 24 [wyrman I] gewyrpte (sg.pt.) to recover from an illness 6/ 166 geyrigde (ptp.) to dishearten 7/ 88 [yrgan I] gı ¯et (adv.) yet, still 1/ 24 *5/ 29; gı ¯t 6/ 97, 175 *8/ 48; gı ¯eta 9/ 66; gy¯ t 3/ 60, 160 *6/ 90 *7/ 75, 137 *10/ 168, 273; gy¯ ta 11/ 28 gif → gifan gif (conj.) if, whether 2/ 24, 149 *3/ 4, 16, 18, 29, 114 *5/ 11, 45, 47 *6/ 158, 161, 163, 170 *7/ 12, 15, 18, 54, 64, 82-83, 98 *8/ 21, 24-26, 46, 93 *10/ 34; gyf 4/ 42 *10/ 36, 196 gifan (5) to give, grant 8/ 64; gife (1.sg.ps.) 8/ 66; (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 33; gif (imp.sg.) 8/ 65; geaf (sg.pt.) 2/ 116; ge¯afon (pl.pt.) 6/ 84 gife → gifu gı ¯fernessa (apl. f.) greed, gluttony 7/ 107 [gı ¯fernes] gifu (nsg. f.) gift, present 3/ 113; gife (dasg.) 3/ 66, 76, 108, 118 *8/ 71; gyfe 3/ 38; gefe 3/ 15; gifum (dpl.) 6/ 36 Gildas (prn.) 7/ 142 gimmas (npl. m.) precious stone, gem, jewel 11/ 7, 16 [gimm] gioguð (nsg. f.) youth 5/ 48; iugoðe (dsg.) 6/ 3 gioncga → geong giond; giorne → geond; georne girnð (sg.ps.) to yearn for, desire 8/ 93; girndon (pl.pt.) 8/ 101 [giernan I] girstandæg (adv.) yesterday 8/ 90 gı ¯sle; gı ¯t → gy¯ sel; gı ¯et gı ¯tsunge (asg. f.) avarice, greediness 7/ 145; gı ¯tsunga (apl.) 7/ 106 [gı ¯tsung] giu¯ (adv.) formerly, of old 5/ 34; gu¯ 3/ 60; iu¯ 5/ 2 *11/ 28, 87 giunge, giungne → geong gla¯ d (sg.pt.) to glide 9/ 15 [glı ¯dan 1] glædlı ¯ce (adv.) gladly, joyfully 3/ 153 Glæstingabiri (pn.) Glastonbury 2/ 152 Gle¯awceastre (pn.) Gloucester 6/ 179 gle¯owiende (psp.) to make merry 3/ 150 [gle¯owian II] gnornian (II) to mourn 10/ 315 God (nasg. m.) God 1/ 1, 12-13, 20, 24-25 *2/ 130, 142, 155 *5/ 19 *6/ 2, 13, 68, 74 etc. *7/ 40, 125, 143, 153 etc. *8/ 12 *10/ 94, 262 *11/ 39, 51, 60, 93 etc.; Gode (dsg.) 1/ 23 *3/ 34, 49, 105 *5/ 5, 9, 16, 65 *6/ 11, 27, 29, 31 etc. *7/ 13, 15, 55, 65 *8/ 84; Godes (gsg.) 1/ 17 *3/ 58, 62, 76, 93 etc. *5/ 25, 47, 63 *6/ 28, 35, 46, 79, 86 etc. *7/ 19-20, 22, 24-25 etc. *9/ 15 *11/ 83, 152 god (nsg. m.) deity 8/ 53; godo (npl.) 3/ 16; goda (gpl.) 3/ 14 go¯ d (adj. nsg. m.) good 2/ 155 *10/ 13, 237, 315; go¯ da (nsg. m.) 8/ 8, 16, 46, 75, 80; go¯ dne (asg. m.) 7/ 92 *8/ 108; go¯ dan 10/ 187; go¯ des (gsg.) 10/ 176; go¯ dum (dsg. m.) 10/ 4; go¯ de (npl. m.) 2/ 98 *8/ 9 *10/ 170 *11/ 70; go¯ dena (gpl.) 5/ 33; go¯ dra 2/ 76, 129 *3/ 135; go¯ dum (dpl.) 6/ 158 *8/ 62; property 3/ 121; betst (nsg. m. sup.) 8/ 20; betstan (npl.) 2/ 141; (isg. n.) 3/ 116 <?page no="300"?> 289 goda; go¯ da, go¯ dan → god; go¯ d godbearn (apl. n.) godchild 7/ 61 godcundan (npl. m.) divine, religious 3/ 133 *5/ 8; godcundre (gdsg. f.) 3/ 66, 114; godcundra (gpl.) 5/ 3 *7/ 115; godcundum (dpl.) 3/ 69 godcundlı ¯ce (adv.) divinely 3/ 76 godcundnesse (gsg. f.) divine nature, godhead 3/ 9 [godcundnes] godcundra, godcundre, godcundum → godcundan go¯ dd毯 da (apl. f.) good deed 7/ 120; go¯ dd毯 dan (dpl.) 7/ 119 [go¯ dd毯 d] Gode, Godes → God go¯ de, go¯ dena, go¯ des → go¯ d godfyrhte (dsg. f.) fear of God 7/ 120 go¯ diende (psp.) to improve 7/ 16 [go¯ dian II] Go¯ dmundingaha¯ m (pn.) Goodmanham, Yorkshire 3/ 62 go¯ dne → go¯ d go¯ dnysse (dsg. f.) goodness, virtue 6/ 175 godo; go¯ dra → god; go¯ d Godrı ¯c (prn.) 10/ 187, 237, 321, 325 godsibbas (apl. m.) godfather 7/ 61 [godsibb] godsunu (nsg. m.) godson 2/ 32 go¯ dum → go¯ d Godwı ¯g (prn.) 10/ 192 Godwine (prn.) 10/ 192 gofol (asg. n.) tribute 10/ 61; gafole (dsg.) 10/ 32, 46 gold (asg. n.) gold 8/ 4 *11/ 18; goldes (gsg.) 8/ 67; golde (dsg.) 10/ 35 *11/ 7, 16, 77 goldhorde (dsg. m.) treasure of gold 8/ 65 gongan, gongende → gangan Gotland (pn.) 4/ 7 grame (adj. npl.) fierce, angry 10/ 262; gramum (dpl.) 10/ 100 [gram] gr毯 digne (adj. asg. m.) greedy, hungry 9/ 64 [gr毯 dig] gr毯 ge (adj. asg. n.) grey 9/ 64 [gr毯 g] gre¯ote (dsg. n.) grit, earth 10/ 315 [gre¯ot] gre¯otende (psp.) to lament 11/ 70 [gre¯otan 2] gre¯tan (I) to greet 5/ 1; gegre¯teð (sg.ps.) 7/ 121; gre¯tte (sg.pt.) 3/ 88; gre¯tton (pl.pt.) 8/ 73, 102-103 grim (adj. nsg. m.) fierce, severe 10/ 61; grimme (npl.) 7/ 114 Grimbolde (prn.) 5/ 59 grimlic (adj. nsg. n.) cruel, grim, terrible 7/ 6 grimme → grim grimme (adv.) cruelly 10/ 109 grið (asg. n.) truce, peace, sanctuary 10/ 35; gryð 2/ 116; griðe (dsg.) 7/ 64 (OE) ha¯ dbrycas griðian (II) to protect 7/ 28 griðle¯ase (adj. npl.) unprotected 7/ 31 [griðle¯as] grund (asg. m.) ground, earth 10/ 287; grundas (apl. m.) 9/ 15 gryrele¯oða (gpl. n.) terrible song 10/ 285 gryð; gu¯ → grið; gı ¯u guma (nsg. m.) man, warrior 9/ 18; guman (gsg.) 11/ 49; (npl.) 10/ 94; (gpl.) 11/ 146; gumena (gpl.) 9/ 50 gu¯ ðe (dsg. f.) battle, combat 9/ 44 *10/ 285, 296, 325; gu¯ þe 10/ 13, 94, 187 etc. [gu¯ ð] gu¯ ðhafoc (asg. m.) war-hawk 9/ 64 gu¯ ðplega (nsg. m.) battle 10/ 61 gu¯ ðrinc (nsg. m.) warrior 10/ 138 gyf; gyfe → gif; gifu gyld (asg. n.) tax 2/ 150 gylde (sg.ps. subj.) to pay, offer 7/ 84; gyldað (pl.ps.) 7/ 99-100; geald (sg.pt.) 2/ 98 [gieldan 3] gylpwordum (dpl. n.) boast 10/ 274 [gylpword] gy¯ me (sg.ps. subj. (g.)) to care for, take heed 7/ 19; gy¯ mde (sg.pt.) 6/ 153; ge¯mde 3/ 134; gy¯ mdon (pl.pt.) 10/ 192 [gı ¯eman I] gynd → geond gyrde (sg.pt.) to prepare, deck, dress, adorn 3/ 54; gyredon (pl.pt.) 11/ 77; gegyred (ptp.) 11/ 16; gegyrwed 11/ 23 [gyrwan I] Gyrð (prn.) 2/ 129 gy¯ sel (nsg. m.) hostage 10/ 265; gı ¯sle (dsg.) 2/ 18 gy¯ sledan (pl.pt.) to give hostages 2/ 143 [gı ¯slian II] gystas (npl. m.) stranger 10/ 86 [gist] gy¯ t, gy¯ ta → gı ¯et H habban (III) to have, possess 1/ 15 *2/ 131 *3/ 3 *4/ 36 *5/ 11, 67 *7/ 159 *8/ 107 *10/ 236; habbe (1.sg.ps.) 8/ 37; hæbbe 3/ 11 *6/ 163 *11/ 50, 79; hafast (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 33 *10/ 231; hæfst 6/ 162; hafað (3.sg.ps.) 3/ 12 *4/ 33; hæfð 6/ 174 *7/ 162 *8/ 10 *10/ 237; habbað (pl.ps.) 4/ 5, 23, 31 *5/ 16, 30, 48 *7/ 12, 24, 38, 95, 121; hæbben (pl.ps. subj.) 5/ 49; hæfde (sg.pt.) 2/ 2, 6, 44 *3/ 7, 105, 115, 154 *5/ 60 *6/ 70, 135 *8/ 77, 86 *10/ 13, 22, 121, 197, 199, 289 *11/ 49; hæfdon (pl.pt.) 2/ 14, 23 *3/ 12, 16, 151, 155 *5/ 4, 34 *11/ 16, 52; hæfdun 2/ 38 ◆ neg.: næfð (3.sg.ps.) 8/ 47; nabbe (2.pl.ps.) 8/ 108 ha¯ da, ha¯ das → ha¯ de ha¯ dbrycas (apl. m.) violation of holy orders 7/ 109 [ha¯dbryce] <?page no="301"?> 290 ha¯ de (OE) ha¯ de (dsg. m.) order, office, rank 5/ 52; ha¯ das (npl.) 5/ 8; ha¯ da (gpl.) 5/ 3 [ha¯d] hafast, hafað → habban hafenode (sg.pt.) to raise 10/ 42, 309 [hafenian II] hafoc (asg. m.) hawk 10/ 8 ha¯ l (adj. nsg.) whole, sound, safe 6/ 107, 133, 164; ha¯ le (npl.) 10/ 292 haldan → healdan ha¯ lette (sg.pt.) to greet, salute 3/ 88 [ha¯lettan I] Halfdene (prn.) 2/ 64 halfe → healfe ha¯ lga, ha¯ lgan → ha¯ lig ha¯ lgode (sg.pt.) to sanctify, consecrate, ordain 2/ 146; ha¯ lgodon (pl.pt.) 3/ 40; geha¯ lgode (ptp.) 3/ 63; geha¯ lgade 3/ 5 [ha¯lgian II] ha¯ lgum → ha¯ lig ha¯ lig (adj. nsg. m.) holy, divine, saintly 3/ 100 *6/ 116, 161; (asg. n.) 3/ 113 *6/ 165; ha¯ lige (apl. f.) 6/ 48; (nsg. n.) 6/ 147; (npl. f.m.) 7/ 62 *11/ 11; ha¯ lga (adj., sb., nsg. m.) saint 6/ 160, 171-172, 175; ha¯ lgan (gsg.) 3/ 122, 129 *6/ 148, 162, 176, 178; (dsg.) 6/ 56, 85, 99, 141, 166; (apl.) 6/ 115, 120, 122; (asg.) 6/ 129, 180; ha¯ lgum (dpl.) 6/ 168 *11/ 143, 154 ◆ col.: Ha¯ lgan Ga¯ stes (gsg.) Holy Ghost 3/ 130 ha¯ lignessa (npl. f.) sanctuary 7/ 31; ha¯ lignesse (gsg.) religion 3/ 45, 52 [ha¯lignes] hals (asg. m.) neck 10/ 141 ha¯ lwende (adj. apl.) salutary 3/ 168 ha¯ m (1) (adv.) homewards, home 1/ 31 *2/ 120 *3/ 84, 115 *6/ 138 *8/ 74 *10/ 251 ha¯ m (2) (asg. m.) home 11/ 148; ha¯ me (dsg.) 10/ 292; ha¯ mas (apl.) 9/ 10 hamora (gpl. m.) hammer 9/ 6 [hamor] Hamtu¯ nscı ¯re (pn.) Hampshire 2/ 2 hand (nasg. f.) hand 1/ 19 *2/ 147 *6/ 62, 65, 106-107 *8/ 51, 99 *10/ 112, 141; hond 3/ 54; handa (dapl.) 8/ 99 *10/ 149 *11/ 59; honda 3/ 154, 170; handon (dsg.) 10/ 7; handum (dpl.) 10/ 4, 14 ◆ col.: on gehwæþere hond on both sides 2/ 75; on gehwæðere hand 10/ 112; on gehwæþre hond 2/ 61 handbredum (dpl. n.) palm of the hand 6/ 75 [handbred] handon, handum → hand ha¯ r (adj. nsg. m.) hoary, grey 9/ 39 *10/ 169; ha¯ ran (dsg. f.) 2/ 125 Hareld (prn.) 2/ 69 Harold (prn.) 2/ 91, 99, 105 etc.; 128; Harolde (dsg.) 2/ 108, 124 Harold Harfagera (prn.) 2/ 112 hasewanpa¯ dan (asg. m.) the grey-coated one 9/ 62 ha¯ tan (7) to command, bid, be called ha¯ te (1.sg.ps.) 5/ 2 *11/ 95; geha¯ te 10/ 246; ha¯ teð (3.sg.ps.) 5/ 1; h毯 t 4/ 14; ha¯ t (imp.sg.) 8/ 38, 47, 82; ha¯ tað (pl.ps.) 2/ 95; he¯t (sg.pt.) 1/ 9, 23 *3/ 34, 110 *6/ 60, 101 *8/ 41, 50, 92 *10/ 2, 62, 74, 101; gehe¯t 10/ 289; he¯ht 3/ 59, 109, 121; he¯ton (pl.pt.) 10/ 30 *11/ 31; ha¯ ten (ptp.) 2/ 7 *3/ 10 *10/ 75, 218; geha¯ ten 6/ 2, 24, 33, 76-77, 161; ha¯ tene 4/ 6; ha¯ tte (passive) was called 7/ 142 hæbbe, hæbben → habban Hædde (prn.) 6/ 88 hæfde, hæfdon, hæfdun, hæfst, hæfð → habban h毯 lan (I) to heal, cure 11/ 85; geh毯 le (sg.ps. subj.) 6/ 172; geh毯 lde (ptp.) 6/ 20, 122; geh毯 led 6/ 24; geh毯 lede 6/ 129 h毯 le → h毯 lo H毯 lendes (gsg. m.) Saviour 6/ 80 *11/ 25; H毯 lende (dsg.) 6/ 160 hæleð (nsg. m.) man, hero, warrior 11/ 39, 78, 95; (npl.) 10/ 214, 249; hæleþa (gpl.) 9/ 25; hæleða 10/ 74 h毯 lo (gsg. f.) health, salvation 3/ 39; h毯 le (asg.) 6/ 149 h毯 se (dsg. f.) bidding, command 1/ 30 *8/ 71 [h毯 s] 78, 95 H毯 stingan (pn.) Hastings, Sussex 2/ 136; H毯 stingaport 2/ 123 h毯 t → ha¯ tan h毯 ðen (adj., sb. nsg. m.) heathen 6/ 77; h毯 þen 6/ 81; h毯 þena 6/ 102; h毯 ðenan (npl.) 6/ 98; h毯 þnan 2/ 65; h毯 þene (apl.) 7/ 107; (npl.) 10/ 55; h毯 ðene (npl.) 10/ 181; h毯 þenra (gpl.) 8/ 53; h毯 þenum (dpl.) 6/ 80 *7/ 20, 23, 26 H毯 ðum (pn.) Hedeby, Jutland 4/ 1 he¯ (pron. 3.nsg. m.) he 1/ 10, 13-16, 18 etc. *2/ 2, 4, 6 etc. *3/ 1-3, 5, 7 etc. *4/ 1, 20 *6/ 11, 13, 28 etc. *7/ 19, 50, 53 etc. *8/ 3, 5-8, 10 etc. *9/ 40 *10/ 7, 10, 13-16 etc. *11/ 34, 40-41, 49; his (gsg.) 1/ 1, 10, 15-16, 19 etc. *2/ 1, 20-21, 27 etc. *3/ 3, 7, 9 etc. *4/ 21, 26, 38 *5/ 1, 5 *6/ 2, 4-6, 8-10 etc. *7/ 48-49, 57-58, 61 etc. *8/ 29, 32-33, 38-39 etc. *9/ 2, 38, 40, 42 *10/ 11, 16, 24, etc. *11/ 49, 63, 92 etc.; hys 4/ 36-37, 39; him (dsg.) 1/ 2, 11-13, 18, 20 *2/ 3, 19, 21, 24, 32, 54, 83, 98, 100, 105, 124-127, 132-133, 136-139, 143, 147-149, 151 *3/ 1, 9, 50-51, 53, 73-74, 83, 86-87, 107, 112-114, 117, 146-147, 155-156, 160, 163 *4/ 2-3 *5/ 66 *6/ 4, 9-10, 17-18, 22, 31-32, 35, 46, 49, 63-65, 82, 85, 94, 136, 142, 156, 163, 173 *7/ 93 *8/ 1, 29, 33, 65, 77, 82, 85, <?page no="302"?> 291 92 *10/ 7, 11, 23, 44, 119-120, 139, 145, 148, 152, 182, 188, 191, 198, 265, 267, 300 *11/ 63, 65, 67, 86, 88, 108, 118, 133; hym 8/ 84; hine (asg.) 1/ 3, 16, 23 *2/ 9, 11-13, 48-49 etc. *3/ 4, 13, 54-55 etc. *4/ 25, 38, 45 *6/ 10, 38, 66, 72 etc. *7/ 92, 139 *8/ 20-21, 26, 31, etc. *10/ 164, 181 *11/ 11, 39, 61, 64; hiene 2/ 3-4 *5/ 19 he¯afdum → he¯afod he¯afod (asg. n.) head 3/ 164 *6/ 102, 105-106, 138, 163 *8/ 51; he¯afode (dsg.) 2/ 148; he¯afdum (dpl.) 11/ 63 he¯afodmenn (apl. m.) commander 6/ 30 [he¯afodmann] He¯ahfædere (dsg. m.) God 11/ 134 [He¯ahfæder] He¯ahmund (prn.) 2/ 76 he¯ahne (adj. asg. m.) high 6/ 143; he¯anne 11/ 40; hı ¯erran (dsg. m. comp.) 5/ 52 [he¯ah] he¯ahðungene (adj. nsg. m.) of high rank 4/ 22 healdan (7) to hold, keep, maintain, possess, preserve 7/ 27, 159 *10/ 14, 19, 41, 74, 102, 236; gehealdan 10/ 167; haldan 2/ 119, 149; he¯old (sg.pt.) 8/ 99; gehe¯old 6/ 91; gehe¯olde (sg.pt. subj.) 6/ 71; he¯oldan (pl.pt.) 7/ 51; hı ¯oldon 5/ 28; gehı ¯oldon 5/ 6; he¯oldon (pl.pt. subj.) 10/ 20 healf (adj. asg. n.) half 4/ 23 healfe (dsg. f.) side, part 2/ 128 *10/ 152, 318 *11/ 20; halfe 2/ 112 [healf] he¯alic (adj. nsg. m.) intense 6/ 117 heall (asg. f.) hall, palace 3/ 24; healle (dsg.) 8/ 54 *10/ 214 he¯anlic (adj. nsg. n.) low, despicable 10/ 55 he¯anne → he¯ahne heard (adj. nsg. m.) hard, fierce, severe 10/ 130; (asg. n.) 10/ 214; heardes (gsg. m.n.) 9/ 25 *10/ 266; hearde (asg. f.) 10/ 33; heardne (asg. m.) 10/ 167, 236; heardra (nsg. comp.) 10/ 312; heardost (nsg. sup.) 11/ 87 heardlı ¯ce (adv.) fiercely 2/ 126 *10/ 261 heardne, heardost, heardra → heard hearme (dsg. m.) damage, harm 2/ 86; hearma (gpl.) 10/ 223 [hearm] hearpan (gdasg. f.) harp 3/ 83 *8/ 39, 41-42, 48 etc. [hearpe] hearpe-strengas (apl. m.) harp-string 8/ 55 [hearpestreng] hearpenægl (asg. m.) plectrum 8/ 54 hearpian (II) to harp 8/ 41 hearra (nsg. m.) lord 10/ 204 heaþolinde (apl. f.) linden-wood shield 9/ 6 [heaðulind] he¯aweþ (sg.ps.) to hack, stab 7/ 54; he¯ow (sg.pt.) 10/ 324; he¯owon (pl.pt.) 10/ 181; he¯owan 9/ 6, 23 [he¯awan 7] (OE) he¯r hebban (6) to lift up 11/ 31 hefelic (adj. nsg. n.) heavy, severe 2/ 50 hefgad (ptp.) to weigh down 3/ 142 [hefigan II] hefian → hefig hefig (adj. nsg. n.) heavy 8/ 24; hefian (dsg. n.) 11/ 61 hegum (dpl. m.) fence, enclosure 3/ 46 [hege] he¯ht → ha¯ tan helle (gdsg. f.) hell 6/ 157 *7/ 161 [hell] helpe → gehelpan helpe (dsg. f.) help 11/ 102 helsceaðan (nsg. m.) fiend 10/ 180 [helsceaða] he¯o → hı ¯e he¯o (perspron. 3.nsg. f.) she 3/ 109, 119-120 *6/ 23, 113, 137, 139 *8/ 15-16, 35, 41-42, 47, 66, 68, 79-80, 87, 93, 110-111; hı ¯o 4/ 9 *5/ 11, 67; hire (gdsg.) 3/ 108 *4/ 13 *6/ 138 *8/ 16, 34-35, 37 etc.; hyre 8/ 15, 28, 35, 38 etc.; hı ¯e (asg.) 5/ 10-11, 40-41, 58, 60-61; hı ¯ 8/ 43, 45; hı ¯g 8/ 27, 72 heofenas, heofenes, heofenum → heofon heofon (nasg. m.) heaven 3/ 100; heofones (gsg. m.) 6/ 75; heofenes 11/ 64; heofonan (gsg. f.) 6/ 70; heofonas (apl.) 3/ 130; heofenas 11/ 103; heofona (gpl.) 11/ 45; heofonum (dpl.) 1/ 17, 28 *6/ 117, 172, 177 *11/ 140, 154; heofenum 2/ 39 *10/ 172 *11/ 85, 134 Heofonfeld (pn.) 6/ 25 heofonlecan → heofonlic heofonlic (adj. nasg. f.n.) heavenly 3/ 113 *6/ 116; heofonlican (gsg. n.) 3/ 72; heofonlecan (gdsg. n.) 3/ 132, 159; heofonlicre (dsg. f.) 1/ 31; heofonlicne (asg. m.) 11/ 148 heofonrı ¯ces (gsg. n.) heavenly kingdom 3/ 95 *11/ 91 [heofonrı ¯ce] heofonum → heofon he¯old, he¯oldan, he¯oldon → healdan heom → hı ¯e heonanforð (adv.) henceforth 7/ 16, 19 heonon (adv.) hence 8/ 81 *10/ 246 *11/ 132 heora → hı ¯e heord (asg. f.) care, custody 3/ 86 heorte (nsg. f.) heart 10/ 312; heortan (dsg.) 6/ 34, 167 *10/ 145 heorðgene¯atas (npl. m.) hearth-companion, retainer 10/ 204 [heorðgene¯at] heorðwerod (asg. n.) body of household retainers 10/ 24 he¯ow, he¯owan, he¯owon → he¯aweþ he¯r (adv.) here 1/ 7, 11 *2/ 1, 36, 46 etc. *5/ 29, 38 *6/ 107, 173 *7/ 55-56, 111, 129-133 *8/ 10 *9/ 1 *10/ 36, 51, 241 etc. *11/ 108, 137, 145 <?page no="303"?> 292 here (OE) here (dasg. m.) army, host 2/ 36, 39-40, 43 etc. *7/ 43, 86, 144 *10/ 292; heriges (gsg.) 9/ 31 heredon → herian herefle¯man (apl. m.) fugitive from an army 9/ 23 heregeatu (asg. f.) war-gear, heriot 10/ 48 heregian → herian herela¯ fum (dpl. m.) remnants of an army 9/ 47 herenesse (dsg. f.) praise 3/ 93; herenisse 3/ 169 [herenes] hergade → hergiað hergas; hergedan → herig; hergiað hergiað (pl.ps.) to plunder, lay waste 7/ 100; hergade (sg.pt.) to plunder, lay waste 2/ 83; hergedan (pl.pt.) 2/ 144 [hergian II] herian (I) to praise 8/ 43; heregian 7/ 123; herigean 3/ 95; heriað (pl.ps.) 8/ 44; heredon (sg.pt.) 8/ 57, 71 herig (asg. m.) temple, sanctuary 3/ 59; herige (dsg.) 3/ 57-58; hergas 3/ 45 herigean; heriges → herian; here he¯rto¯ e¯acan (adv.) besides 7/ 137 he¯t → ha¯ tan hete (nsg. m.) hatred, malice 7/ 45, 86 hetelı ¯ce (adv.) terribly, violently 2/ 59 *7/ 78 hetole (adj. npl.) hating, hostile 7/ 114 [hetol] he¯ton → ha¯ tan hettend (nsg. m.) enemy 9/ 10 hı ¯ → he¯o; hı ¯e hicgan (III) to think, consider, desire 10/ 4; hogode (sg.pt.) 6/ 71, 154 *10/ 128, 133; hogodon (pl.pt.) 10/ 123 hider (adv.) hither, here 2/ 101 *3/ 90 *8/ 105 *9/ 69 *10/ 57 *11/ 103; hieder 5/ 10 hı ¯e → he¯o hı ¯e (perspron. 3.napl.) they 1/ 6, 13 *2/ 13, 17, 20, 24, 26-31, 38-41, 48-49, 58, 64, 73 *3/ 17 *5/ 5, 8-9, 26-28, 35-37, 41-42, 49-51, 66 *11/ 32, 48, 60, 63-64, 66-68, 115-116, 132; hı ¯ 2/ 106, 110, 114, 118-120, 123, 133, 144-145, 149 *3/ 4 *4/ 22-23, 25-26, 42, 44 *6/ 15, 30, 32, 40, 50, 56, 68, 97, 102, 113, 119-121, 128, 147 *8/ 101, 112 *9/ 8, 48, 51 *10/ 19, 46, 63, 67-68, 82-85, 87, 108, 127, 180, 185, 196, 207, 209, 229, 260, 263, 283, 291, 307, 320 *11/ 46; hy¯ 3/ 155 *4/ 32, 39-40, 45-46 *7/ 8, 100, 104, 124-127, 143, 148-149 *8/ 100; he¯o (napl.) 3/ 45-46, 56, 82, 113, 144, 151, 154-156, 162; hı ¯g (napl.) 2/ 114 *8/ 74; hiera (gpl.) 2/ 16, 24-28, 35, 38; hiora 5/ 5-6, 12, 14, 26-27, 29, 35, 43-44; hira 1/ 29 *11/ 47; hyra 4/ 24 *10/ 20, 38, 70, 133, 184, 194, 204, 263-264, 299, 306; heora 2/ 117 *3/ 45-46, 52, 111, 143, 161 *5/ 41 *6/ 7, 17, 39, 41, 61, 100, 149-150 *7/ 126-127, 142-144, 149 *8/ 103 *9/ 47 *11/ 31, 155; him (dpl.) 1/ 31 *2/ 22, 24-26, 37, 48, 58 *3/ 8, 17, 42, 110, 112, 116, 144, 149, 157 *4/ 5, 18 *5/ 7, 29 *7/ 99 *9/ 7, 53, 60 *10/ 66, 197 *11/ 31, 83; heom 2/ 107, 130, 143-144 *8/ 59, 77, 102 hieder → hider hiene; hiera → he¯; hı ¯e Hierdebo¯ c (prn.) 5/ 57 hı ¯erran → he¯ahne hı ¯ersumedon → gehı ¯ersumodest hı ¯g → he¯o; hı ¯e hige (nsg. m.) mind, thought 10/ 4, 312 hiht → hyht hilde (dasg. f.) war, battle 10/ 8, 33, 48 etc. [hild] hilderinc (nsg. m.) warrior 9/ 39 *10/ 169; hilderincas (npl.) 11/ 61; hilderinca (gpl.) 11/ 72 him → he¯; hı ¯e hindan (adv.) from behind 2/ 59 *9/ 23 hine; hı ¯o → he¯; he¯o hı ¯oldon → healdan hiora → hı ¯e hira; hire → hı ¯e; he¯o hı ¯redmen (npl. m.) household follower 10/ 261 [hı ¯redman] his → he¯ hit (perspron. 3.nasg. n.) it 1/ 14 *2/ 17, 95, 101 etc. *3/ 24, 37, 57 etc. *4/ 14, 28, 34 etc. *5/ 20, 23, 37 *6/ 40, 55, 82, 94 etc. *7/ 3-5, 15, 41-42 etc. *8/ 28, 87-88, 113 *10/ 66, 137, 190 etc. *11/ 19, 22, 26, 97; hyt 4/ 29, 36 *8/ 98 hla¯ ford (nasg. m.) lord, master, ruler 2/ 26, 144 *6/ 134 *7/ 58, 93 *10/ 135, 189, 224, 240 *11/ 45; hla¯ fordes (gsg.) 6/ 7 *7/ 57; hla¯ forde (dsg.) 6/ 67 *7/ 80 *10/ 318 hla¯ fordle¯as (adj. nsg. m.) lordless 10/ 251 hla¯ fordswican (npl. m.) traitor of a lord 7/ 56 [hla¯fordswica] hla¯ fordswice (nsg. m.) treachery against a lord 7/ 57-58 hlehhan (6) to laugh, rejoice 9/ 47; hlo¯ h (sg.pt.) 10/ 147 hle¯o (nsg. m.) protector 10/ 74 hle¯op (sg.pt.) to leap onto, mount 3/ 54; gehle¯op 10/ 189 [hle¯apan 7] hle¯oðrode (sg.pt.) to speak, proclaim 11/ 26 [hle¯oðrian II] hlı ¯fige (sg.ps.) to rise up 11/ 85 [hlı ¯fian II] <?page no="304"?> 293 hlı ¯sa (nsg. m.) glory 6/ 151 hlı ¯sfullı ¯ce (adv.) gloriously 6/ 91 hlo¯ h → hlehhan hlu¯ ttre (adj. isg. n.) pure 3/ 166 [hlu¯ ttor] hna¯ g (sg.pt.) to bend down 11/ 59 [hnı ¯gan 1] ho¯ cere (dsg. n.) insult, derision 7/ 119 [ho¯ cor] ho¯ corwyrde (adj. npl.) derisive, scornful 7/ 115 hogode, hogodon → hicgan ho¯ l (nsg. n.) slander, malice 7/ 44 hold (adj. nsg. m.) friendly, loyal 2/ 144; holde (npl.) 2/ 149; holdost (asg. m. sup.) 10/ 24 holtes (gsg. n.) wood, forest 10/ 8 *11/ 29 [holt] holtwudu (asg. m.) tree 11/ 91 hond, honda → hand hondplegan (gsg. m.) combat 9/ 25 [hondplega] hord (asg. m.) hoard, treasure 9/ 10 ho¯ ringas (npl. m.) fornicator 7/ 132 [ho¯ ring] hornum (dpl. m.) horn 1/ 22 hors (nasg. n.) horse 4/ 31, 33, 37 *6/ 130 *10/ 2 hraðe (adv.) quickly, soon 1/ 3 *6/ 36; hraþe 3/ 40 *6/ 43; raðe 8/ 79 *10/ 30, 288; raþe 10/ 164; radost (sup.) 2/ 16 hrædest (adj. nsg. n. sup.) brief, quick 7/ 37, 134 hrædinge (dsg. f.) haste 7/ 138 hrædlı ¯ce (adv.) quickly 3/ 25 hræfn (asg. m.) raven 9/ 61; hremmas (npl.) 10/ 106 hrægle (dsg. n.) dress, garment 4/ 39 [hrægl] hr毯 w (nasg. n.) body, corpse 9/ 60 *11/ 53, 72 hre¯am (asg. m.) clamour 10/ 106 hre¯man (I) to boast 9/ 39 hre¯mige (adj. npl.) boasting, triumphant 9/ 59 [hre¯mig] hremmas → hræfn hre¯owcearig (adj. nsg. m.) sorrowful 11/ 25 hre¯owlı ¯ce (adv.) cruelly, wretchedly 7/ 34 hrepode (sg.pt.) to touch 6/ 133 [hrepian II] hrinen (ptp.) to touch 3/ 26 [hrı ¯nan 1] hringas (apl. m.) ring, ring-mail 10/ 161; ringe (dsg.) 8/ 112 [hring] hringlocan (apl. m.) linked rings of a corslet 10/ 145 hro¯ fe (dsg. m.) roof 3/ 100; ro¯ fes (gsg.) 6/ 145 hu¯ (adv., conj.) how 3/ 160 *5/ 3-4, 7-10, 23-24 etc. *6/ 71, 136, 176 *7/ 79, 138, 143 *10/ 19 Humbran (pn.) the River Humber 2/ 102, 106; Humbre 2/ 36 *5/ 12, 14 hund (num.) hundred 2/ 105 *8/ 67 hundum (dpl. m.) hound, dog 7/ 70 [hund] hunger (nsg. m.) hunger 7/ 43 hunig (nsg. n.) honey 4/ 16 hu¯ ru (adv.) certainly, indeed 4/ 11 *7/ 5, 53, 139 *11/ 10 (OE) hwon hu¯ s (nasg. n.) house 3/ 25, 85, 143 *6/ 145-146 *7/ 24, 31; hu¯ se (dsg.) 3/ 84, 116, 146 *6/ 142; hu¯ sum (dpl.) 4/ 24 hu¯ sl (asg. n.) eucharist, host 3/ 151, 153; hu¯ sles (gsg.) 3/ 152 hu¯ sum → hu¯ s hwa¯ (pron. nsg.) who 3/ 45, 47 *5/ 67 *10/ 71, 95, 124, 215; gehwa¯ each, every, everyone 7/ 139; hwæne (asg. m.) 10/ 2; gehwæne 9/ 9; gehwæs (gsg.) 3/ 97 hwanon (adv.) whence, from where 8/ 21; gehwanon 6/ 59; hwonon 3/ 111 hwa¯ r; hwæne → hw毯 r; hwa¯ hwænne (adv.) when 10/ 67 *11/ 136 hw毯 r (adv.) where 1/ 11 *5/ 67 *7/ 72 *11/ 112; hwa¯ r 8/ 82; swa¯ hw毯 r swa¯ wherever 6/ 74 hwæt (1) (pron. nsg. n.) what 3/ 29, 92, 111 *7/ 17, 101, 104 *8/ 17-18, 21, 103 *11/ 2, 116; (asg.) 10/ 45 ◆ col.: swa¯ hwæt swa¯ whatever 3/ 68 *6/ 35 *8/ 34, 64-65, 94 hwæt (2) (interj.) what, behold, listen 3/ 16, 26 *10/ 231 *11/ 1, 90 ◆ col.: hwæt ða¯ 6/ 28, 38; hwæt þa¯ 6/ 91, 116, 165; ono hwæt 3/ 41 hwæthwugu (pron. asg.) something 3/ 89 hwæðer (conj.) whether 2/ 136 *3/ 151; hwæþer 3/ 154 hwæðere (adv.) nevertheless, yet, still 11/ 57, 70, 101; hwæþere 3/ 2; hwæðre 3/ 74, 91, 142, 148 *11/ 18, 24, 38 etc. hwelc (adj., pron. nsg. f.) which, what kind of 3/ 10 *5/ 19; hwilcne (asg. m.) 8/ 107, 111; hwelce (npl.) 5/ 2; gehwelcum (dsg.) each, every, all 2/ 16; gehwilcum 6/ 150 *7/ 19; gehwylce 11/ 136; gehwylcum 11/ 108; hwylc (nasg.) 3/ 8, 152 *7/ 80; gehwylc 10/ 128, 257; hwylce (asg. f.) 3/ 108 ◆ col.: swa¯ hwelc swa¯ whoever 2/ 15 hwı ¯ → for hwider (adv.) ◆ col.: swa¯ hwider swa¯ whithersoever 6/ 49, 168 hwilcne → hwelc hwı ¯le (asg. f.) while, period, space of time 1/ 8 *4/ 24 *7/ 65, 138 *10/ 304 *11/ 24, 64, 70, 84 ◆ col.: ða¯ hwı ¯le ðe (conj.) 5/ 50 *10/ 272; þa¯ hwı ¯le þe 10/ 14, 83, 235; þa¯ wı ¯le (adv.) 2/ 47 [hwı ¯l] hwı ¯lum (adv.) at times, sometimes 4/ 21, 23 *5/ 57 *7/ 49, 89, 91, 96 *11/ 22-23; hwy¯ lum 4/ 27; hwı ¯lon 10/ 270 hwı ¯lwendlican (adj. asg. f.) transitory 6/ 71 [hwı ¯lwendlic] hwı ¯t (adj. asg. m.) white 9/ 63 hwon → for <?page no="305"?> 294 hwo¯ nlı ¯ce (OE) hwo¯ nlı ¯ce (adv.) moderately, little 6/ 72 hwonon → hwanon hwylc, hwylce → hwelc hwy¯ lum; hy¯ → hwı ¯lum; hı ¯e hyht (nsg. f.) hope 11/ 126; hiht 11/ 148 hyldan (I) to bow, bend 11/ 45 hym → he¯ hy¯ nan (I) to lay low, harm, humiliate 10/ 180; hy¯ nað (pl.ps.) 7/ 100; hy¯ nde (sg.pt.) 10/ 324; gehy¯ nede (ptp.) 7/ 33 hyra → hı ¯e hy¯ rað, hy¯ rde, hy¯ rdon → gehy¯ ran hyre → he¯o hyrnan (dsg. f.) corner 6/ 124 [hyrne] hyrnednebban (asg. m.) horny-billed, horn beaked 9/ 62 [hyrnednebba] hyrweð (sg.ps.) to abuse, deride 7/ 120, 122 [hyrwan I] hys → he¯ hyse (nsg. m.) young man, young warrior 10/ 152; hysses (gsg.) 10/ 141; hysas (npl.) 10/ 123; hyssas (napl.) 10/ 112, 169; hyssa (gpl.) 10/ 2, 128 hyt → hit hytte (sg.pt.) to hit, conquer 2/ 110 [hittan I] I ic (perspron. 1.nsg.) I 1/ 8, 11, 19, 25, 27 *3/ 11, 14-17, 35-37 etc. *5/ 13, 15, 17, 23 etc. *6/ 157-159, 162-163 *7/ 29, 151 *8/ 18, 20-21, 23, 26-28 etc. *10/ 117, 173-175, 179 etc. *11/ 1, 4, 13-14, 18, 20-21 etc.; mı ¯n (gsg.) 1/ 11-12, 27 *6/ 159 *8/ 17, 92, 108 *10/ 177, 218, 222, 224, 250 *11/ 78, 95, 130; me¯ (dasg.) 1/ 26 *3/ 17-18, 21, 88, 91-92, 153 *5/ 2, 36, 44 *6/ 160, 162 *8/ 19, 24-25, 28, 46-47 etc. *10/ 29, 55, 220, 223, 249 ect. *11/ 2, 4, 30-34, 42 etc. ◆ poss. adj.: mı ¯ne (npl.) 3/ 158 *8/ 26, 44; (asg. f.) 10/ 216; mı ¯nes (gsg. m.n.) 8/ 36, 66, 94 *10/ 53; mı ¯nre (gsg. f.) 1/ 30 *8/ 110; mı ¯num (dsg. m.n.) 5/ 58-59, 62 *8/ 26, 70 *10/ 176, 318 *11/ 30; mı ¯nne (asg. m.) 10/ 248 ı ¯delan (adj. dpl.) worthless, vain, idle 7/ 125; ı ¯dles (gsg. n.) 3/ 77; ı ¯dlan (asg. f.) 3/ 50 [ı ¯del] ieldran → eald ı ¯hte (sg.pt.) to add, increase 7/ 10 [ı ¯ecan I] ilce (adj., pron. nsg. n.) the same 2/ 28 *3/ 105; ylce (nsg. f.) 6/ 19; ilcan (dsg. f.) 1/ 4; ylcan (isg. m.) 4/ 25; (asg. f.) 6/ 20; (dsg. f.) 6/ 24, 88, 140; (dsg. m.) 6/ 76 [ilca] Ilfing (prn.) the River Elblag 4/ 11, 12, 13 in (1) (prep. (d.a.)) in, on 1/ 24 *3/ 15, 66, 69-70, 73, 80-81, 86, 93, 104-105, 114, 118, 120, 122, 124, 130, 134, 137, 143, 146, 168-170 *4/ 10-12 *11/ 154 in (2) (adv.) into, within, inside 2/ 97 *3/ 25 *8/ 1, 2, 14, 52, 84 *10/ 58, 157; inn 6/ 57 inbryrdnesse (asg. f.) inspiration, incitement 3/ 62; inbryrdnisse 3/ 70 [inbryrdnes] incan (dasg. m.) grievance, grudge 3/ 155-156 [inca] ingeþanc (asg. m.) conscience, inner thought 7/ 158 ingong (asg. m.) entrance, entry 3/ 160; ingonge (dsg.) 3/ 128 inl毯 dan (I) to bring in 3/ 144 inn → in (2) innan (adv., prep. (d.)) in, into, within 2/ 46, 49, 53 *7/ 30, 32; innon 8/ 54, 70 innanbordes (adv.) at home 5/ 6 inne (adv.) inside, within 2/ 41 *3/ 26, 150-151 *4/ 20, 24, 40 *7/ 23-24, 42, 86 innon → innan intinga (nsg. m.) cause 3/ 82 into¯ (prep. (d.)) into, to 2/ 97, 102, 106 etc. *6/ 121, 179 inwidda (nsg. m.) adversary 9/ 46 inwidhlemmas (npl. m.) malicious wound 11/ 47 [inwidhlemm] Io¯ hanne (prn.) 5/ 59 ı ¯ow → ge¯ I¯raland (pn.) 9/ 56; I¯rlande (dsg.) 6/ 151, 153 ı ¯ren (nsg. n.) iron 10/ 253 irnan (3) to run, hasten yrnende (psp.) 4/ 2; urnon (pl.pt.) 2/ 15 is → be¯on I¯saac (prn.) 1/ 2, 4, 7, 9-10, 23 ı ¯se (dsg. n.) ice 6/ 21 Israhe¯la (prn. gpl.) Israelites 3/ 127 iu¯ ; iugoðe → giu¯ ; gioguð iunga, iungan, iunge → geong K kyncg → cyning Kynegyls → Cynegyls kynerı ¯ces → cynerı ¯ce kyng, kynge, kyning, kyningas, kyninge → cyning L la¯ (interj.) lo, behold 7/ 17, 79, 101, 140 la¯ ce (dsg. n.) sacrifice, offering 1/ 23; la¯ cum (dpl.) 7/ 24 [la¯c] <?page no="306"?> 295 la¯ f (nsg. f.) remnant 2/ 43 *9/ 54; la¯ fe (dsg.) 2/ 113, 116, 118, 138 *4/ 26; la¯ fan (dpl.) 9/ 6 laga (npl. m.) law 7/ 38, 84; lage (dasg.) 7/ 19, 27, 51, 117; lagum (dpl.) 7/ 156 [lagu] la¯ gon → licgan lagustre¯amas (npl. m.) tidal stream 10/ 66 [lagustre¯am] lahbrycas (apl. m.) breach of the law 7/ 108 [lahbryce] lahlı ¯ce (adv.) lawfully 7/ 50 land (nasg. n.) land, country, earth, region 2/ 46 *4/ 4, 6-7 *6/ 151 *9/ 9, 27; lond 2/ 55 *5/ 10; landes (gsg.) 10/ 90, 275; londes 2/ 24; lande (dsg.) 1/ 3-4 *2/ 45, 64 *4/ 32 *7/ 9, 55, 59, 71 *8/ 95 *10/ 99; londe 5/ 38; landum (dpl.) 6/ 81 landhere (asg. m.) army 2/ 100 landum → land lanferde (dsg. f.) army 2/ 103 [landfyrd] lang → ymb lang (adj. nsg. n.) long 10/ 66; langa (nsg. m.) 10/ 273; langan (dsg. n.) 4/ 39; (asg. m.) 6/ 25; lange (dsg. f.) 11/ 24; langum (dsg. m.) 6/ 87 [lang] Langaland (pn.) Langeland 4/ 3 langan, lange → lang lange (adv.) long, for a long time 4/ 45 *6/ 135, 167 *7/ 30, 42, 86-87, 140 *8/ 101; longe 3/ 47 *5/ 64; lencg (comp.) 4/ 22; leng 7/ 4 *8/ 87, 109 *10/ 171; lengest (sup.) 2/ 3 langum → lang langunghwı ¯la (gpl. f.) time of longing or spiritual desire 11/ 126 [langunghwı ¯l] la¯ r (nsg. f.) teaching, doctrine 3/ 8, 10, 30 *5/ 37, 53; la¯ re (asg.) 3/ 38 *5/ 10 *7/ 51 *8/ 76, 93; (gsg.) 3/ 114 *6/ 153; (dsg.) 3/ 131 *5/ 8 *6/ 48, 87 *8/ 91, 96; la¯ ra (npl.) 7/ 38 la¯ re¯ow (nasg. m.) teacher 6/ 31 *8/ 66, 113; la¯ re¯owe (dsg.) 8/ 70; la¯ re¯owas (npl.) 3/ 125; la¯ re¯owa (gpl.) 5/ 16 la¯ st (asg. n.) track 9/ 22 late (adv.) late 2/ 39 latige (sg.ps. subj.) to delay, hesitate 7/ 139 [latian II] la¯ ð (adj. nsg. n.) hostile, loathesome 7/ 65; la¯ ðost (nsg. sup.) 11/ 88; la¯ þere (dsg. f.) 10/ 90; la¯ ðe (npl.) 7/ 38 *10/ 86; la¯ þre (asg. n. comp.) 10/ 50; la¯ þra (gpl.) 9/ 9; la¯ þum (dpl.) 9/ 22 la¯ ðet (sg.ps.) to loath, hate 7/ 123 [la¯ðettan I] la¯ ðost, la¯ þra, la¯ þum → la¯ ð l毯 dan (I) to lead, bring 10/ 88 *11/ 5; l毯 dað (pl.ps.) 7/ 101; l毯 dde (sg.pt.) 6/ 141; gel毯 dde 3/ 108; gel毯 ddon (pl.pt.) 2/ 60 (OE) le¯ofa L毯 den (asg. n.) the Latin language 5/ 56; L毯 dene (dsg.) 5/ 13 L毯 dengeðı ¯ode (dsg. n.) the Latin language 5/ 51; L毯 dengeðı ¯odes (gsg.) 5/ 53 L毯 denware (npl.) the Romans 5/ 42 l毯 fde (sg.pt.) to leave, bequeath 2/ 21; l毯 fdon (pl.pt.) 5/ 29; le¯fdon 5/ 21 [l毯 fan I] læg, l毯 ge, l毯 gon, l毯 gun → licgan L毯 land (pn.) Lolland 4/ 3 l毯 nan (adj. dsg. n.) transitory 11/ 109, 138 [l毯 ne] l毯 ne (dsg. n.) loan 5/ 67 [l毯 n] l毯 ran (I) to teach, advise 3/ 122 *5/ 52; l毯 re (1.sg.ps.) 3/ 39; (sg.ps. subj.) 5/ 51; l毯 rde (sg.pt.) 3/ 2, 119 *6/ 47 *10/ 311; l毯 red (ptp.) 3/ 9; gel毯 red 3/ 75 *6/ 153 *8/ 49; gel毯 rede (npl.) 5/ 65 *8/ 100; gel毯 redestan (apl. sup.) 3/ 109 lærig (nsg. m.) rim 10/ 284 l毯 ringcm毯 dene (dsg. n.) female pupil 8/ 113 l毯 s (adv. comp.) less 3/ 37 *7/ 89 ◆ col.: þe¯ l毯 s lest 7/ 140; þe¯ l毯 s þe 6/ 170; þe¯l毯 sþe 8/ 109; no¯ ht þon l毯 s nonetheless, nevertheless 3/ 14 l毯 sste, l毯 sta, l毯 stan → ly¯ tel l毯 t (sg.ps.) to let, allow, cause 7/ 91; le¯t (sg.pt.) 2/ 65 *7/ 143 *10/ 7, 140; le¯ton (pl.pt.) 10/ 108; le¯tan 9/ 60 [l毯 tan 7] lætre (adj. nsg. comp.) slack, lax 2/ 134 [læt] l毯 wede (adj. npl.) lay 7/ 50; l毯 wedum (dsg. n.) 6/ 51 le¯afe (asg. f.) leave, permission 8/ 37, 67 [le¯af] le¯asunge (gsg. f.) lie 3/ 77; le¯asunga (apl.) 7/ 111 lecgað (imp.pl.) to lay, set, place 8/ 70; leide (sg.pt.) 2/ 150; legdun (pl.pt.) 9/ 22; gele¯d (ptp.) 6/ 109 [lecgan I] le¯fdon → l毯 fde leg → licgan legdun → lecgað legere (dsg. n.) lying, illness 4/ 39 [leger] lehtreð (sg.ps.) to blame 7/ 120 [leahtrian II] leide → lecgað lencg, leng, lengest → lange lengtene (dsg. m.) lent, spring 2/ 150 [lencten] le¯ode (napl. f.m.) people 6/ 7, 15, 46, 82 *7/ 146; le¯oda 6/ 29, 31, 118 *9/ 11 *10/ 37; le¯odum (dpl.) 7/ 26 *10/ 50 *11/ 88; le¯odon 10/ 23 le¯odhatan (npl. m.) persecutor, tyrant 7/ 114 [le¯odhata] le¯odon, le¯odum → le¯ode le¯ofa (nsg. m.) dear, beloved 8/ 63 *11/ 78, 95; le¯ofe (nsg. f.) 8/ 19, 32, 38, 89; le¯ofne (asg. m.) 10/ 7, 208; le¯ofan (npl. m.) 3/ 158 *7/ 3; <?page no="307"?> 296 le¯ofa (OE) (dsg. m.) 10/ 319; le¯ofra (nsg. m. comp.) 2/ 26; le¯ofesta (nsg. m. sup.) 8/ 17; le¯ofost (nsg. n.) 10/ 23 leofað (sg.ps.) to live 6/ 172; lifiaþ (pl.ps.) 11/ 134; lifiendne (psp. asg. m.) 7/ 59; lifigendan (dsg. m.) 6/ 29; leofode (sg.pt.) 6/ 47, 51, 167 [libban III] le¯ofe, le¯ofesta, le¯ofne → le¯ofa leofode; le¯ofost, le¯ofra → leofað; le¯ofa Le¯ofsunu (prn.) 10/ 244 Le¯ofwine (prn.) 2/ 73 le¯oht (nsg. n.) light 6/ 116 *8/ 88; le¯ohte (dsg.) 11/ 5 leomu → limum leornade → leornian leorneras (apl. m.) scholar 3/ 110 [leornere] leornian (II) to learn, study 6/ 49 *8/ 93; geleornian 3/ 123; leornade 3/ 76; geleornode (sg.pt.) 3/ 69; geleornade 3/ 81; geleornede 8/ 97; geliornode 5/ 58; leornodon (pl.pt.) 3/ 125; geliornodon 5/ 41-42; geleornod (ptp.) 8/ 47; geleornad 3/ 11; geliornod 5/ 34, 60 leornunga (dsg. f.) learning 8/ 109; liornunga 5/ 8, 50 [leornung] le¯oð (asg. n.) song 3/ 81, 110, 124, 133; (apl.) 3/ 67, 74; le¯oþes (gsg.) 3/ 77; le¯oðe (dsg.) 3/ 116 le¯oðcræft (asg. m.) poetic art 3/ 75 le¯oðe, le¯oþes → le¯oð le¯oþsonges (gsg. m.) song, poem 3/ 115; le¯oþsongum (dpl.) 3/ 71 [le¯opsong] le¯t, le¯tan, le¯ton → l毯 t le¯we (dsg. f.) blemish, injury 7/ 127 [le¯w] lı ¯c (nsg. n.) body, corpse 2/ 34, 45, 78 *4/ 24 *6/ 88; lı ¯ces 11/ 63 lı ¯cað (sg.ps.) to please 8/ 80; lı ¯code (sg.pt.) 8/ 59 [lı ¯cian II] lı ¯ces → lı ¯c licgan (5) to lie, lie dead 10/ 319; ligeð (sg.ps.) 4/ 14 *10/ 222; lı ¯ð 4/ 10, 20, 30 *6/ 110 *10/ 232, 314; lı ¯þ 2/ 34, 45, 78; licge (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 83; licgende (psp.) 6/ 135 *11/ 24; licgað (pl.ps.) 4/ 23, 45; læg (sg.pt.) 2/ 22 *6/ 21 *9/ 17 *10/ 157, 204, 227, 294; leg 10/ 276; l毯 ge (sg.pt. subj.) 10/ 279, 300; l毯 gon (pl.pt.) 2/ 17; l毯 gun 9/ 28; la¯ gon 10/ 112, 183 lı ¯chomlicre (dsg. f.) bodily 3/ 141 [lı ¯chomlic] lı ¯code → lı ¯cað lı ¯creste (dsg. f.) hearse 6/ 115 [lı ¯crest] lides (gsg. n.) ship 9/ 27, 34 [lid] lidmen (npl. m.) sailor, shipman 10/ 99; lidmanna (gpl.) 10/ 164 [lidmann] lı ¯f (nasg. n.) life 1/ 27 *3/ 22, 28, 138, 165 *6/ 154, 159 *7/ 49 *10/ 208 *11/ 147; lı ¯fes (gsg.) 3/ 4, 39, 72, 160 *6/ 33, 99 *11/ 88, 126; lı ¯fe (dsg.) 6/ 173 *7/ 58 *11/ 109, 138 lifiaþ, lifiendne, lifigendan → leofað ligeð → licgan lı ¯hte (sg.pt.) to dismount 10/ 23 [lı ¯htan I] limum (dpl. m.n.) limb 6/ 133, 138; leomu (apl.) 3/ 87 [lim] limwe¯rigne (adj. asg. m.) weary of limb, exhausted 11/ 63 [limwe¯rig] linde (apl. f.) linden-wood shield 10/ 99; (asg.) 10/ 244 [lind] Lindesı ¯ge (pn.) Lindsey 6/ 113; Lindesse 2/ 89 Lindisfarne¯a (pn.) Lindisfarne 6/ 106 liornunga → leornunga lı ¯thwo¯ n (adv.) little 6/ 153 lı ¯tle → ly¯ tel lı ¯tle (adv.) little 8/ 64 lı ¯ð, lı ¯þ → licgan liðe (dsg. n.) fleet 2/ 43 [lið] lo¯ cað (sg.ps.) to look, see, gaze 7/ 91; lo¯ cude (sg.pt.) 2/ 12 [lo¯ cian II] lof (asg. n.) praise, glory 3/ 161, 168 *6/ 86 lond, londe, londes → land longe → lange losige (sg.ps. subj.) to perish 6/ 170 [losian II] lucon (pl.pt.) to lock, close 10/ 66 [lu¯ can 2] lufan → lufe lufast → lufian lufe (dsg. f.) love 8/ 62, 86; lufan (dsg.) 3/ 135 [lufu] lufian (II) to love, cherish 7/ 123, 155; lufigean 3/ 118; lufast (2.sg.ps.) 1/ 2; lufiað (pl.ps.) 7/ 121; lufigend (psp.) 8/ 76; lufode (sg.pt.) 6/ 47, 72, 113; lufodon (pl.pt.) 5/ 20-21, 28 luflı ¯ce (adv.) affectionately 5/ 1 lufode, lufodon → lufian Lundenbyrig (pn.) London 2/ 87; Lundene 2/ 131, 141 lust (asg. m.) pleasure 7/ 51 ly¯ fdest (2.sg.pt.) to allow 8/ 64 [lı ¯efan I] lyft (asg. f.) air, sky 11/ 5 ly¯ san (I) to release, redeem 10/ 37 *11/ 41 ly¯ t (nsg. n.) little 2/ 115 lytegian (II) to use guile, deceive 10/ 86 ly¯ tel (adj. asg. n.) little 7/ 21; ly¯ telre (dsg. f.) 7/ 36; lı ¯tle (isg. m.) 9/ 34; ly¯ tle 2/ 8, 80; (asg. f.) 5/ 26; (npl.) 7/ 8; ly¯ tlum (dsg. m.) 6/ 9 ◆ sup.: l毯 sste (nsg. n.) 3/ 27; l毯 sta (nsg. m.) 4/ 30; l毯 stan (asg. m.) 4/ 35 ly¯ tlað (sg.ps.) to diminish 10/ 313 [ly¯ tlian II] <?page no="308"?> 297 ly¯ ðre (asg. f.) wicked, base 7/ 147 M ma¯ → micel Maccus (prn.) 10/ 80 magan (prps.) to be able to, can 7/ 127, 137, 141; mæg (sg.ps.) 3/ 38, 47 *5/ 15, 29 *7/ 47, 79, 105, 129 *10/ 215, 258, 315 *11/ 85, 110; miht (2.sg.ps.) 11/ 78; mæge (sg.ps. subj.) 5/ 18-19 *7/ 55 *8/ 28, 83 *10/ 235; magon (pl.ps.) 4/ 44 *5/ 47 *8/ 78; mægen (pl.ps. subj.) 5/ 47, 49-50; mihte (sg.pt.) 2/ 98 *6/ 18, 31, 43, 148 *10/ 9, 14, 64, 70, 124, 167, 171 *11/ 37; meahte (sg.pt.) 3/ 51, 74, 78, 114, 123, 142, 147 *5/ 61 *11/ 18; mehte (sg.pt. subj.) 7/ 138; meahton (pl.pt.) 5/ 26 ma¯ gum; man → m毯 g; mann man (imp.pron.) one, someone, anyone 2/ 94, 98, 108, 136-137, 142 *4/ 14, 38, 42, 46 *5/ 9 *6/ 22, 54, 56, 61, 90, 114, 120, 123, 144 *7/ 10, 18, 20, 22, 26-27, 40, 57-58, 60-61, 63-64, 119-120, 122-123, 137 *10/ 9 *11/ 73, 75; mon 5/ 29, 51-52 ma¯ na (gpl. n.) evil deed, crime 7/ 134 [ma¯n] mancessa (gpl. m.) mancus (silver coin) 5/ 63 mancynn (asg. n.) humankind, mankind, people 11/ 104; mancyn 11/ 41; mancynnes (gsg.) 11/ 33, 99; moncynnes 3/ 126; monncynnes 3/ 101 ma¯ nd毯 da (gpl. f.) evil deed 3/ 135; (apl.) 7/ 106 [ma¯nd毯 d] manega, manege, manegum → manig manian (II) to urge, admonish 10/ 228; gemanode (ptp.) 10/ 231 manig (adj., pron. nsg. f.) many 4/ 15; mænig (nsg. m.) 9/ 17 *10/ 282; manigne (asg. m.) 10/ 243; mænigne 10/ 188; manega (npl.) 6/ 149 *10/ 200; mænege 7/ 33, 62; mænige 7/ 76; monige 3/ 14, 73 *5/ 14, 54; monig (napl.) 3/ 105, 132-133, 168; manege 2/ 153 *7/ 11, 56, 68, 114 etc.; manigra (gpl.) 11/ 41; monigra 3/ 71; manegum (dpl.) 6/ 125, 178 *11/ 99; monegum 3/ 128 manigeo → mengeo manigfealdum (dpl. f.) manifold, various 5/ 55; mænigfealde (apl.) 7/ 105, 149; mænigfealdre (nsg. n. comp.) 7/ 75 manigne, manigra → manig mann (nasg. m.) person, man 6/ 136, 169; man 2/ 106, 51 *4/ 20, 30, 33, 42 *6/ 21, 33, 129 *7/ 64 *8/ 8, 10, 12, 17, 19 *10/ 77, 147, 239, 243 *11/ 112; mon 3/ 75, 80, 87, 136 *5/ 63; mannes (gsg.) 4/ 40 *6/ 165; men (dsg.) 3/ 109 (OE) mænige *6/ 152 *10/ 319; menn (napl.) 4/ 31 *5/ 36 *6/ 122, 149 *7/ 118 *11/ 82, 93; men 2/ 9, 21, 32, 94-95, 141, 153 *3/ 118, 134 *4/ 17, 22, 45 *6/ 48, 127 *7/ 3, 34, 63 *8/ 3, 43-44, 71, 73, 82 *10/ 105, 125, 206 *11/ 12, 128; mænn 7/ 104; manna (gpl.) 2/ 129 *3/ 22 *6/ 20, 36 *7/ 9, 19, 52, 97 *8/ 20, 68 *10/ 195; monna 2/ 76 *3/ 28, 48, 72, 143 *5/ 49; mannum (dpl.) 2/ 127, 150 *6/ 125, 128 *7/ 8, 48, 79 *8/ 69, 76 *11/ 96, 102; monnum 3/ 75, 159 *5/ 21, 46 mannslagan (npl. m.) manslayer 7/ 130 [mannslage] mannsylena (apl. f.) selling of people 7/ 107 [mannsylen] mannum → mann manslyhtas (apl. m.) manslaughter, murder 7/ 109 [mansliht] ma¯ nsworan (npl. m.) perjurer 7/ 131 [ma¯nswora] ma¯ ra, ma¯ ran, ma¯ re → micel Marı ¯an (prn.) St Mary 11/ 92 Maserfelda (pn.) 6/ 97 Mathei → sanct maþelode (sg.pt.) to make a speech 10/ 42, 309 [maðelian II] ma¯ ðma (gpl. m.) treasure 5/ 25 [ma¯ðum] m毯 ca → me¯ce m毯 den (nasg. n.) maiden, virgin 6/ 135-136 *8/ 22, 27, 34, 63, 77, 79, 83, 86, 89; m毯 dene (dsg.) 8/ 96 mæg → magan m毯 g (nsg. m.) kinsman, kin, parent 2/ 26 *6/ 69 *10/ 5, 114, 224, 287; m毯 ges (gsg.) 6/ 95; m毯 gas (npl.) 2/ 25; m毯 ga (gpl.) 9/ 40; m毯 gum (dpl.) 2/ 27; ma¯ gum 4/ 21 *6/ 3 mæge, mægen → magan mægen (nsg. n.) might, strength, power; army 10/ 313; mægenes (gsg.) 3/ 12; mægna (apl.) 8/ 94; mægnum (dpl.) 6/ 52 m毯 ges → m毯 g mægna, mægnum → mægen m毯 gr毯 sas (apl. m.) attack on kinsmen 7/ 109 [m毯 græs] m毯 gslagan (npl. m.) slayer of a kinsman 7/ 130 [m毯 gslaga] m毯 gð (nsg. f.) tribe 4/ 44; m毯 gðe (dsg.) 7/ 83 m毯 gum → m毯 g m毯 la (gpl. n.) speech 10/ 212 [m毯 l] m毯 lde (sg.pt.) to speak 10/ 26, 43, 210; gem毯 lde 10/ 230, 244 [m毯 lan I] mænege, mænig, → manig mænige → manig; mengeo <?page no="309"?> 298 mænigfealde (OE) mænigfealde, mænigfealdre → manigfealdum mænigne → manig mænn → mann m毯 re (adj. nsg. f.n.) famous, renowned 6/ 27 *9/ 14 *11/ 12, 82; m毯 res (gsg. n.) 6/ 33; m毯 ran (dsg. m.) 11/ 69 m毯 rþa (apl. f.) glory 7/ 161 [m毯 rðu] mæsse毯 fen (asg. m.) eve of a festival 2/ 123 mæssepre¯ost (nsg. m.) mass-priest 6/ 152, 165; mæssepre¯oste (dsg.) 5/ 59; mæsseprı ¯oste 5/ 59 mæsserbanan (npl. m.) murderer of a priest 7/ 130 [mæsserbana] m毯 st, m毯 stan, m毯 ste → micel m毯 te (adj. isg. n.) small, inferior 11/ 69, 124 m毯 ð (nsg. f.) respect, honour, fitness 10/ 195; m毯 þe (gsg.) 7/ 25; (asg.) 7/ 64 me¯ → ic meahte → magan; mihte meahton → magan mearh (asg. m.) horse 10/ 188; me¯are (dsg.) 10/ 239 me¯ce (asg. m.) sword 10/ 167, 236; m毯 ca (gpl.) 9/ 40; me¯cum (dpl.) 9/ 24 medmicel (asg. n.) short, moderate 3/ 164; medmiclum (dsg.) 3/ 28, 69 medo (nasg. m.) mead 4/ 18-19; meodo (dsg.) 10/ 212 mehte; men → magan; mann mengeo (nsg. f.) multitude 5/ 25; manigeo (dsg.) 11/ 151; mænige (dsg.) 11/ 112 menn → mann menniscnesse (dsg. f.) incarnation 3/ 129 [menniscnes] menniscum (adj. dsg. n.) human 6/ 114 meodo → medo meolc (asg. f.) milk 4/ 17 Me¯ore (pn.) Möre (Sweden) 4/ 6 me¯oses (gsg. n.) moss 6/ 23 Meotodes → metod Merantu¯ ne (pn.) Merton 2/ 8; Meretune 2/ 73 mere (dsg. m.) mere, lake, pool 4/ 11, 14 *9/ 54 Meretune → Merantu¯ ne mergen → morgenne Metod (nsg. m.) God, Lord, Creator 10/ 175; Meotodes (gsg. m.) 3/ 96; Metode (dsg.) 10/ 147 metsunge (asg. f.) provisions 2/ 99 [metsung] me¯tte (sg.pt.) to meet 3/ 37; geme¯tte 2/ 58, 104 *6/ 142; me¯tton (pl.pt.) 2/ 22, 50 [me¯tan I] mettrume (adj. apl.) sick 6/ 122 [medtrum] me¯ðe (adj. asg. m.) worn out 11/ 65; (npl.) 11/ 69 meþelstede (dsg. m.) meeting-place 10/ 199 micclan, miccle, miccles, micclum → micel micclum (adv.) much 6/ 113, 119; miclum 2/ 12 *4/ 43 micel (adj. nasg.) much, great, big 2/ 37, 61, 74, 127, 142 *5/ 25 *6/ 144 *7/ 17-18, 21, 58, 137, 153; mycel 4/ 9, 15-16, 18 *11/ 130, 139; miccles (gsg. n.) 10/ 217; mycelne (asg. m.) 2/ 124; micelne 2/ 99; micle (dsg. n.) 3/ 36 *11/ 34; (nsg. f.) 2/ 40, 60; (npl.) 7/ 55, 74; miccle (isg. n.) 10/ 50; mycle 11/ 60, 123; micclan (dsg. m.n.) 2/ 56 *6/ 18; micclum (dsg. m.) 6/ 92; miclum (dpl.) 2/ 5; (dsg.) 2/ 43; micelre (dsg. f.) 3/ 138 *6/ 55 *8/ 57; mycelre (dsg. f.) 6/ 51; miclan (asg. m.) 7/ 160 *11/ 65, 102; (dsg. m.) 7/ 17-18; (dpl.) 7/ 14; micelan (dpl.) 7/ 15 ◆ comp.: ma¯ 3/ 17 *4/ 27 *5/ 38 *7/ 89, 112 *9/ 46 *10/ 195; ma¯ ra 5/ 38; ma¯ ran 3/ 15-16 *4/ 22; ma¯ re 1/ 27 *7/ 54, 75, 79 *9/ 65 *10/ 313 ◆ col.: þe¯ ma¯ þe any more than 7/ 48; þon ma¯ þe 2/ 29 ◆ sup.: m毯 st 2/ 86 *7/ 53-54, 57 *10/ 223; m毯 ste (asg. f.) 10/ 175; m毯 stan 3/ 70 *4/ 28, 34 *8/ 68 Michæles → Sanct miclan, micle → micel micle (adv.) much 3/ 36 *4/ 22 miclum → micclum; micel mid → eall (1) mid (prep. (d.a.i.)) with, together with, amid, among, by 1/ 4, 8, 31 *2/ 9, 25, 28-29 etc. *3/ 3-4, 7, 23, etc. *4/ 19-21, 36, 38-39 etc. *5/ 7, 31, 47, 66 *6/ 4, 9, 15, 18 etc. *7/ 8, 14, 26, 47 etc. *8/ 5, 12, 18, 22, 42 etc. *9/ 26, 37, 47 *10/ 14, 21, 23, 32, 40 etc. *11/ 7, 14, 16, 20, 22-23 etc. ◆ col.: mid ealle (adv.) entirely 6/ 60; mid þa¯ m þe (conj.) when, as 1/ 16 *6/ 131; mid þy¯ þe 3/ 44; mid þy¯ 3/ 148; midþı ¯ðe 8/ 14; midþı ¯þe 8/ 6; midþy¯ þe 8/ 31-32, 61 middangeard (nasg. m.) middle earth, world 3/ 101, 167 *11/ 104; middangeardes (gsg.) 3/ 126 middanwintre (dsg. m.n.) midwinter, Christmas 2/ 92; midwintres dæg Christmas 2/ 146 [middanwinter] middeneaht (asg. f.) midnight 3/ 150; midre nihte 11/ 2 midþı ¯ðe, midþı ¯þe, midþy¯ þe → mid midwintres → middanwintre Mierce (pn.) Mercia, the Mercians 2/ 46, 49, 51 etc.; Myrce 9/ 24; Miercna (gpl.) (of the) Mercians 2/ 47; Myrcena 6/ 95-96; Myrcena lande 6/ 179; Myrcan (dpl.) 6/ 112; Myrcon 10/ 217 <?page no="310"?> 299 miht, mihte → magan mihte (asg. f.) might, power, strength, virtue 3/ 16; (dsg.) 11/ 102; meahte (asg.) 3/ 96 [miht] mihtig (adj. nsg. m.) mighty, powerful 11/ 151 mı ¯la → mı ¯le milde (adj. nsg. m.) merciful 10/ 175 mı ¯le (dsg. f.) mile 4/ 28, 30; mı ¯la (gpl.) 4/ 11; mı ¯lum (dpl.) 4/ 32 [mı ¯l] mı ¯n, mı ¯ne, mı ¯nes, mı ¯nne, mı ¯nre, mı ¯num → ic misbe¯odan (2) to ill-treat, harm 7/ 26 misd毯 da (ngapl. f.) misdeed 7/ 106, 126, 134; misd毯 dum (dpl.) 7/ 142; misd毯 dan 7/ 119 [misd毯 d] mislı ¯ce (adv.) variously 2/ 115 mislicum (adj. dpl.) various 5/ 55 *6/ 122; mistlice (apl.) 7/ 56, 110-111 [mislic] mislı ¯cyge (sg.ps. subj. impv.) to displease 8/ 113 [mislı ¯cian II] mislimpe (sg.ps. subj.) to go wrong 7/ 103 [mislimpan 3] mistlice → mislicum misðingð (sg.ps. impv.) to err 8/ 9 [misðyncan II] mo¯ d (nasg. n.) heart, mind, spirit 3/ 72, 154 *8/ 62 *10/ 313; mo¯ de (dsg.) 3/ 149, 166 *5/ 31 *6/ 37, 42 *11/ 122, 130 mo¯ dgeþanc (asg. m.) plan 3/ 96 mo¯ dig (nsg. m.) spirited, brave, proud 11/ 41; mo¯ di 10/ 147; mo¯ digan (asg. m.) 6/ 13, 17; mo¯ dige (npl.) 10/ 80 mo¯ diglı ¯ce (adv.) bravely 10/ 200 mo¯ dor (asg. f.) mother 7/ 73 *11/ 92 mo¯ dsefa (nsg. m.) mind, spirit 11/ 124 moldan (asg. f.) earth 6/ 148 *11/ 12, 82 [molde] moldern (asg. n.) tomb 11/ 65 mon → man; mann monade (sg.pt.) to admonish 3/ 119 [manian II] mo¯ naþ (apl. m.) month 2/ 72, 80; mo¯ nað (asg.) 4/ 21 moncynnes, monncynnes → mancynn monegum, monig, monige, monigra → manig monna, monnum → mann morgengife (asg. f.) morning gift 8/ 110 [morgengifu] morgenne (dsg. m.) morning 2/ 19 *3/ 107, 116; mergen (asg.) 6/ 16, 119 [morgen] morgentı ¯d (asg. f.) morning 9/ 14 Morkere (prn.) 2/ 107, 132, 140, 152 morðd毯 da (apl. f.) murder, deadly deed 7/ 106 [morðd毯 d] morþorwyrhtan (npl. m.) murderer 7/ 131 [morðorwyrhta] (OE) na¯ mon mo¯ st, mo¯ ste, mo¯ ston → mo¯ t mo¯ t (prps. 1.sg.ps.) to be able, be allowed to, must 11/ 142; mo¯ st (2.sg.ps.) 10/ 30; mo¯ ton (pl.ps.) 10/ 180; mo¯ tan 4/ 36 *7/ 15; mo¯ te (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 13 *8/ 12, 93 *10/ 95, 177 *11/ 127; mo¯ ste (sg.pt.) 3/ 52 *6/ 158 *8/ 64 *10/ 272; mo¯ ston (pl.pt.) 6/ 119 *10/ 83, 87, 263 Moyses (prn. gsg.) Moses 3/ 127 mundbyrd (nsg. f.) hope 11/ 130 munde (dsg. f.) security, protection 7/ 25 [mund] munucha¯ d (asg. m.) monastic orders, monastic life 3/ 119 munuclı ¯ce (adv.) monkishly 6/ 51 munuclicre (adj. dsg. f.) monastic 6/ 34 murcnunge (asg. f.) grief 8/ 36 [murcnung] murnan (3) to care about, reck 10/ 259; murnon (pl.pt.) 10/ 96 mu¯ ðe (dsg. m.) mouth 3/ 125 [mu¯ ð] mycel, mycelne, mycelre, mycle → micel mylenscearpan (dpl. m.) sharpened on a grindstone 9/ 24 myltestran (npl. f.) whore 7/ 131 [myltestre] mynster (asg. n.) monastery, church 3/ 120 *6/ 69; mynstre (dsg.) 3/ 66 *5/ 64 *6/ 109, 113 ◆ col.: Ealdan Mynstre 6/ 90 mynsterhatan (npl. m.) persecutor of monasteries 7/ 130 [mynsterhata] mynsterlice (apl. f.) monastic 6/ 55 mynstermen (npl. m.) monk 6/ 119; mynstermenn 6/ 114 mynstre → mynster my¯ ran (dsg. f.) mare 3/ 53 *4/ 17 [my¯ re] Myrcan, Myrce, Myrcena, Myrcon → Mierce myrcelse (dsg. m.f.) trophy 6/ 103 [myrcels] myrhða (apl. f.) mirth, joy 7/ 162 [myhrð] N na¯ (adv.) no, not (at all) 2/ 84 *7/ 124, 135 *8/ 47, 87, 108 *10/ 21, 258, 268, 325 ◆ col.: na¯ ne 7/ 63, 104, 127, 139 nabbe → habban na¯ h → a¯ gan na¯ ht (adv.) not 3/ 90; no¯ ht 3/ 60, 77, 89 *5/ 14 nales (adv.) not at all 3/ 75 nam → niman nama (nsg. m.) name 10/ 267; naman (gdasg.) 1/ 1 *4/ 13 *5/ 21, 63 *6/ 80 *7/ 140 *8/ 25-26, 32 *11/ 113; (apl.) 8/ 109; noman (dsg.) 3/ 88 na¯ mon → niman <?page no="311"?> 300 na¯ n (OE) na¯ n (adj., pron. nasg. m.n.) none, not one, not any 2/ 50, 94, 100 *5/ 63 *6/ 18, 96, 169, 171 *7/ 103 *8/ 3, 7; na¯ nes (gsg. n.) 6/ 34; na¯ nre (dsg. f.) 5/ 50; na¯ num (dpl. m.) 8/ 10; (dsg. m.) 9/ 25 na¯ nwuht (adj., pron. asg. n.) nothing 5/ 26; na¯ wiht 3/ 12; no¯ wiht 3/ 36 na¯ st, na¯ t → witan na¯ þor (conj.) neither 7/ 51 na¯ wiht → na¯ nwuht n毯 fre (adv.) never 2/ 27 *3/ 77, 81, 94 *8/ 79 næfð → habban nægledcnearrum (dpl. m.) nailed ship 9/ 53 [nægledcnearr] næglum (dpl. m.) nail 11/ 46 [nægl] n毯 nig (adj., pron. nasg. m.n.) no 2/ 16, 26 *3/ 13, 74, 81 *4/ 18; n毯 nigne (asg. m.) 3/ 156; n毯 nne 5/ 35 n毯 re, n毯 ren, n毯 ron, næs → be¯on ne → na¯ ne (adv., part.) not 1/ 19 *2/ 29, 51, 84 etc. *3/ 12-13, 26, 29 etc. *4/ 18, 45 *5/ 15, 20-21, 26 etc. *6/ 18, 43, 63, etc. *7/ 20-23, 26, 40, etc. *8/ 3, 7, 10, 21, etc. *9/ 24, 39, 44, 46 etc. *10/ 21, 34, 48, 59 etc. *11/ 10, 35, 42, 45 etc.; ne . . . ne (conj.) neither . . . nor 1/ 18 *5/ 64; no¯ hwæðer ne . . . ne 5/ 20 ne¯ah (adj., adv.) near 3/ 148, 152, 160; ne¯h 10/ 103; ny¯ hst (sup.) 4/ 30, 35; ny¯ hstan 7/ 144 *8/ 100 neahte → niht ne¯al毯 cte, ne¯al毯 cð → ne¯ale¯can ne¯ale¯can (I) to draw near, approach 3/ 83; gene¯ale¯can 6/ 99; ne¯al毯 cð (sg.ps.) 7/ 3; ne¯al毯 cte (sg.pt.) 3/ 140; ne¯ale¯hte 3/ 57; gene¯al毯 hton (pl.pt.) 6/ 98 ne¯ata (gpl. n.) animal 3/ 85 [ne¯at] ne¯aweste (dsg. f.) neighbourhood 3/ 143 ne¯de → ne¯od ne¯h → ne¯ah nellað, nelle → willan (2) nemnde (sg.pt.) to call, name, appoint 3/ 88; nemned (ptp.) 3/ 62; genemned 5/ 56 [nemnan I] ne¯od (nsg. f.n.) need 7/ 140; ne¯ode (dsg.) 2/ 141 *8/ 25; ne¯de (dsg. n.) 9/ 33 ne¯odlı ¯cor (adv. comp.) diligently 3/ 13 ne¯otan (II (g.)) to use 10/ 308 ne¯ten (npl. n.) animal 3/ 123; ny¯ tena (gpl.) 6/ 20 nı ¯edbeðearfosta (adj. npl. sup.) necessary 5/ 45 nigoðan (ord.) ninth 6/ 93 niht → seofon niht (asg. f.) night 2/ 57, 59, 62, 70 *6/ 118 *8/ 86; neahte (gdsg.) 3/ 86, 145; nihte (dsg.) 1/ 4 *6/ 24; nihtum (dpl.) 4/ 2; nihtan 2/ 66 nihte → middeneaht niman (4) to take (away), grip, seize 10/ 39, 252; nim (imp.sg.) 1/ 2 *8/ 112; nimð (sg.ps.) 4/ 35; nimað (pl.ps.) 4/ 41 *8/ 77; nam (sg.pt.) 2/ 43, 59, 87 etc. *6/ 84 *8/ 51, 111; nom 3/ 54; genam 6/ 62, 105 *8/ 54; gena¯ me (sg.pt. subj.) 10/ 71; na¯ mon (pl.pt.) 2/ 47, 51, 53 etc. *6/ 127; gena¯ man 11/ 30; gena¯ mon 11/ 60; genumen (ptp.) 4/ 35 nis → be¯on nı ¯wan (adv.) newly 3/ 18 nı ¯we (adj. nsg. f.) new 3/ 8, 30 no¯ ht → l毯 s; na¯ ht no¯ hwæðer → ne nolde, noldest, noldon → willan (2) nom; noman → niman; nama Norhymbra land → Norðhymbra Normandı ¯ge (pn.) Normandy 2/ 122, 151 Normen (prn.) 2/ 108, 113; Normenn (apl.) 2/ 110; Norna (gpl.) 2/ 116 norð (adv.) north 4/ 14 *9/ 38 Norþanhymbra → Norþhymbre norþerna (nsg. m.) northern 9/ 18 Norþhymbre (pn.) Northumbria, Northumbrians 2/ 37, 89; Norþanhymbra (gpl.) 2/ 42; Norðhymbra (prn.) 6/ 5, 83, 104; Norðhymbran (adj.) 6/ 7; Norðhymbriscum (dsg.) 6/ 43; Norðhymbron (dpl.) 10/ 266 ◆ col.: Norhymbra land 6/ 45; Norðhymbra lande 6/ 2 Norþmen (prn.) norsemen 9/ 53; Norðmanna (gpl.) 9/ 33 Norwegon (prn.) Norwegians 2/ 105 note (dsg. f.) occupation 5/ 50 [notu] no¯ wiht → na¯ nwuht nu¯ (adv., conj.) now, now that 1/ 19-20, 26-27 *3/ 10, 37, 39, 47 etc. *5/ 10, 16, 30, 48, 65 *6/ 157-158, 160-161 etc. *7/ 7, 27, 42, 47-48 etc. *8/ 24, 33, 36, 44 etc. *10/ 57, 93, 175, 215 etc. *11/ 78, 80, 84, 95 etc. ny¯ de (adv.) of necessity, necessarily 7/ 5, 17 ny¯ dgyld (npl. n.) forced tax 7/ 84 ny¯ dma¯ gan (asg. f.) close kinswoman 7/ 91 ny¯ dþearf (nsg. f.) need, necessity 7/ 19 ny¯ hst, ny¯ hstan → ne¯ah nys; ny¯ tena → be¯on; ne¯ten nytnisse (gsg. f.) usefulness, benefit 3/ 40; nyttnesse (asg.) 3/ 12 [nyttnes] O O¯¯ da (prn.) 2/ 153 Oddan (prn.) 10/ 186, 238 <?page no="312"?> 301 of (prep. (d.)) from 1/ 17 *2/ 36, 91, 105, 117 etc. *3/ 27, 68, 90, 128 etc. *4/ 1, 10-14 *5/ 13, 57 *6/ 22, 35, 73, 102 etc. *7/ 34, 58-59, 61 etc. *8/ 29, 64, 106-107 *10/ 7, 108, 149-150 etc. *11/ 30, 49, 61, 66 etc. ofer (prep. (d.a.)) over, after 1/ 19 *2/ 36, 53, 77, 138, 150 *3/ 150 *6/ 115, 117 *7/ 102 *9/ 15, 19, 26, 55, 71 *10/ 88, 91, 97-98, 256, 276 *11/ 12, 35, 82, 91, 94 ◆ col.: ofer bæc (adv.) backwards 10/ 276 oferco¯ man (pl.pt.) to overcome 9/ 72 [ofercuman 4] oferfe¯rde (sg.pt.) to traverse, cross 2/ 139 [oferfe¯ran I] oferfo¯ ron (pl.pt.) to pass through, cross 2/ 145 [oferfaran 6] oferfroren (ptp.) to freeze over 4/ 47 [oferfre¯osan 2] oferfylla (apl. f.) gluttony 7/ 149 [oferfyllu] oferhogan (npl. m.) despiser 7/ 114 [oferhoga] oferlı ¯ce (adv.) excessively 7/ 143 ofermo¯ de (dsg. n.) great courage or pride 10/ 89 [ofermo¯ d] oferwan (sg.pt.) to overcome 6/ 26 [oferwinnan 3] Offa (prn.) 10/ 198, 230, 286, 288; Offan (gsg.) 10/ 5 offrung (nsg. f.) offering, oblation, sacrifice 1/ 11; offrunge (dasg.) 1/ 12, 22 ofhre¯ow (sg.pt.) to feel pity 6/ 165 [ofhre¯owan 2] o¯ fre (dsg. m.) shore 10/ 28 [o¯ fer] ofsce¯at (sg.pt.) to shoot, kill 10/ 77 [ofsce¯otan 2] ofslagen, ofslægen, ofslægene, ofslægenne, ofslægenra → ofsle¯an ofsle¯an (6) to strike off, cut down 1/ 20; ofsle¯anne (infl.inf.) 1/ 7; ofslo¯ g (sg.pt.) 2/ 2; ofslo¯ gon (pl.pt.) 2/ 31, 55; ofslagen (ptp.) 6/ 4, 93, 127; ofslægen 1/ 15 *2/ 20, 22, 62, 66 etc.; ofslægenne (asg. m.) 2/ 14; ofslægene (npl.) 2/ 30, 43, 85; ofslægenra (gpl.) 2/ 69 ofsna¯ ð (sg.pt.) to cut off, kill 1/ 23 [ofsnı ¯ðan 1] ofspring (nasg. m.) offspring, descendant 1/ 28-29 ofstang (sg.pt.) to stab 2/ 4 [ofstingan 3] ofste (dsg. f.) haste, speed 7/ 3 [ofost] ofstlı ¯ce (adv.) hastily 10/ 143 oft → gelo¯ me oft (adv.) often, frequently 2/ 5, 33, 84 *3/ 72, 81 *5/ 2 *6/ 179 *7/ 67, 88-89, 91, 95 etc. *9/ 8 *10/ 188, 212, 296, 321; oftor (comp.) 7/ 41 *11/ 128; oftost (sup.) 5/ 18 *6/ 72 *7/ 116 oftr毯 dlı ¯ce (adv.) frequently 8/ 104 O¯¯ la¯ fe (prn.) 2/ 116 (OE) ongite olle (dsg. n.) contempt 7/ 121 [oll] on (prep. (d.a.)) in, on, against 1/ 3, 5-6, 14 etc. *2/ 3, 8, 11-14 etc. *3/ 4, 22-23, 26 etc. *4/ 1, 3, 5, 7-8 etc. *5/ 2, 10-13, 27, 35 etc. *6/ 2-3, 5, 15, 19 etc. *7/ 3-4, 6, 9 etc. *8/ 10, 12, 17, 20 etc. *9/ 14, 22, 27, 29 etc. *10/ 25, 27-28, 38, 41 etc. *11/ 5, 9, 20, 29 etc. on毯 led (ptp.) to kindle, enflame 3/ 24 *8/ 86 [on毯 lan I] onbærnde (ptp.) to fire, inspire 3/ 73; onbærned 3/ 138 [onbærnan I] onbryrdnysse (dsg. f.) inspiration 6/ 74 [onbryrdnes] onbyrigan (I (g.)) to taste 11/ 114 oncna¯ wan (7) to recognise 10/ 9; oncna¯ we (1.sg.ps.) 8/ 49; oncne¯ow (sg.pt.) 1/ 19 oncwæð (sg.pt.) to answer 10/ 245 [oncweðan 5] ond; ondette → and; andette ondlongne (asg. m.) long 9/ 21 [ondlong] ondr毯 tst (2.sg.ps.) to be afraid, dread 1/ 20 [ondr毯 dan I] ondswarade, ondswarede, ondswaredon, ondswarodon, ondsworede → andswarode ondweardum → andwearde onemn (prep. (d.)) alongside of 10/ 184 onfe¯ng, onfe¯ngc, onfe¯nge, onfe¯ngon → onfo¯ n onfeohtende (psp.) to attack 2/ 70 [onfeohtan 3] onfo¯ n (7) to receive, accept 3/ 2, 43; (pl.ps. subj.) 3/ 19; onfe¯ng (sg.pt.) 3/ 49, 64, 77, 93, 108, 120 *8/ 84 *10/ 110; onfe¯ngc 8/ 96; onfe¯nge (sg.pt. subj.) 3/ 120; onfe¯ngon (pl.pt.) 3/ 15; onfongne (ptp.) 3/ 115 onfunde (sg.pt. subj.) to discover, perceive, find out 10/ 5; onfundon (pl.pt.) 2/ 14; onfunden (pl.pt. subj.) 2/ 9 [onfindan 3] ongan, ongann → onginnen onge¯an (adv.) again, back, against, opposite 2/ 70, 81, 84 *8/ 1, 16-17, 100 *10/ 49, 100, 137, 156 ongeat, onge¯aton → ongietan Ongelþe¯ode (prn.) England 3/ 73 ongemang (prep. (d.)) among, next 5/ 55 ongietan (5) to know, understand, perceive 5/ 26; ongytan (5) 11/ 18; ongite (1.sg.ps.) 8/ 46; ongeat (sg.pt.) 2/ 11, 137 *3/ 35; onge¯aton (pl.pt.) 10/ 84 onginnen (pl.ps. subj.) to begin 11/ 116; ongan (sg.pt.) 3/ 118 *5/ 54 *8/ 41, 55 *10/ 12, 17, 89, 91 etc. *11/ 19, 27, 73; ongann 6/ 28; ongon 3/ 93; ongunnon (pl.pt.) 3/ 74 *8/ 42 *10/ 86, 261 *11/ 65, 67 [onginnan 3] ongite → ongietan <?page no="313"?> 302 ongon (OE) ongon, ongunnon → onginnen ongyrede (sg.pt.) to unclothe, strip 11/ 39 [ongierwan I] ongytan → ongietan ongytenesse (gsg. f.) knowledge 3/ 58 [ongietenes] onhylde (sg.pt.) to lower, incline 3/ 164 [onhyldan I] onlu¯ tan (2) to bow, bend down 5/ 32 only¯ sde (sg.pt.) to redeem 11/ 147 [only¯ san I] onmang þisan (adv.) meanwhile 2/ 144 onmunden (pl.pt. subj.) to pay attention to 2/ 29 [onmunan prps. (g.)] ono → hwæt (2) onridon (pl.pt.) to ride (on a raid) 2/ 84 [onrı ¯dan 1] ons毯 ge (gsg.) assailing, attacking 7/ 42 onscytan (dpl. m.) attack, calumny 7/ 54, 126 [onscyte] onsendan (I) to send forth, yield up 5/ 62; onsended (ptp.) 11/ 49 onsle¯pte (sg.pt.) to fall asleep 3/ 87, 164 [onsl毯 pan I] onstal (asg. m.) supply 5/ 16 onstealde (sg.pt.) to institute 3/ 98 [onstellen I] onweald (asg. m.) authority, power 5/ 6; onwald 5/ 4 onwre¯oh (imp.sg.) to reveal, disclose 11/ 97 [onwre¯on 1,2] opene (adj. npl.) open 11/ 47 [open] openlı ¯ce (adv.) openly 3/ 37, 41 o¯ r (asg. n.) beginning 3/ 98 Orcane¯ge (prn.) Orkney 2/ 117 ord (nasg. m.) point, spear, front line 10/ 47, 60, 69, 110 etc.; orde (dsg.) 10/ 124, 226, 273 orfcwealm (nsg. m.) cattle-plague 7/ 44 O¯¯ sbearn (prn.) 2/ 68 O¯¯ sbryht (prn.) 2/ 38 O¯¯ srı ¯c (prn.) 2/ 20 O¯¯ swı ¯g (prn.) 6/ 104 O¯¯ swold (prn.) 6/ 2, 8-10, 19 etc. *10/ 304; O¯¯ swoldes (gsg.) 6/ 17, 24, 66, 68 etc.; O¯¯ swolde (dsg.) 6/ 15, 99 oð (prep. (a.), conj.) up to, as far as, until 3/ 12, 80 *4/ 8, 25 *5/ 50 *6/ 65 *9/ 16 *10/ 324; oþ 2/ 2, 12, 17, 49, 70 *4/ 34; oð ðæt 6/ 155 *11/ 26, 32; oð þæt 2/ 51, 59, 84 *6/ 8, 22, 87-88, 92, 98, 145; oþ þæt 2/ 4, 13, 31; oðþæt 10/ 278; oþ þe 4/ 29 o¯ ðer (adj., pron. nsg. m.) other, another, next 3/ 133 *4/ 46 *7/ 101 *10/ 207; o¯ þer 3/ 20 *10/ 282; o¯ ðres (gsg. n.) 3/ 160; o¯ ðerre (dsg. f.) 5/ 50; o¯ þrum (dsg. m.n.) 2/ 64, 65 *7/ 10, 49, 53, 89; o¯ ðrum 10/ 64, 70, 133; o¯ ðerne (asg. m.) 4/ 29; o¯ þerne 7/ 52, 54, 74 *10/ 143, 234; o¯ þre (asg. f.) 3/ 25-26; o¯ ðre (napl.) 2/ 153 *3/ 31, 73 *4/ 22 *5/ 42 *8/ 3; (dsg. f.) 3/ 137 *5/ 67; o¯ ðerra (gpl.) 3/ 48; o¯ ðra 5/ 43; o¯ ðrum (dpl.) 3/ 128 *4/ 34 *5/ 21, 55 *6/ 47 *7/ 70; (dsg.) 7/ 10 ◆ col.: o¯ ðer twe¯ga one of two 10/ 207 oðfæste (ptp.) to set 5/ 50 [oðfæstan I] oðfeallan (7) to fall away, decline 5/ 37; oðfeallenu (ptp.) 5/ 11 o¯ ðra, o¯ ðre, o¯ þre, o¯ ðres, o¯ ðrum, o¯ þrum → o¯ ðer oðþæt → oð oððe (conj.) or 3/ 29, 111 *4/ 27, 32, 46 *5/ 13, 67 *6/ 36, 49, 154 *7/ 90-91, 96, 104 *10/ 208, 292 *11/ 36; oððon 7/ 59, 157 o¯ wiht (pron. asg.) something, anything 3/ 30; to a¯ hte at all 7/ 18 P Pantan (pn.) the River Blackwater 10/ 68, 97 pa¯ pan (gsg. m.) pope 6/ 78; pa¯ pe (gsg.) 2/ 135 paralisyn (asg.) paralysis 6/ 135 Paulı ¯nus (prn.) 3/ 33 Pefnese¯a (pn.) Penvensey, Sussex 2/ 122 Penda (prn.) 6/ 95-96 Peohtas (pn.) the Picts 6/ 67 Pe¯tres → sanct plega (nsg. m.) play, festivity, game, sport 4/ 25; plegan (dsg.) 4/ 27 *8/ 20 Plegmunde (prn.) 5/ 58 plegode (sg.pt.) to play, amuse oneself 8/ 58; plegodan (pl.pt.) 9/ 52 [plegian II] post (nasg. m.) post 6/ 143, 147; poste (dsg.) 6/ 146 prasse (dsg. m.) proud array, pomp 10/ 68 [prass] pre¯ost (nasg. m.) priest 6/ 152, 156, 163 Pryfetes (pn.) Privett, Hampshire 2/ 4 pry¯ tan (dsg. f.) pride 7/ 127 [pry¯ te] punda (gpl.) pound 8/ 67 R ra¯ d → rı ¯dan ra¯ de (dsg. f.) ride 2/ 84 *6/ 136 [ra¯d] radost → hraðe ramm (nsg. m.) ram 1/ 21-22 rancne (adj. asg. m.) proud, brave 7/ 92 [ranc] randas (apl. m.) shield 10/ 20 [rand] raðe → hraðe r毯 dde (sg.pt.) to advise, direct 10/ 18 [r毯 dan I] <?page no="314"?> 303 r毯 de (dsg. m.) advice, counsel 6/ 78 [ræd] r毯 dinge (asg. f.) reading 6/ 48-49 [ræding] r毯 ran (I) to rear, establish 3/ 161; r毯 rde (sg.pt.) 7/ 11 r毯 sde (sg.pt.) to rush 2/ 12 [r毯 san I] Re¯adingum (pn.) Reading 2/ 57, 60, 87 re¯af (apl. n.) garment, vestment 8/ 4 *10/ 161; re¯afes (gsg.) 8/ 68 re¯aferas (npl. m.) robber, plunderer 7/ 133 [re¯afere] re¯afes → re¯af re¯afiað (pl.ps.) to rob, plunder 7/ 101 [re¯afian II] re¯afla¯ c (nasg. n.) robbery, plunder 7/ 45, 145 reccele¯ase (adj. npl.) negligent, careless 5/ 37 reccenne (infl.inf.) to relate, narrate, explain 6/ 136; rehte (sg.pt.) 6/ 21; gerehte 6/ 41; rehton (pl.pt.) 3/ 113 regollecum (adj. dpl.) regular, according to the monastic rule 3/ 136 [regollic] regollı ¯ce (adv.) according to the rule 7/ 50 rehte, rehton → reccenne reliquium (gpl.) relics 6/ 162 reordberend (npl. m.) person, speach-bearer 11/ 3; reordberendum (dpl.) 11/ 89 reste → gerestan reste (dasg. f.) rest, resting 3/ 87, 149 *11/ 3 re¯ðan (adj. asg. m.) cruel 6/ 14 [re¯ðe] rı ¯ce (nsg. n.) kingdom, realm, rule 11/ 119; (dasg.) 2/ 6, 79 *5/ 15, 62 *6/ 54, 70, 104 *11/ 119, 152; rı ¯ces (gsg.) 2/ 1, 24 *3/ 65, 132 *6/ 28, 93 *8/ 94 ricene (adv.) quickly 10/ 93 rı ¯cne (adj. asg. m.) rich, powerful 7/ 92 *11/ 44; rı ¯cra (gpl.) 6/ 36 *7/ 145 *11/ 131; rı ¯cost (nsg. sup.) 10/ 36; rı ¯costan (npl.) 4/ 17 [rı ¯ce] rı ¯csode (sg.pt.) to reign 2/ 34, 78 *7/ 9 [rı ¯csian II] rı ¯dan (1) to ride 3/ 53 *6/ 50 *10/ 291; rı ¯deð (sg.ps.) 4/ 36; rı ¯dende (psp.) 1/ 5; ra¯ d (sg.pt.) 6/ 104 *10/ 18, 239; ridon (pl.pt.) 2/ 20, 57 ridda (nsg. m.) rider 6/ 134, 140 rı ¯dende, rı ¯deð, ridon → rı ¯dan riht (asg. n.) justice, law, right 7/ 121 *10/ 190; rihte (dsg.) 7/ 154; gerihta (napl.) 7/ 20, 22, 29; (gpl.) 7/ 32 ◆ col.: mid rihte rightfully, lawfully 7/ 20, 117 rihte (adv.) rightly, justly, correctly 7/ 52 *10/ 20 rihtlaga (gpl. f.) just law 7/ 115 [rihtlagu] rihtlı ¯ce (adv.) justly, properly 6/ 14 *7/ 158 rihtne (adj. asg. m.) right, proper 11/ 89 rı ¯mde (sg.pt.) to count 2/ 84 [rı ¯man I] (OE) sæd rincum (dpl. m.) warrior 10/ 18 [rinc] rı ¯ne (sg.ps. subj.) to rain 3/ 24 [rı ¯nan I] ringe → hringas ro¯ d (nsg. f.) cross, rood 6/ 19 *11/ 44, 136; ro¯ de (dasg.) 6/ 11-12, 20, 22 *11/ 56, 119, 131 ro¯ deta¯ cne (dsg. n.) sign of the cross 3/ 164 [ro¯ deta¯cen] ro¯ fes → hro¯ fe ro¯ hton (pl.pt.) to care about, care for 10/ 260; ro¯ htan 7/ 104 [reccan I] Ro¯ maniscan (prn.) the Romans 6/ 25 Ro¯ me (pn.) 6/ 78-79; Ro¯ mebyrig 6/ 76 ro¯ tlı ¯ce (adv.) gladly, cheerfully 3/ 153 ryhtfæderencyn (nsg. n.) direct paternal ancestry 2/ 35 ry¯ mdon → gery¯ mde ry¯ paþ (pl.ps.) to rob, plunder 7/ 101 [ry¯ pan I] ry¯ peras (npl. m.) robber, plunderer 7/ 133; ry¯ pera (gpl.) 7/ 45 [ry¯ pere] S sa¯ h (sg.pt.) to sink 9/ 17 [sı ¯gan 1] saluwigpa¯ dan (adj. asg. m.) dark-coated 9/ 61 [saluwigpa¯d] sam . . . sam (conj.) whether . . . or 4/ 47 same → swa¯ samod (adv.) too, at the same time 1/ 5 *4/ 12 *6/ 4, 143 sanct (nasg. m.) saint 6/ 114, 116, 120; Sancte Michæles (prn.) 2/ 122; Sancte Pe¯tres (prn.) 6/ 109; Sancti Mathei (prn.) 2/ 109 sandce¯osol (nsg. m.) sand 1/ 28 sandum (dpl. f.) food, victuals 6/ 60 [sand] sang → singan sanga, sange → song sa¯ r (asg. n.) wound, pain 8/ 33 sa¯ re (adv.) sorely, grievously 7/ 34, 129 *11/ 59 sa¯ rlı ¯ce (adv.) mournfully 8/ 7 sa¯ rlicre (adj. dsg. f.) sad, grievous 6/ 156; sa¯ rlicum (dsg. m.) 8/ 18 [sa¯rlic] sa¯ rnesse (dasg. f.) suffering, pain 8/ 5, 40 [sa¯rnes] sa¯ rra (adj. gpl.) painful 11/ 80 sa¯ ule → sa¯ wul sa¯ wul (nsg. f.) soul 10/ 177; sa¯ wl (nsg. f.) 11/ 120; sa¯ wle (asg.) 6/ 154, 176; sa¯ ule 7/ 57; sa¯ wla (apl.) 6/ 100; sa¯ wlum (dpl.) 6/ 101 s毯 (ndasg. f.m.) sea 1/ 29 *2/ 97, 138, 150 *4/ 14 *6/ 3 *7/ 97 *8/ 26, 95; (gsg.) 6/ 110 sæcce (dsg. f.) battle 9/ 4, 42 [sacu] sæd (adj. nsg. m.) sated with, weary 9/ 20 <?page no="315"?> 304 s毯 de (OE) s毯 de → secgan s毯 de (dsg. n.) seed, offspring 1/ 29 [s毯 d] sægde, sægdon → secgan s毯 l (nsg. f.) time, occasion 11/ 80; (dsg.) 6/ 55 s毯 lida (nsg. m.) seafarer 10/ 45; s毯 lidan (asg.) 10/ 286 s毯 men (npl. m.) sailor, Viking 7/ 96 *10/ 29; s毯 mannum (dpl.) 10/ 38, 278 [s毯 mann] s毯 rinc (nsg. m.) sea-warrior, Viking 10/ 134 sæt, s毯 tan, s毯 ton → sit scamað (sg.ps.) to be ashamed of 7/ 119, 124, 126, 135 [scamian II] scamu (nsg. f.) shame 7/ 79; scome (dsg.) 3/ 84; sceame 6/ 7 sca¯ n → scı ¯nan scandlic (adj. nsg. n.) shameful 7/ 67; scandlice (npl.) 7/ 84; sceandlican (dpl.) 7/ 54 sceadu (nsg. f.) shadow, darkness 11/ 54 sce¯af (sg.pt.) to push, thrust 10/ 136 [scu¯ fan 2] sceaft (nsg. m.) shaft 10/ 136 sceal (sg.ps.) shall 1/ 29 *3/ 92 *4/ 24, 41 *7/ 4, 15, 17-18 *10/ 60, 252, 312-313 *11/ 119; sceall 4/ 30 *6/ 157, 169; sceolon (pl.ps.) 4/ 31 *10/ 54, 220; sceolan 4/ 42; sceole 10/ 59; sculon 3/ 95 *7/ 160; scylan 7/ 13; sceolde (sg.pt.) 2/ 133 *3/ 2 *10/ 16 *11/ 43; scolde 3/ 47 *7/ 10, 50, 53, 63, 112, 123; sceoldon (pl.pt.) 3/ 82, 144 *5/ 10-11 *6/ 49 *10/ 19, 105, 291, 307; scolden 3/ 161; scoldon 1/ 6 *5/ 9; scoldan 7/ 27, 52, 148; sceolden (pl.ps. subj.) 5/ 36 [sculan prps.] scealcas (npl. m.) man, warrior 10/ 181 sceall; sceame → sceal; scamu sceandlican → scandlic sceard (adj. nsg. m.) bereft 9/ 40 sce¯at → sce¯otað sce¯atas (apl. m.) corner, region 11/ 37; sce¯atum (dpl.) 11/ 8, 43 [sce¯at] sceattum (dpl. m.) money 10/ 40, 56 [sceatt] sce¯awode (sg.pt.) to see, behold 11/ 137 [sce¯awian II] scendað (pl.ps.) to shame, insult 7/ 90, 99 [scendan I] sceolan, sceolde, sceolden, sceoldon, sceole, sceolon → sceal sceo¯ p (sg.pt.) to create, shape 3/ 99 [scieppan 6] sce¯otað (pl.ps.) to shoot, throw, hit 7/ 68; sce¯at (sg.pt.) 3/ 57 *10/ 143, 270; scoten (ptp.) 9/ 19 Sceotta → Scottas sce¯ðe (dsg. f.) sheath 10/ 162 [sce¯að] sceððan (6) to injure, harm 11/ 47 scild (asg. m.) shield 9/ 19; scylde (dsg.) 10/ 136; scyldas (npl.) 10/ 98 scı ¯man (asg. m.) splendour 11/ 54 [scı ¯ma] scı ¯nan (1) to shine, flash, gleam 11/ 15; scı ¯neð 3/ 38; sca¯ n 2/ 96 scip (nsg. n.) ship 4/ 2; scipe (dsg.) 7/ 101; scype 2/ 114 *10/ 40, 56; scipum (dpl.) 2/ 102; scypum 2/ 105, 118, 120 scipene (dsg. f.) cattle-shed 3/ 86 [scipen] scipflotan (npl. m.) sailor 9/ 11 [scipflota] sciphere (asg. m.) fleet 2/ 100 scipum → scip scı ¯r (adj. asg. n.) bright, gleaming 10/ 98; scı ¯rne (asg. m.) 11/ 54 scı ¯re (asg. f.) region 6/ 118 [scı ¯r] Scı ¯reburnan (pn.) Sherborne, Dorset 2/ 45 scı ¯rne → scı ¯r Scittisc (adj. nsg.) Scottish 9/ 19; Scyttysc 6/ 42 sco¯ f (sg.pt.) to shave, scrape 6/ 165 [scafan 6] scoldan, scolde, scolden, scoldon → sceal scome → scamu Sco¯ ne¯g (pn.) Ska˚ ne, Sweden 4/ 4 scopgereorde (dsg. n.) poetical language 3/ 70 [scopgereord] scoten → sce¯otað Scotlande (pn.) Scotland 2/ 104 *6/ 3, 30 Scottas (prn.) 6/ 67; Sceotta (gpl.) 9/ 11, 32 scrı ¯dde (sg.pt.) to clothe, dress 8/ 50 [scry¯ dan I] scrı ¯fað (pl.ps.) to care about 7/ 70 [scrı ¯fan 1] scrı ¯ne (dsg. n.) chest, shrine 6/ 109, 121 [scrı ¯n] sculon, scylan → sceal scyldas, scylde → scild scyldburh (asg. f.) shield-wall 10/ 242 scype → scip Scyppend (asg. m.) creator, God 3/ 100; Scyppendes (gsg.) 3/ 93, 168 *6/ 154 scypum → scip Scyttysc → Scittisc se¯ (dempron. nsg. m.) the 1/ 12, 18, 25-26 *2/ 5, 7, 11, 16 etc. *3/ 1, 5, 34, 41 etc. *5/ 62, 66 *6/ 2, 6, 8, 16 etc. *7/ 39, 57, 65, 75 etc. *8/ 9, 11, 14, 17 etc. *9/ 37 *10/ 6, 9, 27, 69, etc. *11/ 13, 42, 78, 95 etc. ◆ gsg.: ðæs 3/ 31, 62 *5/ 5 *6/ 78 *8/ 14 *10/ 141, 148; þæs 2/ 7, 14, 19, 24 etc. *3/ 20, 27, 30, 54 etc. *4/ 27, 39 *6/ 23, 32, 35, 41 etc. *7/ 13, 21, 38, 90 etc. *8/ 37, 61, 63, 101 *9/ 51 *10/ 8, 120, 131, 160 etc. *11/ 49 ◆ dsg.: ða¯ m 6/ 11, 68, 93 *8/ 7, 13, 20, 63 *10/ 136 *11/ 61, 65, 114, 129; þa¯ m 1/ 2, 4, 6 *2/ 10, 29-30, 39, 50, 92, 134, 150 *3/ 2, 34, 36, 41, 52, 164 *6/ 16, 29, 32, 39, 50, 56-57, 76, 85, 94, 99, 108, 125, 127, 132, 138, 141-142, 146-147, 160, 163, 166, 169, 174, 177, 180 *7/ 4 *8/ 2, 6, 39, 58, 96 *9/ 29 *10/ 9-10, 28, 34-35, 63-64, 81, 121, 132, 142, 154, 159, 193, 199, 227, 240, <?page no="316"?> 305 245, 268, 300, 323 *11/ 9, 50, 58, 69, 111, 122, 146, 150; ð毯 m 4/ 11 *5/ 18, 31, 49, 64; þ毯 m 3/ 44, 49, 57-58, 84, 104, 107, 118, 131, 143, 146, 171 *4/ 14, 25-27, 29-35; ða¯ n 4/ 36; þa¯ n 2/ 117 *4/ 39 ◆ asg.: ðone 4/ 25 *5/ 4, 18, 21, 28 etc. *8/ 1 *10/ 77, 151; þone 1/ 9, 14, 22 *2/ 2, 5, 8-9, 12-13, 21 etc. *3/ 28, 33, 50, 59, 75-76 *4/ 28, 35, 45 *6/ 12-13, 17, 25-26 etc. *7/ 160-161 *8/ 68, 73, 102 *9/ 61 *10/ 19, 88, 102, 187 etc. *11/ 127; þane 9/ 62; þæne 4/ 29 *7/ 82-83, 93, 98 ◆ isg.: þon 2/ 29 *3/ 142, 162; ðy¯ 5/ 38; þy¯ 2/ 43, 54-55, 82, 85 *3/ 26, 57, 65, 116, 159 *4/ 25, 44 *7/ 4, 42, 118, 153 *9/ 46 ◆ npl.: ða¯ 3/ 45 *4/ 31 *5/ 4, 8, 24-25, 28, 45 *8/ 111 *10/ 82; þa¯ 2/ 9, 21-22, 25, 42, 54, 62, 64-65, 71, 75, 81, 92, 103, 108, 113, 129, 141 *3/ 14, 47, 67, 125, 137, 158, 161 *4/ 5-6, 17, 21-22, 37, 40, 45 *6/ 25, 84, 98, 113, 118-119, 125, 144-145 *8/ 42, 52, 71, 73, 90, 100 *9/ 57 *10/ 72, 182, 305 *11/ 61 ◆ gpl.: ða¯ ra 5/ 26, 33, 49 *8/ 53; þa¯ ra 2/ 66-67 *3/ 45, 60, 86, 121, 131 *8/ 59, 86 *10/ 212 *11/ 86; þ毯 ra 7/ 23 *9/ 26 *10/ 174 ◆ dpl.: ða¯ m 6/ 51, 144 *8/ 29, 69, 76 *11/ 154; þa¯ m 1/ 7-8, 21-22 *2/ 83, 91, 118, 126 *3/ 19, 42 *6/ 60-61, 80, 143 *7/ 99, 101, 126, 162 *10/ 40, 190, 278 *11/ 59, 143, 149, 154; ð毯 m 3/ 137; þ毯 m 3/ 55, 64, 105, 133-134 *4/ 40; þa¯ n 2/ 117 ◆ apl.: ða¯ 5/ 9, 22, 34, 46, 49, 52 *6/ 30 *8/ 4, 15, 111 *10/ 145, 277; þa¯ 2/ 30-31, 69, 97, 110 *3/ 18, 39-40, 45, 59, 63, 78, 94, 104, 109, 144, 169 *6/ 7, 46, 115, 120, 123 *7/ 14, 116, 121, 157, 161-162 *8/ 4, 55, 110 *10/ 196, 322 *11/ 46 sealde → sillan sealmas (apl. m.) psalm 6/ 49 [sealm] searacræftas (apl. m.) fraud 7/ 108 [searacræft] se¯aþe (dsg. m.) pit 11/ 75 [se¯að] seaxe (prn.) Saxons 9/ 70 se¯can (I) to seek, seek out 8/ 78 *9/ 55 *11/ 104, 127; gese¯can 10/ 222 *11/ 119; so¯ hte (sg.pt.) 3/ 37, 44 *5/ 10; geso¯ hte 10/ 287; so¯ hton (pl.pt.) 2/ 40 *9/ 58 *10/ 193 *11/ 133; so¯ htan 9/ 71; geso¯ hton 6/ 149; geso¯ htun 9/ 27 secg (nsg. m.) man, warrior 9/ 17 *10/ 159; secgas (apl.) 10/ 298; secga (gpl.) 9/ 13; secgum (dpl.) 11/ 59 secgan (III) to say, tell, declare 3/ 110, 171 *10/ 30 *11/ 1; secge (1.sg.ps.) 7/ 29, 151 *8/ 26, 46; (imp.sg.) 11/ 96; segeð (sg.ps.) 10/ 45; sege (imp.sg.) 8/ 24, 28 *10/ 50; secgað (pl.ps.) 9/ 68; s毯 de (sg.pt.) 4/ 1 *6/ 58, 152, 162 *7/ 145 *10/ 147; ges毯 de 10/ 120; sægde 1/ 26 (OE) settan *3/ 107, 109; sægdon (pl.pt.) 3/ 113; gesægd (ptp.) 1/ 24; ges毯 d 6/ 161 secgas, secgum → secg secgað, secge, sege, segeð → secgan segle (dsg. m.n.) sail 4/ 2 [segl] segniende (prps.) to cross oneself, bless 3/ 170; gesegnode (sg.pt.) 3/ 163 [segnian II] seldon (adv.) seldom 6/ 50 se¯lest (adj. asg. n. sup.) best 11/ 118; se¯lesta (nsg. m.) 11/ 27 [see go¯ d, se¯lran] self (adj., pron. nsg. m.) self 1/ 10, 12; silf 8/ 12, 35, 56, 96; sylf (nsg. f.m.) 6/ 13, 47, 94, 170 *8/ 110; (dpl.) 4/ 5; sylfe 3/ 37-38 *11/ 92; seolfa (nsg. m.) 3/ 49, 63; sylfa 11/ 105; seolfes (gsg. m.) 3/ 171; selfum (dsg. m.) 5/ 36; sylfum 3/ 112 *7/ 141; selfne (asg. m.) 1/ 26; seolfne 3/ 169; sylfne 3/ 13 *6/ 100 *7/ 92, 125, 139, 153; selfe (npl. m.) 5/ 20 *7/ 149; seolfan 3/ 125; sylfra (gpl.) 10/ 38; selfum (dpl.) 2/ 37 se¯lran (adj. dsg. n. comp.) better 8/ 13 [see go¯ d, se¯lest] sendan (I) to send 10/ 30; sende (sg.pt.) 6/ 30, 59 *10/ 134; sendon (pl.pt.) 6/ 31-32 *10/ 29 se¯o (dempron. nsg. f.) the 1/ 11 *2/ 131 *3/ 60, 118, 127, 168 *4/ 8, 10 *6/ 19, 24, 124 *7/ 72 *8/ 2, 78 *10/ 104, 144, 284 *11/ 121; sı ¯o 2/ 43 *3/ 12 *5/ 37, 40, 48, 53 *9/ 16 ◆ gdsg.: ða¯ re 8/ 31, 54, 99; þa¯ re 8/ 29, 42, 55, 71, 84, 86; ð毯 re 3/ 140 *5/ 37, 64, 66 *6/ 12, 22, 24, 88, 140; þ毯 re 1/ 4, 9, 13, 22 *2/ 22, 37, 125 *3/ 9, 21-22, 30, 58, 61, 86, 94, 108, 145, 160, 163 *4/ 29 *6/ 110, 115, 121, 123, 136, 141, 174 *7/ 29, 95 *10/ 8, 95, 220 *11/ 21, 112, 131 ◆ asg.: ða¯ (asg.) 5/ 48, 55, 64 *6/ 20, 117, 130 *8/ 74, 93 *11/ 119; þa¯ 1/ 6, 12, 14, 16, 23 *2/ 2, 11, 15, 41, 148 *3/ 26, 38, 49-50, 70, 80, 83, 115, 118, 142 *4/ 24 *6/ 59, 71, 85, 118, 127, 133, 148 *7/ 9, 15, 69-69, 96 *8/ 47, 50-51, 58 *10/ 74, 78, 139, 163 *11/ 20, 68 seofon (num.) seven 2/ 42; syfan 4/ 1; seofene (npl.) 9/ 30 ◆ col.: seofon niht (asg. f.) week 2/ 97 seolfa, seolfan, seolfes, seolfne → self seolfor (asg. n.) silver 8/ 4; seolfres (gsg.) 8/ 67; seolfre (dsg.) 6/ 109 *11/ 77 setle (dsg. n.) throne, resting-place 8/ 18 *9/ 17 [setl] settan (I) to set (up, down), place 2/ 148 *6/ 102; sette (sg.pt.) 8/ 51; gesette 3/ 87, 169; gesetton (pl.pt.) 11/ 67; geseted (ptp.) 3/ 80 *11/ 141 <?page no="317"?> 306 sı ¯ (OE) sı ¯ → be¯on sibbe (asg. f.) peace 5/ 6 [sibb] siblegeru (apl. n.) incest 7/ 110 [sibleger] Sı ¯byrhtes (prn.) 10/ 282 sı ¯dan (asg. f.) side 11/ 49 [sı ¯de] sı ¯de → wı ¯de Sı ¯droc (prn.) 2/ 67-68 sı ¯e, sı ¯en, siendon → be¯on sige (asg. m.) victory 2/ 54, 59, 71, 74, 108 *6/ 16 sigebe¯am (nasg. m.) tree of victory, cross 11/ 13, 127 Sigebryht (prn.) 2/ 1; Sigebryhtes (gsg.) 2/ 7 sigele¯ase (adj. npl.) without victory 7/ 87 [sigele¯as] sigora (gpl. m.) victory 11/ 67 [sigor] sigorfæst (adj. nsg. m.) victorious 11/ 150 silf → self sillan (I) to give, give up, supply, sell 8/ 47, 50; syllan 3/ 38 *6/ 61, 174 *10/ 38, 46; syle (imp.sg.) 6/ 162; syllað (pl.ps.) 7/ 71; syllon (pl.ps. subj.) 10/ 61; sealde (sg.pt.) 2/ 147 *3/ 20, 51, 53 *5/ 19 *6/ 166 *7/ 73 *8/ 112 *10/ 271; gesealde (sg.pt.) 10/ 188; gesealdon (pl.pt.) 10/ 184; gesealde (ptp.) 7/ 35, 65, 73 simle (adv.) always, continuously 2/ 17; symle 6/ 47 sinc (asg. n.) treasure 10/ 59; since (dsg.) 11/ 23 sincgyfan (asg. m.) giver of treasure 10/ 278 [sincgyfa] sing → singan singa¯ l (adj. nsg. f.) perpetual, everlasting 11/ 141; singa¯ lum (dpl. n.) 6/ 70 singa¯ llı ¯ce (adv.) continuously, incessantly 7/ 100 singa¯ lum → singa¯ l singan (3) to sing, recite 3/ 79, 83, 89-93, 110, 162; sing (imp.sg.) 3/ 88, 92; sang (sg.pt.) 10/ 284; song 3/ 104, 126; a¯ song (sg.pt.) 3/ 117 sı ¯o → se¯o siodu (asg. m.) custom, morality 5/ 6 sit (sg.ps.) to sit, dwell, occupy 7/ 78 *8/ 18; sittað (pl.ps.) 7/ 14; sitte (sg.ps. subj.) 3/ 23; sæt (sg.pt.) 2/ 52 *6/ 143 *8/ 5, 7; gesæt 8/ 1, 88; s毯 ton (pl.pt.) 6/ 56; s毯 tan 6/ 58 [sittan 5] sı ¯þedon, sı ¯ðode, sı ¯þode → sı ¯ðian sı ¯ðfate (dsg. m.) journey 11/ 150 [sı ¯ðfæt] sı ¯ðian (II) to travel, go 10/ 177 *11/ 68; sı ¯ðie (sg.ps.) 10/ 251; sı ¯ðode (sg.pt.) 6/ 50; sı ¯þode 6/ 87; sı ¯þedon (pl.pt.) 6/ 4 siððan (adv., conj.) afterwards, after, later, when 1/ 9 *5/ 42, 51, 60 *6/ 19, 112, 140, 149 *11/ 49; siðþan 9/ 13; siþþan 6/ 26, 124 *9/ 69; syððan 1/ 15 *2/ 47, 83, 100 *6/ 167 *7/ 60, 71; syðþan 11/ 3; syþþan 6/ 15 *11/ 142 sixtigum (num. dpl.) sixty 2/ 47 slæce (sg.ps. subj.) to slacken 8/ 109 [slæccan I] sl毯 pe (dsg. m.) sleep 3/ 104 *6/ 23, 137 [sl毯 p] sl毯 pende (psp.) to sleep 3/ 104 [sl毯 pan 7] sle¯an (6) slay, kill, strike, conquer slo¯ h (sg.pt.) 6/ 7, 114 *10/ 163, 285; slo¯ ge (sg.pt. subj.) 10/ 117; slo¯ gon (pl.pt.) 2/ 114; geslo¯ gon (pl.pt.) 9/ 4; geslægen (ptp.) 2/ 42, 61, 127 slege (dsg. m.) slaying 6/ 10, 95, 104 slo¯ ge, slo¯ gon, slo¯ h → sle¯an sme¯ade, sme¯age → sme¯agenne sme¯agenne (infl.inf.) to consider 6/ 28; sme¯age (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 139; sme¯ade (sg.pt.) 7/ 9 [sme¯agan I] smercode (sg.pt.) to smile 8/ 102 [smearcian II] smolt (adj. asg. n.) peaceable 3/ 154 smylte (adj. isg. m.) peaceable 3/ 167; smyltre (dsg. f.) 3/ 166 snaccum (dpl. m.) cutter 2/ 104 [snacc] snelle (adj. npl.) bold, keen 10/ 29 snı ¯we (sg.ps. subj.) to snow 3/ 24 [snı ¯wan I] Snotengaha¯ m (pn.) Nottingham 2/ 46, 49 snytro (asg. f.) wisdom 3/ 49 so¯ fte (adv.) easily 10/ 59 so¯ htan, so¯ hte, so¯ hton → se¯can so¯ na (adv.) at once, directly, soon 1/ 9, 18, 21, 31 *2/ 97 *3/ 27, 49, 93, 105, 108 *5/ 35 *6/ 3, 11, 23, 28, 32 etc. *8/ 41, 88 ◆ col.: so¯ na þæs as soon as 2/ 123; so¯ na þæs þe 3/ 56 song → singan song (nsg. m.) song, poem 3/ 124; songes (gsg.) 3/ 106; sange (dsg.) 8/ 42, 56; sanga (gpl.) 8/ 87 songcræft (asg. m.) poetic art 3/ 76 songes → song sorga (gpl. f.) sorrow, grief, trouble 11/ 80; sorgum (dpl.) 11/ 20, 59 [sorg] sorhle¯oð (asg. n.) dirge, song of sorrow 11/ 67 so¯ ð (nasg. n.) truth 3/ 37-38 *7/ 3, 29; so¯ þ 7/ 151; so¯ þes (gsg.) 7/ 147 so¯ ðan (adj. dgsg. m.) true 3/ 49, 58, 62; (asg. m.) 6/ 80; so¯ þum (dpl.) 6/ 52 so¯ ðlı ¯ce (adv.) truly 1/ 19 *3/ 11 *8/ 9, 28, 36, 46 etc. so¯ þum → so¯ ðan sp毯 can → specenne spearcan (npl. m.) spark 6/ 144 [spearca] spearwa (nsg. m.) sparrow 3/ 25 specenne (infl.inf.) to speak 7/ 67; sp毯 can (pl.pt. subj.) 7/ 8 [specan 5] spe¯da (apl. f.) means, opportunity 4/ 22, 39 *5/ 49 [spe¯] <?page no="318"?> 307 spe¯daþ (pl.ps.) to be wealthy 10/ 34 [spe¯dan I] spe¯dig (adj. nsg. m.) successful 11/ 151 spell (asg. n.) story, message 3/ 113 *10/ 50; spelles (gsg.) 3/ 122; spellum (dpl.) 3/ 129 spe¯ow (sg.pt.) to succeed 5/ 7 [spo¯ wan 7] spere (ndasg. n.) spear 3/ 54, 57 *10/ 137; speru (apl.) 10/ 108 spillan (I) to destroy 10/ 34 spore (dsg. n.) track 5/ 31 [spor] sprang (sg.pt.) to spring away 10/ 137 [springan 3] spræc, spr毯 can, spr毯 con → spr毯 ce; sprecan spr毯 ce (dsg. f.) speech, utterance 3/ 21 *6/ 43 *8/ 23; spr毯 can (gsg.) 8/ 29 [spr毯 c] sprecan (5) to speak, say 3/ 142 *11/ 27; sprecende (psp.) 3/ 34, 91, 149, 153; spræc (sg.pt.) 10/ 211, 274; spr毯 con (pl.pt.) 10/ 200, 212; spr毯 can 3/ 32 sprengde (sg.pt.) to break, shiver 10/ 137 [sprengan I] spyrigean (I) to follow 5/ 30 stacan (dsg. m.) pin, stake 6/ 105 [staca] stafum (dpl. m.) letter 3/ 69 [stæf] stalu (nsg. f.) stealing, theft 7/ 44; stala (apl.) 7/ 107 standan (6) to stand 6/ 73 *10/ 19 *11/ 43, 62; gestandan 10/ 171; standeð (sg.ps.) 4/ 12; stynt 10/ 51; sto¯ d (sg.pt.) 3/ 87 *6/ 19, 105, 117, 163 *8/ 52 *10/ 25, 28, 145, 152, 273 *11/ 38; sto¯ don (pl.pt.) 5/ 24 *10/ 63, 72, 79, 100 etc. *11/ 7, 71; gesto¯ don 11/ 63 sta¯ ne (dsg. m.) stone 11/ 66 [sta¯n] stang (sg.pt.) to stab 10/ 138 [stingan 3] staðe (dsg. n.) shore 4/ 12; stæðe 10/ 25 [stæð] staðole (dsg. m.) position 11/ 71 [staðol] stædefæste (adv.) firmly 10/ 127 stæfne → stefn st毯 r (nsg. n.) history 3/ 127; st毯 res (gsg.) 3/ 122 stæðe → staðe ste¯ame (dsg. m.) moisture 11/ 62 [ste¯am] ste¯dan (asg. m.) stallion 3/ 55 [ste¯da] stede (asg. m.) place 6/ 149 *10/ 19 stedefæste (adj. npl.) steadfast, firm 10/ 249 stefn (nsg. f.) voice 11/ 71; stefne (dasg.) 8/ 101, 103; stæfne (dsg.) 8/ 57; stemne 6/ 156 stefne (dsg. m.) prow, place 9/ 34 *11/ 30 Stemfordbrygge (pn.) Stamford Bridge, Yorkshire 2/ 111 stemne → stefn stemnetton (pl.pt.) to stand firm 10/ 122 [stemnettan I] (OE) suna ste¯orbord (asg. n.) starboard 4/ 3, 8 steorfa (nsg. m.) pestilence 7/ 44 steorra (nsg. m.) star 2/ 95; steorran (napl.) 1/ 28; (asg.) 2/ 95 sticode (sg.pt.) to stick 3/ 57 [stician II] Stı ¯gand (prn.) 2/ 151 stihte (sg.pt.) to incite 10/ 127 [stihtan I] stilli (adj. nsg. m.) quiet 8/ 23 [stille] stilnes (nsg. f.) quiet, peace 8/ 53; stilnesse (dasg.) 3/ 165 *5/ 48 stı ¯ð (adj. asg. n.) heavy 2/ 150 *10/ 301 stı ¯ðhicgende (adj. npl.) resolute 10/ 122 stı ¯ðlı ¯ce (adv.) stoutly, sternly 10/ 25 stı ¯ðmo¯ d (adj. nsg. m.) resolute, brave 11/ 40 stocce (dsg. m.) stake, post 6/ 163 [stocc] sto¯ d → standan sto¯ dhors (asg. m.) stallion 3/ 51 sto¯ don → standan sto¯ p (sg.pt.) to step, advance 10/ 8, 78, 131 [steppan 6] storme (dsg. m.) storm 3/ 26 [storm] sto¯ w (nsg. f.) spot, station, locality 3/ 60 *6/ 24; sto¯ we (gdasg.) 1/ 10, 13, 23 *3/ 146 *5/ 66 *6/ 133, 137, 140-141; sto¯ wa (gpl.) 5/ 28 *7/ 62 strande (dsg. n.) sea-shore 6/ 110 [strand] strang (adj. nsg. m.) powerful, mighty, strong 11/ 40; strange (npl.) 7/ 88 *11/ 30; strangran (apl. comp.) 3/ 18 stranglic (adj. nsg. n.) fierce, heavy 2/ 112 strangran → strang str毯 lum (dpl. m.) arrow, dart 11/ 62 [str毯 l] str毯 t (asg. f.) street 6/ 59; str毯 te (dsg.) 8/ 99 stre¯am (asg. m.) stream 10/ 68 strı ¯c (nsg. n.) sickness (? ) 7/ 44 stru¯ dunga (apl. f.) robbery, spoliation 7/ 107 [stru¯ dung] stunde (dsg. f.) time 10/ 271 [stund] Stu¯ rmere (prn.) 10/ 249 stynt → standan styrme (sg.ps. subj.) to storm 3/ 24 [styrman I] sum (adj., pron. nsg. m.n.) a certain, some 3/ 66, 87, 113 *6/ 1, 21, 76, 129, 140, 152, 160-161 *8/ 5-6 *10/ 149, 164, 285; suman (dsg. m.) 7/ 154; sume (asg. f.) 1/ 8 *10/ 271; (napl.) 2/ 41-42, 94-95, 114-115 *5/ 45 *6/ 49 *7/ 63, 159; sumne (asg. m.) 5/ 44 *6/ 22, 31, 33, 55; sumre (dsg. f.) 3/ 84; sumu (apl. n.) 3/ 149 sumor (nsg. m.) summer 4/ 47 sumorlida (nsg. m.) summer army 2/ 77 sumre, sumu → sum suna; sunnan → sunu; sunne <?page no="319"?> 308 sunnbe¯am (OE) sunnbe¯am (nsg. m.) sunshine 6/ 117 sunne (nsg. f.) sun 9/ 13; sunnan (gsg.) 6/ 73 sunu (nasg. m.) son 1/ 2, 12, 15, 20, 23 *9/ 42 *10/ 76, 298 *11/ 150; suna (gdsg.) 1/ 15, 27 *2/ 117 su¯ penne (infl.inf.) to drink 6/ 166 su¯ þ (adv.) southwards 6/ 152 su¯ þan (adv.) from the south, south of 2/ 82; su¯ ðan 4/ 13 *5/ 15 su¯ þerne (adj. asg. m.) southern 10/ 134 swa¯ → e¯ac; hw毯 r; hwæt; hwelc; hwider swa¯ (adv., conj.) so (that), thus 1/ 24, 31 *2/ 96, 98-100, 115 etc. *3/ 28, 34, 36-37 etc. *4/ 22, 34, 45 *6/ 28, 40, 43, 47 etc. *7/ 4, 10, 40, 46 etc. *8/ 6, 8, 17, 41 etc. *9/ 7 *10/ 33, 59, 122, 132 etc. *11/ 108, 114; sw毯 5/ 11, 14, 17-18, 36-37 etc. ◆ col.: swa¯ swa¯ 1/ 14, 28 *3/ 5, 112, 123, 148, 165 *4/ 27 *6/ 16, 21, 47, 64, 67, 132, 152 *7/ 26, 50, 52, 126, 135; sw毯 sw毯 5/ 57, 60, 65; sw毯 same (adv.) similarly, likewise 5/ 42; swa¯ þæt 6/ 48, 66, 116 *7/ 124; swa¯ þe¯ah (adv.) however, yet 2/ 150 swa¯ n (nsg. m.) swineherd 2/ 4 swanc (sg.pt.) to labour, work 6/ 70 [swincan 3] swa¯ tes (gsg. m.) sweat, blood 11/ 23; swa¯ te (dsg.) 9/ 13 swa¯ þe¯ah, sw毯 , sw毯 same → swa¯ sw毯 sendum (dpl. n.) banquet 3/ 23 [sw毯 sende] sw毯 tan (I) to bleed 11/ 20 swæð (asg. n.) track, footprint 5/ 29 sweartan (adj. asg. m.) black 9/ 61 swefn (asg. n.) dream, vision 3/ 87, 110; swefna (gpl.) 11/ 1 swe¯g (asg. m.) sound 8/ 42, 55 swe¯gcræft (asg. m.) music, musician’s art 8/ 47; swe¯gcræfte (dsg.) 8/ 43, 45 swelce → e¯ac swelce (adv., conj.) likewise, as if 5/ 27; swilce (adv.) 9/ 37, 57; (conj.) 6/ 117 *9/ 19, 30; swylce (adv.) 11/ 8; (conj.) 2/ 39 ◆ col.: swelce e¯ac (adv.) likewise 3/ 133, 169; swylc swa¯ 3/ 22; swylce swa¯ 11/ 92 sweltan (3) to die 10/ 293 swencte (sg.pt.) to vex, trouble 2/ 155; geswænctest (2.sg.pt.) 8/ 105 [swencan I] swenges (gsg. m.) stroke, blow 10/ 118 [sweng] sweolt (sg.pt.) to die, perish 6/ 100 [sweltan 3] Swe¯on (prn.) the Swedes 4/ 7 swe¯oran (asg. m.) neck 1/ 19 [swe¯ora] sweord (asg. n.) sword 1/ 10, 16 *3/ 53; swurd (nasg.) 10/ 15, 47, 161, 166, 237; sweordes (gsg.) 9/ 68; swurde (dsg.) 10/ 118; sweorda (gpl.) 9/ 4; sweordum (dpl.) 9/ 30 swerie (1.sg.ps.) to swear 1/ 26; swerige 8/ 94; swo¯ r (sg.pt.) 2/ 147; swo¯ ron (pl.pt.) 2/ 118, 143 [swerian 6] swe¯teste (adj. asg. n. sup.) sweet 3/ 124 [swe¯te] swe¯tnesse (dsg. f.) sweetness 3/ 132; swe¯tnisse 3/ 70 [swe¯tnes] swicdo¯ mas (apl. m.) deception, fraud 7/ 108 [swicdo¯ m] swicode (sg.pt.) to deceive, betray 7/ 53 [swician II] swiftan (adj. npl.) swift 4/ 37; swiftoste (asg. n. sup.) 4/ 33; swyftoste 4/ 31 swı ¯ge (nsg. f.) silence 8/ 54 swı ¯gende (psp.) to be or become silent 8/ 45; swı ¯gode (sg.pt.) 8/ 43 [swı ¯gian II] swilcan (pron. dpl.) such 7/ 151; swylc (adj. nsg. n.) such 2/ 93; swylce 2/ 94 swilce → e¯ac; swelce swinsunge (dsg. f.) melody 3/ 114 [swinsung] swı ¯ðe (adv.) very much, fiercely 1/ 19 *2/ 112, 126,150, 155 *3/ 58, 156, 158 *5/ 2, 12, 22, 25, 33, 47 *6/ 27, 53, 118 *8/ 8, 66, 108 *10/ 115, 118, 282; swı ¯þe 2/ 18 *3/ 136; swy¯ ðe 4/ 8, 15-16, 18 *6/ 66, 145, 148 *7/ 45, 125; swy¯ þe 6/ 2 *7/ 5, 8, 15, 31, 33, 35, 45, 76, 88, 93, 105, 120, 135, 143, 155-156; swı ¯þor (comp.) 6/ 71; swy¯ þor 7/ 118; swı ¯ðost (sup.) 4/ 39; swy¯ þost 7/ 116, 120 swı ¯ðlicre (adj. dsg. f.) exceeding, strong 6/ 62; swy¯ ðlicre 6/ 73 swı ¯þor, swı ¯ðost → swı ¯ðe swı ¯ðre (adj. nsg. m. comp.) right (hand) 6/ 65, 107; swy¯ ðra 6/ 64; swı ¯ðran (asg.) 6/ 102, 106 *11/ 20; swy¯ þran 6/ 62 swo¯ r, swo¯ ron → swerie swurd, swurde → sweord swustersunu (nsg. m.) sister’s son 10/ 115 swutol (adj. nsg. n.) clear, evident 7/ 41, 102 swyftoste → swiftan swylc, swylce → e¯ac; swelce; swilcan swy¯ ðe, swy¯ þe → swı ¯ðe swy¯ ðlicre → swı ¯ðlicre swy¯ þor, swy¯ þost → swı ¯ðe swy¯ ðra, swy¯ þran → swı ¯ðre sy¯ → be¯on syfan → seofon syle → sillan sylf, sylfa, sylfe, sylfne, sylfra → self sylfrenan (adj. dasg. m.) silver 6/ 57, 60 sylfum → self sylfwylles (adv.) voluntarily 6/ 169 syllan, syllað, syllon → sillan syllic (adj. nsg. m.) marvellous, wondrous 11/ 13; syllicre (asg. n. comp.) 11/ 4 <?page no="320"?> 309 symble (dsg. n.) feast 3/ 84; symle 11/ 141 [symbel] symle → simle; symble sy¯ n, synd, syndan, syndon → be¯on syndriglı ¯ce (adv.) individually, specially 3/ 7, 66 syndrigum (adj. dpl.) separate, special 6/ 73 [syndrig] syngian (II) to sin, transgress 7/ 125; gesingodest (2.sg.pt.) 8/ 32 synle¯awa (apl. f.) injury caused by sin 7/ 129 [synle¯aw] synna (gpl. f.) sin 3/ 135 *7/ 105, 149; synnan (dpl.) 7/ 5; synnon 2/ 130; synnum 2/ 143 *7/ 90, 143 *11/ 13, 99, 146 syððan, syðþan, syþþan → siððan syx (num.) six 4/ 27, 32 T ta¯ cen (nsg. n.) sign, portent 2/ 94 t毯 can (I) to teach, instruct 7/ 126, 135; t毯 hte (sg.pt.) 8/ 96 *10/ 18; get毯 ht (ptp.) 8/ 1, 84 t毯 leð (sg.ps.) to slander, wrong 7/ 120; t毯 lst (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 45 [t毯 lan I] t毯 sde (sg.pt.) to rive, tear 10/ 270 [t毯 san I] tæt → þæt (1) te¯ah (sg.pt.) to drag, draw, bring 6/ 48 *8/ 58, 60; getogen instructed 8/ 62 [te¯on 2] teala (adv., interj.) well, properly 3/ 162; teola 3/ 56 tealte (adj. npl.) unstable 7/ 47 [tealt] te¯aras (npl. m.) tear 8/ 29 [te¯ar] Temese (pn.) the River Thames 2/ 83 *5/ 15 templ (asg. n.) temple 3/ 39 te¯ode (sg.pt.) to create, prepare, adorn 3/ 102 teola → teala Tharsum (pn.) Tarsus, Turkey 8/ 27 tı ¯d (nasg. f.) time, season, occasion 3/ 26, 142 *10/ 104; tı ¯de (gdasg.) 3/ 22, 80, 84, 87, 140, 161, 163; tı ¯da (npl.) 5/ 4; tı ¯dum (dpl.) 7/ 142 *8/ 98 tı ¯man (dasg. m.) time 6/ 76 *8/ 108 [tı ¯ma] tintreglican (adj. gsg. n.) infernal 3/ 132 [tintreglic] tı ¯r (asg. m.) glory 9/ 3 *10/ 104 to¯ (1) (adv.) too 7/ 7, 9, 11, 27, 29-31, 33, 61-62, 64, 67-68, 87, 114, 119-120, 123-124, 129, 140 *10/ 55, 66, 90, 150 to¯ (2) (adv.) there 1/ 6 to¯ (3) (prep. (d.)) to, into, in, of to¯æty¯ hte (sg.pt.) to add 3/ 33 [to¯ æty¯ can I] to¯ bærst (sg.pt.) to burst 6/ 21 *10/ 136, 144 [to¯ berstan 3] (OE) þanc to¯ brocen (ptp.) to break up, violate 10/ 242; to¯ brocene (npl. n.) 7/ 77 to¯ ceorfan (3) to cut into pieces 6/ 60 to¯ cyme (dsg. m.) arrival 7/ 5 to¯ dæg (adv.) today 8/ 81, 105 to¯ d毯 lað (pl.ps.) to share out 4/ 26 [to¯ d毯 lan I] to¯ gædere (adv.) together 6/ 98 *7/ 68, 97 *8/ 101, 105 *10/ 67 to¯ ge¯nes (adv.) towards, to 2/ 125 to¯ lı ¯ð (sg.ps.) to separate 4/ 9 [to¯ licgan 5] to¯ middes (prep. (d.)) amidst, among 6/ 144 Tosti (prn.) 2/ 113; Tostig 2/ 97, 102, 105 to¯ tw毯 med (ptp.) to divide 10/ 241 [to¯ tw毯 man I] to¯ weard (prep. (d.)) towards 4/ 33 to¯ weardan (adj. gsg. m.) future 3/ 131 to¯ wearp → to¯ weorpan to¯ weorpan (3) to throw down, demolish 3/ 47-48, 52, 59; to¯ wearp (sg.pt.) 3/ 63 tre¯ow (asg. n.) tree, cross 11/ 4, 14, 17, 25; tre¯owe (dsg.) 6/ 166 Tru¯ so¯ (pn.) 4/ 1, 12 trym (asg. n.) step, pace 10/ 247 trymian (I) to encourage, exhort 10/ 17; trymedon (pl.pt.) 10/ 305 tu毯 m → twa¯ tu¯ code (sg.pt.) to ill-treat, torment 6/ 7 [tu¯ cian II] tu¯ ne (dsg. m.) place 2/ 45 *4/ 29-30, 35 [tu¯ n] tunge (nsg. f.) tongue 3/ 168; tungan (dsg.) 3/ 78 tu¯ ngere¯fan (dsg. m.) town-reeve, bailiff 3/ 107 [tu¯ ngere¯fa] tungol (nsg. m.n.) star 9/ 14 Tureces iege (pn.) Torksey, Lincolnshire 2/ 90 twa¯ (num. napl.) two 2/ 120 *8/ 67; twa¯ m (dpl.) 1/ 4, 7 *6/ 6; tw毯 m 2/ 64; tu毯 m 2/ 73; twe¯gen (napl.) 4/ 21, 46 *6/ 6 *7/ 96 *10/ 80 twe¯ga; twe¯gen → oðer; twa¯ twelfe (num. npl.) twelve 7/ 90 [twelf] twe¯ntig (num.) twenty 8/ 68 ty¯ ne (num. napl.) ten 7/ 89-90 [ty¯ n] Þ, Ð þa¯ , ða¯ → se¯; se¯o ða¯ (adv., conj.) then, at that time, after that time; when, because þa¯ ◆ col.: ða¯ ða¯ 8/ 5, 95; ða¯ ða¯ 5/ 15, 20 *8/ 34; þa¯ þa¯ 6/ 93, 173, 175; ða¯ gı ¯t 6/ 77; þa¯ gı ¯t 6/ 44; ða¯ gy¯ t 6/ 81 þafode; þafunge → geþafian; geþafunge ða¯ gı ¯t, ða¯ gy¯ t → ða¯ ða¯ m, þa¯ m, ða¯ n, þa¯ n → se¯ þanc (nasg. m.) thanks 10/ 120, 147; ðonc 5/ 16, 65 <?page no="321"?> 310 þancie (OE) þancie (sg.ps.) to thank 10/ 173; þancigende (psp.) 8/ 85; þancode (sg.pt.) 8/ 37 [ðancian II] þane → se¯ ða¯ r, þa¯ r → ð毯 r ða¯ ra, þa¯ ra → se¯ ða¯ re, þa¯ re → se¯o þa¯ s, þa¯ s → ðe¯os, ðes ða¯ ða¯ → ða¯ ð毯 m, þ毯 m, þæne → se¯ þænne → ðonne (1) ð毯 r (adv.) there, where 2/ 128 *4/ 18 *5/ 19, 64 *10/ 205, 287 *11/ 10, 30, 63-64 etc.; þ毯 r 1/ 3, 6, 13, 21, 23 *2/ 4, 9, 22, 37 etc. *3/ 9, 29, 62, 82 etc. *4/ 15-16, 18-20, 24 etc. *6/ 3, 16, 19, 25-26 etc. *7/ 27, 91, 148 *9/ 17, 32, 37 *10/ 17, 23-24, 28 etc. *11/ 8-9, 11, 24 etc.; ða¯ r 8/ 1, 84, 100; þa¯ r 2/ 112 *4/ 42 *8/ 1, 14, 56, 58 þ毯 ra → se¯ þ毯 rbinnan (adv.) therein 6/ 86 ð毯 re, þ毯 re → se¯o þ毯 rinne (adv.) therein 2/ 30 ð毯 ron (adv.) therein 11/ 67 þ毯 rto¯ (adv.) thereto 2/ 23 ðæs, þæs → se¯ þæs (adv.) therefore, then 2/ 77 *6/ 119, 180 *7/ 13, 38 *10/ 239 ◆ col.: þæs þe (conj.) as, because, when 2/ 6 *4/ 40 *7/ 137, 145 *9/ 68; þæs ymb (adv.) afterwards, later 2/ 57, 59, 62, 70, 72, 79 ðæt, þæt → oð ðæt (1) (pron. nasg. n.) that 3/ 36, 55 *5/ 17, 46 *8/ 27, 89 *11/ 66; þæt 1/ 8, 17-18, 24-25 *2/ 11, 19, 44, 55, 142, 145 *3/ 4-5, 25, 27, 35-39, 69, 74, 84-85, 105, 110-111, 115, 117, 120, 122, 124, 127, 170 *4/ 2, 9, 15, 24, 26, 33, 35, 41 *6/ 36, 69, 87, 105, 117, 123-124, 136, 143, 145-146, 148, 151, 169-170 *7/ 3, 18, 29, 63, 65, 74-75, 77, 92, 122-123, 135, 145, 151, 155-156 *8/ 4, 22, 31, 34-35, 46, 48, 63, 76, 79, 83, 86, 95, 103 *9/ 64 *10/ 5, 22, 32, 36, 51, 56, 63, 76, 84, 102, 105, 119, 135, 137, 142, 144, 168, 176-177, 180, 194, 200, 217, 221, 223, 226, 234, 243, 246, 251, 263, 275, 289, 291, 307, 324-325 *11/ 6, 18, 21, 28, 39, 58, 74; tæt 2/ 28 ðæt (2) (conj.) that, so that þæt; ðætte; þætte þe → oð ðe (relpart.) who, which 3/ 40, 67, 78, 91, 137, 144 *4/ 11, 30-31 *5/ 4, 9, 12, 18, 28, 31, 34, 45-46, 48-49, 51-52, 56 *8/ 10, 60, 72, 84-85, 93 *10/ 316 *11/ 98, 113, 145; þe 1/ 2, 13 *2/ 3, 9, 19, 21 etc. *3/ 2, 9-10, 12 etc. *4/ 24-25, 40 *6/ 4, 13, 18-19 etc. *7/ 9, 14, 21, 23 etc. *8/ 8, 17, 56, 58 etc. *9/ 26 *10/ 36, 48, 52, 77-78 etc. *11/ 86, 111, 118, 121 etc. þe (art.) the 8/ 73 ðe¯, þe¯ → l毯 s; ðu¯ ; micel ðe¯ah (adv., conj.) nevertheless, even so, yet; though, although 5/ 54 *8/ 23 *10/ 289; þe¯ah 2/ 33, 40, 126, 144 *4/ 46 *7/ 8, 103 *8/ 23; ðe¯h 7/ 80; þe¯h 7/ 40, 125, 127 *10/ 190; ðe¯ahðe 8/ 3 þearf (1) (nsg. f.) need, hardship, distress 3/ 152 *7/ 29, 151, 153-154 *10/ 233; ðearfe (dsg.) 6/ 39 *10/ 307; þearfe 10/ 175, 201, 232; þearfa (apl.) 6/ 154 þearf (2) (sg.ps.) to need, have occasion to 11/ 117; þurfe (pl.ps.) 10/ 34; þurfon 10/ 249; þorfte (sg.pt.) 9/ 39, 44; þorftun (pl.pt.) 9/ 47 [ðurfan prps.] þearfa → þearf (1) þearfan (npl. m.) pauper 6/ 58 [ðearfa] þearfum (dpl.) 6/ 36, 60-61, 173 ðearfe → þearf (1) þearfum → þearfan þearle (adv.) very much, keenly 7/ 45 *8/ 59, 92 *9/ 23 *10/ 158 *11/ 52 ðe¯aw (nsg. m.) custom, practice 4/ 20; þe¯aw 3/ 143 *4/ 41; ðe¯awas (apl.) 5/ 22; þe¯awa (gpl.) 7/ 115; þe¯awum (dpl.) 6/ 53, 159 þegen, þegenas, þegene, þegenes → þegn þegengylde (asg. n.) payment for a thegn 7/ 84 ðegenlı ¯ce (adv.) in thanely fashion 10/ 294 þegn (nasg.) thegn, nobleman, retainer, warrior, attendant 2/ 21 *3/ 145, 147; þegen (nasg.) 7/ 82-83, 93 *10/ 151; þegenes (gsg.) 7/ 91; þegene (dsg.) 7/ 82; þegnas (napl.) 2/ 15, 19 *11/ 75; þegenas 10/ 205, 220, 232; þegna (gpl.) 3/ 13 *6/ 58; þegnum (dpl.) 3/ 23; þe¯nan 7/ 26 þegnian (II) to serve, minister 3/ 145 þegnum → þegn ðe¯h, þe¯h → ðe¯ah þe¯l毯 sþe; þe¯nan → l毯 s; þegn þencaþ, þence, þenceð → geðencean þenian (I) to stretch out 11/ 52 ðe¯ninga (apl. f.) divine service, mass book 5/ 12 [ðe¯ning] þe¯nung (nsg. f.) service, food 8/ 2; þe¯nunga (apl.) 6/ 57 *8/ 5 þe¯oda → þe¯ode (1) þe¯odde → þe¯ode (2) þe¯ode (1) (gdsg. f.) people, nation 2/ 37, 154 *3/ 64, 166 *7/ 7, 11, 30, 36, 40, 42, 62, 76-77, 86, 97, 102, 116, 136, 139 *10/ 220; <?page no="322"?> 311 ðe¯ode 10/ 90; geðe¯odes (gsg.) 4/ 41; þe¯oda (npl.) 1/ 30 *6/ 66; ðe¯oda 10/ 173; ðı ¯oda 5/ 44; þe¯odum (dpl.) 7/ 20, 23 *9/ 22 [ðe¯od] þe¯ode (2) (sg.pt.) to serve 3/ 166; þe¯odde 3/ 17 [ðe¯owan I] ðe¯oden (nsg. m.) lord, ruler 10/ 120; þe¯oden (nasg.) 10/ 158, 178, 232; ðe¯odne (dsg.) 10/ 294; þe¯odne 11/ 69 Þe¯odforda (pn.) Thetford 2/ 54 þe¯odne → ðe¯oden þe¯odscipe (nsg. m.) nation, discipline, law 7/ 105; þe¯odscype (asg.) 2/ 93; þe¯odscipum (dpl.) 3/ 136 þe¯odum → þe¯ode (1) þe¯odwita (nsg. m.) learned man 7/ 142 ðe¯os (dempron. nsg. f.) this 7/ 3; þe¯os 3/ 8, 10, 29 *6/ 64 *11/ 12, 82; ðeosse (gsg.) 3/ 66; ðisse (dsg.) 5/ 20 *10/ 221; þysse 3/ 38 *7/ 30, 40, 42, 76-77, 85, 136; ða¯ s (asg.) 6/ 171; þa¯ s 2/ 99 *3/ 93 *6/ 168 *7/ 7, 11, 36, 62, 97, 102, 139 *11/ 96 þeossum → þes þe¯owas (napl. m.) servant 7/ 25, 28; þe¯owan (npl.) 4/ 17; ðe¯owa (gpl.) 8/ 68; þe¯owa 3/ 121; ðı ¯owa 5/ 25; þe¯owum (dpl.) 7/ 27 *8/ 69, 76 þe¯ræfter (adv.) thereafter 2/ 97 þes (dempron. nsg. m.) this 7/ 105 *8/ 8-9, 17, 19; þysan (dsg.) 7/ 34, 46, 59, 65; ðysum 8/ 20; þisne (asg.) 2/ 148 *10/ 32; þysne 6/ 14 *10/ 52 *11/ 104; þı ¯s (isg.) 10/ 316; ða¯ s (napl.) 5/ 28; þa¯ s 2/ 120 *3/ 1 *4/ 4, 6-7 *8/ 14, 69, 77 *10/ 298; ðissa (gpl.) 5/ 17; þeossum (dpl.) 3/ 31; (dsg.) 3/ 90 þicgenne (infl.inf.) to drink 6/ 128 [ðicgan 5,I] þider (adv.) thither, there, to that place 2/ 15, 20 *6/ 134 þı ¯n → ðu¯ þincan (I imp.) to seem, appear, think 7/ 47, 105, 129; þynceð (sg.ps.) 3/ 18; ðyncð 5/ 44-45; þinceð 10/ 55; þince (sg.ps. subj.) 8/ 24; þu¯ hte (sg.pt.) 3/ 8, 147 *10/ 66 *11/ 4 þincg → þing þı ¯ne → ðu¯ þing (nasg. n.) thing, object 3/ 18; (napl.) 3/ 149 *7/ 116 *8/ 77; þinges (gsg.) 6/ 35; þincg (asg.) 6/ 96, 162; ðingc 8/ 3, 7; þingc 8/ 7, 69; þinga (gpl.) 7/ 23 *8/ 58-59; ðingum (dpl.) 8/ 10; þingum 3/ 15 *6/ 54 *8/ 49, 94 þingian (II) to pray, intercede 7/ 153; þingie (sg.ps. subj.) 6/ 160 þingum → þing þı ¯nne, þı ¯nra, þı ¯nre, þı ¯num, ðinum → ðu¯ ðı ¯oda → þe¯ode (1) (OE) ðu¯ ðı ¯owa → þe¯owas ðı ¯owotdo¯ mas (apl. m.) service 5/ 9 [ðe¯owotdo¯ m] þı ¯s → þes ðis (dempron. nasg. n.) this 2/ 46 *3/ 12 *5/ 23, 33; þis 2/ 108-109, 123, 135 *3/ 21, 28, 94 *6/ 65 *8/ 5, 70 *9/ 66 *10/ 45; ðisses (gsg.) 5/ 55; ðissum (dsg.) 5/ 53; þissum 2/ 76, 91 *9/ 67; þisum 8/ 57, 94, 98; (dpl.) 8/ 94; þyssum 11/ 83, 109; þisan (dsg.) 2/ 119; þysson 11/ 138 þisan → onmang; ðis þisne, ðissa → þes ðisse → ðe¯os ðisses, ðissum, þissum, þisum → ðis þo¯ hte → geðencean þolian (II) to suffer 10/ 201, 307; geþolian 10/ 6; þoliað (pl.ps.) 7/ 99; þolodan (pl.pt.) 11/ 149 þon → se¯ ðonc → þanc ðone, þone → se¯ ðonne (1) (adv.) then, now, therefore 4/ 28-29, 31, 33; þonne 2/ 15 *3/ 28, 37, 39, 81, 83 *4/ 4-5, 11, 13, 20, 25-26, 29, 32, 36-38 *8/ 24, 48, 110 *11/ 107, 115, 117, 139, 142; þænne 7/ 6 ðonne (2) (conj.) when, while 8/ 87; þonne 2/ 155 *3/ 16, 83 *6/ 170 *7/ 13 *10/ 213, 195; þonne than 1/ 27 *2/ 26 *3/ 14-15, 48 *6/ 71 *7/ 13, 42, 79, 112, 119, 152 *10/ 33 *11/ 128 þorfte, þorftun → þearf (2) þr毯 l (nasg. m.) slave 7/ 82-83, 92; þr毯 le (dsg.) 7/ 82, 93; þr毯 la (gpl.) 7/ 80 þr毯 lriht (npl. m.) right of a slave 7/ 37 þre¯om, þre¯ora → þry¯ þriddan (ord. dasg. m.) third 1/ 6 *4/ 29 þrittig (num.) thirty 6/ 94 þro¯ wode (sg.pt.) to suffer, endure 11/ 84, 98, 145 [ðro¯ wian II] þro¯ wunge (dsg. f.) suffering, passion 3/ 130 [ðro¯ wung] þry¯ (num. npl.) three 7/ 96 *8/ 100-101; þre¯ora (gpl.) 10/ 299; þre¯om (num. dpl.) three 2/ 105; þry¯ m 8/ 107 þrycced (ptp.) to oppress 3/ 141 [ðryccan I] þry¯ m → þry¯ þrymfæst (adj. nsg. m.) illustrious, mighty 11/ 84 ðu¯ (perspron. 2.nsg.) you 5/ 17-19 *8/ 8, 12, 16, 21 etc. *11/ 78, 96; þu¯ 1/ 2, 18-20, 26, 30 *3/ 10, 18, 21, 23, 91, 152 *6/ 161, 163-164 *8/ 8, 12, 22, 32-33 etc. *10/ 30, 36-37, 45 etc.; þı ¯n (gsg.) 1/ 29 *3/ 24 *8/ 25, 46 *10/ 178; ðe¯ (dasg.) 3/ 152 *5/ 2, 17-18 *8/ 9, 17, 24, 37 <?page no="323"?> 312 ðu¯ (OE) etc. *10/ 30, 177; þe¯ 1/ 27 *3/ 11, 15 *6/ 162 *8/ 22, 26, 33, 39 etc. *10/ 29, 146, 173, 179 etc. *11/ 95 ◆ poss. adj.: þı ¯nne (asg. m.) 1/ 2, 20, 27 *8/ 24; þı ¯ne (asg. f.) 1/ 19 *8/ 23, 36 *10/ 37; (apl.) 8/ 39; þı ¯nre (gsg. f.) 3/ 152; þy¯ nre (gsg. f.) 8/ 104; ðı ¯num (dsg. n.) 8/ 9; þı ¯nra (gpl.) 3/ 13; þı ¯num (dsg. m.n.) 1/ 26, 29 *8/ 64, 113; (dpl.) 3/ 23 *10/ 50; þy¯ ne (npl.) 8/ 105 þu¯ hte → þincan þurfe, þurfon → þearf ðurh (prep. (a.)) through, by, by means of 5/ 28, 43 *7/ 146 *11/ 119; þurh 1/ 26 *3/ 25, 49, 62, 69 etc. *6/ 20, 24, 122, 129, 180 *7/ 36, 39, 63, 79 etc. *8/ 81, 94 *10/ 71, 141, 145, 151 *11/ 10, 18 þurhdrifan (pl.pt.) to drive through, pierce 11/ 46 [ðurhdrı ¯fan 1] þurhfle¯o (sg.ps. subj.) to fly through 3/ 25 [ðurhfle¯on 2] þurhwo¯ d (sg.pt.) to pass through 10/ 296 [ðurhwadan 6] Þursta¯ nes (prn.) 10/ 298 þus (adv.) thus, in this way 1/ 2, 7, 30 *2/ 53 *3/ 21, 35, 152-153 *4/ 37 *6/ 63, 101, 156 *8/ 68, 71, 81, 89 etc. *10/ 57 þu¯ senda (gpl.) thousand 2/ 69 [ðu¯ send] ðwo¯ h (sg.pt.) to wash, cleanse 6/ 120 [ðwe¯an 6] þy¯ fþe (dsg. f.) theft 7/ 36 [ðy¯ fð] ðy¯ , þy¯ → se¯ ðyncð, þynceð → þincan þy¯ ne, þy¯ nre → ðu¯ þysan → þes þyslic (adj. nsg. n.) such 3/ 21 þysne → þes þysse → ðe¯os þysson, þyssum → ðis þy¯ stro (npl. f.) darkness, shadow 11/ 52 ðysum → þes U u¯ htsong (asg. m.) Matins 3/ 161; u¯ htsange (dsg.) 6/ 72 unbefohtene (ptp.) unopposed 10/ 57 [see feohtan] unc (perspron. dual 1.a.) we two 1/ 8 *11/ 48 [wit] uncoþu (nsg. f.) disease 7/ 44 uncræftan (dpl. m.) evil practice, deceit 7/ 159 [uncræft] uncu¯ ð (adj. nsg. m.) unknown 3/ 22 *5/ 64 und毯 de (dsg. f.) wicked deed, crime 7/ 124 [und毯 d] under (prep. (d.a.)) under 4/ 2 *11/ 55, 85 underbæc (adv.) backwards, behind 1/ 21 underfe¯ng, underfe¯ngan, underfe¯ngon → underfo¯ n underfo¯ n (7) to receive, accept 6/ 114, 120; underfe¯ng (sg.pt.) 6/ 38, 124; underfe¯ngon (pl.pt.) 2/ 39 *6/ 67; underfe¯ngan 7/ 157 understandan (6) to understand, comprehend 7/ 98, 160 *8/ 28; understondan 5/ 12; understande (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 75, 85; understandað (imp.pl.) 7/ 7 underþe¯odde (sg.pt.) to subject 3/ 14; underþe¯oded (ptp.) 3/ 137 [underðe¯odan I] unearge → earh unforbærned (ptp.) unburned, uncremated 4/ 20, 23, 42 [see forbærnan I] unforcu¯ ð (adj. nsg. m.) noble, excellent 10/ 51 unforht (adj. nsg. m.) unafraid, fearless 11/ 110; unforhte (npl.) 10/ 79 unforworhte (adj. npl.) innocent 7/ 35 ungecna¯ we (adj. npl.) unknown 8/ 59 ungecyndne → gecynde ungefo¯ ge (adv.) excessively 4/ 37 ungefullod (adj. nsg. n.) unbaptized 6/ 97 ungelimpa (gpl. m.) misfortune 7/ 85 [ungelimp] ungemetlic (adj. nsg. n.) immense 2/ 42 ungerı ¯m (nsg. n.) countless number 7/ 134 ungetry¯ wþa (npl. f.) treachery, disloyalty 7/ 55 [ungetry¯ wð] ungewunelic (adj. nsg. n.) unknown 8/ 59 ungylda (npl. n.) excessive tax 7/ 45 [ungyld] unhe¯anlı ¯ce (adv.) not ignobly 2/ 11 unlaga (npl. f.) unlawful act, abuse of law 7/ 11, 36, 146 [unlagu] unly¯ tel (adj. nsg. n.) not a little 7/ 18 unorne (adj. nsg. m.) plain, simple 10/ 256 unr毯 d (nsg. m.) folly 2/ 142 unriht (asg. n.) injustice, wrong 7/ 11, 33, 154; unrihta (npl.) 7/ 47; (gpl.) 7/ 9 unrihtlı ¯ce (adv.) unjustly, wrongly 7/ 54 unrı ¯m (nsg. n.) countless number 9/ 31 unro¯ t (adj. nsg. m.) sad, dejected 8/ 23 unryhtum (adj. dpl.) unjust, wrongful 2/ 2 [unriht] unsida (apl. m.) abuse 7/ 108 [unsidu] unspe¯digan (adj. npl.) poor 4/ 17 [unspe¯dig] unstille (adj. asg. f.) inquiet 8/ 86 unstilnesse (asg. f.) uproar 2/ 15 [unstilnes] untrumnysse (apl. f.) infirmity, disease 6/ 172; untrymnesse (dsg.) 3/ 141 [untrumnes] untrumra (adj. gpl.) sick, infirm 3/ 143 *6/ 20; untrumran (apl. comp.) 3/ 144 [untrum] untrymnesse → untrumnysse <?page no="324"?> 313 unwa¯ clı ¯ce (adv.) strongly 10/ 308 unwær (adv.) unexpectedly 2/ 110, 125 unwæstma (gpl. m.) crop failure 7/ 46 [unwæstm] unweaxen (ptp.) not grown up 10/ 152 unwedera (gpl. n.) bad weather, storm 7/ 46 [unweder] u¯ p → u¯ pp u¯ pa¯ stı ¯gnesse (dsg. f.) ascension 3/ 130 [u¯ pa¯stı ¯gnes] u¯ pgangan (asg. m.) passage 10/ 87 [u¯ pganga] u¯ pgange (dsg. m.) rising 6/ 73 [u¯ pgang] u¯ pp (adv.) upwards 2/ 63, 82 *6/ 121; u¯ p 2/ 58 *6/ 74, 117 *9/ 13, 70 *10/ 130 *11/ 71 uppan (prep. (d.a.)) upon, on 1/ 3; uppon 8/ 51 uppe (adv.) above 11/ 9 uppon → uppan u¯ ra, u¯ ran, u¯ re, u¯ rne → we¯ urnon → irnan u¯ rum, u¯ s → we¯ u¯ t (adv.) out, outside 2/ 12, 103 *3/ 26, 85, 90 *4/ 10, 12, 38 *5/ 6 *7/ 34, 61, 65, 97 *8/ 41, 50, 66, 99 *9/ 35 *10/ 72 utan → uton u¯ tan (adv.) outside, from outside 2/ 9 u¯ tanbordes (adv.) from abroad 5/ 9 u¯ te (adv.) out, outside, abroad 3/ 24 *5/ 10 *7/ 23-24, 43, 86 u¯ tgonge (dsg. m.) exitus, exodus 3/ 127 [u¯ tgong] uton (irr.) let us 6/ 12; utan 7/ 140, 154-155, 157, 159; wutan 7/ 151; wuton 3/ 162 [see gewı ¯te] u¯ ðe, u¯ þon → geunne u¯ ðwitan (npl. m.) scholar, authority 9/ 69 [u¯ ðwita] uuiþ → wið W wa¯ cian (II) to weaken, grow weak 10/ 10 wa¯ cne (adj. asg. m.) slender 10/ 43 [wa¯c] wadan (6) to go, advance 10/ 140; wo¯ d (sg.pt.) 10/ 130, 253; gewo¯ d 10/ 157; wo¯ don (pl.pt.) 10/ 96, 295 wa¯ la¯ (interj.) alas, woe 7/ 95 Waldend; wand → Wealdend; windan wandian (II) to hesitate 10/ 258; wandode (sg.pt.) 10/ 268 wanedan (pl.pt.) to lessen, dwindle, wane 7/ 29 [wanian 2] wanha¯ lum (dpl.) sick, weak 6/ 128; wannha¯ lum 6/ 173 [wanha¯l] wann → gewinnan (OE) we¯ wann (adj. nsg. f.) dark, black 11/ 55 wannha¯ lum → wanha¯ lum ware (dsg. f.) protection 6/ 93 [waru] warnian (2) to warn 7/ 151 was → be¯on wa¯ st, wa¯ t → witan w毯 dlum (dpl. m.) beggar 6/ 36 [w毯 dla] w毯 dum (dpl. f.) clothing, covering 11/ 15, 22 [w毯 d] w毯 fersy¯ ne (dsg. f.) spectacle 11/ 31 [w毯 fersy¯ n] wæl (nsg. n.) slaughter, carnage 2/ 42, 61, 127 *9/ 65 *10/ 126, 303; wæle (dsg.) 10/ 279, 300 wælcyrian (npl. f.) sorceress 7/ 133 [wælcyrie] wælfelda (dsg. m.) battlefield 9/ 51 [wælfeld] wælhre¯owan (asg. m.) cruel, savage 6/ 26; wælhre¯owe (apl. f.) 7/ 36 [wælhre¯ow] wælræste (asg. f.) death in battle 10/ 113 [wælræst] wælsliht (nsg. m.) slaughter, carnage 2/ 74 wælspere (asg. n.) slaughterous spear 10/ 322 wælsto¯ we (gsg. f.) battlefield 2/ 62, 75, 81, 116, 129 *10/ 95; (dsg.) 9/ 43 *10/ 293 [wælsto¯ w] Wælþe¯of (prn.) 2/ 152 wælwulfas (npl. m.) slaughterous wolf, warrior 10/ 96 [wælwulf] w毯 pen (nasg. n.) weapon 3/ 51, 53 *10/ 130, 235, 252; w毯 pnes (gsg.) 10/ 168; w毯 pne (dsg.) 10/ 228; w毯 pna (apl.) 10/ 83, 272, 308; w毯 pnum (dpl.) 4/ 38 *10/ 10, 126 w毯 pngewrixl (nsg. n.) exchange of weapons, armed encounter 7/ 81; w毯 pengewrixles (gsg.) 9/ 51 w毯 pnum → w毯 pen w毯 ran, w毯 re, w毯 ren → be¯on W毯 rferð (prn.) 5/ 1 wærlı ¯ce (adv.) warily, carefully 7/ 158 w毯 ron, w毯 run, wæs → be¯on wæstmum (dpl. m.) fruit 3/ 40 [wæstm] w毯 tan (dsg. m.) moisture, blood 11/ 22 [w毯 ta] wæter (nasg. n.) water 6/ 123-124, 128, 165 *7/ 18 *9/ 55 *10/ 91, 98; wæteres (gsg.) 4/ 46; wætere (dsg.) 10/ 64, 96 we¯ (perspron. 2.npl.) we 1/ 8 *3/ 12, 19, 29-30, 36, 40 etc. *5/ 10-11, 16, 20-21, 29-31, 38 etc. *6/ 14, 107, 132 *7/ 11-15, 17, 21, 24, 38 etc. *8/ 78, 104-106 *10/ 33-35, 40, 61, 212-213 *11/ 70; u¯ re (gpl.) 2/ 110 *3/ 16 *5/ 28, 31 *6/ 14 *7/ 49, 157-158, 163 *8/ 36, 78 *10/ 232, 234, 240, 313-314; u¯ s (dapl.) 3/ 10, 18, 22, 38, 153 *4/ 5-6, 8 *5/ 19, 29 *6/ 13, 21, 160 *7/ 14, 41, 44, 46, 51 etc. *8/ 12, 78, 81, 104, 107 *9/ 68 *10/ 34, 39-40, 60, 93, 233, 237 *11/ 73, 75, 147 ◆ poss. adj.: <?page no="325"?> 314 we¯ (OE) u¯ ran 2/ 118; u¯ rne (asg. m.) 10/ 58; u¯ ra (gpl.) 3/ 14; u¯ rum (dpl.) 2/ 143 *6/ 101 *7/ 89 *8/ 91 *10/ 56; (dsg. m.) 8/ 20 We¯alas (prn.) the Welsh 9/ 72 wealdan (7) to rule, govern, control, cause 10/ 83, 95, 168, 272; gewe¯old (sg.pt.) 6/ 29, 93; we¯oldan (pl.pt.) 7/ 46 wealde (dsg. m.) forest, wood 9/ 65 [weald] Wealdend (nasg. m.) ruler, lord, God 6/ 16 *11/ 67, 111, 155; Waldend 10/ 173; Wealdendes (gsg.) 11/ 17, 53; Wealdende (dsg.) 11/ 121 wealhstod (nsg. m.) interpreter, translator 6/ 42; wealhstodas (npl.) 5/ 43 weall (asg. m.) wall 6/ 25 weallendan (psp. asg. m.) to well up, seethe, boil 7/ 161 [weallan 7] wealwigende (psp.) to roll 6/ 130; wealweode (sg.pt.) 6/ 131 [wealwian II] Weard (nasg. m.) guardian, God 3/ 95, 101 *6/ 75 *11/ 91 wearð, wearþ → weorðan wed (asg. n.) pledge, oath 7/ 158; (apl.) 7/ 76 [wedd] wedbrycas (apl. m.) pledge-breaking 7/ 111 [wedbyrce] we¯dde (sg.pt.) to rage 3/ 56 [we¯dan I] weg (asg. m.) way 6/ 134 *11/ 88; weges (gsg.) 4/ 36; wegum (dpl.) 4/ 40 ◆ col.: ealne weg (adv.) always, continuously 4/ 2, 8; ealneg 5/ 66 wegan (5) to carry, bear 3/ 53; we¯gon (pl.pt.) 10/ 98 weges → weg wegfarende (adj. nsg. m.) wayfaring 6/ 129 wegneste (dsg. n.) viaticum, provision for a journey 3/ 160 [wegnest] we¯gon; wegum → weg; wegan wel (adv.) well, fully, properly 2/ 132, 148 *3/ 71, 120, 163 *5/ 51 *6/ 42, 46 *7/ 8 *8/ 8, 47, 49, 62, 80, 82, 96; well 11/ 129, 143 welan (asg. m.) prosperity, riches 5/ 29, 31 [wela] welhw毯 r (adv.) (nearly) everywhere 5/ 65; gewelhw毯 r 7/ 25 weligne (asg. m.) rich 8/ 37 [welig] well → wel welme (dsg. m.) zeal 3/ 138 [welm] welwillendnesse (dsg. f.) benevolence, goodwill 8/ 38 [welwillendnes] welwillendum (adj. dsg. n.) benevolent 6/ 37 [welwillende] wendan (I) to turn, go, change, translate 5/ 35, 56 *10/ 316 *11/ 22; wende (1.sg.ps.) 10/ 252; wenden (pl.ps. subj.) 5/ 46; gewende (sg.pt.) 6/ 78, 167; gewænde 8/ 16; wendon (pl.pt.) 5/ 41, 43-44 *10/ 193, 205; gewændon 8/ 74; gewende (ptp.) 6/ 40 we¯nde → we¯ne wenden, wendon → wendan we¯ndon → we¯ne we¯ne (1.sg.ps.) to think, believe, imagine 5/ 14 *11/ 135; (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 40; we¯nde (sg.pt.) 6/ 18 *10/ 239; we¯ndon (pl.pt.) 3/ 56 *5/ 36 *8/ 52 we¯ofod (asg. n.) altar 1/ 13; wı ¯gbed (apl.) 3/ 45, 63; wı ¯gbedo 3/ 40 we¯oldan → wealdan Weonodland (pn.) country of the Wends 4/ 7, 9; Weonoðland 4/ 2; Weonodlande (dsg.) 4/ 10; Winodlande 4/ 13 we¯op (sg.pt.) to weep 11/ 55 [we¯pan 7] weorc (asg. n.) work, action, deed 1/ 17 *3/ 97 *7/ 158 *11/ 79; weorcum (dpl.) 6/ 46, 155, 168 weorode → werod weorðan (3) to become, be, happen 5/ 37 *7/ 16; wurþest (2.sg.ps.) 6/ 164; wyrð (sg.ps.) 7/ 5, 39; weorþe (sg.ps. subj.) 7/ 81; weorðe 7/ 82; geweorþe 7/ 81; wurðe 2/ 155; wearð (sg.pt.) 2/ 93, 106, 111-112, 124 etc. *6/ 3-4, 23, 26, 32, 53, 66 etc. *7/ 104 *8/ 2, 53, 71, 91 *9/ 32, 65 *10/ 106, 113-114, 116, 135, 138, 202, 241, 288, 295; wearþ 2/ 15, 51, 61, 66-67 etc. *6/ 88, 146; gewearð 6/ 94 *7/ 72; wurde (sg.pt. subj.) 1/ 15 *6/ 39 *10/ 1; gewurde (sg.pt. subj.) 7/ 92; wurdon (pl.pt.) 2/ 41, 82, 113 *6/ 20, 118, 122, 125, 128, 178 *10/ 186; wurdun 9/ 48; geworden (ptp.) 3/ 165 *7/ 59, 67, 118, 145 *8/ 54 *11/ 87 weorðe, weorþe → weorðan weorðe (dsg. n.) price 7/ 71, 82; weorþe 7/ 73, 81 [weorð] weorþe (adj. nsg. f.) worthy, valuable, dear 3/ 30; wyrðe 6/ 160; wyrðes (gsg. m.) 3/ 105 weorþian (II) to honour, worship 11/ 129; wurðað (sg.ps.) 6/ 90; weorðiað (pl.ps.) 11/ 81; wurðode (sg.pt.) 6/ 69, 74; geweorþode 11/ 90; geweorðod (ptp.) 11/ 15; geweorðode 11/ 94; geweorðad 3/ 67 weorðlı ¯ce (adv.) worthily, honourably, nobly 11/ 17; wurðlı ¯ce 10/ 279; wurðlı ¯cost (sup.) 8/ 83 weorðscipe (dsg. m.) honour, dignity 7/ 99; wurðscipes (gsg.) 8/ 85 [weorðscip] weorðunge (dsg. f.) honour, veneration 7/ 21 weoruldha¯ de → woruldha¯ d <?page no="326"?> 315 wer (nasg. m.) man 6/ 129, 153, 180; weres (gsg.) 6/ 148; weras (npl.) 8/ 100 werede → werod werede (sg.pt.) to protect, defend 2/ 12; weredon (pl.pt.) 10/ 82, 283 [werian II] weres → wer wergas (apl. m.) criminal 11/ 31 [wearg] we¯rig (adj. nsg. m.) weary, exhausted 9/ 20; we¯rige (npl.) 10/ 303 werod (nasg. n.) host, troop, army 6/ 18 *10/ 64, 97, 102; werode (dsg.) 2/ 8 *6/ 9, 18, 105 *10/ 51; weorode 9/ 34 *11/ 69, 152; werede 2/ 80 *11/ 124; weruda (gpl.) 11/ 51 wesan (5) to be 11/ 110, 117 [see be¯on] Wesseaxe, Wesseaxna → Westseaxan west (adv.) westwards 4/ 14 *10/ 97 Westmynstre (pn.) Westminster 2/ 91, 146 Westseaxan (prn.) West Saxons 6/ 81; Westseaxe 2/ 57, 86; Westseaxna (gpl.) 2/ 1, 47 *6/ 77; Westsexena land kingdom of the West Saxons 6/ 78 wiccan (npl. m.) wizzard 7/ 132 [wicca] wicge (dsg. n.) horse 10/ 240 [wicg] wı ¯cing (asg. m.) Viking 10/ 139; wı ¯cinge (dsg. m.) 7/ 81; wı ¯cinga (gpl.) 10/ 26, 73, 97; wı ¯cingas (apl.) 10/ 322; wı ¯cingum (dpl.) 10/ 116 wı ¯de (adv.) widely, far and wide 2/ 154 *6/ 151 *7/ 6, 11, 27, 31 etc. ◆ col.: wı ¯de and sı ¯de 7/ 118 *11/ 81 wı ¯dgillan (adj. asg. m.) wide-spread, extensive 6/ 131 [wı ¯dgil] wı ¯fa → wı ¯fes wı ¯fcy¯ þþe (dsg. f.) company of a woman 2/ 8 [wı ¯fcy¯ ðu] Wı ¯ferþ (prn.) 2/ 21 wı ¯fes (gsg. n.) woman 2/ 14; wı ¯fa (gpl.) 11/ 94 [wı ¯f] wiga (nsg. m.) warrior 10/ 210; wigan (asg.) 10/ 75, 235; (npl.) 10/ 79, 126, 302; wigena (gpl.) 10/ 135 wı ¯gbed, wı ¯gbedo → we¯ofod wı ¯ge (dsg. n.) war, battle 5/ 7 *10/ 128, 193, 235, 252; wigge 10/ 10; wı ¯ges (gsg.) 9/ 20, 59 *10/ 73, 130 [wı ¯g] Wı ¯gelmes (prn.) 10/ 300 wigena → wiga wı ¯gend (npl. m.) warrior 10/ 302 wı ¯ges, wigge → wı ¯ge wı ¯gheardne (adj. asg. m.) brave in war 10/ 75 [wı ¯gheard] wı ¯gplegan (dsg. m.) battle 10/ 268, 316 [wı ¯gplega] (OE) winter wı ¯gsmiþas (npl. m.) warrior 9/ 72 [wı ¯gsmið] wı ¯hagan (asg. m.) line of defence 10/ 102 Wiht (pn.) the Isle of Wight 2/ 98 wiites → wı ¯te wı ¯le → hwı ¯le wile → willan (2) willa (nsg. m.) will, desire, volition 11/ 129; willan (gdasg.) 6/ 28, 35, 79, 159 *7/ 162 willan → willa willan (1) (dsg. f.) well, fountain 3/ 4 [wille] willan (2) (irr.) to wish, desire, will 7/ 128; wille (sg.ps.) 5/ 52, 62, 67 *7/ 66, 75 *8/ 111 *10/ 37, 221, 247, 317; wylle 10/ 216; wylt (2.sg.ps.) 6/ 164 *5/ 52, 62, 67 *7/ 65, 74 *8/ 111; (sg.ps. subj.) 5/ 17 *8/ 21, 34, 65, 107; wilt (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 26, 93; wile (sg.ps.) 6/ 13 *10/ 52 *11/ 107; wylle (sg.ps. subj.) 2/ 100 *11/ 1; willað (pl.ps.) 10/ 35, 46; wyllað 4/ 26 *10/ 40; wolde (sg.pt.) 1/ 1, 14, 17 *2/ 6, 101, 136 etc. *3/ 2-3, 33, 42 *5/ 66 *6/ 29, 50, 72, 79, 158, 173 *7/ 64 *8/ 35, 64, 80 *10/ 11, 129, 160 *11/ 34, 41, 113; woldest (2.sg.pt.) 1/ 20 *8/ 32; woldon (pl.pt.) 2/ 119, 127, 131, 133, 149 *3/ 137 *5/ 38 *10/ 207 *11/ 68; woldan 3/ 4, 17 ◆ neg.: nelle (1.sg.ps.) 10/ 246; nellað (pl.ps.) 7/ 127; nolde (sg.pt.) 2/ 17, 137, 143 *10/ 6, 9, 275; noldest (2.sg.pt.) 1/ 26; noldon (pl.pt.) 2/ 25, 27 *5/ 31, 35 *6/ 114 *10/ 81, 185, 201 wilnigende (psp.) to desire 6/ 35 [wilnian II] wilnunga (dsg. f.) desire, wish 5/ 37 wilsumnesse (dsg. f.) devotion 3/ 166 [wilsumnes] wilt → willan (2) Wiltu¯ ne (pn.) Wilton, Wiltshire 2/ 80 winas → wine Winburnan (pn.) Wimborne, Dorset 2/ 78 windan (3) to fly, fly up, brandish 10/ 322; wand (sg.pt.) 10/ 43; wundon (pl.pt.) 6/ 144 *10/ 106 wine (nsg. m.) lord, friend 10/ 250; winas (apl.) 10/ 228 winedrihten (asg. m.) lord 10/ 248, 263 winema¯ gas (apl. m.) dear friend 10/ 306 [winemæg] winnað, winnende → gewinnan Winodlande → Weonodland winsumum → wynsumu Wintanceastre (pn.) Winchester 2/ 34 *6/ 89 winter (nasg. m.) winter; year 3/ 28 *4/ 47; wintres (gsg.) 3/ 27; wintre (dsg.) 2/ 54; wintra (gpl.) 2/ 6, 34, 44 *3/ 27; wintrum (dpl.) 10/ 210 <?page no="327"?> 316 wintersetl (OE) wintersetl (asg. n.) winter-quarters 2/ 46, 53, 87, 89 wintertı ¯de (dsg. f.) winter-time 3/ 23 [wintertı ¯d] wintra, wintre, wintres, wintrum → winter wiotan, wiotena → wita wiotonne → witan wı ¯s (adj. nsg. m.) wise, learned 10/ 219; wı ¯se (apl.) 5/ 43 wı ¯san (dasg. f.) way, fashion, order 1/ 14, 16 *3/ 115, 137 *7/ 26, 56 [wı ¯se] wı ¯sdo¯ m (nasg. m.) knowledge, learning, wisdom 5/ 10, 18, 28, 31, 38; wı ¯sdo¯ me (dsg.) 5/ 7 wı ¯se → wı ¯s Wı ¯sle (pn.) the River Vistula 4/ 8, 10, 13 Wı ¯slemu¯ ða (pn.) the mouth of the Vistula 4/ 14; Wı ¯slemu¯ ðan 4/ 8 wı ¯slic (adj. nsg. n.) wise 3/ 18 wı ¯sode (sg.pt.) to guide 10/ 141 [wı ¯sian II] Wı ¯sta¯ n (prn.) 10/ 297 wiste, wiston → witan wita (nsg. m.) counsellor, adviser 3/ 20; witan (dpl.) 6/ 41; wiotan (npl.) 2/ 1, 47 *5/ 2; wiotena (gpl.) 5/ 33; witum (dpl.) 3/ 7; wytum 3/ 3 wı ¯ta; witan → wı ¯te; wita witan (prps.) to know, understand, perceive 7/ 64 *8/ 21, 27, 32; witanne (infl.inf.) 7/ 67; wiotonne 5/ 46; wite (2.sg.ps. subj.) 8/ 22, 27; witan (pl.ps.) 7/ 17, 72, 103, 152; wa¯ t (1.sg.ps.) 3/ 16 *6/ 14, 159; (3.sg.ps.) 10/ 94; wa¯ st (2.sg.ps.) 8/ 48; wiste (sg.pt.) 3/ 56 *10/ 24; wiston (pl.pt.) 3/ 156 *5/ 26 ◆ neg.: na¯ t (1.sg.pt.) 8/ 18, 21; na¯ st (2.sg.pt.) 8/ 48 wı ¯te (dasg. n.) punishment, torment 11/ 61; wı ¯tes 7/ 161; wiites 3/ 132; wı ¯tu (napl.) 5/ 19; wı ¯ta (gpl.) 11/ 87 Wı ¯tland (pn.) 4/ 9 witodlı ¯ce (adv.) certainly 6/ 78 wı ¯tu → wı ¯te witum → wita wið (prep. (a.g.d.i.)) to, towards, with, against 2/ 107, 126 *3/ 91, 137 *6/ 13-14, 25, 129, 144 *7/ 52, 69, 71, 73 etc. *8/ 8 *10/ 8, 31, 35, 39 etc.; wiþ 2/ 39, 43, 48, 51 etc. *6/ 75 *9/ 9, 52; uuiþ 2/ 6 wiþerle¯an (nsg. n.) requital 10/ 116 wiþersæce (dsg. n.) apostasy 6/ 40 [wiðersæc] wiðfeaht (sg.pt.) to fight against 6/ 9 [wiðfeohtan 3] wiðmetenesse (dsg. f.) comparison 3/ 22 [wiðmetennes] wiðsacan (6 (d.a.)) to renounce, forsake 3/ 42 wiðstandan (6) to resist 6/ 18 wlance (adj. npl.) proud, exulting 9/ 72 *10/ 205; wlancan (dsg. m.) 10/ 240; wlancne (asg. m.) 10/ 139 [wlanc] wla¯ t (sg.pt.) to look 10/ 172 [wlı ¯tan 1] wo¯ d → wadan wo¯ dnysse (dsg. f.) madness 6/ 126 [wo¯ dnes] wo¯ don → wadan wo¯ dum (dpl. m.) madman 6/ 131 [wo¯ da] wo¯ hdo¯ mas (apl. m.) unjust judgement 7/ 146 [wo¯ hdo¯ m] wo¯ hgestre¯ona (gpl. n.) ill-gotten gains 7/ 146 [wo¯ hgestre¯on] wolcnum (dpl. m.n.) cloud 11/ 53, 55 [wolcen] woldan, wolde, woldest, woldon → willan (2) wommum (dpl. m.) stain, sin 11/ 14 [womm] word (nasg. n.) word, command, speech 5/ 57 *7/ 157 *10/ 168 *11/ 35; wordes (gsg.) 7/ 53, 104; worde (dsg.) 5/ 57 *11/ 111; word (napl.) 3/ 1, 35, 94, 105, 114, 168-169 *8/ 14 *11/ 27; worda (gpl.) 8/ 86; wordum (dpl.) 3/ 20, 31, 105 *5/ 1 *10/ 26, 43, 210, 250 *11/ 97; wordon 10/ 306 worhtan, worhte, worhton → wyrcan worold (nsg. f.) world 7/ 3; worolde (dsg.) 7/ 4, 6, 55, 57-58, 162; worulde 3/ 72, 145 *5/ 20 *6/ 71, 91, 167, 174, 177, 180 *10/ 174 *11/ 133 woroldscame (dsg. f.) public disgrace 7/ 95, 98 [woroldscamu] worolstru¯ deras (npl. m.) pillager, spoliator 7/ 133 [worolstru¯ dere] woruldcara (apl. f.) worldly care 6/ 34 [woruldcearu] woruldcundra (adj. gpl.) worldly 5/ 3 [woruldcund] worulde → worold woruldges毯 lig (adj. nsg. m.) prosperous 10/ 219 woruldha¯ d (asg. m.) secular life 3/ 119; weoruldha¯ de (dsg.) 3/ 80 woruldðinga (gpl. n.) worldly affair 5/ 18 [woruldðing] wra¯ ðra (adj. gpl.) wrathful, cruel 11/ 51 [wra¯ð] wræc, wr毯 ce, wrec → wrecan wrecan (5) to avenge 10/ 248, 258; gewrecan 10/ 208, 263; wræc (sg.pt.) 2/ 5; wrec 10/ 279; wr毯 ce (sg.pt. subj.) 10/ 257 wreoton → wrı ¯te wrı ¯te (sg.ps. subj.) to write (down) 5/ 67; wreoton (pl.pt.) 3/ 125 [wrı ¯tan 1] wrixendlı ¯ce (adv.) in turn 3/ 157 <?page no="328"?> 317 wudu (nasg. m.) wood; cross, tree 1/ 9, 11, 14, 10/ 193 *11/ 27 wuldor (nsg. n.) wonder, glory, splendour, heaven 6/ 180; wuldres (gsg.) 11/ 14, 90, 97, 133; wuldre (dsg.) 6/ 177 *11/ 135, 143, 155 wuldorfæder (gsg.) father of glory, God 3/ 97 wuldre, wuldres → wuldor wulf (asg. m.) wolf 9/ 65 Wulfm毯 r (prn.) 10/ 113, 155; Wulm毯 r 10/ 183 Wulfsta¯ n (prn.) 4/ 1 *10/ 75; Wulfsta¯ nes (gsg.) 10/ 155; Wulfsta¯ ne (dsg.) 10/ 79 wunade, wunað → wunian wund (adj. nsg. m.) wounded 10/ 113, 144 wunde (asg. f.) wound 10/ 139, 271; wundum (dpl.) 10/ 293, 303; wundun 9/ 43 [wund] wundon → windan wundor (nsg. n.) marvel, miracle 6/ 171 *7/ 103; wundra (gpl.) 3/ 97 *6/ 168, 179 wundrigende (psp.) to wonder, be astonished at 6/ 118; wundrode (sg.pt.) 3/ 147; wundrade 5/ 33; wundroden (pl.pt.) 6/ 148 [wundrian II] wundum, wundun → wunde wunedon → wunian wunian (II) to dwell, live, remain 11/ 121, 143; wunað (sg.ps.) 6/ 27, 107; wuniaþ (pl.ps.) 11/ 135; wunode 2/ 3 *6/ 86; wunade (sg.pt.) 2/ 4; wunedon (pl.pt.) 11/ 3, 155 wununge (dsg. f.) dwelling 8/ 84 [wunung] wurde, wurdon, wurdun → weorðan wurðað → weorþian wurðe, wurþest → weorðan wurðlı ¯ce, wurðlı ¯cost → weorðlı ¯ce wurðlicum (adj. dsg. n.) honourable, worthy 8/ 18 [weorðlic] wurðmynt (asg. f.) dignity, esteem, honour 6/ 174; wurðmynte (dsg.) 6/ 11, 19, 27, 89 [weorðmynd] wurðode → weorþian wurðscipes → weorðscipe wutan, wuton → uton wydewan (npl. f.) widow 7/ 32 [wuduwe] wyllað, wylle → willan (2) Wyllelm (pn.) William the Conqueror 2/ 101, 122, 125, 135, 153; Wyllelm Bastard 2/ 101 wylt → willan (2) wynna (gpl. f.) joy, pleasure, delight 10/ 174; wynnum (dpl. f.) 11/ 15 [wynn] wynsumu (adj. npl.) pleasant, delightful 3/ 124; winsumum (dsg. m.) 8/ 42, 56 wyrcan (I) to do, make, prepare, perform, cause 3/ 67, 74, 77 *10/ 102 *11/ 65; (OE) y¯ tm毯 stan gewyrcan 4/ 44 *10/ 81, 264; wyrcð (sg.ps.) 7/ 93; wyrcað (pl.ps.) 4/ 45; gewyrcað 7/ 162; worhte (sg.pt.) 6/ 144; worhton (pl.pt.) 2/ 123, 154; worhtan 6/ 25 *7/ 50, 104; geworhton 11/ 31; geworhte 3/ 133-134; (ptp.) 7/ 113; geworht (ptp.) 3/ 71 wyrd (nsg. f.) event, fate 11/ 74; wyrda (gpl.) 11/ 51 wyrnde (sg.pt.) to refuse, withhold 10/ 118; wyrndon (pl.pt.) 9/ 24 [wiernan I (g.)] wyrre, wyrsan → wyrse wyrse (adj. nsg. n. comp.) worse 7/ 4; wyrre 2/ 134; wyrsan (apl. f.) 7/ 152 wyrsedan (pl.pt.) to grow worse 7/ 30 [wyrsian II] wyrð → weorðan wyrðe, wyrðes → weorþe wytum → wita Y yfel (asg. n.) evil, wickedness 7/ 10; yfeles (gsg.) 10/ 133 yfelan (adj. dsg. m.n.) evil, wicked 7/ 118, 124; yfele (npl.) evil, wicked 8/ 81 [yfel] yfele (adv.) wrongly 8/ 44 yfeles → yfel yfelian (II) to become bad, grow worse 7/ 5; yflade (sg.pt.) 2/ 155 yfelnysse (asg. f.) wickedness, depravity 6/ 8 [yfelnes] yflade; ylcan, ylce → yfelian; ilca ylde (dasg. f.) age 3/ 80 *6/ 94 ymb (prep. (a.)) about, with regard to, after 2/ 6, 30 *5/ 8-9; ymbe 7/ 9 *8/ 108 *9/ 5 *10/ 214; embe 6/ 28, 132, 154 *10/ 249, 271 ◆ col.: embe lang (adv.) finally 6/ 132 ymbclypte (sg.pt.) to embrace 11/ 42 [ymbclyppan I] ymbe → ymb ymbsette (ptp.) to surround 3/ 46 [ymbsettan I] ymbsittendan (npl.) neighbour 8/ 15, 52 [ymbsittend] yrhðo (asg. f.) cowardice 10/ 6; yrhðe (dsg.) 7/ 147 yrmð (nsg. f.) misery, hardship, crime 7/ 72; yrmþe (gsg.) 7/ 68; yrmðe (asg.) 7/ 95; yrmða (apl.) 7/ 14 yrnende → irnan yrre (1) (nasg. n.) anger 7/ 39, 77, 79, 85 etc. yrre (2) (adj. nsg. m.) angry, fierce 10/ 44, 253 y¯ tm毯 stan (adj. apl.) last 3/ 169 [y¯ tm毯 st] <?page no="329"?> Middle English Glossary a → God; he; ilk; on a (1) (art., pron.) a, an an 1/ 42, 46, 62, 75, 84 *2/ 39 *4/ 57 *5/ 14, 175 *6/ 27, 29, 74, 82 etc. *7/ 3, 51, 131, 169 etc. *8/ 4 *10.1/ 5, 10, 14, 18 *12/ 88 *13/ 62, 95, 102, 159 etc.; ane 3/ 3 *4/ 19 *5/ 18, 28, 81, 96-97 *8/ 5 *11/ 4, 34, 36, 38 *14/ 2, 12, 16-17 etc.; anne 8/ 15; o 8/ 133 *10.2/ 14 *13/ 238, 465 a (2) (interj.) ah, oh 4/ 24, 26 *8/ 66, 86 *12/ 357 abasshed (adj.) abashed 12/ 177 abbeie (sb.) abbey 5/ 82, 98; abbei q e 5/ 97 abbot (sb.) 1/ 68; abbotes (gsg.) 1/ 60 abbotrice (sb.) abbacy 1/ 68; ◆ contr. art.: þabbotrice 1/ 75 abegge → abugge Abell (prn.) 12/ 306 a-bide (inf.) to wait (for), remain, stay 5/ 226; tabide 9/ 93; abide (imp.) 12/ 213; abyt (sg.ps.) 4/ 23 abill (adj.) able 11/ 101 Abiron (prn.) 12/ 309 abite (sb.) attire, garb 7/ 3 abiten (ptp.) to bite to death 8/ 102 abof, a-boue → above abought → about ‘about’ (adv., prep.) abought 10.10/ 17; a-boute 5/ 33; aboute 6/ 67, 91, 118, 138, 227 *7/ 31, 41 *10.6/ 14 *12/ 7 *13/ 77, 177, 212, 372; a-bouten 5/ 183, 215; abouten 8/ 8; abute 9/ 19; abuten 1/ 3; abuton 1/ 40, 46; obout 11/ 74 ‘above’ abof 6/ 265; a-boue 5/ 33; abufe 14/ 177; oboue 11/ 48 abreyde (sg.pt.) to wake up 13/ 414; breyde 13/ 509 Absolon (prn.) 13/ 80 Abstinence (sb.) 7/ 241 abufe → above abugge (inf.) to pay for, atone for 8/ 104; abuggen 10.7/ 19; abegge 13/ 162 abute, abuten, abuton → about abyt → a-bide ac (conj.) but, and 1/ 23, 31, 60 *3/ 18, 24 *4/ 21, 42, 47, 61 etc. *5/ 198 *7/ 6, 62, 78, 212 *8/ 30, 33, 42, 53 etc.; ak 4/ 48; ake 5/ 13, 77, 83, 100-101 etc.; hac 3/ 8; oc 1/ 48, 58, 63, 87 *2/ 10, 48 accidie (sb.) fit of sloth 7/ 218 acorden (inf.) to agree (on) 7/ 187; acordaunt (psp.) 13/ 37; acordede (sg.pt.) 1/ 17 acoursed (ptp.) to curse 8/ 28 Adam (prn.) 4/ 17; Adame 12/ 45, 49, 385 a-doun (adv,) down, below 5/ 16; adoun 6/ 41 *7/ 64 *8/ 19, 29, 38, 43, 59, 87, 97 *10.1/ 10 *10.8/ 16 *13/ 245; adun 9/ 115; adune 9/ 114 a-dounward → dounward a-drad (ptp.) to be afraid (of), fearful 5/ 108; adrad 13/ 61 adrenche (inf.) to drown 4/ 12 *9/ 76; adrencheþ (pl.ps.) 4/ 13; adreynten (pl.pt.) 4/ 10 adun, adune; afalle → a-doun; fall a-feng (sg.pt.) to receive, accept 5/ 54 a-ferde (sg.pt.) to frighten 5/ 68; aferd (ptp.) 13/ 319; afered 10.6/ 16 affers (sb.pl.) affair 11/ 96 affies (pl.ps.) to put 12/ 29 afingret (ptp.adj.) very hungry 8/ 1-2, 55, 95, 129 a-forcede (sg.pt.) to apply oneself 5/ 56 after (adv., prep.) after, afterwards 5/ 46, 161 *6/ 42, 161, 169 *8/ 26, 31, 54 *9/ 85, 117 *13/ 178, 438; aftir 7/ 14, 16, 50, 52 *12/ 26, 242, 376, 397; aftur 5/ 8, 154, 163, 206 *7/ 162, 179, 193, 202, 218; e˛fter 1/ 13; efter 1/ 5, 36 *4/ 25, 70, 75 *11/ 102 *14/ 23; ◆ compd.: efterþan 4/ 27 ‘again’ agane 14/ 209; agayn 6/ 173 *13/ 256, 291, 344, 440, 498, 503; in return for 13/ 410; agayne 12/ 11, 33; ogayne 11/ 99; aq ein 5/ 89, 166, 171, 187; a q ein 5/ 186; a q eyn 10.3/ 43; a-yen 4/ 87; ayen 4/ 88 ‘against’ aganis 14/ 134; agaynste 12/ 92, 280; agænes 1/ 32; agenes 1/ 15-16, 18; aq ein 5/ 24, 70, 105, 117, 167, 170; a q einest 5/ 76; a q en 9/ 78; a q enes 9/ 28 aganis → against agast (adj.) afraid, fearful 13/ 491 *14/ 27; a-gaste 5/ 37, 150; gast 6/ 112 agayn, agayne; agaynste → again; against agænes → against age (sb.) 9/ 32 *13/ 57, 91, 195 agenes → against ago → go agraiþi (inf.) to prepare 4/ 66; agrayþed (ptp.) 4/ 68 agreved (ptp.) to injure 13/ 405 <?page no="330"?> 319 agrise (inf.) to be afraid 8/ 120 aq ein, a q ein → again; against a q einest → against a q en, a q enes → against a q eyn → again ah (interj.) ah, oh 10.3/ 34, 40, 46 ahte (sb.) danger 10.3/ 42 ai → ay Ailmer (prn.) 8/ 136 air, airlie → early ak, ake → ac akelþ (sg.ps.) to cool, make cold 3/ 27 a-knowe → know akþ (sg.ps.) to ache 4/ 29 al → all (1, 2) alas (interj.) ah, alas 5/ 77, 83 *10.4/ 31 *10.6/ 36, 55; allas 4/ 28 *11/ 105 *12/ 198, 347 *13/ 299, 304, 308, 333, 425, 442 Alayn → Aleyn albidene (adv.) entirely 11/ 113 ald → old alday (adv.) all the time 13/ 126 Aldewingle (pn.) 1/ 80 Aldred (prn.) 5/ 46, 50 ale (sb.) 7/ 43, 158, 176, 194, 235 *13/ 361, 371, 386 Alexander (prn.) 1/ 27 Aleyn (prn.) 13/ 237, 240, 242, 246 etc.; Alayn 13/ 255, 297, 313, 412, 497 algate (adv.) at least 13/ 186 al-huet (pron.) so much 4/ 29 a-liue (adj.) alive 5/ 222; aliue 8/ 92 *9/ 51, 90 all (1) (adj., pron.) al; alle; ælle 1/ 28; ◆ col.: al hayl (interj.) good day 13/ 246; alre fyrst (adv.) first of all 1/ 16 [see alþeruerst] all (2) (adv.) all, entirely 12/ 57, 139, 264; al 2/ 4, 13, 29 *9/ 22, 55, 84, 97 *10.1/ 12, 15 *10.3/ 43 *10.4/ 5, 8, 10 *10.5/ 3 *10.6/ 25, 33-34, 49 *11/ 83, 104 *12/ 120 *13/ 118, 366, 476 allas; alle → alas; all (1) allegeance (sb.) agreement 14/ 78 allegge (inf.) to expound 12/ 277 all-if (conj.) even if 11/ 93 allowe (inf.) to embrace, accept 12/ 330 all-thing (pron.) in every respect 11/ 101 allway → alway allye (inf.) to make an alliance 13/ 169 almaist (adv.) almost 14/ 155 almes → sake almichti (adj.) almighty 3/ 35; almyhty 7/ 228 almoost (adv.) almost 13/ 118, 442-443, 472 almus; almyhty → ælmes; almichti (ME) a-non almichti (adj.) almighty 3/ 35; almyhty 7/ 228 aloft (adv.) up, above 7/ 211, 225; alofte 6/ 222 along (prep.) 5/ 224 alpi (adj.) single 8/ 66 alre → all (1) als, alse → also; as; as-tit also (adv.) 2/ 2 *3/ 17, 27 *5/ 55, 79, 87, 176, 181, 205 *7/ 46 *8/ 77, 109 *12/ 87, 118, 285 *13/ 94, 242, 249, 384, 480, 518; al-so 5/ 21, 47, 83, 91, 109, 119, 128, 168, 185, 193, 209, 216; als 6/ 57 *12/ 28; alsuo (adv.) just as 4/ 15, 47; alswa 13/ 309 alsuic (adj.) just as 1/ 22 alsuo, alswa → also al-to (adv.) entirely, (all) too 5/ 74, 78; alto 2/ 4 alþeruerst (adv.) first of all 4/ 30 [see alre fyrst] alway (adv.) always 12/ 150, 164, 304; alwey 13/ 121, 199; allway 12/ 168 Alysoun (prn.) 10.1/ 6 am → be Amen (interj.) 9/ 136 *10.4/ 51 *10.5/ 61 amend (inf.) 11/ 20; a-mende 5/ 162; a-mendi 5/ 170 amendement (sb.) compensation 13/ 409 amidde (adv.) half-way down 8/ 121 amidward (adv.) in the middle of 8/ 137 among (adv., prep.) 6/ 253, 260 *7/ 88, 236 *8/ 133 *9/ 40, 129, 134 *10.4/ 44; a-mong 5/ 147, 221; emang 12/ 262, 301; enmang 1/ 12 amounteth (sg.ps.) to amount to 13/ 125 amycabill (adj.) friendly 14/ 80 an → a (1) and; on Anaball (prn.) 12/ 113 and (conj.) ande 6/ 20, 57, 95; ant 10.1/ 1, 6, 8, 10-11, 14 *10.2/ 5, 8, 12 *10.3/ 3, 26, 45 *10.4/ 2, 6, 9 etc. *10.5/ 5, 7, 11 etc. *10.6/ 5, 9, 17 etc. *10.7/ 4, 6-7, 11 etc. *10.8/ 6-7, 10, 15 etc.; an 1/ 2-3 *4/ 3, 37 *5/ 35 Andreas → Saints ane; aneuch → a (1) enough anger (sb.) 13/ 108 angerlie (adv.) angrily 14/ 186 angrie (adj.) angry 14/ 12 anhet (sg.ps.) to warm, make hot 3/ 33; anheet (ptp.) 3/ 34, 40 anhongeþ (sg.ps.) to hang 4/ 32 a-ni q t (adv.) at night 5/ 216 ani; anis → any; at; ones ani-þing → anything ankeres (sb.pl.) anchorite 7/ 30 anne; anodir → a (1) another a-non (adv.) immediately, at once 5/ 108, 155, 191; anon 7/ 111, 113 *9/ 46 *10.8/ 16 <?page no="331"?> 320 a-non (ME) *13/ 32, 115, 162, 241 etc.; anoon 13/ 140; onane 11/ 77 another (adj., pron.) 13/ 406, 431; anodir 12/ 87 anoureden (pl.pt.) honoured 5/ 185 ‘answer’ (vb.) answerien (inf.) 5/ 110; onsware 6/ 62; answere (sg.ps.) 13/ 135; ansuereþ (sg.ps.) 4/ 73; onswarez 6/ 173; answerd (sg.pt.) 11/ 49; (ptp.) 13/ 352; answerde (sg.pt.) 3/ 7 *13/ 264, 412, 416; answerit 14/ 32 answere (sb.) answer 5/ 126 answerien, answerit → answer ant → and any (pron., adj.) 6/ 24, 44, 72, 78, 87, 124 *10.7/ 1 *10.8/ 1 *11/ 53 *12/ 320 *13/ 150, 194, 378; ani 1/ 35 *5/ 172 *6/ 120; eni 9/ 100; enie 5/ 106; eny 4/ 25 *7/ 159, 239 *10.1/ 16 *13/ 344; ony 14/ 168, 191 anything (adj., pron.) 11/ 116; ani-þing 5/ 181 apart (adv.) 7/ 185 ape (sb.) 13/ 159, 426 aperseiuede (sg.pt.) to observe, notice 8/ 107 apert (adj.) clear, telling 5/ 184 appeirit → appere appere (inf.) to become clear, appear 12/ 368; appeirit (sg.pt.) 14/ 65 Aprill (prn.) April 13/ 1; Aueril 10.1/ 1 aquenche (inf.) to satisfy, assuage 8/ 7, 56 ar → be; er arbitreres (sb.pl.) arbiter, judge 7/ 183 Archedefell (prn.) 12/ 308 Architriclin (prn.) 3/ 16, 19 arctand (psp.) to incite, induce 14/ 202 are, aren → be; er a-rere (inf.) to raise up, erect, build 5/ 31, 97, 99; arerde (sg.pt.) 5/ 67; arered (ptp.) 10.6/ 15 arere (adv.) backwards 7/ 206 arered → a-rere argument (sb.) 14/ 54; argumentes (pl.) 13/ 347 aright (adv.) properly, truly 13/ 478; aryht 10.4/ 24 arise (inf.) 4/ 22 *8/ 120 *13/ 478; arisen 8/ 132; a-risen 5/ 167; aryse 7/ 188, 193; arist (sg.ps.) 4/ 15, 24; ariseþ (pl.ps.) 4/ 92, (imp.) 8/ 135; arizeþ (pl.ps.) 4/ 79; a-ros (sg.pt.) 5/ 41, 222; aros 5/ 155 *9/ 27 *10.5/ 46 ariue (inf.) to arrive, land 9/ 18, 123; ariuede (sg.pt.) 9/ 127 arizeþ → arise arm (sb.) 13/ 428 armes (sb. pl.) arms, weapon 6/ 68 arn → be Arnoldin (prn.) 9/ 92, 117, 119 a-ros, aros → arise arowe (adv.) one after the other 9/ 115 array (sb.) clothing, outfit, appearance 13/ 41 arrerage (sb.) arrears 13/ 58 art → be art (sb.) knowledge, arts 13/ 280, 321, 346 Arthur (prn.) King Arthur 6/ 26; Arthure 6/ 117; Arthurez (gsg.) 6/ 29; Arthour (prn.) 6/ 37, 40; Arthour (prn.) 6/ 37, 40; Arþer 6/ 254; Arþour 6/ 62; Arþures 6/ 96 aryht; aryse → aright; arise as → that as (conj.) ase 3/ 14, 29, 31 *4/ 3, 16, 36-37 etc. *5/ 2, 8, 31, 36-37 etc. *10.3/ 8 *10.5/ 1, 52 *10.8/ 32; als 1/ 3 *11/ 2, 10, 22, 26 etc. *12/ 73-74, 78, 80, 306 etc. *13/ 401, 541 *14/ 52, 165, 191; alse 1/ 22, 38, 76 ascuth; ase → ask; as asemoche (pron., adj.) as much 4/ 96 ashamed (ptp.) 7/ 223 ask (inf., sg.ps.) 6/ 60 *11/ 15, 119 *14/ 109; esche (inf.) 5/ 146; ascuth (sg.ps.) 7/ 21; aske 11/ 112; axe (sg.ps.) 8/ 26; asked (pt.) 6/ 180 *11/ 57, 59, 110; askede 7/ 155; axede 9/ 105; askyng (sb.) 6/ 110, 136 askapie (inf.) to escape 4/ 74; schaippit (sg.pt.) 14/ 143 aske, asked, askede → ask askez (sb.pl.) ashes 6/ 2 askyng; asla q e → ask; a-slou q aslepe (adj.) asleep 9/ 22 *13/ 507 a-slou q (sg.pt.) to slay, kill 5/ 74, 99; asla q e (ptp.) 9/ 116 aspele (inf.) to spare, save 7/ 233 assaut (sb.) assault 6/ 1 assay (inf.) to taste, try 10.10/ 20; assaye 7/ 158 assende (inf.) to ascend 12/ 32 assente (sb.) assent, agreement 12/ 170, 310 asshen (sb.) ashes 13/ 106 assoylen (inf.) to assoil 7/ 68 as-tit (adv.) immediately 6/ 31; als tit 11/ 77; tite 6/ 86; tyte 12/ 332 astored (ptp. adj.) provided 13/ 65 astrangli (inf.) to strangle, kill 4/ 16 Astrotte (prn.) 12/ 113 asyde (adv.) sidewards 7/ 206 at → best; full (2) at (prep.) 1/ 3 *3/ 6, 20 *4/ 83 *5/ 23, 230 *6/ 1, 51, 55 etc. *7/ 38, 43, 132, 201, 209, 230 *8/ 11, 113 *9/ 89, 102, 107 *10.3/ 33 *10.4/ 48 *11/ 90, 95, 106 *12/ 258 *13/ 20, 23, 42, 79 etc. *14/ 17, 22, 58, 74 etc.; æt <?page no="332"?> 321 1/ 1, 26; at to, from 11/ 3, 79; ◆ col., compd.: at anis (adv.) at once 14/ 14; atanes 13/ 298; ◆ contr.: ate at the 4/ 31, 54 *5/ 82; atþe 5/ 86, 179; atþon 5/ 223 aton (adv.) together 13/ 421 a-trayt (adv.) with pleasure 4/ 22 atte → best, full, last atteynted (ptp.) to test 12/ 278 attle (sg.ps.) to intend 6/ 27 atþon → at atwene (adv.) in(to) two parts, a-two 7/ 114 atywede (sg.pt.) to reveal 1/ 87 athel (sb.) nobleman 6/ 5 Aþelbrus (prn.) 9/ 121, 124 athes → othþ Aþulf (prn.) 9/ 16, 20, 40-41, 45, 80, 128; Aþulfes (gsg.) 9/ 92 aþurst (ptp.) thirsty 8/ 33 auditour (sb.) auditor 13/ 50 auen; auenture → owen; aventure Aueril → Aprill auise (sg.ps.subj.) to take counsel 14/ 44 auncetrye (sb.) (noble) lineage 13/ 206 aune → owen aungell (sb.) angel 12/ 339, 389 aunte (sb.) aunt 7/ 241 aunter → aventure auntre (inf.) to take a risk 13/ 433; auntred (sg.pt.) 13/ 429 auter (sb.) altar 5/ 14, 17 avauntyng (sb.) boasting 13/ 108 aventure (sb.) adventure, incident 13/ 25; auenture 3/ 5 *6/ 37, 276 *8/ 35; aunter 6/ 27; awenture 6/ 29 avyse (sg.ps.) be careful 13/ 412 awake (inf.) 7/ 196 *13/ 439; (imp.) 9/ 23; awak (imp.) 13/ 486, 512 away (adv.) 12/ 154 *13/ 295; awaye 12/ 171; a-wei 5/ 198; oway 11/ 80, 86 awecche (inf.) to wake up 8/ 134; a-wei q hte (sg.pt.) 5/ 223, 225 a-wei → away a-wei q hte → awecche awen → owen awenture → aventure awin, awne → owen awonderd (ptp.) to wonder 11/ 52 awreke (ptp.) to avenge 8/ 32 [see wreke] ax (sb.) axe 6/ 76, 203, 208, 264; axe 6/ 117 axe, axede; ay → ask; ey ay (adv.) always, continuously 5/ 201 *6/ 26 *11/ 80, 111 *12/ 223, 239, 243, 293, 380 *13/ 153, 254, 352, 528 *14/ 3, 52; ai 2/ 6 (ME) baronie a-yen, ayen → again ayenward (adv.) contrariwise 4/ 85 ayled (ptp.) to trouble 6/ 225 Aylmare (prn.) 9/ 117 Æ æie (sb.) fear 1/ 8 ælc; ælle → each; all (1) ælmes (sb.pl.) almes 1/ 56; almus 11/ 77 ær (adv.) before, earlier 1/ 81 ærcebiscop → erchebischop æt → at æure; æuric → ever; every B baar → bear bachelers (sb.pl.) bachelor (acad.) 7/ 85 bad, badde, bade → bid bagge (sb.) bag 7/ 42 baid → bide baill (sb.) stronghold, prison 12/ 195 baillif (sb.) 13/ 59 baine (adj.) quick, ready 11/ 99 baith → both bakbiteres (sb.pl.) backbiter, slanderer 3/ 30 bakeres (sb.pl.) baker 7/ 140 bakwart (adv.) backwards 14/ 28 baldeliche → boldely Baldeswelle (pn.) Bawdeswell, Norfolk 13/ 76 baldly → boldely Balduin (prn.) 1/ 17; Balduin de Reduers 1/ 16 bale (sb.) suffering, prison 12/ 161, 275, 293 balke (sb.) balk 13/ 144 Bamburn (pn.) Bamburgh, Northumberland 11/ 36 bandis → bonde banere (sb.) banner, signal 5/ 67 *9/ 57 banes → God bank (sb.) river bank, field 11/ 48 *14/ 37; bonkkes (pl.) 6/ 14 baptiste (sg.pt.) to baptise 12/ 75 bar, bare, baren → bear bare (adj.) plain, simple, naked 6/ 64, 77; (adv.) plainly 6/ 252 baret (sb.) fighting, strife 6/ 21, 140 bargaynes (sb.pl.) strife, conflict 7/ 196 barlay (adv.) in return (? ) 6/ 83 baronage (sb.) country 9/ 11 barones (sb.pl.) baron, nobleman 5/ 79 *7/ 138 baronie (sb.) barony 5/ 71 <?page no="333"?> 322 barre (ME) barre (sb.) court 7/ 132 barres (sb.pl.) bolt 12/ 190 Bastard → Willam bataile (sb.) battle, war 5/ 81, 92; bataille 5/ 82, 97-98; batayl 6/ 64; batayle 7/ 108, 112; batailes (pl.) 12/ 131 bathe → both bathed (sg.pt.) to bathe 13/ 3 baþieres (sb.pl.) bath-tub 3/ 13 baundoun (sb.) control, power 10.1/ 4 Bayard (prn.) 13/ 339 bayst (sg.pt.) to be dismayed 6/ 163 bayþen (inf.) to grant 6/ 114 bæron → bear be → by; nihtes; smit be (inf.) bee 12/ 7 *13/ 411; been 13/ 110, 207, 268, 432; ben 1/ 22, 86 *2/ 24 *7/ 87, 180 *8/ 29, 53, 59, 81, 86, 91 *10.5/ 59; bene 10.5/ 52; beo 5/ 76, 160, 232 *9/ 13 *10.4/ 20; beon 5/ 18, 154 *9/ 130; buen 10.1/ 9; by 4/ 29, 53, 58; ◆ 1.sg.ps.: am 4/ 22, 73 *5/ 130 *6/ 141, 143, 175 *8/ 52, 67, 80, 95 etc. *10.2/ 1-2 *10.6/ 52 *10.9/ 1-2 *11/ 7, 9-10, 19 *12/ 111, 237 *13/ 91, 139 *14/ 45, 59, 76-77 etc.; is 13/ 255, 269, 310, 426, 463; ◆ 2.sg.ps.: art 3/ 41 *5/ 44, 128 *7/ 225 *8/ 65, 70, 75, 125 *10.4/ 27 *14/ 86; ert 11/ 66; is 13/ 313, 352; ◆ 3.sg.ps.: is ys 4/ 81 *7/ 214 *10.3/ 26, 28 *10.6/ 40 *10.8/ 23 *10.10/ 5, 15; es 11/ 10, 12, 26, 28, 30, 37, 61, 63, 67, 70, 122-123; his 3/ 39; hiis 8/ 53; ◆ pl.ps.: ar 6/ 46, 58, 71, 143 *13/ 269 *14/ 30, 33, 56, 84, 95, 103, 121, 155, 207, 212-213; are 10.3/ 10, 19 *10.6/ 32 *12/ 110, 134, 176, 196, 209, 318 *13/ 334; aren 2/ 40, 51 *7/ 93 *10.6/ 16; arn 2/ 3, 41, 49, 59 *6/ 67; been 13/ 278; ben 7/ 94, 97 *9/ 45, 132 *13/ 185; bene 12/ 40; beoþ 10.3/ 16 *10.6/ 35; beothþ 5/ 90; beþ 8/ 25, 77, 83-84 *10.3/ 8, 41 *10.6/ 31, 55 *10.8/ 33-34; bied 3/ 34; bueþ 10.3/ 37; senden 2/ 14; ◆ sg.pl.ps.: byeþ 4/ 36, 43-44, 49, 64, 70-71, 80, 89, 95-96; ◆ imp.sg.: be 8/ 18, 97, 110 *10.2/ 3 *10.3/ 34 *12/ 1; by 4/ 40; ◆ sg.ps. subj.: by 4/ 25 *6/ 137; ◆ pl.ps. subj.: err 11/ 115; be 11/ 32 *12/ 24, 331 *13/ 99; by 4/ 68; ◆ sg.pt.: ves 8/ 129; was; watz 6/ 1, 4-5, 20, 26, 44, 248, 252, 265; wæs 1/ 55, 74, 81-82; wes 1/ 8, 15, 22-23, 57 *4/ 28 *8/ 1, 3, 6, 9-10 etc. *10.4/ 15, 17 *10.5/ 30, 32-33, 35 etc. *10.7/ 17 *14/ 2-3, 10, 15 etc. ◆ pl.pt.: uuaren 1/ 34; uuæren 1/ 37; uueron 1/ 64; wæron 1/ 16, 31, 38, 41, 44-45, 62; war 11/ 35, 96; ware 3/ 13 *11/ 89; waren 1/ 56; were 3/ 12 *5/ 33, 75, 168, 214 *6/ 88, 107 *7/ 53, 82, 106, 108, 112, 116, 181, 186 *9/ 47, 105-106 *10.3/ 13 *12/ 17, 88, 257, 297 *13/ 18, 26, 41, 47, 61, 226, 228, 238, 316, 319, 421; weren 2/ 22 *4/ 10 *5/ 37, 40, 107, 117, 123, 150, 163, 190 *8/ 14, 21, 145 *9/ 116 *10.3/ 48 *13/ 28-29, 40; ◆ sg.pt. subj.: uuare 1/ 3; war 11/ 40; were 2/ 13, 37 *5/ 22, 48, 141, 148, 177, 220, 222, 228-229 *6/ 68, 225, 230 *7/ 2, 11, 66, 76, 80, 136, 189 *8/ 4, 22, 29-30, 88, 109, 110 *10.2/ 14 *10.8/ 3 *12/ 253, 305, 337, 357 *13/ 84, 132, 172, 376, 455; ◆ pl.pt. subj.: weren 8/ 32, 102 *9/ 106; ◆ pt. and subj.: wer 12/ 170, 199, 208, 295 *14/ 19, 21, 129, 173; ◆ ptp.: be 7/ 62, 203; been 13/ 420, 491; ben 6/ 36 *8/ 93, 100; bene 10.9/ 16 *11/ 14, 95, 106, 112, 115; iben 8/ 44, 50; i-beo 5/ 57, 208; y-by 4/ 28; ◆ contr. a) 1.sg.ps.: icham 10.1/ 4, 15 *10.2/ 5 *10.8/ 7; ◆ contr. b) 2.sg.ps.: hertou 8/ 60; ◆ contr. c) 1.sg.ps. neg.: i-nam 5/ 130, 174; ◆ neg.: nam (1.sg.ps.) 13/ 513; nis (3.sg.ps.) 8/ 73, 82, 92 *10.3/ 31; nys 4/ 23 *13/ 271; nas (3.sg.pt.) 5/ 61, 111, 152, 177, 183 *13/ 59, 385; nes 8/ 2 *10.4/ 16; nere (pt.subj.) 5/ 41, 173 *10.3/ 15, 38 ‘bear’ (vb.) bæron (inf.) 1/ 45, 48; beir 14/ 69, 100; bere 4/ 87 *9/ 13; bere (sg.ps.) 6/ 52; bereþ 10.2/ 12 *10.5/ 36; bereþ (pl.ps.) 10.5/ 36; bere (imp.) 11/ 69; bereth 3/ 16; beiris (pl.ps.) 14/ 92; bar (sg.pt.) 1/ 64 *5/ 62 *13/ 389; baar (sg.pt.) 13/ 74, 153, 155, 157, 437; bare 1/ 10; bare (pl.pt.) 11/ 78; baren 7/ 217; bere 5/ 34, 213; bore (ptp.) 8/ 58 *10.3/ 40 *10.5/ 28, 33 *13/ 115; born 11/ 80 *13/ 238, 333; i-bore 5/ 129, 204 bebirieden (pl.pt.) to bury 1/ 8; bebyried 1/ 88; byrieden 1/ 86; i-bured (ptp.) 5/ 230 bec (sb.) beak 2/ 4, 13-14, 17 beca q t (ptp.) to catch 4/ 44 becom → come (2) ‘become’ becomþ (sg.ps.) 4/ 30-31; bicumeð 2/ 20; bycommes is fitting 6/ 258; bi-cam (sg.pt.) 5/ 8; bicome (pl.pt.) 6/ 6 *10.5/ 27, 42; bi-comen 5/ 79 bed → bede (1) bed (sb.) 7/ 217 *11/ 90, 97, 103 *13/ 363, 365-366, 430, 443, 447, 482; bedde 5/ 13 *7/ 44 *8/ 107-108 *13/ 377, 383-384; beddes (gsg.) 13/ 380, 437 bede → bid bede (1) (inf.) to offer, give 6/ 161; bede (sg.ps.) 6/ 169; bed 10.3/ 17; boden (pl.pt.) 5/ 170; (ptp.) 6/ 114 <?page no="334"?> 323 bede (2) (sb.) prayer, request 11/ 21; beden 5/ 20; bedes 11/ 32 Bede → Saints beden, bedes → bede (2); bee, been → be beest (sb.) beast, animal 13/ 331; beste 4/ 1-2; beistis (pl.) 14/ 28 beete → bete (1) beete (inf.) to repair 13/ 151 before (adv., prep.) 6/ 209 *12/ 19, 226, 365, 396; beforen 1/ 84; befoir 14/ 26, 65; bifor 11/ 83; bi-fore 5/ 14; bifore 5/ 17, 28, 117-118, 136, 144, 199 *6/ 37, 119, 134, 155, 184 *7/ 235 *10.3/ 41; biforn 2/ 14, 17 *13/ 100, 235; byfore 10.5/ 35 begæt (sg.pt.) to get 1/ 75, 77 beggers (sb.pl.) 7/ 41 ‘begin’ begynne (inf.) 12/ 20, 280; (sg.ps.) 12/ 268; biginne (inf.) 9/ 9; bigynne 13/ 42, 132; bigynnes (sg.ps.) 6/ 11; begynþ 4/ 24; biginneþ 8/ 40 *10.1/ 1; bygynneth 7/ 151; bi-gan (sg.pt.) 5/ 27, 196, 223; bigan 8/ 54 *9/ 17, 76, 122 *11/ 41 *13/ 44, 307, 371, 376, 391, 406; bigon 8/ 8; bygan 7/ 196; bigunne (pl.pt.) 9/ 87; bi-gonne (ptp.) 5/ 29 begyle (inf.) to beguile, betray, trick 14/ 149; bigyle (inf.) 13/ 272; begyld (ptp.) 14/ 213; bigilid 11/ 123; giled 9/ 96; bigyled 13/ 138, 545 begynne, begynþ → begin be q ete (sb.) profit, gain 8/ 124 beheld → behold ‘behold’ biholde (sg.ps.) 10.6/ 4, 21; beholdes (imp.pl.) 12/ 195; byholdez 6/ 37; beheld (sg.pt.) 7/ 14; biheld 8/ 8; bi-heold 5/ 38; bi-heolden (pl.pt.) 5/ 148 behoueþ (sg.ps.) to behove, be obliged to 4/ 23, 38, 83; behoues 6/ 111, 243; behoued (pl.pt.) 1/ 70 beir, beiris → bear beire (pron., adj. gpl.) of both 5/ 30 beistis → beest bel (sb.) fire 2/ 53 belamp (sg.pt.) to happen 1/ 83 belamy (sb.) friend 12/ 213; bellamy 12/ 338 Bele-Berit (prn.) 12/ 115 beleue (sg.ps.subj.) to remain 8/ 99 beleuede → believe bel-hous (sb.) belfry 5/ 32 Belial (prn.) 12/ 115 beliaue (sb.) belief, faith 3/ 24; leue 2/ 59-60 ‘believe’ bileue (inf.) 9/ 31; ylefth (sg.ps.) 4/ 20; lef 10.8/ 19; leue 7/ 17, 78, 103 *10.2/ 9 *10.3/ 19; leueð 2/ 25; beleuede (pl.pt.) 3/ 23; leued 7/ 70 (ME) betere bell (sb.) 14/ 191; bellen (pl.) 5/ 32; belles 9/ 61 bellamy → belamy bellen, belles → bell bellie blind (sb.) blind-man’s-buff 14/ 153 belongeth (sg.ps.) to concern, belong (to) 3/ 7; belongeþ 4/ 3; longest (2.sg.ps.) 9/ 25; longen 13/ 109 Belsabub (prn.) 12/ 97, 137 belt (sb.) 13/ 153 bely (sb.) belly, stomach 7/ 42 belyue; ben → bliue; be bench (sb.) 6/ 67, 124, 138; benche 6/ 131 *7/ 163 *9/ 108 bende (sg.pt.) to bend, incline 5/ 164, wrinkle 6/ 92 bene → be benedicite (interj.) (the Lord) bless you 13/ 444 *14/ 7 benes (sb.pl.) prayer 4/ 24 benissowne (sb.) grace, blessing 11/ 57 bent (sb.) battlefield 6/ 140 beo → be beom (sb.) beam 1/ 46 beon, beothþ, beoþ → be berd (sb.) beard 13/ 44, 320; berde 6/ 93, 121 berdlez (adj.) beardless 6/ 67 bere → bear bere (1) (sb.) bier 5/ 221 bere (2) (sb.) behaviour 12/ 214 bereth, bereþ → bear bernis (sb.pl.) man 14/ 92 besæt (sg.pt.) to besiege 1/ 17 besech (imp.) to beg, entreat 3/ 42; beseche (sg.ps.) 6/ 128; besouhte (pl.pt.) 7/ 188; bisoght 13/ 342; bysechynge (sb.) 10.5/ 10 besie (adj.) busy 14/ 206 besouhte → besech best (adj., adv. sup.) 6/ 46 *10.2/ 13 *10.3/ 11 *10.5/ 21; beste 3/ 20-21 *10.3/ 13 *10.5/ 15 *13/ 371, 400; ◆ col.: atte beste (adv.) perfectly 13/ 29; (adj.) best 13/ 371; mid þe beste one of the best 9/ 2; wiþ þe beste 9/ 33 [see good; well] beste → beest bet → bete (1) better Betannye (pn.) 12/ 162 bete (1) (inf.) to beat 8/ 145; bet (sg.pt.) 7/ 115; beete (pl.pt.) 13/ 532; bette 13/ 540; ybete (ptp.) 13/ 537 bete (2) (inf.) to amend, better 8/ 138 *10.4/ 46; beteð (sg.ps.) 2/ 28 Betene (prn.) 7/ 154 betere; beteð → better; bete (2) <?page no="335"?> 324 betidde (ME) betidde (ptp.) to happen 12/ 100 betokned (sg.ps.) to betoken 3/ 34; bitockned 3/ 26 betraied → bi-trai q e betre; bette → better; bete (1) better (adj., adv. comp.) 6/ 140 *11/ 30, 53 *14/ 40; bettere 7/ 183; betere 1/ 81 *10.1/ 17 *10.5/ 17; bet 5/ 145, 172 *13/ 368, 519; betre (adv.) sooner 7/ 135; bettre (adv.) 13/ 64, 307; ◆ col.: þe betere 10.5/ 17; þe better 6/ 197; þe bettre 7/ 33 ‘between’ bituene (prep.) 10.6/ 27; bi-twene 5/ 34; bitwene 11/ 71; bytuene 10.1/ 1; bytwene 7/ 19; betwyx 1/ 19 beþ → be beuereges (sb.) drinking 7/ 196 bewepþ (sg.ps.) to cry for, lament 4/ 27 bey (sg.pt.) to bend 8/ 97 bi → by; God; siþe bibbed (sg.pt.) to imbibe 13/ 386 bi-cam → become bicharde (sg.pt.) to betray 8/ 147 bicome, bi-comen, bicumeð → become bid (imp.sg.) to bid, request, pray 6/ 131 *11/ 70; bidde (inf.) 8/ 90, (imp.) 12/ 118; (sg.ps.) 12/ 177; bidden (inf.) 2/ 33; (sg.ps.) 14/ 138; biddes 6/ 157; bad (sg.pt.) 7/ 154 *9/ 1 *10.2/ 3 *11/ 68, 84 *13/ 318; badde 12/ 201; bade 7/ 180; bede 5/ 169; beden (pl.pt.) 5/ 171, 176; ibede (ptp.) 8/ 68, 128 bidde, bidden → bid bidders (sb.pl.) beggar 7/ 41 biddes → bid bidding (sb.) prayer 12/ 257 bide (inf.) to wait for, abide, rest 6/ 77 *12/ 207; byde 13/ 461; byden 6/ 161; bidis (sg.ps.) 12/ 23; bydez 6/ 163; baid (sg.pt.) 14/ 177 bie; bied → by; be bieste (adv.) in the east 9/ 33 bi-falle (inf.) to happen 5/ 20, 200; bifallez (sg.ps.) 6/ 169; bifalle (ptp.) 13/ 344; bi-fel (sg.pt.) 5/ 49; bi-feol 5/ 45; bifil 13/ 19; biful 7/ 7 biflette (sg.pt.) to flood 9/ 68 bifor, bi-fore, bifore, biforn → before biful → begin biges (sg.ps.) to build 6/ 9; bigged (ptp.) founded 6/ 20 bigilid → begyle biginne, biginneþ → begin bigo (sg.ps.subj.) to betide, come upon 8/ 27 Bigog (interj.) by God 6/ 177 bigon, bi-gonne, bigonne → begin bigripen (inf.) to seize 2/ 43 [see grip] bigunne → begin bigyle, bigyled → begyle bigynne, bigynnes → begin biheld, bi-heold, beheolden → behold bihind (adv., prep.) behind 11/ 13; bihynde 13/ 285, 388, 467 biholde → behold bihynde → behind bile (sb.) bill 2/ 18 bi-leue (sg.ps.) to remain 5/ 131, 201; blefte (pl.pt.subj.) 4/ 77 bileue, bileued → believe billeð (sg.ps.) to peck 2/ 16-17 biloken (pl.ps.) to look about 2/ 50 bind (sg.ps.) to bind, fasten, fetter 8/ 127; bynde (inf.) 10.3/ 9 *12/ 97; boond (sg.pt.) 13/ 306, 362; ybounde (ptp.) 7/ 97 *10.3/ 36 *10.7/ 2 *13/ 284, 294; ◆ neg.: vnbynde (inf.) 12/ 8 bi-neoþe (adv.) beneath 5/ 86; bi-nethe 5/ 33; bineþe 8/ 127 bini q te (adv.) in the evening 9/ 85 bi-nome (ptp.) to deprive 5/ 186; binome 8/ 87 bischop, bischopes, bischopis → bishop bischop-riche (sb.) office of bishop, bishopric 5/ 120; bischopriche 5/ 51, 55, 109, 187 biscop, biscopes → bishop bisemare (sb.) scorn 13/ 189 bi-sette (sg.pt.) to institute, conquer 5/ 93, 101 ‘bishop’ bischop 5/ 1, 6-7, 9, 45-46 etc. *7/ 76, 78, 81; biscop 1/ 27; bischopes (pl.) 7/ 85; bischopis (gsg.) 7/ 67; biscopes (pl.) 1/ 60, 63 biside (prep.) beside 9/ 22, 83 *11/ 44 *13/ 76 bisily (adv.) eagerly 13/ 230 bisoght → besech bistowe (inf.) to bestow 13/ 205 biswiken (inf.) to betray 2/ 43; byswyken (ptp.) 10.3/ 23 bit (sb.) blade, cutting edge 6/ 213 bi-take → bi-tok bitere → bittir bitockned → betokned bi-tok (sg.pt.) to entrust 5/ 136-137; bi-take (ptp.) 5/ 143 bi-trai q e to betray 5/ 80; bitraide (sg.pt.) 9/ 5; betraied (ptp.) 12/ 331 Bitte (prn.) 7/ 180 bittir (adj.) bitter 12/ 207; bittre 10.6/ 46; bitere 9/ 111 bituene, bi-twene, bitwene → between <?page no="336"?> 325 bitwixe (prep.) betwixt 13/ 193 biþenche (inf.) to consider, deliberate 8/ 42; biðenken 2/ 22; biþout (ptp.) 8/ 41 biþine from your 9/ 25 [bi+þine] biþout → biþenche blade (sb.) 13/ 74, 154 Blais → Stephne blake (adj.) black 9/ 30 *10.1/ 7 blame (sb.) 6/ 148 *9/ 3 blamed (sg.pt.) 13/ 87 ble (sb.) colour 10.6/ 24 blede (inf.) to bleed 10.7/ 28; bledest (sg.ps.) 10.6/ 33; bledeþ (pl.ps.) 10.7/ 30; bledde (sg.pt.) 6/ 228 blefte → bileue blenche (inf.) to capsize 9/ 76 blere (inf.) to deceive, trick 13/ 273; blered (sg.pt.) 7/ 72; bleryng (sb.) 13/ 89 blessing (sb.) 9/ 135; blessyng 6/ 157; blissing 12/ 401 bleþeliche (adv.) gladly, willingly 4/ 16 *8/ 86 bleu, blew → blowe blind → bellie blinde (sb.pl.) blind person 5/ 193; blynde 4/ 84 blis, blisce → bliss blisful (adj.) blessed 13/ 17 ‘bliss’ blisse 4/ 60, 67, 75 *7/ 29 *8/ 70, 72, 117, 147 *10.1/ 4 *10.4/ 9 *12/ 16, 184, 236, 276, 400; blis 10.5/ 20; blisce 3/ 32, 43; blysse 6/ 18 *10.5/ 60 blissid; blissing → iblessed; blessing bliþe (adj.) glad, happy 8/ 125 *9/ 44; blyith 14/ 191 bliue (adv.) immediately, quickly 8/ 55; belyue 12/ 211 blo (adj.) blue 10.6/ 24 blod, blode → blood blody (adj.) bloody 10.4/ 15 *13/ 500 blomis (sg.ps.) to bloom, flower 14/ 219 blonk (sb.) horse 6/ 221 blood (sb.) 13/ 169, 206, 208-209; bloode 12/ 12; blod (sb.) blood 5/ 96 *6/ 73, 104, 144, 216 *8/ 20, 26 *10.4/ 38 *10.5/ 7, 11 *10.6/ 6 *10.7/ 9, 35; blode 9/ 73 *10.6/ 25 blomis (sg.ps.) to bloom, flower 14/ 219 blosmes (sb.pl.) blossom 10.3/ 4 *10.4/ 1 blowe (inf.) to blow 9/ 56; bleu (sg.pt.) 9/ 17, 126; blew 7/ 201 blunder (sb.) turmoil, trouble 6/ 18 *14/ 86 blycande (psp.) to shine, gleam 6/ 92; blykked (sg.pt.) 6/ 216 blyith → bliþe (ME) both blykked → blycande blynde → blinde blynne (inf.) to end, cease 12/ 16, 236 blysse; bo → bliss; both bobbaunce (sb.) pomp, pride 6/ 9 bochere (sb.) butcher 7/ 180; bochers (pl.) 7/ 140 bode´; boden → body; bede body (sb.) 6/ 216 *10.5/ 50-51 *11/ 93 *12/ 89; bodye 4/ 39, 41-42; bodi 4/ 54 *5/ 196, 198, 213, 221, 231 *6/ 228 *10.6/ 23; bodie 12/ 23; bode´ 6/ 144; bodyes (pl.) 6/ 140 *13/ 396 boes (sg.ps., imp.) must 13/ 251 bo q (sb.) bough, twig 4/ 45, 56, 63; bowes (pl.) 10.3/ 4 bo q e (inf.) to turn, go 6/ 131; bo q ez (sg.ps.) 6/ 221; bo q ed (pl.pt.) 6/ 268 bo q te, boht, bohte, bohton → buy boidekyn (sb.) dagger 13/ 184 bok (sb.) book 5/ 17; boke 2/ 2 *5/ 217 bokeler (sb.) buckler 13/ 243 boket (sb.) bucket 8/ 39-40, 44, 116; bukket 14/ 174, 181, 183; boketes (pl.) 8/ 37; bukkettis 14/ 160 bold (adj.) 6/ 59; bolde 6/ 21, 73, 138 *12/ 145; boold 13/ 495 boldely (adv.) boldly 12/ 178; baldeliche 5/ 105, 156; baldly 6/ 163 bolle (sb.) drinking-bowl 7/ 221 bolt bolt upright (col.) lying flat (on the back) 13/ 490 bon (sb.) bone 10.5/ 46; bones (pl.) 6/ 211 *8/ 32 bonde (sb.) bonds, chains 10.2/ 4; bandis (pl.) 12/ 190, 196 bondemen (sb.pl.) slave, bondman 7/ 138 bone (sb.) prayer, request 2/ 33 *6/ 114 bones; bonkkes → bon; bank boodworde (sb.) message, tidings 12/ 366 boold; boond → bold; bind boost (sb.) boast, boasting 13/ 225; booste 12/ 214; bost 4/ 61 bord (sb.) table 11/ 82; borde 6/ 268 *9/ 113; burdes (pl.) 11/ 86 bore, born → bear bor q ; bost → bur q ; boost bot, bote → but bote (1) (sb.) fulfilment 10.2/ 3 bote (2) (inf.) to compensate 7/ 183 both (adj., adv., conj.) 11/ 20, 115 *12/ 352; bothe 7/ 10, 76, 85, 140 *10.10/ 16 *12/ 34, 75 *13/ 203, 219, 300, 315, 523; boðe 2/ 6; boþe 6/ 18, 55, 158, 271 *8/ 84 *9/ 45, 132 *10.5/ 22; boþen 8/ 13; baith 14/ 16, 73, 75, <?page no="337"?> 326 both (ME) 79, 125, 176; bathe 1/ 35 *13/ 311, 336, 415; bo 10.6/ 22 bought, boughte, bouhte → buy bounchede (sg.pt.) to tap 7/ 72 boune (adj.) ready 12/ 178, 201, 257, 339 bounte´ (sb.) worth, virtue 6/ 144; bounte 10.1/ 13 bour (sb.) chamber, bower 10.3/ 8 *10.8/ 25; bure 9/ 89 bourded (sg.pt.) to joke 11/ 95 bout; bowes → but; bo q bowsum (adj.) meek 11/ 2, 21, 32; ◆ neg.: vn-bou q hsome 5/ 133 box (sb.) chest, box 10.10/ 13; boxes (pl.) 7/ 97 boy (sb.) young man, rascal, fellow 7/ 78; boyes (pl.) 12/ 97, 145 braid → brode braid (sg.pt.) to draw, pull, turn, shoot, extend 14/ 83; brayd 6/ 216; brayde 6/ 227 braide (sb.) attack 12/ 207 brake → breke bras (sb.) brass 12/ 196 *13/ 168 braunch (sb.) branch 6/ 52 brayd, brayde → braid brayn (sb.) brain 6/ 73 bræcon → breke bredale (sb.) wedding 3/ 2, 4, 6, 21 bredden; brede → bredeþ; breed bredeþ (sg.ps.) to flower 10.3/ 4; bredden (pl.pt.) to multiply 6/ 21 bredgume (sb.) bridegroom 3/ 19 breed (sb.) bread 13/ 361; brede 11/ 76, 79 breeth (sb.) breath 13/ 5 breke (inf.) to break 12/ 189, 257; brake (sg.pt.) 7/ 114; (inf.) to vomit 7/ 232; bræcon (pl.pt.) 1/ 44; broken (ptp.) 13/ 513; brokynne 12/ 195; ybrokene 7/ 69 bren (sb.) bran 13/ 277 brennen (inf.) to burn, burn down, kindle 2/ 53; brenden (pl.pt.) 1/ 59; brendon 1/ 53; brent (ptp.) 6/ 2 breres (sb.pl.) briar 7/ 203 bresed (adj.) bristling 6/ 92 brest (sb.) breast 8/ 26, 97 *13/ 500; breste 11/ 16; brestes (pl.) 13/ 199 Bretaygne (pn.) 6/ 25; Bretayn 6/ 14, 20 bretful (adv.) brimful 7/ 42 *13/ 236 bretheren, breþerne, breþren → brother breued (ptp.) to declare 6/ 252 breuh-wyf (sb.) alewife 7/ 155 breweres (sb.pl.) brewer 7/ 140 brewestere (sb.) alewife 7/ 154 breyde → abreyde brigge (sb.) bridge 13/ 146 bright (adj.) 13/ 522; bri q t 2/ 10; bri q te 9/ 85; briht 10.5/ 8; brihtest (sup.) 10.2/ 13; bry q t 6/ 56; bryht 10.3/ 8 *10.4/ 27; bryhte 10.6/ 22 Bri q tei (prn.) 5/ 7; Bri q tey 5/ 45; Bri q ttey 5/ 6 briht, brihtest → bright brim (sb.) brook, river, water 11/ 44 ‘bring’ bringe (inf.) 9/ 37 *10.1/ 4 *10.5/ 29 *12/ 118, 366; brynge 13/ 58; brynges (sg.ps.) 13/ 354; bring (sg.ps.subj.) 10.6/ 59; brohte (sg.pt.) 1/ 71 *10.5/ 34 *10.7/ 23; brought 12/ 161; brou q te 5/ 78, 123, 191; brohute 8/ 35; broute 8/ 52, 130; brouth 7/ 67; brohten (pl.pt.) 1/ 7; brou q ten 5/ 60; brouhten 7/ 217; browt 10.9/ 11; brocht (ptp.) 14/ 86; broght 11/ 80, 82; bro q t 6/ 124; broht 10.2/ 4; ibrocht 3/ 19; i-brou q t 5/ 84, 86-87, 134; ibrout 8/ 41, 61; ybroht 10.7/ 33 brittened (ptp.) to destroy 6/ 2 broches (sb.pl.) brooch 7/ 73 brocht → bring broddit (sg.pt.) to goad, prick 14/ 9 brode (adj.) broad, large 6/ 14 *13/ 199; brood 13/ 348; (adv.) wide open 6/ 233; braid (adv.) 14/ 219 broght; bro q ez → bring; browe bro q t, broht, brohte, brohten, brohute → bring broken, brokynne → breke Bromeholm (pn.) Bromholm, Norfolk 13/ 510 bronde q (sb.pl.) piece of burned wood 6/ 2 brood → brode brook (sb.) 13/ 146-147 brosten (ptp.) to burst 12/ 196 brother (sb.) 7/ 107; broþer 9/ 16; bretheren (pl.) 12/ 37; breþerne 5/ 214, 228; breþren 5/ 199 brought, brou q te, brou q ten, brouhten → bring broun (adj.) brown 6/ 213; broune 10.1/ 7 broute, brouth → bring browe (sb.) eyebrows 10.1/ 7; bro q ez (pl.) 6/ 92 browt → bring bruche (sb.) breach, opening 8/ 11, 117 Brutus → Felix brydel (sb.) bridle 6/ 221 *13/ 287 bry q t, bryht, bryhte → bright brynge, brynges → bring bryniges (sb.pl.) coat of mail 1/ 39 bud (sb.) bribe 14/ 19; buddis (pl.) 14/ 92, 100 buen, bueþ → be buffet (sb.) buffet, blow 6/ 169 bukket, bukkettis → boket <?page no="338"?> 327 bulk (sb.) trunk, body 6/ 227 bulle (sb.) papal bull 7/ 67; bulles (pl.) 7/ 71-72 bult (sg.pt.) to reign 6/ 25 bur (sb.) blow 6/ 77, 161 burde (sb.) young woman 10.2/ 13 burdes → bord burdes (sb.pl.) joke 4/ 71 burdon (sb.) bass 13/ 389 bure → bour burgeys (sb.) burgess, citizen 7/ 138 bur q (sb.) town, castle 6/ 46; bur q e 6/ 9; bor q 6/ 2 burn (sb.) man, knight 6/ 20; burne 6/ 124; burnes (pl.) 6/ 46, 268; burnez 6/ 59 bus (sg.ps.) to deserve 12/ 338 busk (sb.) bush, thicket 14/ 16, 147 busshel (sb.) bushel 13/ 317, 468, 536 but (adv., conj., prep.) 7/ 64 *12/ 60, 178, 206, 217 etc. *13/ 35, 82, 84, 91 etc. *14/ 55, 78, 91, 217; bute 1/ 11 *9/ 26, 69-70; buten 2/ 30; bot 6/ 25, 30, 45, 58-59 etc. *11/ 2, 23, 27, 50 etc. *14/ 6, 15, 49, 63, 73 etc.; bote 4/ 63-64 *5/ 20, 22, 126 *7/ 36 *8/ 20, 22, 25, 82, 96, 127 *10.1/ 9 *10.3/ 32 *10.6/ 38 *10.8/ 3, 13, 27; bout 6/ 148; ◆ col.: but weir (adv.) doubtless 14/ 184 butere (sb.) butter 1/ 55 buttokes (sb.pl.) buttock 13/ 199 buttrie (sb.) pantry 14/ 222 ‘buy’ bo q te (sg.pt.) 9/ 64; bohte 10.6/ 58 *10.7/ 4, 8-9; boughte 12/ 275; bouhte 7/ 161; bohton (pl.pt.) 1/ 84; boht (ptp.) 10.6/ 60; bought (ptp.) 12/ 8; yboht 10.4/ 34, 40; bying (sb.) 12/ 12 by → be; God by (prep.) 4/ 18 *6/ 61, 110, 120, 131 etc. *7/ 78, 103, 154, 175 etc. *10.2/ 13 *10.3/ 10, 45 *10.5/ 2, 56 *10.6/ 56 *11/ 34, 81, 99, 105, 108 *12/ 190, 248 *13/ 25, 45, 51, 56 etc. *14/ 100; bi 1/ 38-39 *2/ 6 *4/ 18 *5/ 34-35, 171 *6/ 20, 52, 108, 126 etc. *8/ 25, 57, 59, 105 *9/ 8, 14, 20, 86 etc. *11/ 121; be 1/ 35-36 *4/ 8, 14-15, 22, 35, 49, 51-52 *7/ 183 *11/ 2 *12/ 229, 255, 317, 355 *14/ 20, 33, 108, 110, 116, 129, 137, 200 byche (sb.) bitch 7/ 205 bycommes → become byde, byden, bydez → bide byeþ; byfore → be; before bygan, bygynneth → begin byholdez; bying → behold; buy byleyn (ptp.) to deflower 10.3/ 44 bynde → bind (ME) Cantebregge bynethe (adv.) beneath 13/ 265 bynne (sb.) bin 13/ 49 byrieden → bebirieden byrthen (sb.) load 1/ 10 bys (sb.) garment 10.2/ 14 bysechynge → besech bysihede (sb.) activity, sedulity 4/ 63, 65 bysinesse (sb.) care, effort 4/ 68 byswyken → biswiken bytuene, bytwene → between C caboik (sb.) cheese 14/ 150, 164, 167, 169; cabok 14/ 123, 128, 135, 139, 218 cacche (inf.) to catch 13/ 329; cachchez (sg.ps.) 6/ 221; cachez 6/ 155; caughte (pl.pt., sg.pt.) 13/ 330, 485, 497; cauhte (sg.pt.) 7/ 210; caught (ptp.) 13/ 451; ikaut 8/ 43, 52 cace → case cachchez, cachez → cacche cais; caist → cace; cast cake (sb.) loaf (of bread) 13/ 318, 468, 535 cald, calde → calle calde (sb.) cold 11/ 104 calf (sb.) calf (of the leg) 13/ 48 calle (inf.) to call (out) 10.7/ 20 *12/ 113, 138, 141 *13/ 335, 511; call (sg.ps.) 14/ 201; calles 12/ 135; callis 12/ 126; cald (sg.pt.) 11/ 96, 102, 110; callit 14/ 69; called (ptp.) 13/ 488; calde 6/ 243; callit 14/ 204, 214, 218 caller (sb.) 14/ 8 calles, callis, callit → calle cam → come (2) camus (adj.) short, stubby 13/ 158; kamus 13/ 198 can → gynneth can (vb., ps.) can, to be able to, understand, know 1/ 49 *2/ 22 *7/ 227 *14/ 1, 71, 154, 199, 206, 217; canne 12/ 100; kan 4/ 83 *7/ 233 *13/ 44, 99, 143-144, 239, 320; kanne 12/ 74; con 8/ 49 *10.1/ 13 *10.4/ 31; conne (sg.ps.) 5/ 175; (pl.ps.) 10.4/ 37; conneth 7/ 35; konne 13/ 347; cunne 2/ 9; ◆ pt. and subj.: couthe 7/ 187; couþe 5/ 121; koude 13/ 49-50, 58, 64, 66, 88, 151, 328; kouþe 8/ 92; cowd 10.9/ 7; kowthe 13/ 14; cuþe 9/ 100 canceler (sb.) chancellor 1/ 28 Cane (pn.) Cana, Galilee 3/ 3 canne → can Cantebregge (prn.) Cambridge 13/ 214; Cantebrigge 13/ 145 <?page no="339"?> 328 caponis (ME) caponis (sb.pl.) capon 14/ 101 capul (sb.) horse 13/ 312, 329 care (sb.) 10.6/ 52 *12/ 292, 347; kare 8/ 17, 71, 82; cares (pl.) 12/ 84 carie (inf.) to carry 13/ 256 carited → charite carll (sb.) man, churl 14/ 36, 50, 120, 128, 135, 171; carlis (gsg.) 14/ 21 carlmen (sb.pl.) man 1/ 36 caroles (sb.pl.) carol 6/ 260 carp (inf.) to speak, talk 6/ 50, 94, (sg.ps.) 6/ 147; carppez 6/ 164 carpenter (sb.) 13/ 70; carpenteer 13/ 138; carpenteris (gsg.) 13/ 85 carppez → carp case (sb.) 12/ 114; cas 13/ 79; cace 14/ 67; cais 14/ 201 ‘cast’ kastes (sg.ps.) 11/ 29; cast (sg.pt.) 7/ 177; caste 5/ 220 *7/ 122 *13/ 241; caist 14/ 13; ycast (ptp.) 10.7/ 6, 32 castel castle, fortress 1/ 78 *4/ 94 *9/ 68, 91, 103; castles (pl.) 1/ 18, 29, 32-34, 44 castelweorces (sb.) the building of castles 1/ 34 castles → castel catel (sb.) property, cattle 12/ 242 *13/ 203; catell 11/ 12; cattell 14/ 24, 114 caudel (sb.) mixture, mess 7/ 213 caught, caughte, cauhte → cacche Caunterburi (pn.) Canterbury 5/ 115; Caunterbury 13/ 16, 22, 27 cause (sb.) 13/ 368 *14/ 114; ◆ col.: by cause because 13/ 85, 448 Cayme (prn.) Cain 12/ 306 cayren (inf.) to go, wander 7/ 31; kayres (sg.ps.) 7/ 152 cæse (sb.) cheese 1/ 55; cheis 14/ 125 cellerer (sb.) cellarer 8/ 30 certayne (adv.) certainly 12/ 46, 225; sarteyne 12/ 94 certes → no ce˛ste (sb.) chest, box 1/ 42 cete (sb.) whale 2/ 42 Cethegrande (prn.) 2/ 35 chaere → chayere chaffare (sb.) commerce, trade, bargain 7/ 33, 181 chald → cold chalenge (sg.ps.) to lay claim to 14/ 30; chalengen (pl.ps.) 7/ 91 chalons (sb.pl.) blanket 13/ 364 chamber (sb.) 11/ 87, 90; chambre 13/ 363, 367; chaumber 11/ 72; chambres (pl.) 13/ 28 chancerye (sb.) chancery 7/ 91 chapel (sb.) 6/ 238, 241 *13/ 107; chapele 4/ 82; chapeles (pl.) 9/ 60 chapman (sb.) tradesman, merchant 7/ 62; chapmen (pl.) 7/ 181 charge (sg.ps.) to command, order 6/ 238; charged (ptp.) 7/ 87 charite (sb.) charity 7/ 62, 64, 87; carited 1/ 70 chaste (adj.) 3/ 38 chastisid (sg.pt.) chastise 7/ 110 chaueles (sb.pl.) jaw 2/ 42 chaumber → chamber Chauntecler (prn.) 8/ 23; Sire Chauntecler 8/ 19 chayere (sb.) throne, chair 7/ 114; chaere 9/ 1 cheastes → cheste cheere (sb.) jollity; expression, face 13/ 356; chere 7/ 176 *10.1/ 8 *11/ 17, 84; schere 6/ 121 cheis → cæse cheker (sb.) exchequer 7/ 91 cheosen (inf.) to choose 10.4/ 33; chose (sg.ps.) to go 6/ 238; chesen (pl.pt.) 7/ 33; i-chose (ptp.) 5/ 52; ychose 7/ 181 cherche; chere → churche; cheere cherl (sb.) man, churl 7/ 212; cherles (gsg.) 13/ 141 [see carl] chesen → cheosen cheste (sb.) strife, fighting 7/ 105; cheastes (pl.) 4/ 92 cheueth (pl.ps.) to be successful 7/ 33 chide (inf.) 5/ 225; chidde (sg.pt.) 13/ 223 chief (sb.) 7/ 62 child (sb.) young man, child 5/ 3 *9/ 40-41, 50, 128 *13/ 195, 381; childe 8/ 114 *10.4/ 29; cild 1/ 84; childre (pl.) 9/ 48; children 5/ 4 *7/ 105, 111, 115 *8/ 58, 78 *13/ 322; chylder 6/ 67 chinne (sb.) chin 4/ 18 chirche, chirches → churche chold → cold choppe (sg.ps.) to remove 7/ 64 chose → cheosen Christ → Jesus Christ christianis (sb.pl.) Christian 14/ 224 churche (sb.) church 5/ 4, 112, 133, 213 *7/ 156, 167; cherche 4/ 23, 83; chirche 7/ 64, 87, 116 *9/ 60; circe 1/ 58, 70; cyrce 1/ 59; kirke 2/ 21; ◆ col.: holi chirche Holy Church 7/ 64; holy chirche 7/ 87, 116; hooly chirche 13/ 210; hooly chirches (gsg.) 13/ 207-208; holie churche 5/ 133; holy churche 7/ 156 <?page no="340"?> 329 chylder → child chymbe (1) (inf.) to chime 13/ 120 chymbe (2) (sb.) rim 13/ 119 cild; circe → child; churche circewican (sb.) sacrist 1/ 76 cite (sb.) town 3/ 3 clamis (sb.pl.) claim 14/ 122 clanly (adv.) completely 6/ 180 Claryce (prn.) 7/ 167 clater (inf.) to clatter 11/ 98 clay (sb.) 10.6/ 17 cledd (ptp.) to clothe 11/ 73 clemb (sg.pt.) to climb 5/ 35; cloumben (pl.pt.) 5/ 34 Clement (prn.) 7/ 177, 191, 210; Clementis (gsg.) 7/ 213 clenche (inf.) to seize, take 9/ 108 clene (adj.) clean, pure 5/ 3, 189 *8/ 114, 125 *11/ 115; klene 8/ 89 clenesse (sb.) cleanliness, purity 3/ 13 cleopeden → clepe clepe (inf.) to call, name 10.7/ 20; clepen 13/ 180; clepeþ (sg.ps.) 10.5/ 38; clepen (pl.ps.) 13/ 76, 214; clepede (sg.pt.) 3/ 11; clepeden (pl.pt.) 1/ 52; cleopeden 5/ 46, 169; i-cleoped (ptp.) 5/ 98; icleped 3/ 3; iclepede 3/ 13 clerc → clerk clere (adj.) clear, bright, pure 11/ 84 *12/ 128, 356, 389 clerekes → clerk clerk (sb.) cleric, scribe 5/ 46, 111 *13/ 147, 389; clerc 7/ 167; clerekes (pl.) 1/ 61; clerkes 11/ 35; 13/ 252, 278, 284, 292 etc.; clerkis 12/ 283 *14/ 205; clerkus 7/ 120 cleuiinde (psp.) to tempt 4/ 44 cloke (sb.) cloak, coat 7/ 177, 182, 190 clothed (pl.pt.) 7/ 54 clothes (sb.pl.) sheet 11/ 94 clothyng (sb.) clothing 7/ 26 cloumben → clemb clumsed (ptp.) to be numb, stiff 11/ 104 clyngeþ (pl.ps.) to shrink 10.6/ 17 cnokez (sg.ps.) to knock, deal a blow 6/ 201; knokked (sg.pt.) 11/ 16 cnotted (ptp.) knotted 1/ 40 coblere (sb.) cobbler 7/ 177, 210 Cockes-lane (prn.) 7/ 167 co q ed (sg.pt.) to cough 6/ 94 coik → cok coist (sb.) costs 14/ 91 cok (sb.) cock 13/ 457; coik 14/ 98; kok 8/ 15-17, 27 (ME) condicioun cokenay (sb.) weakling 13/ 432 cokes (sb.pl.) cook 7/ 145 cold (adj.) 8/ 127; colde 8/ 128 *10.6/ 23; calde (sb.) 11/ 104; chald 3/ 28; chold 3/ 41; schald 3/ 27 colerik (adj.) choleric 13/ 43 collegge (sb.) college 13/ 213 coltes (sb. gsg.) young person 13/ 112 com, coman → come (2) comaunde (sg.ps.) to command, order 12/ 341; comaunded (sg.pt.) 6/ 153 come (1) (sb.) coming 8/ 67 come (2) (inf.) 5/ 13 *9/ 70, 98 *12/ 22, 33, 283; coman 1/ 61; com 6/ 134; comen 8/ 68, 90, 115, 118; cum 11/ 81; cumen (inf.) 1/ 4; kome 8/ 87; ◆ ps.: comes 12/ 57, 84, 184; comþ 4/ 75, 87-88; comth 13/ 332; comeþ 4/ 26, 62, 78 *9/ 36 *10.3/ 35; cumen 2/ 41; cummis 14/ 42, 189; cumeð 2/ 3, 8, 13, 29, 45; ◆ ps. subj.: come 13/ 306; ◆ psp.: cummand (psp.) 14/ 187; comyng 12/ 315, 363, 371; ◆ imp.: come 12/ 206, 386; com 6/ 243 *8/ 19 *13/ 298; cum 10.10/ 9 *14/ 62, 182; komeþ (imp.pl.) 8/ 135; ◆ pt.: com 1/ 12, 26 *8/ 13, 46, 54, 57 etc. *9/ 29, 53, 62, 129; cam 5/ 66, 89, 94, 113, 117, 197, 206 *7/ 95, 118, 120 *10.5/ 26, 50 *13/ 178, 303, 440; come 5/ 82 *8/ 9 *10.5/ 39 *14/ 25, 64, 161, 185; kom 8/ 62; becom 6/ 247; ◆ pl.pt.: comen 1/ 19 *5/ 60, 192, 194, 211 *7/ 71 *8/ 144 *9/ 57; ◆ ptp.: come 13/ 23, 255, 461, 496; cumen 1/ 12; i-come 5/ 75, 167; icome 9/ 94; icomen 8/ 30; y-come 4/ 70; ycomen 13/ 166 comlych (adj.) beautiful 6/ 256 comlyly (adv.) fittingly, graciously 6/ 147 commencement (sb.) 3/ 22 commonnit (ptp.) to talk, speak 14/ 120 communliche (adv.) commonly 4/ 79 compaignye (sb.) company, party 13/ 24, 547; ◆ col.: par compaignye for company’s sake 13/ 391 compellit (ptp.) to compell 14/ 41 compleit (adv.) completely 14/ 79 complyn (sb.) compline 13/ 395 compt (sg.ps.) to count, care (for) 14/ 98, 172 comth, comþ → come (2) comune (sb.) people, commonwealth; sustenance 7/ 95, 123, 126; comunes (pl.) 7/ 122 comyng; con → come (2) can; gynneth concordit (ptp.) to agree 14/ 106, 121 condicioun (sb.) circumstances 13/ 38 <?page no="341"?> 330 conne (ME) conne, conneth → can; gynneth conquestes (sb.pl.) conquest 6/ 98 conscience (sb.) 7/ 121 *14/ 89, 118; consience 7/ 95, 130, 187 contacky (inf.) to fight 4/ 92 content (adj.) 14/ 76 continance (sb.) bearing; face 7/ 26; countenaunce 6/ 122 contrarie (sb.) contrary 3/ 21 contraryed (pl.pt.) to contradict 7/ 59 contreued (pl.pt.) to contrive, fabricate, concoct 7/ 123; contrufit 14/ 54 contreys → cuntre contrufit → contreued copis (sb.pl.) hooded cloak 7/ 54, 59 coppe (sb.) cup 7/ 191, 195; coppes (pl.) 13/ 152 corage (sb.) heart, spirit, disposition 13/ 22; corages (pl.) 13/ 11 corn (sb.) 1/ 54, 65 *9/ 63 *13/ 163, 219, 232, 235 etc. cort → court cortays (adj.) courteous, polite 6/ 63, 256 cortaysye (adj.) courtly conduct, courtliness 6/ 50 cosin (sb.) cousin, relative 9/ 92; cosyn 6/ 159 cote (sb.) coat, cloak 6/ 122 *13/ 68 Cotingham (pn.) 1/ 78 cou (sb.) cow 4/ 76; kow 14/ 94 couenaunt → covenant couent (sb.) convent, community 5/ 25, 188 couerd (pl.pt.) to cover 11/ 109 couetyce → coueytise coueyten (pl.ps.) to desire, covet 7/ 31 coueytise (sb.) covetousness 7/ 59, 103; couetyce 14/ 218; coveitise 13/ 108 counsaille → counsell counseileþ (sg.ps.) to counsel, advise 10.5/ 21 counsell (sb.) counsel, advice, support, agreement 14/ 127, 130; counsaille 12/ 114, 163; counseyl 6/ 134; cownsell 10.9/ 6 counte (sg.ps.) to count, consider 13/ 280, 416 countenaunce → continance cours (sb.) course, path 13/ 8 court (sb.) 5/ 166-167 *6/ 70 *7/ 130; cort 6/ 134, 147, 187 couth; couthe, couþe → can; gynneth coveitise → coueytise covenant (sb.) agreement, contract 13/ 56; couenaunt 6/ 180 *7/ 191 covyne (sb.) treachery 13/ 60 coward (sb.) 13/ 491 cowd → can cowed (sg.pt.) to retch, throw up 7/ 213 cownsell → counsell cowpe (sb.) sin, guilt 7/ 152 cradel (sb.) cradle 13/ 196, 380, 436, 440 etc. craft (sb.) 2/ 56 *6/ 258 *13/ 85; craftes (pl.) 7/ 123 craif → crave craketh (sg.ps.) to protest 13/ 225 crane (sb.) crane (bird) 4/ 76 craue → crave crave (inf.) 12/ 242; craue (sg.ps.) 6/ 64, 70; craif (sg.pt.) 14/ 114 crede (sb.) creed 2/ 31 creep → crepen crekes (sb.pl.) trick 13/ 275 crepen (inf.) to creep 13/ 474; creep (sg.pt.) 13/ 450, 484; crepte (sg.pt. (weak)) 13/ 417; cropen (ptp.) 13/ 483; icrope 8/ 14 criand, cride, crie, crien → crye Crist, Criste → Jesus Christ Cristeman (sb.) Christian 3/ 28; Cristeneman 3/ 27 Cristen (adj., sb.) Christian 1/ 84 *2/ 20 *13/ 55; cristene 9/ 29; Cristine 8/ 60 cristene → Cristen Cristeneman → Cristeman Cristes → Jesus Christ Cristesmasse → Cristmasse Cristine → Cristen Cristmasse (sb.) Christmas 6/ 258; Cristesmasse 10.5/ 32; Crystemas croce (sb.) cross 5/ 129, 148, 151, 171, 180-181; crois 9/ 25; croiz 5/ 140, 155, 157; croys 13/ 510; croyz 5/ 39 crokede (adj.) crooked, bent 4/ 84; crukit 14/ 93 croos (sb.pl.) water-pot 3/ 12 cropen → crepen croppes (sb.pl.) blossom, tip, shoot 13/ 7 croun (sb.) crown, head 6/ 151, 206; croune 5/ 62; crune 9/ 13, 114 crouni (inf.) to crown 5/ 92 crowke (sb.) crock 13/ 382 crownyng (sb.) tonsure 7/ 86 croys, croyz → croce crucethur (sb.) torture-box 1/ 42 crude (inf.) to move fast 9/ 17 crukit → crokede crune → croun crye (inf.) to call, announce, proclaim 12/ 363; (pl.ps.) 13/ 230; crie (inf.) 13/ 296, 302, 420; (ps.) 10.8/ 17 *12/ 107, 141; crien 10.7/ 14; cryis (sg.ps.) 14/ 186; criand (psp.) 12/ 73; cride (sg.pt.) 13/ 531; cryit 14/ 8, 13; cryede (pl.pt.) 7/ 145; cryed (ptp.) 12/ 186 <?page no="342"?> 331 Crystemas → Cristmasse cuddest → kiðen cum, cumen, cumeð, cummand, cummis → come (2) cunde → kinde cunnand (sb.) covenant, agreement 14/ 121 cunne, cunnen → can; kin cuntre (sb.) country 11/ 58; contreys (pl.) 7/ 31 Curbuil → Willelm cure (sb.) cure of souls 7/ 86 cursede (sg.pt.) to curse, excommunicate 1/ 63 *8/ 130; cursed (ptp.) 12/ 306 curtaisly (adv.) courteously, perfectly 11/ 83; curteisly in a polite way 13/ 221 curtiler (sb.) gardener 8/ 136 cused (sg.pt.) to accuse 7/ 95 custome (sb.) custom 3/ 14 Cutberd → Saints cuþe → can cuynde (adj.) natural 5/ 94; cuyndeste (sup.) 5/ 106 cyrce → churche cyrceiærd (sb.) churchyard D daf (sb.) fool 13/ 432 dai, daies → day dale (sb.) valley, dale 7/ 17 dalt → dele dame (sb.) 4/ 72 *6/ 257 *7/ 144 *13/ 180 dampned (ptp.) to damn 12/ 272, 377 dare (vb.) 12/ 145; dar 6/ 74, 87; dorste (sg.pt.) 3/ 8 *9/ 72 *10.8/ 10 *13/ 156, 161, 180, 182 etc.; durste 1/ 9-10 *7/ 215 dares (pl.ps.) to cower 6/ 102 dart (adj.) inferior, darned (? ) 14/ 172 dastard (sb.) 12/ 180, 203 Datan (prn.) 12/ 309 Dauid (prn.) 1/ 18 *12/ 369; Dauiþ 4/ 43 daunced (pl.pt.) to dance 11/ 88 Dawe (prn.) 7/ 170 dawe, dawed → dawen dawen (inf.) to dawn 10.5/ 44; dawes (sg.ps.) 10.3/ 1; dawe (ps.subj.) 13/ 473; dawed (sg.pt.) 11/ 108 dawenynge (sb.) dawn 13/ 458 dawes, dawse → dawen; day day (sb.) 4/ 25 *5/ 113 *6/ 85, 272 *10.2/ 9 *10.5/ 1, 14, 17, 32, 35 *10.7/ 7, 15 *10.10/ 16 *11/ 44, 108 *12/ 31, 261 *13/ 19, 149, 216, 333 etc. *14/ 144; daye 5/ 82 *12/ 148; dai 2/ 6 *5/ 81, 146 *9/ 84; dæi 1/ 2, 5; dei 1/ 2; dæis (gsg.) 1/ 53; (pl.) 1/ 69; dayes (gsg.) (ME) demay 10.5/ 20; (pl.) 11/ 11; days (pl.) 7/ 144; daies 8/ 24, 77; dayis 14/ 1 *9/ 18; dawes 5/ 19, 21, 208; dawse 11/ 35; ◆ col.: be dæies (adv.) during the day 1/ 36; ender day (adv.) recently 10.5/ 1; enþer day 10.9/ 3 dayerye (sb.) dairy cattle 13/ 53 dayes, dayis → day dayntyez (sb.pl.) dainty 6/ 270 days; dædes → day; deed dæi, dæies, dæis → day; Midewintre dær (sb.) animal, beast 1/ 10; dueres (gpl.) 10.3/ 2 dære → dear ‘dear’ dære 1/ 54; deore 10.7/ 8; dere (adj., adv.) 6/ 257 *9/ 42, 64 *10.9/ 1, 14; deere 13/ 355, 464; duere (adv.) 10.4/ 34 *10.6/ 60; derrest (sup.) 6/ 232, 270 debait → debat debat (sb.) contention, strife 7/ 189; debait 14/ 26 debate (inf.) 12/ 142 dece (sb.) dais 6/ 37, 232, 265; dese 11/ 75 deciples (sb.pl.) disciple, student 3/ 5, 23 *4/ 81 declair (inf.) to state; lay down 14/ 1, 67 decreit (sb.) judgement, decision 14/ 74, 81 ded → deth ded (adj.) dead 1/ 5 *5/ 45, 49, 211, 221, 228 *8/ 75, 96; dede 5/ 15 *9/ 132 *12/ 148; deed 13/ 253, 494, 513; dyad 4/ 28 dede → ded; deth; do dede (sb.) deed 2/ 23 *5/ 30, 104, 161 *8/ 112 *10.7/ 24 *11/ 28 *12/ 72, 133; deden (pl.) 3/ 30; dedis 7/ 143 *12/ 24; dædes (pl.) 1/ 65 deed; deere → ded; dear deeth → deth defence (sb.) 14/ 90 deffie (sg.ps.) defy 12/ 158 deffye (inf.) to digest 7/ 231; defye 7/ 149; defyen 7/ 240 degree (sb.) 13/ 40 de q e; dei → die; day deide, deie → die del (sb.) part, portion 1/ 83; deles (pl.) 4/ 5; ◆ compd.: somdeel (adv.) partly, considerably 13/ 135; somdel 13/ 187; sumdeill 14/ 27, 126; sumdel 5/ 225 *8/ 119 dele (inf.) to deal out, give, deal with 6/ 82 *12/ 63; deles (2.sg.ps.) 6/ 184; dalt (ptp.) 6/ 239 deles → del; dele delit (sb.) delight, joy 4/ 63; delite 12/ 63 deluers (sb.pl.) delver, digger 7/ 143 demay (sg.ps.) to be perturbed 6/ 257 <?page no="343"?> 332 deme (ME) deme (inf.) to judge, deem 12/ 34; demen (pl.ps.) 7/ 94 deolful (adj.) terrible 5/ 73 deope; deore → depe; dear deoules → devel depe (adj., adv.) deep, deeply 7/ 17 *8/ 55 *12/ 377 *13/ 455; deope 5/ 142, 149 *10.4/ 35 *10.7/ 30; ◆ neg.: undep shallow 1/ 43 Depeford (pn.) Deptford 13/ 130 depreced (pl.pt.) to subjugate 6/ 6 depriue (sg.ps.subj.) to deprive 12/ 175 dere → dear derk (adj.) dark 13/ 449 derke (sb.) darkness 9/ 86 dern (adj.) secret, hidden 2/ 20; derne 10.8/ 2 derrest → dear des (sb.) dice 4/ 31 descended (ptp.) 13/ 208 dese → dece deseritede (ptp.) to depose 5/ 107 deseyte (sb.) deceit 7/ 77 desgysed (ptp.) to disguise 4/ 69 desire (sb.) 12/ 258 desireth (sg.ps.) to desire 13/ 104 despendeþ (pl.ps.) to spend 4/ 57; despended (ptp.) 13/ 207 despenses (sb.pl.) expenditure 4/ 59 despitously (adv.) angrily 13/ 498 dest → do destrueth (pl.ps.) to destroy 7/ 24; destruyde (sg.pt.) 5/ 68 dettes (sb.pl.) debt 7/ 91 deþ; deþe → do; deth deth (sb.) death 7/ 17; deþ 10.7/ 23; deeth 13/ 61, 116; deþe 10.2/ 9; ded 2/ 49; dede 12/ 317 deue (adj.pl.) deaf 5/ 193; dyaue 4/ 85 deuel (sb.) devil, fiend 2/ 56 *8/ 52, 141 *12/ 133, 223; devel 13/ 127, 481; deuill 14/ 117; deuyll 12/ 341; dyeuel 4/ 7-8, 11, 15, 34, 85, 90; dyeule 4/ 81, 83; deueles (gsg.) 2/ 61; deuillis 14/ 214; dyeules (gsg.) 4/ 94; deuelis (pl.) 12/ 399; deoules 1/ 34; dyeulen (pl.) 4/ 10 deuyll, devel → deuel devoure (inf.) to devour 13/ 210 devout (adj.) 13/ 22 devyse (sg.ps.) to describe 13/ 34 Dew (prn.) 7/ 144 dewes (sb. gsg.) dew 10.8/ 33 dewly (adv.) duly 12/ 248 deye → die deynous (adj.) haughty 13/ 165 dich (sb.) lair, ditch 4/ 94 *13/ 188; dych 13/ 330 did, dide, diden → do ‘die’ deie (inf.) 9/ 43; deye 10.7/ 21; dye 12/ 164, 365 *13/ 218; (sg.ps.) 13/ 531; de q e (sg.ps.) 10.2/ 9; dyen (pl.ps.) 7/ 102; deide (sg.pt.) 5/ 199; died 11/ 64 digne (adj.) haughty 13/ 188 dignete (sb.) dignity, office 5/ 54, 121, 144 dignitee → God di q t (inf.) to ajudge, condemn 6/ 82; diht (ptp.) 10.2/ 9 dikere (sb.) ditcher 7/ 170; dykers (pl.) 7/ 143 dim (adj.) 2/ 62; dimme 2/ 5 dint (sb.) blow 6/ 176; dunt 6/ 239; dynt 6/ 102; dintes (pl.) 8/ 148; dintez 6/ 123 dipped (ptp.) 11/ 103 discende (sg.pt.) to descend 12/ 77 discomfited (ptp.) to defeat 7/ 108; disconfit 7/ 112 discouerez (sg.ps.) to uncover, reveal 6/ 205 dismayd (ptp.) to dismay 6/ 123 disordeneliche (adv.) unduly, over-much 4/ 48 disparage (inf.) to degrade 13/ 495 disport (sb.) entertainment, disport 13/ 324 disserued (ptp.) to deserve 6/ 239 disshere (sb.) dish-maker or seller 7/ 173 diueð (sg.ps.) to dive 2/ 55 diverse (adj.) 13/ 81 diversely (adv.) 13/ 81 do (inf.) 3/ 43 *4/ 42, 83, 99 *5/ 14, 17, 132, 165 etc. *7/ 109 *8/ 69, 115, 126 *9/ 81 *11/ 91 *12/ 263 *14/ 119; don 1/ 76 *5/ 116, 124, 171 *8/ 23 *10.2/ 10 *10.5/ 9 *10.7/ 10; done 5/ 72 *8/ 118; doon 13/ 105, 259, 415; ◆ ps.: do 3/ 9 *4/ 12 *5/ 127, 138 *8/ 22, 25-26, 96 *9/ 12 *10.7/ 26 *12/ 203 *13/ 249 *14/ 127; doon 13/ 502; dooth 13/ 95, 292, 544; dois 14/ 198; dose 11/ 28-29; dest 4/ 42 *5/ 44 *8/ 17-18, 76; deþ 3/ 36 *4/ 45, 82, 85, 97; dost 10.8/ 20; doð 2/ 54, 57; doþ 3/ 10, 20, 29 *4/ 68, 99 *8/ 109; dothe 10.10/ 3; ◆ sg.ps. subj.: do 3/ 42-43; ◆ pt.: dede 4/ 17, 36, 96 *8/ 34; did 6/ 107 *12/ 258; dide 1/ 5, 24, 28, 30, 39, 43 *13/ 328, 519; diden 1/ 30, 36, 41-42, 46, 49, 58; dude 5/ 41, 66 *9/ 30, 65, 67, 107 etc. *10.7/ 24; duden 5/ 212, 215; ◆ ptp.: do 8/ 34 *10.4/ 47; don 6/ 265 *8/ 20, 27; done 5/ 212 *11/ 81 *12/ 24, 223 *14/ 175; doon 13/ 92, 258, 271; i-do 5/ 48, 92, 104; ido 3/ 21 *8/ 111; idon 8/ 53 *9/ 81; y-do 4/ 80, 96; ydon 10.7/ 13 <?page no="344"?> 333 doctours (sb.pl.) authority in theology, scholar 7/ 59, 85 doghter (sb.) daughter 13/ 193, 247, 360, 366 etc. dois → do dokked (ptp.) cut short 13/ 46 dole (sb.) pain, sorrow 12/ 347 dom (sb.) judgement, doom 5/ 118 *6/ 82; dome 12/ 319 dombe (sb.pl.) the dumb 4/ 85; doumbe 5/ 193 don, done → do dong (sb.) dung 4/ 20 doon, dooth → do dor (sb.) door 6/ 245; dore 7/ 208 *8/ 14 *13/ 281, 467; dure 14/ 144 dorste; dose → dare; do doser (sb.) wall-tapestry 6/ 265 dosoyne (sb.) dozen 7/ 170 dost → do dotage (sb.) 13/ 122 doth, doð, doþ dothe → do dou (sb.) dough 8/ 128 double (adv.) 6/ 270 doumbe → dombe doun (adv.) down, downwards 5/ 34 *6/ 122, 155, 210 *8/ 124 *13/ 266, 283, 309, 324 etc. *14/ 161, 176, 182, 185, 189; doune 11/ 57, 77 *12/ 78, 180, 203, 259, 341; downe 11/ 56; dun 2/ 11, 55 doune → doun doune (sb.) down, hill 10.6/ 11; dounes 10.3/ 2 dounward (adv.) downwards, down 5/ 37; dounwart 14/ 187, 223; a-dounward 5/ 38 doute (sb.) fear, doubt 6/ 229 *13/ 211 doutis (sg.ps.) to fear 14/ 51 douþe (sb.) assembled company 6/ 184 dowis; downe → dowue; doun dowue (sb.) dove 12/ 78; dowis (pl.) 14/ 9 draf-sak (sb.) sack of chaff 13/ 430 dra q e, dra q en → drawe drapen → drepeð draucht (sb.) line (? ) 14/ 9 draught (sb.) draft 12/ 399 draw → well drawe (inf.) 5/ 151, 181 *12/ 319, 399; dra q e 9/ 15, 80; drawes (2.sg.ps.) 12/ 279; drawis (3.sg.ps.) 14/ 223; dra q en (pl.ps.) 2/ 40, 51, 59; dro q (sg.pt.) 6/ 122; drou 8/ 139; drough 13/ 116; drou q 5/ 4, 25, 157, 187; drow 7/ 208 *13/ 528; drogh (pl.pt.) 11/ 74; drawin (ptp.) 11/ 97 drawes, drawin, drawis → drawe draye (sb.) noise 12/ 146 (ME) dweole dreccheð (sg.ps.) to stay 2/ 26; dreccheþ to torment 10.8/ 21 drede (1) (sg.ps.) to dread 13/ 98 drede (2) (sb.) dread, fear 4/ 50-51 *5/ 105 *6/ 102 *8/ 45 *12/ 137, 146 dre q e (inf.) to suffer, experience 10.4/ 25 *10.6/ 46 drepeð (sg.ps.) to kill 2/ 55; drapen (pl.pt.) 1/ 42, 48 drery (adj.) dreary, sad 11/ 13 dres (inf.) to turn, direct, make ready 6/ 261; dresses (sg.ps.) 6/ 204; dressez 6/ 232 dri (inf.) dry 11/ 100 drift (sb.) drove, team 14/ 36 Dri q te (sb.) lord, God 9/ 25; Dri q tin 2/ 34; Drihten 1/ 85; Drihtin 1/ 88; Drihtines (gsg.) 1/ 86; Dryhtin 1/ 87 drink (sb.) 11/ 117; drinke 4/ 4, 6 *8/ 72; drynke 13/ 356; drunche 8/ 7 drinke (inf.) to drink 4/ 13 *8/ 40; drynk 6/ 124; drink (imp.) 4/ 37; drinkeþ (pl.ps.) 3/ 28; drynken 13/ 371; drinked 3/ 34; drinken 2/ 54; dronk (sg.pt.) 8/ 47; dronke (pl.pt.) 7/ 164; dronken (ptp.) 13/ 374, 382; ydronke 4/ 29 *7/ 220; idrunke 3/ 17 driue; drogh → dryue; drawe droghte (sb.) drought 13/ 2, 51 dro q → drawe dronk, dronke, dronken → drinke dronke (adj.) drunken 13/ 137 dropes (sb.pl.) drop 10.8/ 33 droppeth (sg.ps.) to drip 13/ 119 drou, drough, drou q → drawe droui (adj.) stirred-up 2/ 47 drow; drunche → drawe; drink dry (adj.) 14/ 170; dry q e unmoved 6/ 122 Dryhtin → Dri q te drynk, drynken → drinke drynke → drink dryue (inf.) to drive, spend 6/ 176; dryuis (sg.ps.) 14/ 29; driue (sg.ps.subj.) 9/ 37, 82; dryueth (pl.ps.) 7/ 144; dryuand (psp.) 14/ 222; dryve (ptp.) 13/ 334 dude, duden → do duere → dear dueres; dun → dær; doun dunt; dure → dint; dor durste → dare dwale (sb.) sleeping potion 13/ 385 dwelle (inf.) 7/ 83, 12/ 304, (pl.ps.) 12/ 102; dwellynge (psp.) 13/ 149; dweld (sg.pt.) 11/ 58; dwelten (pl.pt.) 13/ 227 dweole miengyngue (sb.) trance 5/ 18 <?page no="345"?> 334 dweolkningue (ME) dweolkningue (sb.) trance 5/ 220 dyad; dyaue → ded; deue dych; dye, dyen → dich; die dyeuel, dyeule, dyeulen, dyeules → deuel dykers → dikere dymmede (pl.pt.) to grow dim 7/ 208 dyne (inf.) to dine 7/ 146 dynge (imp.) to beat 12/ 180, (inf.) 12/ 203 dynne (sb.) din, noise 12/ 234, 284 dynt → dint E ‘each’ ælc 1/ 80; ech 4/ 69 *5/ 8, 48 *13/ 39; eche 5/ 43, 192, 194; euch 8/ 112, 143; euche 8/ 51; vch 10.3/ 29 *10.6/ 13 *10.8/ 12; ech-on 5/ 158; echon 13/ 369; echone 5/ 90 ‘early’ erly 13/ 33; air 14/ 3; airlie 14/ 5, 37; herly 7/ 175 ‘eat’ ete (inf.) 4/ 12, 25; eten 5/ 19; ethe 4/ 48-49; ett 11/ 86; ette 11/ 45; est (2.sg.ps.) 4/ 42; et (imp.) 4/ 21; eth 4/ 37; heten (pl.ps.) 2/ 54; eat (sg.pt.) 5/ 21; eet 7/ 232; hete 8/ 78; i-ete (ptp.) 8/ 49, 85; etinge (sb.) 4/ 75 ech, eche, ech-on, echone → each eddre-blod (sb.) blood in the veins 8/ 23 ede; Edward → go; Saints edwitede (pl.pt.) to accuse, reproach 7/ 222 ee → eye eek (adv.) also, likewise, too 13/ 5, 41, 187, 215 etc.; eik 14/ 54; eke 10.4/ 9 *10.5/ 15-16 eelde → elde eet → eat eft (adv.) again 11/ 50, 103 e˛fter, efter, efterþan → after efterward (adv.) afterwards, later 4/ 59-60, 66-67, 76 egen, eghe, eghen → eye egre (adj.) eager 8/ 145 e q e, e q en, ei q ene → eye eik; eir → eek; long eirrand (psp.) to plough 14/ 37 eke → eek elde (sb.) age 2/ 3 *5/ 195; eelde 13/ 109 elde, elder, elderis → old elles (adv.) else, otherwise 5/ 48 *7/ 89; ellez 6/ 82, 171; ellis 12/ 305 *13/ 252 elleswer (adv.) elsewhere 8/ 104 ellez, ellis → elles em (sb.) uncle 6/ 143; eom 1/ 22 emang → among emell (prep.) among 12/ 104; ymel 13/ 395 Emme (prn.) 7/ 144 empty (adj.) 13/ 118, 358; emptie 14/ 105 encen q (sb.) incense 10.5/ 41 enclyne (inf.) to incline 6/ 127 encrees (inf.) to increase 12/ 292 end (sb.) 14/ 17, 184; ende 5/ 223 *6/ 272 *7/ 29, 201 *10.4/ 48 *10.8/ 12 *12/ 52, 232, 300, 404 *13/ 15; ◆ contr. art.: þende 9/ 59 endeþ (sg.ps.) to end 9/ 133-134; endis 11/ 27 *14/ 194; endyng (sb.) 13/ 398 ender; endis → day; endeþ endles (adj.) eternal, endless 12/ 35; yendles (adj.) 12/ 124 endyng; enes → endeþ; ones Engelond, Engelonde → England engendred (ptp.) to produce 13/ 4 ‘England’ Engelond (pn.) 5/ 59 *13/ 16; Engelonde 5/ 1; Englaland 1/ 26; Engleland 1/ 8, 12; Enguelond 5/ 60, 64, 78, 84 etc.; Enguelonde 5/ 62, 66, 69, 71, etc.; Ingland 11/ 35 Englische (adj.) English 5/ 79, 81, 106 eni, enie; enmang → any; among Ennias (prn.) Aeneas 6/ 5 ‘enough’ aneuch 14/ 101; onoh 1/ 45; innogh 6/ 76, 191, 264; inogh 11/ 74, 112; inou 8/ 12, 40, 42, 46, 74, 130, 139; i-nou q 5/ 26, 65, 142, 188; i-nov q 5/ 3, 40, 73; inowe 8/ 144; yno q e 9/ 70; ynoh 10.1/ 7 ensaumpill (sb.) example, exemplum 11/ 65; ensaumple 11/ 2, 121 entent (sb.) intent 11/ 72 entered, enteres → entre enterludez (sb.pl.) interlude 6/ 259 entre (inf.) to enter 12/ 270; entered (sg.pt.) 12/ 165; enteres (sg.ps.) 12/ 282 entree (sb.) entry 13/ 467 entremes (sb.) appetizer 4/ 71 enþer; eny; eom → day; any; em eorl (sb.) ruler, earl 5/ 63 eorþe → erth eou, eoure, eouwer, eov, eower → q e (2) eppel (sb.) apple 4/ 36 Epyphany (prn.) 10.5/ 38 er → other (1) er (adv., conj.) before, early, already 5/ 27, 29, 113, 153, 180, 182, 186 *6/ 165 *9/ 87-88 *10.2/ 5, 9 *13/ 36, 394, 419, 465, 473; ar 7/ 136; are 5/ 178, 207, 210 *12/ 38, 98, 345; or 2/ 20, 22 *9/ 84 *12/ 154, 156, 224, 278; erour (comp.) 8/ 2; eroust (sup.) 8/ 8, 62; erst 13/ 325 erchebischop (sb.) archbishop 5/ 49-50, 119, 128, 155, 160, 168, 176; ærcebiscop 1/ 13 <?page no="346"?> 335 erde (sb.) land, earth, world 6/ 27 eremites → hermit eres (sb.pl.) ear 7/ 76; erys 13/ 45 erly → early ermit → hermit ern (sb.) eagle 2/ 19; ernes (gsg.) 2/ 1 ernde (1) (sg.ps.) to obtain 10.4/ 30 ernde (2) (sb.) business, mission 6/ 44 erne (inf.) to run 8/ 8 ernes → ern ernist (sb.) earnest, seriousness 14/ 109 erour, eroust → er err, ert → be erth (sb.) earth, world 12/ 363; erthe 1/ 64 *7/ 142, 209; erþe 3/ 4, 23 *6/ 4, 214; eorþe 5/ 36, 195; vrþe 5/ 204 erthely (adj.) earthly 12/ 10, 134 erys → eres es; esche → be; ask ese (sb.) ease, comfort, quiet 7/ 55 *13/ 343; eyse 4/ 29 esed (ptp.) to entertain 13/ 29 esely (adv.) easily 11/ 114 esement (sb.) easement 13/ 403, 410 Esope (prn.) 14/ 1 espie (inf.) to discover, perceive 13/ 419; espye 13/ 526 est → eat estaat (sb.) state 13/ 173 este → west Estermorewe (sb.) Easter Sunday morning 10.5/ 44 Estren (sb.) Easter 1/ 84 estres (sb.) interior of a room 13/ 519 Estun (pn.) Great Easton, Leicestershire 1/ 79 estward (adv.) eastwards 7/ 14 et, ete, eten, eth, ethe, etinge, ett, ette → eat eþe (sg.ps.) to conjure, entreat 6/ 166 euch, euche → each eue (sb.) eve 5/ 202 euel (adj., adv., sb.) evil, bad, vile 3/ 42; euele 3/ 27-28, 30, 37, 42 *4/ 92; euil 11/ 29; euill 14/ 136, 208; yfel 1/ 15; yuele 1/ 35, 68; vuele (adv.) 5/ 48; yvele 13/ 544 euen → even Euen (prn.) Eve 4/ 17, 36 euensong (sb.) evensong 7/ 197 euer, euere → ever euer-ech-on, euerech-on, euerech-one, euerich, euerie, euerilkone → every euermore (adv.) evermore, forever 10.1/ 17 *12/ 15; euremo 4/ 50; everemoo 13/ 185, 462 (ME) faile Euerwicke (pn.) York 5/ 49 euery → every Eugenie → Pape euil, euill → euel euin; eure → even; ever euremo → euermore euyn → even euyn (sb.) evening 11/ 90 even (adj., adv.) 12/ 52, 280; evene 13/ 83; euen 6/ 231 *12/ 76, 80; euin 14/ 93; euyn 11/ 90-91 ever (adv.) 13/ 44, 96, 117, 516; evere 13/ 78, 101, 371, 394 etc.; euer 6/ 80 *7/ 46 *10.7/ 7, 14-15, 22 etc. *10.8/ 7, 15, 22, 29, 36 *12/ 228 *14/ 77, 148; euere 5/ 100, 225 *8/ 71 *12/ 200, 292; eure 2/ 44 *9/ 134; æure 1/ 50, 63; ◆ col.: æure um wile repeatedly 1/ 51; evere in oon (adv.) continuously 13/ 104 everemo → euermore everichon → every everideel (adv.) completely 13/ 539 every (adj., pron.) 13/ 3, 6, 15; euerich 3/ 39; euerie 14/ 198; euery 10.10/ 4; æuric 1/ 6, 32, 61; ◆ compd.: everichon everyone 13/ 31; euer-ech-on 5/ 223; euerech-on 5/ 136; euerech-one 5/ 146; euerilkone 12/ 311; heuereuchon 8/ 135 exces (sb.) excess 7/ 218 Execestre (pn.) Exeter 1/ 16 expence (sb.) cost 14/ 91 extremitie (sb.) extreme severity 14/ 131 ey (interj.) ah, oh 13/ 444; ay 12/ 343 eye (sb.) 13/ 143; ee 14/ 219; eghe 11/ 24; ye 13/ 10, 89, 273, 525; e q e 10.1/ 7; egen (pl.) 2/ 5, 10; eghen 11/ 15; e q en 2/ 22, 26 *10.4/ 12; ei q ene 5/ 220; yes 7/ 72, 208; eyen 13/ 198; ey q en 10.6/ 22; y q en 6/ 91 ey q en → eye eyr (sb.) heir 5/ 61; eyres (pl.) 5/ 89-90 eyse → ese eyþur (pron.) either 5/ 74 F Fabianes → Saints fabill (sb.) fable 14/ 78, 196 face (sb.) 6/ 104, 232 *12/ 90 *13/ 158 fader (sb.) father 9/ 12, 38 *10.7/ 16 *13/ 100, 330; fadir 12/ 5, 25, 79, 226, 229, 235; fadris (gsg.) 12/ 36; uader 4/ 97-98 fa q en → fain faile (inf.) to fail, be at fault, be wanting, lack 12/ 157; faill 14/ 61; faillen 13/ 111; faylez <?page no="347"?> 336 faile (ME) (2.sg.ps.) 6/ 65, 242; failede (sg.pt.) 3/ 6; failleden (pl.pt.) 5/ 85 fain (adj., adv.) glad, gladly, joyful, joyfully 5/ 132; fayn 6/ 175 *10.9/ 1; faine 11/ 120; fayne 10.10/ 16; fa q en 2/ 40, 51; fane 14/ 88, 143; ◆ neg.: vnfane 14/ 210 fair (adj.) 5/ 231 *7/ 19 *9/ 133 *13/ 175, 200 *14/ 125, 146; faire 5/ 162, 188-189 *11/ 74, 92, 109 *13/ 62, 247, 286, 293 etc.; fayr 10.1/ 7; fayre 6/ 154, 214 *7/ 178; feir 10.3/ 26 *13/ 201; feyr 10.3/ 37 *10.5/ 8; feyre 10.3/ 34, 40; uayre 4/ 36; fairer (comp.) 13/ 303; feireste (sup.) 10.8/ 11; feyrest 10.1/ 14; ffayrest 10.8/ 30 fairis → fare (2) faith (sb.) 12/ 29, 364 *14/ 207; fayþ 6/ 66; ◆ col.: by my fayth on my good word 13/ 433; by my fay 13/ 258; in god fayth 6/ 168; y-faith truly 13/ 268; y-fayth 13/ 246 faitour (sb.) liar, trickster 12/ 157; faitours (pl.) 12/ 209 fal (sb.) fall 13/ 509 fall (inf.) to fall, happen, occur 14/ 75; falle 6/ 270; (ptp.) 7/ 63; (sg.ps. conj.) 13/ 396; (ptp.) 13/ 507, 512; falleð (sg.ps.) 2/ 12, 29; falles (sg.ps.) 6/ 145 *13/ 266; fallen (pl.ps.) 2/ 11; (ptp.) 6/ 23; (inf.) 10.1/ 10; fel (sg.pt.) 5/ 8 *6/ 217 *10.8/ 16; fell 12/ 14; feol 5/ 39-40, 43 *9/ 110 *10.4/ 38; fil 13/ 505; ful 5/ 37 *7/ 106, 113; iuel 3/ 5; yfalle (ptp.) 10.7/ 17 *13/ 25; afalle (ptp.) fallen down 8/ 9 fals (adj.) false, treacherous, deceiving 7/ 106 *13/ 542 *14/ 54; false 5/ 79 *10.3/ 15 *10.8/ 19 *13/ 492-493, 515; falsly (adv.) 7/ 229 falsnesses (sb.pl.) offence 7/ 69 falt (sb.) fault 14/ 205 faltered (sg.pt.) to falter 6/ 217 faltit (sg.pt.) to commit a fault 14/ 35 fand, fande; fane → find; fain fange (inf.) to receive 6/ 178 fantasie (sb.) lie, fiction 14/ 221; fantasyes (pl.) 7/ 37 far → fare (2) far (adj., adv.) 14/ 40; fer 6/ 13 *13/ 145, 239; ferre (comp.) 12/ 156, 336; fyrre 6/ 165, 198 fare (1) (sb.) journey; use, practice; behaviour 1/ 53 *6/ 196 *10.3/ 27 *12/ 158 *13/ 223 fare (2) (inf.) to go, turn, journey, fare 8/ 71, (sg.ps.) 8/ 101; (sg.ps.subj.) 2/ 32 *13/ 95; (ptp.) 9/ 48; far (sg.ps.subj.) 13/ 464; faren (inf.) 1/ 53; fares (sg.ps.) 13/ 247; fairis 14/ 188; for (sg.pt.) 1/ 1, 21, 74; ◆ col.: fare weel farewell 13/ 460 faren, fares → fare (2) farleis → ferlyes fast (1) (adv.) fast, securely, safely 7/ 41 *10.7/ 30; faste 5/ 38, 70, 85, 149, 157, 180, 219 *7/ 65 *12/ 107 *13/ 305, 314, 329, 418, 516 fast (2) (vb.) to fast 11/ 11; ueste (inf.) 4/ 21; fastyng (psp.) 7/ 153; fastynges (sb.pl.) fasting 7/ 69 fastyng, fastynges → fast (2) fastyng-dayes (sb.pl.) day of fasting 7/ 161, 235 faten → fatt fatt (sb.) vat 11/ 97; faten (pl.) 3/ 12, 14 fattest (adj. sup.) 14/ 97 fay → faith faylez → faile fayn, fayne → fain fayr, fayre → fair fayteden (pl.pt.) to dissemble 7/ 43 fæstned (ptp.) to fasten 1/ 46 feblesse (sb.) feebleness 5/ 196 feblest (adj. sup.) feeblest, least capable 6/ 141 fedde (sg.pt.) to feed, drink 7/ 235; fed (ptp.) 11/ 89 feele → fele (1) feend (sb.) fiend, devil, enemy 13/ 512; feende (sb.) fiend, devil, enemy 12/ 9, 14, 234, 335; feind 14/ 201; fende 12/ 340; feynd 14/ 205 feere → fere; in feersly; feet → ferse; foot fe q tyng → fight feind; feir → feend; fair feir (sb.) companion (? ) 14/ 5 feireste → fair feit; fel → foot; fall fela q e, fela q es, felaw → felowe felaweshipe (sb.) company, party 13/ 26, 32 felaws → felowe feld (1) (sb.) field, battle field 7/ 19; felde 9/ 21 feld (2) (ptp.) to fell, chop down 11/ 43; ifulde (sg.pt.) 9/ 114; yueld 4/ 14 felde → feld (1) fele (1) (adj., sb.) many 6/ 215 *8/ 83 *9/ 35 *10.8/ 32; feele 12/ 61; feole 10.3/ 15; uele 4/ 34, 58, 62, 69, 92 fele (2) (inf.) to feel, experience 12/ 346; feleð (sg.ps.) 2/ 54; felen (pl.ps.) 2/ 40; feled (sg.pt.) 11/ 93-94; fielde 5/ 196 feled, felen, feleð → fele (2) Felix Brutus (prn.) 6/ 13 fell → fall felle (adj.) bold, fierce 6/ 78 <?page no="348"?> 337 felloun (adj.) fierce, extreme 14/ 31 felowe (sb.) fellow, friend, companion 12/ 284; fela q e 9/ 80; felaw 11/ 25; felaws (gsg.) 11/ 23; uela q e 4/ 14; fela q es (pl.) 9/ 15, 39, 101; uela q es 4/ 95 fen (sb.) 13/ 289, 304, 315 fende → feend fende (inf.) to defend 12/ 30 fenge to receive (? ), gain (? ) 10.3/ 18 fenkelsedes (sb.pl.) fennel-seeds 7/ 161 feol; feole → fall; fele (1) feorden → ferd fer; fere → far; fir; in fere (sb.) companion, friend 8/ 60 *9/ 45 *10.3/ 18, (sb.) feere 12/ 352; ifere 8/ 86, 93; feren (pl.) 9/ 83 ferd (sg.pt.) to go, happen 11/ 102; ferde 9/ 84; feorden (pl.pt.) 1/ 19 [see fare (2)] feren → fere ferly (adj.) amazing 13/ 397 ferly (adv.) exceedingly 6/ 175 ferlyes (sb.) marvel, wonder 6/ 23 *7/ 63; farleis 12/ 61 ferme (adj.) firm 14/ 207 ferne (adj.) distant, far 13/ 14 ferre → far ferse (adv.) fiercely 12/ 131; feersly proudly 6/ 116 fersnes (sb.) impetuosity, unruliness 14/ 11 ferst → first ferther (adv. comp.) far, further 13/ 36; forther 13/ 341, 446 ferthyng-worth (sb.) amounting to a farthing 7/ 161 fest (1) (sb.) feast 9/ 87; feste 9/ 63 fest (2) (sb.) fist 13/ 499; fust 6/ 178 feste → fest (1) feste (ptp.) to fasten, make secure, rely on 12/ 335, 337, (sg.ps.) 12/ 340; festeð 2/ 62 festen (sb.) firm ground 2/ 52 festeð; fet, fete → feste; foot fette (inf.) to fetch, summon 5/ 199; (sg.pt.) 12/ 382; fotte (inf.) 6/ 238; foch (imp.) 6/ 183 feðres (sb.pl.) feather 2/ 11 feuere (sb.) fever 5/ 197 fewe (adj.) few 5/ 190 *7/ 63 *9/ 101 feye (adj.) doomed 10.1/ 10 feynd → feend feyr, feyre, feyrest, ffayrest → fair ffor; fielde → for; fele (2) fierd (sb.) army 5/ 67 fif (num.) five 10.5/ 24; fiue 5/ 57 *8/ 15 *9/ 18, 82 (ME) flitte fifte (ord.) fifth 10.5/ 49; vifte 4/ 63 fight (inf.) 12/ 131; fi q te 9/ 36; fy q t 6/ 65; fighte (pl.ps.) 13/ 515; foughten (pl.pt.) 7/ 43, (ptp.) 13/ 62; fu q ten (pl.pt.) 9/ 58; fe q tyng (sb.) 6/ 54 Fikenhild (prn.) 9/ 65, 71, 78, 81 etc.; Fikenhildes (gsg.) 9/ 114 fil → fall filthe (sb.) filth 12/ 380; fulþe 8/ 83; uelþe 4/ 90 finall (adj.) final 14/ 72 find (inf.) 14/ 154, 163, 195; finden 1/ 54; fynde 6/ 111, 242 *7/ 122 *12/ 6, 288 *13/ 468, 518, (sg.ps.subj.) 6/ 236; uynde 4/ 25; findes (sg.ps.) 14/ 205; fyndes 13/ 354; findeð 2/ 58; findis 14/ 151; vind 8/ 127; fynt 13/ 295; fyndeth (pl.ps.) 7/ 37; fand (sg.pt.) 1/ 69; fond 5/ 68 *7/ 19 *8/ 11, 47, 81, 147 *9/ 92 *13/ 340, 445, 475; fonde 7/ 56; foond 13/ 441, 447, 520; founde 8/ 37, 46, 56, 107, (pl.pt.) 9/ 21; (ptp.) 13/ 283; fande (pl.pt.) 12/ 62; funde 6/ 183 Fines (prn. gsg.) Phinehas 7/ 107 fir (sb.) fire 2/ 54; fer 3/ 31; fyr 6/ 246 *13/ 106, 340, 396 first (adj., adv.) 13/ 42, 246; ferst 3/ 17, 20; furst 10.5/ 25; furste 7/ 221; fyrst 6/ 9, 77, 88, 146, 166; uerst 4/ 7, 35; verst 4/ 58, 65 fis (sb.) fish 2/ 35, 38, 44, 50; fysch 7/ 240; viss 4/ 18; fissches (pl.) 11/ 44, 46, 60; fisses 2/ 40, 42 fisshe (inf.) to fish 13/ 151 fit (sb.) experience 13/ 408, 454 fitte (sb.) punishment 12/ 346 fiue; fla q e → fif; fle q eð flaill (sb.) crank 14/ 177 Flaundres → Purnele flayd (adj.) afraid 12/ 209 fle → fle q eð fle (1) (sb.) flea 14/ 56, 172 fle (2) (inf.) to flay, skin 9/ 55 fle q eð (sg.ps.) to fly 2/ 7; fle (imp.) 8/ 19; fla q e (sg.pt.) 6/ 246; flowen (ptp.) 8/ 16 fleme (inf.) to flee 9/ 6 flesc (sb.) flesh 1/ 55; fles 2/ 60; fless 11/ 101; fleysh 10.5/ 11, 46 flesliche (adv.) bodily, materially 3/ 4, 22, 36 fless → flesc flet (1) (sb.) floor 6/ 81 flet (2) (sg.ps.) to swim, float 2/ 36 fleye (inf.) flee, esacpe 12/ 380 fleysh → flesc fli q t (sb.) flight, flying 2/ 4; wings 2/ 10; fli q te 9/ 69 flitte (inf.) to flit, escape 12/ 210, 336, (sg.ps.) 12/ 340 <?page no="349"?> 338 flod (ME) flod (sb.) sea, flood 6/ 13; floode 12/ 76 flok (sb.) flock 8/ 15; floik 14/ 97 floode → flod floor (sb.) 13/ 501 flour (1) (sb.) flour 13/ 277, 317, 536 flour (2) (sb.) flower, blossom 10.3/ 7 *13/ 4, 398 flowe (inf.) to flow 9/ 122 flowen → fle q eð flugæn (pl.pt.) to flee 1/ 62; flugen 1/ 56 flum (sb.) river 11/ 103; flume 12/ 76 flye (sb.) fly 13/ 416 flynt (sb.) flint 6/ 246 flyte (inf.) to quarrel 14/ 138 fnorteth (sg.ps.) to snort 13/ 387 foch → fette fodder (sb.) 13/ 92 fode → foode fode (sb.) being, child 9/ 40 *10.8/ 30 fo q el (sb.) bird, fowl 9/ 69; foul 10.1/ 2; fowel 13/ 126; foules (pl.) 7/ 207 *10.4/ 2; foweles 13/ 9 fois; fol; folc → foo; fool; folk folde (sb.) earth, ground 6/ 23, 183, 209 foldez (sg.ps.) to befit, be proper 6/ 146 fole (1) (sb.) horse 6/ 246 fole (2) (adj.) foolish 4/ 6 folegeð → fol q en foles → fool fol q en (inf.) to follow 2/ 62; follou 14/ 5; folegeð (sg.ps.) 2/ 58; folowd (sg.pt.) 11/ 45 folie (sb.) folly, sin 13/ 104; foly 6/ 111 *11/ 8; folies (pl.) 3/ 38 folk (sb.) 5/ 36, 65, 68 etc. *7/ 19 *9/ 56, 131 *10.6/ 12 *11/ 58 *13/ 12, 25, 79, 81 etc.; folc 1/ 13; folke 12/ 6, 53, 73, 295, 364; uolk 4/ 35, 58; uolke 4/ 65; folkes (pl.) 12/ 70 folliche (adv.) foolish 5/ 124 follou, folowd → fol q en folvellet → fulfill folwd; foly → fol q en; folie fomen (sb.pl.) foe 8/ 144 [see foo] fond, fonde → find fonde (inf.) to try, test, experience 6/ 78; founde 10.3/ 27; fondede (sg.pt.) 9/ 127; fondeden (pl.pt.) 5/ 182; fonde (ptp.) 10.8/ 4; founded 6/ 54 fonne (sb.) fool 13/ 313 foo (sb.) foe, enemy 12/ 287 *13/ 63; fooes 12/ 386; fois (pl.) 12/ 30 foode (sb.) food, sustenance 12/ 10; fode 2/ 15, 34 *7/ 43 fooes → foo fool (sb.) 13/ 252; fol 5/ 123; fooles (pl.) 13/ 335; foles 5/ 123 *7/ 37 foond → find foot (sb.) 13/ 348, 365; fot 6/ 209 *10.4/ 13; fote 6/ 116; uot 4/ 87; fute 14/ 83, 146; feet (pl.) 13/ 298, 380, 437; fet 1/ 38, 40 *5/ 36; fete 6/ 215; feit 14/ 144 for → fare (2) for (conj., prep.) ffor 10.7/ 34; fore 3/ 24; uor 4/ 16, 34-35, 39-40 etc.; vor 4/ 19, 30, 46, 50 etc. ◆ compd.: forte in order to 10.1/ 9 *10.2/ 2 *10.5/ 54; for-to 5/ 12, 14, 70, 72, 121, 151, 159, 179, 227; forto 8/ 133; forþi 1/ 22, 82 *6/ 27, 242 *10.1/ 11; forthy 13/ 255; forþy 6/ 70; ◆ col.: for soþe (adv.) truly, indeed 6/ 190, 202; uor zoþe 4/ 96; uor þet so that 4/ 76 forage (sb.) 13/ 92 forbaren → fur-bere forbid → God force (sb.) 12/ 210 *13/ 136, 235 *14/ 41; na fors no matter 13/ 400 forcursæd (ptp.) to excommunicate 1/ 64 fordon (ptp.) to destroy 1/ 65 fordriuen (ptp.) to go astray 2/ 49 fore → for; to (1) forfair (inf.) to destroy 14/ 11 forfette (sg.pt.) to forfeit 12/ 352 forgat → furq ite forgif (inf.) to forgive, excuse 14/ 87; for q eue (inf.) 8/ 88, (sg.ps.) 8/ 113; for q ef (sg.ps.subj.) 8/ 105 for q elde (sg.ps.subj.) to repay, reward 8/ 113 for q eue → forgif for q euenesse (sb.) remission, respite 7/ 237 *8/ 148; forq iuenesse 5/ 169 forholen (ptp.) to conceal 1/ 87 forlete (inf.) to shed 10.6/ 6 forlore (ptp.) to lose 10.5/ 30; forloren 1/ 32, 64 *2/ 17; uorlore 4/ 89 formest (adv.) foremost 5/ 123 fors → force forsake (inf.) 6/ 262 *9/ 30 *10.1/ 10, (ptp.) 8/ 89; forsaket (sg.ps.) 2/ 23 forstode (sg.pt.) to avail 1/ 20 forsuoren, forsworen → uorzuerie fort → forth forte → for for-to → for forto → for fortoun (sb.) fortune 14/ 188 forth (adv.) 5/ 100, 147, 179 *6/ 215, 218 *7/ 4, 49, 67, 97 etc. *13/ 129, 242, 290, 445, 481; forthþ 5/ 169; forþ 3/ 20; fort 8/ 9; fourth <?page no="350"?> 339 12/ 386; fourthe 12/ 298; furth 11/ 120 *14/ 5, 78, 83, 85, 151; furthe 12/ 140 forther; forþi → ferther; for forthinkis (sg.ps.) to repent of, be sorry for 14/ 150 forthy, forþy → for forthþ → forth forwake (ptp.) very tired 10.1/ 15 forward (sb.) agreement, promise, contract 12/ 5, 238 *13/ 33; forwarde 12/ 166; forwardes (pl.) 6/ 165; forwardez 6/ 196 fot, fote; fotte → foot; fette foughten; foul → fight; fo q el foul (adj.) 11/ 16; foule 7/ 37, 234 *12/ 337; (adv.) 13/ 444; ful 1/ 38; uoule 4/ 70 foules → fo q el founde; founded → find; fonde four (num.) 5/ 57, 208 *12/ 354; foure 5/ 203, 207 *7/ 56 *11/ 96 *12/ 39 *13/ 107, 109 four-score fourscore 5/ 209 fourth, fourthe → forth fourti (num.) forty 5/ 36 foweles → fo q el foxe (sb.) fox 14/ 188, 201; vox 8/ 1, 8, 41, 48 etc.; wox 8/ 6, 17, 19, 147 foyned (pl.pt.) to kick, thrust at 6/ 215 fra → fro fra (conj.) since, because 14/ 23, 44 fram → from fraud (sb.) 14/ 221 fray (sb.) fear, alarm 14/ 31 frayn (inf.) to ask, enquire, look for 6/ 276; frayned (sg.pt.) 6/ 146 *11/ 60 frayst (inf.) to ask, enquire, look for 6/ 196, (sg.ps.) 6/ 66, (ptp.) 6/ 111, 178; fraystez (sg.ps.) 6/ 242 [see frayn] fre, frear → free fredome (sb.) liberality 14/ 42 free (adj.) free, liberal, noble 12/ 5, 295 *13/ 401; fre 7/ 106 *10.4/ 27 *10.5/ 7 *10.8/ 3 *14/ 122, 128; freo 10.4/ 17; frear (comp.) 14/ 38 freikis; freind → freke; frend freke (sb.) man, warrior 6/ 78, 116, 217; freikis (pl.) 14/ 146 frelie (adv.) freely, liberally 14/ 40; frely 11/ 117 French (adj.) 6/ 13 frend (sb.) friend 1/ 7 *8/ 67, 80 *10.6/ 37; frende 11/ 47 *12/ 287; freind 14/ 86; frendes (pl.) 10.6/ 16 *10.7/ 24; frendis 12/ 29, 62, 385 freo → free (ME) furres freoli (adv.) beautiful, noble 10.3/ 7; freoly 10.3/ 26, 40 [see free] frere (sb.) friar 8/ 133, 136, 140 *13/ 77; freren (pl.) 8/ 131; freris 7/ 56; ◆ col.: mendenant freres mendicant friars 7/ 60 fresche (adj.) fresh, refreshing 14/ 125 frewte (sb.) fruit 12/ 10 Friday (sb.) 7/ 153; Fryday 7/ 240; ◆ col.: Lang Fridæi Good Friday 1/ 85 fro (1) (adv., prep.) from, away from, to and fro 6/ 131, 214, 216, 246 *7/ 114 *11/ 78-79 *12/ 30, 77, 96, 159 etc. *13/ 145, 517; froo 12/ 210; fra 13/ 263 *14/ 147, 207 fro (2) (adv.) later 6/ 8 from (prep.) 6/ 248 *9/ 32 *10.1/ 5-6 *10.3/ 12, 30 *10.5/ 26 *10.6/ 13 *10.7/ 23 *13/ 15, 365 *14/ 143, 224; fram 1/ 74 *5/ 36, 43 *7/ 54 *9/ 57 froo → fro (1) fruyt (sb.) fruit 13/ 96 Fryday; fu q ten → Friday; fight ful → fall; foul; full fulfill (inf.) to fulfil, fill up 11/ 101; fulfille 12/ 27, 166, 238, 299, 395; folvellet (imp.pl.) 3/ 11; fulfulde (sg.pt.) 5/ 29; uuluelden (pl.pt.) 3/ 14; fulfillid (ptp.) 12/ 6, 72, 274 full (1) (adj.) full (of) 12/ 289, 380; ful 1/ 33 *7/ 19 *9/ 73 *11/ 78 *13/ 189; uol 4/ 19, 23, 73 full (2) (adv.) fully, completely 11/ 117 *12/ 48, 82, 107, 151, 280 *14/ 9, 18, 93, 210; ful 5/ 197 *6/ 14, 19, 94-95, 154, 179, 233, 252, 255 *7/ 22-23 *8/ 108, 119 *9/ 28, 48 *11/ 19, 21, 66, 89, 119-120 *12/ 241 *13/ 22, 45, 47, 62, 65, 71, 88, 121, 154, 168, 175, 281, 310, 314, 374, 389, 451, 454, 536, 543; ◆ col.: at the fulle fully, completely 13/ 529; atte fulle 13/ 160, 357; full yoore long ago, for a long time 13/ 121, 454 fulle (inf.) to fill 7/ 191; uelle 4/ 57; uelþ (sg.ps.) 4/ 53; fylden (pl.pt.) 1/ 33-34; ueld (ptp.) 4/ 58 fulliche (adv.) fully 5/ 57 fulþe; funde → filthe; find funde (sg.ps.) to hasten 9/ 10 funt-fat (sb.) baptismal font 2/ 29 fur (sb.) furrow 14/ 11; furris (gsg.) 14/ 17 fur-bere (inf.) to forbear, refrain 5/ 219; forbaren (pl.pt.) 1/ 58, 60 furq ite (inf.) to forget 5/ 228; uoryet (sg.ps.) 4/ 72; forgat (sg.pt.) 13/ 300 furlong (sb.) 13/ 390, 423 furmest (adj.) foremost, first 8/ 11 furres (sb.pl.) fur 10.10/ 21 <?page no="351"?> 340 furris (ME) furris → fur furst, furste → first; þurst furth, furthe → forth furþe (ord.) fourth 10.5/ 43; uerþe 4/ 56 fust → fest (2) fute → foot fy (interj.) fie! 14/ 42, 53 fy q t → fight fy q t (sb.) fight 6/ 66 fyke (inf.) to flatter 10.3/ 26 fylden → fulle fynde, fyndes, fyndeth → find fyneste (adj. sup.) finest 10.10/ 21 fynt; fyr → find; fir fyrre; fyrst; fysch → far; first; fis G ga → go gabbe (imp.) to deceive, lie 8/ 61 Gabriel (prn.) 10.5/ 26 gadered → gederes gadering (sb.) council 1/ 26 gadman (sb.) ox-driver 14/ 6 gaffe, gaif → give gaipis → gapeð gait → gate (2) galon (sb.) gallon 7/ 194; galoun 7/ 198 game (sb.) 6/ 152 *13/ 487; gamin 11/ 88; gome 8/ 12; gomen 6/ 60, 70; gamys (pl.) 12/ 20; gomenes 10.8/ 26 gan → gynneth gane → go ganesay (inf.) to contradict, unsay 14/ 44, 59 gang (inf.) to go, leave 11/ 119 *12/ 303 *14/ 161, (sg.ps.subj.) 14/ 131; gange (inf.) 12/ 144; gangen (pl.ps.) 2/ 52 gapeð (sg.ps.) to gape; be eager 2/ 38; gaipis (pl.ps.) 14/ 212; gapeand (psp.) 11/ 45 garlek (sb.) garlic 7/ 160 garlek-monger (sb.) seller of garlic 7/ 174 garre (inf.) to make, cause 12/ 20, 164, (imp.) 12/ 144, 100, 334; garris (pl.ps.) 14/ 93; gart (sg.pt.) 14/ 184 gas → go Gascoyne (pn.) Gascony 7/ 148 gast → agast; gost gate (1) (sb.) gate, door 9/ 107; q at 8/ 10; q ates (pl.) 12/ 139; q atis 12/ 124, 182 gate (2) (sb.) street, way 12/ 144; gait 14/ 25 Gauan → Gawan gaudis (sb.pl.) trick 12/ 160 Gawan (prn.) 6/ 126, 152, 162 etc.; Sir Gawan 6/ 164, 174, 177, 274; Sir Gawen 6/ 263; Gauan 6/ 185, 208; Wawan 6/ 130 gay (adj.) fine, colourful 13/ 150 gaynly (adv.) appropriately, appositely 6/ 263 gæde → go gældes (sb.pl.) tax 1/ 51 gær, gære; gæt → yeer; yet gederes (sg.ps.) to gather, raise 6/ 208; gadered (ptp.) 1/ 24 gedlyng (sb.) rascal, villain 12/ 212 geen → go gees (sb.pl.) goose 7/ 146 gef → give gere (sb.) garment, clothing 11/ 118 *12/ 211 *13/ 240 gerner (sb.) granary 13/ 49 geserne → giserne gest (sb.) guest 10.2/ 14; gestes (pl.) 1/ 69 gestend (ptp.) to stay (as guest) 11/ 106 get → yet get (1) (sb.pl.) goat 8/ 84 get (2) (inf.) 14/ 212; (imp.) 13/ 356; gete (inf.) 7/ 136 *11/ 45; (pl.ps.) 13/ 323; gettes (sg.ps.) 11/ 31; getyn (ptp.) 12/ 11 geþ; geuen, geuyth → go; give geynest (adj. sup.) most friendly 10.1/ 18 gif → give; if giff, giffe → give gift (sb.) 11/ 15 *14/ 38; gyft 6/ 75; giftis (pl.) 14/ 93; yefþes 4/ 52 gigours (sb.pl.) fiddler 9/ 106 giled → begyle gilery (sb.) deceit, trick 12/ 160 ginne (sb.) craft, trick; mechanism 8/ 36, 39, 41, 43 etc. *9/ 98; ginnes (pl.) 4/ 34 gird (sg.pt.) to spring 14/ 176 gise (sb.) manner, custom 13/ 350; gyse 7/ 26 giserne (sb.) battle-axe 6/ 75, 162; geserne 6/ 113 gistninge (sb.) feast 8/ 128 giues; Gius → give; Jewe ‘give’ ◆ inf.: gif 6/ 75, 84, 152 *11/ 11 *14/ 72; giff 11/ 117 *14/ 40-41; giffe 12/ 114; gyuen 1/ 52; yeve 13/ 67, 231, 277, 381; ◆ sg.ps.: geuyth (sg.ps.) 10.10/ 19; ◆ imp.: gif 6/ 113; q ef 10.4/ 22; giues 11/ 111; gyue 7/ 74; ◆ sg.ps. subj.: q eue 8/ 17 *9/ 135 *10.3/ 20; ◆ sg.pt.: gaffe (sg.pt.) 12/ 163; gaif 14/ 36, 47; q af 9/ 66, 125; yaf 4/ 9 *13/ 56, 168, 236; q ef 10.7/ 35; gef 6/ 157; ◆ pl.pt.: geuen 7/ 176; q euen 9/ 119; iafen 1/ 28; ◆ ptp.: q eue (ptp.) 7/ 241 glad (adj.) 7/ 176 *8/ 125 *11/ 85; gladde 12/ 42, 241; glade 9/ 134; ◆ neg.: vnglad 10.2/ 2 <?page no="352"?> 341 gladieþ (sg.ps.) to gladden 10.4/ 7 gladly (adv.) 6/ 157, 202 glas (sb.) glass 13/ 198 gleedes (sb.pl.) embers 13/ 107 glemans (sb. gsg.) minstrel, gleeman 7/ 205 gleme (sb.) gleam 12/ 42 glent (sg.pt.) to glance, look 6/ 263 gleowes (sb. pl.) entertainment 10.8/ 26 gleowinge (sb.) entertainment 9/ 104 glorious (adj.) 12/ 42 glosede (pl.pt.) to gloss 7/ 58 Gloton (prn.) 7/ 212 glotons → glotoun glotony (sb.) gluttony, drunkenness 7/ 24; glotonye 4/ 57 *7/ 44; glotounye 4/ 5, 7, 78, 91 glotoun (sb.) glutton 4/ 19, 86 *7/ 151, 158, 162, 176 etc.; glotouns (pl.) 4/ 11; glotons 7/ 74; glotuns 4/ 63 go (inf.) 5/ 14 *6/ 235 *7/ 151, 195, 205 *8/ 1, 82 *12/ 341, 393 *13/ 176, 305, 318, 362, 474; gon 5/ 15, 112, 156 *8/ 142 *9/ 46 *10.6/ 50 *13/ 116, 228; goo 12/ 212, 377; goon 13/ 12, 232, 321; guo 4/ 10-11; ga 14/ 135; q onge 8/ 31; ◆ sg.ps.: ga 13/ 478; gas 13/ 261; geþ 4/ 71, 86-87; goo 12/ 120; gotz 6/ 162; gooth 13/ 146, 281, 291, 322, 338, 445, 531; goth 7/ 162 *13/ 242, 286, 295, 304, 377, 384, 481; goð 2/ 16; ◆ sg.ps. subj.: go 12/ 156 *13/ 462, 465; ◆ pl.ps.: gon 13/ 534; goon 13/ 503; goth 7/ 44; ◆ imp.: go 8/ 17, 27-28, 124 *13/ 464 *14/ 49; ga 7/ 146 *13/ 326; ◆ sg.pt.: ede 8/ 35; hede 8/ 138; gæde 1/ 40; q ede 7/ 41, 219 *9/ 19-20, 113 *11/ 3; q eid 14/ 185, 190; q eode 5/ 112; yede 3/ 4; ◆ pl.pt.: q eden 9/ 103; q eoden 5/ 13; ieden 1/ 56; wenten 7/ 49, 52; ◆ pt.: went 11/ 22, 71-72, 87, 108, 120 *14/ 107; wente 7/ 4, 130 *9/ 39 *13/ 181, 372, 383, 435, 439; ◆ ptp.: ago 8/ 25, 77; gane 10.9/ 2 *14/ 102; gon 8/ 54 *13/ 316; goon 13/ 103, 443; geen 13/ 302; vend 8/ 80; wente 12/ 176 god → good God (sb.) 1/ 82 *3/ 35 *4/ 8-9, 18-22 etc. *5/ 12, 26, 56, 126, 232 *7/ 117, 226, 228, 237, 239 *9/ 36 *10.5/ 27, 33 *10.9/ 1, 14 *11/ 3, 5, 7, 15 etc. *12/ 50, 56, 241, 254, 384 *13/ 142, 250, 260, 313 etc. *14/ 46, 102; Gode 2/ 27, 33 *3/ 28, 41 *8/ 86; Goddez (gsg.) 6/ 157; Godes 3/ 4, 31, 41 *4/ 53 *5/ 193 *7/ 228 *8/ 28; ◆ col.: a Godes nome by God 8/ 18; bi Godes nome 8/ 29; God forbid 14/ 46; God waat by God 13/ 310; Gode þonk thank God 8/ 79; vpon Godez halue (ME) governynge for God’s sake 6/ 113; by Goddes sale for the soul of God 13/ 411; by Goddes dignitee for God’s dignity 13/ 494; for Goddes banes for the bones of God 13/ 297; for Goddes herte for God’s heart 13/ 311 gode → good goded (sg.pt.) to improve 1/ 71 Godefray (prn.) 7/ 174 Godes, Godez → God Godhede (sb.) divine nature 12/ 249 Godhild (prn.) 9/ 50 godlie (adj.) godly 14/ 204 godly (adv.) kindly, willingly 6/ 60 godspel, godspell, godspelle → gospel goed → good gold (sb.) 1/ 10, 24, 37 *7/ 74 *10.5/ 41 *11/ 69 gome → game gome (sb.) man, knight 6/ 112, 162, 192; gomus (pl.) 7/ 44 gomen, gomenes → game gomus → gome gon → go; gynneth Gondolf of Roucestre (prn.) Gundulf of Rochester 5/ 116, 153 gonne, gonnen → gynneth goo → go good (adj., sb.) 3/ 37 *7/ 29, 58, 154, 158, 176 *10.7/ 11 *10.9/ 8 *13/ 67, 69-71, 207 etc.; goode 6/ 168 *7/ 146 *12/ 34 *13/ 453, 471; god 1/ 8, 11, 24, 29 etc. *6/ 168 *10.5/ 9; gode 1/ 82 *2/ 15 *3/ 43 *6/ 269 *7/ 237 *8/ 74, 110 *9/ 27, 40, 113, 121, 124 *10.8/ 31; goed 8/ 20, 23, 81, 87; gude 11/ 16, 61, 72, 76, 84-85 *14/ 195; guod 4/ 26 *5/ 48, 146; guode 4/ 27, 48-49 *5/ 26, 137, 142; guodes (pl.) 4/ 42 goodnesse (sb.) goodness 12/ 381; guodnesse 5/ 25 goon → go goos (sb.) goose 13/ 361 gooth → go gore (sb.) garment 10.1/ 18 gospel (sb.) 7/ 58; godspel 3/ 2 *11/ 1; godspell 11/ 27; godspelle 4/ 9 gossip (sb.) kinsman, friend 7/ 158 *8/ 58, 105, 110, 122 gost (sb.) ghost 10.7/ 6; holy goste Holy Ghost/ Spirit 12/ 77; gast 2/ 60 gostliche (adv.) in a spiritual way 3/ 37 gottes (sb.pl.) guts 7/ 199 gotz, goth, goð → go gothly (inf.) to rumble, bubble, sputter 7/ 199 governynge (sb.) rule 13/ 55 <?page no="353"?> 342 grace (ME) grace (sb.) 2/ 34 *3/ 37 *5/ 191, 193 *12/ 20, 384 *14/ 217 gradde → grede graid (sg.pt.) to clothe 11/ 118 gramery (sb.) magic 10.9/ 7 grant (inf.) 6/ 60; graunte (sg.ps.subj.) 7/ 237; graunti 5/ 232 gras (sb.) grass 7/ 232; grases (pl.) 10.8/ 34 graspeth (sg.ps.) to grope 13/ 517 grat → greate grathed; grathely → greiþi; grayþely graue (sb.) grave 12/ 23, 393 grauel (sb.) sand, gravel 9/ 103 graunte, graunti → grant grayþe (adj.) ready 6/ 235 grayþely (adv.) readily, promptly, at once 6/ 204; grathely 12/ 92 greate (adj.) great 4/ 59, 65; greet 7/ 212 *13/ 211, 213; gret 5/ 10, 59, 65-66, 111, 169, 187, 214 *6/ 9 *8/ 84; grete 2/ 43 *5/ 114, 119, 123, 170, 188, 195-196 *6/ 99, 112 *7/ 36, 53, 162 *8/ 36, 78, 145 *10.4/ 14 *10.8/ 7 *11/ 31 *12/ 104, 137, 381 *13/ 547; grat 4/ 9, 19, 59-60, 66; grit 14/ 13, 91; gretteste (sup.) 13/ 278 grece (1) (sb.) grease 6/ 212 grece (2) (sb.) step 5/ 17 grede (sg.ps.) to cry out, weep 10.2/ 2; gradde (sg.pt.) 8/ 141 greet, gre´e´te → greate; grete greif (sb.) anger 14/ 43 greiþi (inf.) to prepare, make ready 5/ 65; greiþie 5/ 70; greythen (pl.ps.) 13/ 533; grathed (ptp.) 12/ 211 greme (sb.) wrath 6/ 99 grene (adj., adv., sb.) green, fresh 6/ 92, 164, 177, 192 etc. *10.5/ 2 *10.7/ 28 *13/ 63, 102 Grenewych (pn.) Greenwich 13/ 131 grenne (pl.ps.) to grin 6/ 251 gret, grete → greate; grete grete (sg.ps.) to greet 10.4/ 43, (sg.pt.) 7/ 194; gre´e´te (sg.ps.) 10.8/ 31; gret 4/ 72; grette (sg.pt.) 9/ 46 gretteste; greued → greate; greve greve (ps.) to take offence; give trouble 13/ 83, 134; greued (sg.pt.) 6/ 103 *7/ 212 grey (adj.) 13/ 72; greye 13/ 198 greyn (sb.) grain crop 13/ 52 greythen → greiþi grimly (adj., adv.) fierce, grim; heavily 10.7/ 6, 28 grin → lof gripped; grit → grypez; great gromes (pl.) servant, groom 4/ 97 grone (sg.ps.) to groan 10.2/ 2 gropeth (sg.ps.) to grope 13/ 446; gropith 10.10/ 17; groped (sg.pt.) 13/ 441 gros (sg.pt.) to be afraid 9/ 27 ground (sb.) 14/ 190; grounde 5/ 39, 60, 74, 78, 83-84, 87 *6/ 204, 213 *8/ 37, 46 *10.4/ 38 *10.7/ 6; grund 2/ 12, 47; grunde 2/ 55 grucche (inf.) to complain 13/ 87 grund, grunde → ground grydy (adj.) greedy 7/ 199 Gryffyth (prn.) 7/ 174 grymme (adj.) grim 6/ 200 grynde (inf.) to grind 13/ 256; ygrounde (ptp.) 13/ 215, 232, 293; gryndynge (sb.) 13/ 538 gryndellayk (sb.) fierceness 6/ 99 gryndynge → grynde grypez (sg.ps.) to grip, grasp 6/ 117; gripped (sg.pt.) 6/ 208 grys (sb.) pig, piglet 7/ 146 gude → good gult (sb.) guilt 5/ 164 gulty (adj.) guilty 7/ 226 gune, gunne → gynneth guo → go guod, guode, guodes → good guodnesse → goodnesse gyde (sb.) guide 13/ 244 gyft → gift gyle (sb.) deception, guile, trickery 7/ 12 gylle (sb.) gill 7/ 198 gylour (sb.) deceiver 13/ 545 gynneth (aux. sg.ps.) to begin, start 13/ 288; gan (pt.) to begin, start 5/ 156, 181, 224-225 *7/ 153, 199, 205, 220, 232 *9/ 15, 18, 23, 46, 56, 71-72, 74, 83-84, 101, 105, 122, 126 *11/ 14, 56, 92, 98, 104 *13/ 87, 124, 296, 302, 439-440, 472, 526; gon 8/ 1, 42, 98, 120 *10.5/ 44 *10.7/ 20; gonne 7/ 124; gonnen 8/ 142; gune 12/ 47, 286; gunne 9/ 104, 123; can 6/ 127 *14/ 146; con 6/ 62, 149; conne 10.7/ 28; couth 14/ 11, 112, 152 gyrdyll (sb.) girdle 10.9/ 13 gyse → gise gyte (sb.) gown 13/ 178 gyue, gyuen → give ^ q a → q e (1) q af; q are → give; q ore q at, q ates, q atis → gate (1) <?page no="354"?> 343 q e (1) (interj.) yeah 8/ 88, 104 *14/ 129; q a 12/ 109, 205; q aa 12/ 305 q e (2) (perspron. 2.pl.; also polite form) 2/ 19 *5/ 129, 131, 134-135 etc. *6/ 30, 52, 130, 137 etc. *7/ 74, 96, 101, 139 *9/ 48-49 *12/ 122, 124, 176, 179 etc. *14/ 34, 48, 73, 81-82 etc.; ye 3/ 26 *13/ 134, 249, 257, 259, 269, 345-347; youe 12/ 178, 402; ◆ poss.: eoure 5/ 127, 138; eouwer 5/ 132; eower 5/ 175; q our 14/ 60, 123; q oure 7/ 74, 103; your 6/ 98-99, 134, 136, 144; youre 12/ 124, 182, 190-191, 386 *13/ 140, 268, 304, 345, 350; ◆ obj.: eou 5/ 135; eov 5/ 136, 144; ou 8/ 107-108 *10.3/ 36, 41 *10.5/ 5; yow 6/ 131, 138, 145-146, 257 *13/ 34, 38, 134, 148, 257; yu 3/ 9; ◆ refl.: q ourself 6/ 137; q our sell 14/ 164; yourseluen 6/ 137 q ede, q eden → go q ederly (adv.) promptly 6/ 240 q ef → give; if q eid; q eir → go; yeer q elde, q elden → yelde q eode, q eoden → go q eonde (adv.) over there 5/ 137 q eot → yet q ep (adj.) brave, bold 6/ 71 q er, q ere, q eres → yeer q erne (1) (adv.) eagerly 8/ 8, 47 q erne (2) (inf.) to desire, covet 9/ 72; y q yrned (ptp.) 10.1/ 16 q et; q eue, q euen → yet; give q eynchar (sb.) return, way back 10.3/ 35 q if; q it, q itt → if; yet ` ol (sb.) Christmas 6/ 71 q olden → yelde q onder (adv.) over there 14/ 166, 170 q one (dempron.) that 14/ 19, 21, 37, 113, 119, 128, 135, 139, 167, 169, 173; yon 13/ 402; yone 12/ 340 q ong, q onge → yonge; go q ore (adv.) for a long time, long 10.1/ 16; q are 5/ 129 *8/ 85 *9/ 48 q ou; → q e (2) q oung → yonge q our, q oure, q ourself, q ow → q e (2) q ut, q utt → yet q uðhede (sb.) youth 2/ 2 q uyt → yet q wam; q wane → who; when q wat; q wile → what; while q wuche; q wyle; q ynge → such; while; yonge (ME) hand H ha → have; he habbe, habbes, habbet, habbeþ, habbez → have hac → ac hackenayman (sb.) one who hires out horses 7/ 166, 179 had, hadde, hadden, hade, haf → have ha q erer (adj. comp.) fit, ready 6/ 139 haif → have haik (interj.) 14/ 8 haill → hole (2) haill (inf.) to pull, haul 14/ 180; hailland (psp.) 14/ 185; haillit (sg.pt.) 14/ 193 hailsed → hals (2) hair → hare ‘hair’ (sb.) heer 13/ 45, 200; her 10.1/ 7; here 6/ 223; heris (pl.) 13/ 94 haire (sb.) hair-shirt 11/ 109 haist (sb.) haste 14/ 157, 190 haistelie → hastily haiward → hayward hal; halce → hall; hals (1) hald, halde, halden, haldez, haldin, haldis → hold halechede (sg.pt.) to consecrate 1/ 14 halechen (sb.pl.) saint 1/ 66; hal q en 4/ 95, 98; halwes 13/ 14 halely → hoolly half (adj., adv., sb.) 1/ 68 *4/ 55 *8/ 2, 4 *13/ 8, 195, 234, 317, 468, 536; halff 14/ 58, 115; half-wey 13/ 130 hal q en → halechen hali, halie, halier, haliest → holy halkis (sb.pl.) hawk 14/ 105 hall (sb.) 11/ 73; hal 6/ 245; halle 6/ 89, 237 *9/ 62, 107 *12/ 136 *13/ 227 halled (sg.pt.) to go, depart 6/ 245 halme (sb.) shaft, handle 6/ 117 halp → help (2) hals (1) (sb.) neck 1/ 47; halce 6/ 214 hals (2) (inf.) to embrace, greet 11/ 92; halsed (sg.pt.) 12/ 64; hailsed 11/ 57 halt; halue → hold; God halwes; haly → halechen; holy halydayes (sb.pl.) holy day 13/ 176 ham; hame → they; home hamewart, hamward → homward han → have hand (sb.) 13/ 161, 306, 358, 436, 475 *14/ 20, 47, 83, 105, 123, 141; hond 13/ 339, 446; hande 6/ 245 *12/ 64, 325 *13/ 259; honde 5/ 88 *6/ 115, 156, 158, 162, 223, 231, 277 <?page no="355"?> 344 hand (ME) *8/ 51 *9/ 20, 34, 77, 120 *10.2/ 5 *10.4/ 13; hend 11/ 20; handes (pl.) 7/ 141 *11/ 79; handis 14/ 95; hende 12/ 75, 400 hange (inf.) to hang 12/ 307; hanguy 5/ 32; honge 10.6/ 45; hongi 4/ 93 *8/ 44, 116; hangeth (sg.ps.) 7/ 99; hang (pt.) 14/ 160, 166 hangeman (sb.) hangman 7/ 169 hangeth, hanguy → hange hansull (sb.) present, gift, han(d)sel 7/ 176 hap (sb.) lot, hap, fortune 10.1/ 5, 10; ◆ neg.: vnhap misfortune 6/ 225 happed (sg.pt.) to happen 13/ 216; happinnit 14/ 4 hard → harde; hear harde (adj., adv.) hard, heavily, strict 5/ 16, 43 *7/ 23, 28 *8/ 98 *12/ 151; hard 11/ 104; hardely 12/ 143 hardi (adj.) bold, brave 6/ 158; hardy 6/ 72 *13/ 181; ◆ neg.: unhardy 13/ 434 hardily (adv.) certainly 13/ 233 hardy; hare → hardi; they hare (sb.) 4/ 23; hair 14/ 12 harke, harkens → herke harlot (sb.) rascal, knave 12/ 185 *13/ 492; harlotes (pl.) 7/ 170 harm (sb.) harm, injury, misfortune 13/ 427; harme 5/ 43; harmes (pl.) 12/ 323 harmles (adv.) unhurt, uninjured 5/ 40 Harold (prn.) King Harold II 5/ 61, 69 harpe (sb.) harp 9/ 101, 108 harpurs (sb.pl.) harper 9/ 106 harrow (interj.) 13/ 296, 531; harrowe 12/ 98, 185; herrowe 12/ 343 hart → hert hartely (adj.) hearty 12/ 245 has → have hasped (ptp.) to clasp, fasten 6/ 68 hast, haste → have hastily (adv.) 11/ 82; hasteliche 3/ 15; hastelie 14/ 71; haistelie 14/ 181 hastis (pl.ps.) to hasten 12/ 307 hastou, hastow → have hat (1./ 3.sg.ps.) to be called, command, promise 4/ 21-22 *6/ 10, 40; hatte 6/ 168; hot 3/ 9; hote 8/ 18; hattes (2.sg.ps.) 6/ 166, 188; hotez (pl.ps.) 5/ 134; hatte (sg.pt.) 1/ 89; hei q te 5/ 6; hettez 6/ 235; heyte 8/ 136; hette (ptp.) 6/ 237; hight 12/ 231, 12/ 351; highte 12/ 396 *13/ 72, 237-238; hyht 10.2/ 10; hoote 13/ 165 hated (sg.pt.) 7/ 242 hatte, hattes → hat hatz, hath, haþ → have haþel (sb.) knight, man 6/ 43, 96, 110, 166; haþeles (pl.) 10.8/ 24 hauberghe (sb.) hauberk, coat of mail 6/ 55 haue, hauen, haues, hauest, haueð, haueþ → have haukes (sb.pl.) hawk 13/ 358 haunten (pl.ps.) to pursue 7/ 75 have → so have (inf., ps.) 8/ 20 *13/ 35, 68, 102, 112 etc.; habbe (inf.) 3/ 43 *4/ 47, 51; haif (inf., ps.) 14/ 28, 117, 120, 169; haue (inf., ps.) hauen (inf., ps.) han 6/ 23 *7/ 63, 86 *8/ 44 *10.2/ 6 *10.7/ 13 *13/ 107, 307, 314, 346 etc. ◆ ps.: habbe 4/ 28-29 *5/ 129, 134, 143 *8/ 100-102, 105 *9/ 48; habbes 6/ 114; habbet 3/ 7; habbeþ 3/ 20, 26 *4/ 34, 60, 66-67; habbez 5/ 146 *6/ 239; haf 6/ 26, 50, 178, 262; has 12/ 67, 167, 174, 243, 262, 329, 351, 406 *13/ 250-251, 299, 403, 427-429; hast 10.6/ 37 *12/ 69, 327 *13/ 491-492; haste 12/ 223; hatz 6/ 17, 19, 36, 51, 111, 117, 179, 194, 237, 239, 264, 277; hath 7/ 38, 62 *12/ 56, 356 *13/ 2, 6, 8, 18, 103, 117, 137, 211, 283, 317, 373, 386, 538; haþ 9/ 81, 95-96 *10.1/ 2 *10.3/ 22-23, 36 *10.4/ 34, 40 *10.6/ 60 *10.7/ 32; hes 14/ 142, 179, 210, 215; hest 3/ 21 *4/ 78; heþ 4/ 3, 8, 11, 14, 34, 40, 87-89; haues 10.8/ 13; hauest 8/ 24, 27-28, 87, 93, 111, 122 *10.2/ 3, 9; haueð 2/ 17; haueþ 8/ 61, 84, 128 *10.7/ 2, 5, 7 *10.8/ 6; ◆ sg.ps. subj.: habbe 10.3/ 32; ◆ pt.: had 6/ 54, 225, 229 *10.8/ 4 *10.9/ 10 *11/ 14, 39-40, 54, 56 etc. *13/ 312, 408, 420, 459 *14/ 2, 137, 150; hadde 1/ 23-24 *5/ 26, 29, 57, 96 etc. *7/ 50, 182, 190, 198 etc. *8/ 12 *9/ 79 *12/ 38, 63, 136, 219, 245 *13/ 31, 69, 79, 123 etc.; hade 6/ 124, 254 *10.9/ 9 *13/ 73; hadden 1/ 30, 45, 52 *5/ 75, 88, 122; hedde 3/ 17-19 *4/ 26 *8/ 68, 143; hedden 3/ 23 *4/ 76; hede 8/ 144; hefden 1/ 35, 77; heuede 8/ 34, 67; heuedest 8/ 89; ◆ contr. a) perspron. 1.sg.ps.: ichabbe 10.1/ 5; ychabbe 10.1/ 16; ichaue 10.2/ 10; ◆ contr. b) perspron. 2.sg.ps.: hastou 11/ 113; hastow 7/ 159; ◆ neg.: nabbe (1.sg.ps.) 8/ 20; nadde (3.sg.pt.) 5/ 126; nedde 8/ 50, 85, 143; neddi (1.sg.pt.subj.) 8/ 50; neuede (1.sg.pt.subj.) 8/ 49 hayl → all hayward (sb.) hedge-keeper, hayward 7/ 169; haiward 8/ 13 hærnes (sb.pl.) brain 1/ 41 hæued → head <?page no="356"?> 345 he → she; they he (perspron. 3.sg. m.) hee 12/ 185; a 5/ 140 *7/ 72, 200-201, 219, 223; ha 3/ 11, 18, 36, 39, 42 *4/ 86; ◆ poss.: his; hise 1/ 28 *2/ 3, 11, 14, 20 *3/ 5 *4/ 12, 50; hys 6/ 73, 123 *10.9/ 6, 10, 12 *10.10/ 12-13; is 5/ 2, 7, 11-12, 17-18, 24, 41, 54-55, 67, 70, 94, 108-109, 113, 115, 120, 140, 164, 171, 179, 187, 189, 198, 214, 227, 231 *10.3/ 22, 32 *10.6/ 6, 49-50 *10.7/ 4, 7, 9, 18; ys 10.3/ 27 *10.4/ 15 *10.6/ 8; ◆ obj.: him hym hine 4/ 32 *5/ 142 *8/ 62; ◆ refl.: him selff 14/ 152; himself 2/ 15 *8/ 63 *11/ 14, 16, 26, 43; himselue 3/ 33; himseluen 3/ 40 *11/ 24; hymself 7/ 68 *13/ 251, 424, 545; hym-selfe 10.10/ 5; hymseluen 6/ 72 ‘head’ (sb.) hed 6/ 220, 245; hede 6/ 40, 73, 120, 205, 214, 223, 231; heed 13/ 102, 177, 254, 373, 477, 514; hæued 1/ 40; heaued 4/ 1-2, 29; hefed 1/ 39; heued 5/ 16 *10.4/ 15 ‘hear’ (vb.) heer (imp.) 13/ 487; heere (inf.) 13/ 390; here (inf., ps.) 6/ 234 *7/ 4, 139, 156, 236 *8/ 64 *10.4/ 2 *12/ 169; heris (sg.ps.) 12/ 101; hereð (imp.) 2/ 5; herande (psp.) 6/ 237; ihere (inf.) 8/ 93 *9/ 1, 105; (sg.ps.) 8/ 60; ihereþ (pl.ps.) 3/ 26; y-herþ (sg.ps.) 4/ 88; yhere (imp.) 10.3/ 47; ◆ pt.: hard 14/ 18, 60, 63, 70, 112; heorde 5/ 69; herd (pt.) 6/ 50 *11/ 21, 23, 60 *13/ 123, 353; herde 6/ 26, 31 *7/ 95, 202 *8/ 85 *12/ 98, 138 *13/ 392; iherde 8/ 57; ◆ ptp.: iherd 3/ 26; y-hyerd 4/ 78; ◆ contr. 2.sg.: herdestow 13/ 394 heaued → head hecht (1) (sb.) promise 14/ 18, 112-113; hechtis (pl.) 14/ 46 hecht (2) (sg.pt.) to promise, vow 14/ 20, 45, 60, 70, (ptp.) 14/ 150 hed; hedde, hedden → head; have heddre (sb.) blood in the veins 8/ 22 hede → go; have; head hede (sb.) heed, attention 10.7/ 27 hedlez (adj.) headless 6/ 225 hee; heed → he; head heele; heelp → hele; help (2) heep (sb.) heap, crowd 7/ 175, 186; hep 7/ 51 heer → hair; hear; here heeth (sb.) heath 13/ 6 hefden; hefed → have; head heghind (ptp.) to exalt 11/ 26 heglice (adv.) with great ceremony 1/ 88 he q e → highe heifis (sg.pl.) to raise, hold up 14/ 95; houe (sg.pt.) 9/ 4; heuened (ptp.) 6/ 136 (ME) herberowe heighe, hei q , hei q e → highe hei q te; heil → hat; hole (2) heir → here heir (sb.) 13/ 202 heirefter → heraftur heithing (sb.) scorn, mockery 14/ 110, 115 held, helde → hold helde (sg.pt.) to heal, cure 5/ 193 helden; helder → hold; never hele (sb.) health, salvation 5/ 191 *12/ 67, 106; heele 12/ 38 hell (sb.) 14/ 223; helle 2/ 62 *3/ 31 *4/ 12, 17 *10.5/ 29 *10.7/ 32 *12/ 98, 156, 260, 270 etc. helme (sb.) helmet 6/ 55 help (1) (sb.) 11/ 102; helpe 12/ 43, 367 help (2) (inf., ps.) 6/ 43 *13/ 510, 513, 515 *14/ 88, 180; helpe 5/ 72 *7/ 74, 228 *12/ 97, 199, 343, 351; helpeþ (sg.ps.) 10.5/ 21; halp (sg.pt.) 8/ 42; heelp 13/ 470; holpen (ptp.) 13/ 18 helþe (sb.) health 4/ 39-40 Hely (prn.) Elijah 12/ 87 hem, hemself, hemselue, hemsulue → they hen (sb.) 8/ 4 *14/ 94; hennen (pl.) 8/ 14, 16, 18, 20; hennis 14/ 97, 101, 104, 207 hend, hende → hand hende (adj.) courteous, gracious, courtly, kind 6/ 192, 254 *9/ 21 *12/ 45 *13/ 80; hendest (sup.) 6/ 26; hendi 10.1/ 14, 18; hendy 9/ 38 *10.1/ 5, 10 henge (inf.) to hang 6/ 265; hengest (sg.ps.) 10.6/ 25; heng (imp.) 6/ 264; henged (pt.) 1/ 38-39; hengen (pl.pt.) 1/ 39, 86 henne (adv.) hence, since 13/ 113; heonne 5/ 207 hennen, hennis → hen Henri (prn.) King Henry I 1/ 1, 24 hente (sg.pt.) to seize, grasp 13/ 436, 498; yhent (ptp.) 10.1/ 5 heo → she; they heold, heolden → hold heom, heom-seolf, heomsulue → they heonne → henne heorde; heore → hear; they heorte; heouene → hert; heuen heowes (sb.pl.) servant 10.8/ 24 hep → heep her → hair; here; she; they heraftur (adv.) hereafter, later 7/ 139; herefter 1/ 5; heirefter 14/ 82 herande → hear herberowe (sb.) lodging, inn 12/ 136; herberwe 13/ 343, 369 <?page no="357"?> 346 herbifore (ME) herbifore (adv.) before this time, herebefore 8/ 111 herd, herde, herdestow → hear here → hair; hear; she here (adv.) 5/ 1, 129, 134, 144, 195 *6/ 23, 25, 50, 52, 65, 69, 71, 178 *9/ 45 *11/ 28, 33-34, 48, 69, 121 *12/ 37, 124, 151, 168, 216, 221, 249, 260, 264, 297, 325, 353, 366; heer 13/ 137, 249, 441; heere 12/ 40, 323 *13/ 326, 359, 480; heir 14/ 73, 194; her 5/ 208 *8/ 20, 30, 70-74, 83-84, 92 *9/ 24, 133; hyer 4/ 34 heredmen (sb.pl.) courtier 6/ 89 herefter → heraftur heremite, heremites, heremyte → hermit hereð; herie → hear; herye herinne (adv.) herein, here 6/ 87 *8/ 52 heris → hair; hear heritage (sb.) 5/ 94 *9/ 11 herke (inf.) to listen, hear, hearken 10.9/ 5; herkne (sg.ps.) 10.1/ 18; harke (imp.) 12/ 137; harkens 12/ 37; herkned (sg.pt.) 13/ 397; herknede 5/ 125 herly → early hermit (sb.) 11/ 52, 59, 64, 71 etc.; hermite 11/ 34; heremite 7/ 3; heremyte 7/ 169; ermit 11/ 38; hermites (pl.) 11/ 48; heremites 7/ 55; eremites 7/ 30, 51 herof (pron.) hereof 5/ 69 *7/ 237 herre; herrowe → highe; harrow hert (sb.) heart 6/ 158, 254 *11/ 13, 20, 29, 40; herte 4/ 53, 55 *9/ 65, 111 *10.4/ 4, 18 *10.5/ 3 *10.6/ 6, 49 *10.7/ 18, 35 *10.8/ 35 *13/ 86, 94, 311, 513; heorte 5/ 164, 227; hart 10.10/ 9 *14/ 42 Hertfordshyre (pn.) Hertfordshire 7/ 214 hertou → be herye (inf.) to praise, thank 4/ 51; herie (sg.ps.) 10.3/ 11 hes → have hes (sb.) carrion 4/ 46 hest → have heste (sb.) command, order 5/ 127, 132 hete → eat hete (sb.) heat 2/ 11 *4/ 60 *11/ 93 heten; hette, hettez → eat; hat heþ → have hethely (adv.) contemptuously 11/ 25 hethen (adj.) heathen 1/ 57 hethyng (sb.) contempt 13/ 334 heu; heue´ → hewe; heui heued; heuede, heuedest → head; have heuegy (inf.) to become heavy 5/ 196 heuen (sb.) heaven 6/ 110, 139 *12/ 32, 235; heuene 2/ 7-8 *3/ 33, 44 *4/ 98 *5/ 210 *7/ 129 *8/ 117 *9/ 132, 135 *10.1/ 5 *10.2/ 14 *10.3/ 14 *10.4/ 30 *10.5/ 12, 26, 50, 60 *10.7/ 26 *12/ 77; heouene 5/ 5, 201, 232; heuin 11/ 5 *14/ 95 heuened → heifis heuenriche (sb.) heavenly kingdom 7/ 29; heuyn-rike 11/ 7 heuereuchon → every heui (adj.) heavy 8/ 139; heue´ 6/ 76 heuie (adv.) heavily 9/ 74 heuin → heuen heuyn-rike → heuenriche Hewe (prn.) 7/ 166 hewe (sb.) appearance, form, shape 10.3/ 37; heu 10.1/ 7 hewen (ptp.) to hew, cut 6/ 264 hey (interj.) 10.10/ 1 hey, hey q e; heyte → highe; hat heythen (adv.) hence 13/ 257 hi; hicht → she; they; highe Hicke (prn.) 7/ 166, 179, 190; Hickes (gsg.) 7/ 192 hidde (sg.pt.) to hide 12/ 249 hidder → hider hide (sb.) 11/ 100; hyde 14/ 87 hider (adv.) hither 6/ 51 *9/ 37 *13/ 221; hidder 14/ 62 hierþe (sb.) hearing 4/ 85 hierde (sb.) herdsman 13/ 59 highe (adj., adv., sb.) high, highly 6/ 5 *11/ 24; hi q 6/ 37; hy q 6/ 89; hy q e 6/ 45, 86, 94, 136, loudly 6/ 255; he q e 6/ 68 *10.3/ 14 *10.6/ 11, 26, 45; heighe 13/ 546; hei q 5/ 30; hei q e 5/ 43, 91; hey q e 10.6/ 34; hey q e 10.6/ 34; hye 13/ 199, 205; hy q 6/ 89; hy q e 6/ 45, 94, 136, 255; herre (comp.) 6/ 120; ◆ col.: an hei q (adv.) high up, above 5/ 210; on hei q 5/ 35; on hey 8/ 16; on hy q e 6/ 43; on hight 12/ 88, 235; on hy q t 6/ 208; vpon hicht (adv.) loudly 14/ 8; vpon hy q t towering 6/ 119 hight, highte → hat hi q ; hiis → highe; be hill (sb.) 14/ 141; hille 12/ 88 hilte (sb.) hilt 9/ 78 him, him selff, himself, himselue, himseluen, hine → he hing (inf.) to hang 14/ 167 [see hang; henge] hir → she; they hirdes (sb.pl.) herdsman, shepherd 10.5/ 36 hire → she; they hire (sb.) payment, wages, hire 12/ 167; hyre 12/ 260 hirselve → she <?page no="358"?> 347 hirpilland (psp.) to limp 14/ 25 hirselve → she his → be; he hise; hit → he; they; it hit (sg.pt.) to fling down (as a wager) 7/ 179 hod; hoe → hood; they hoeld; hoere → hold; they hof → of hofþurst (ptp.) thirsty 8/ 137 hokede (ptp.) hooked 7/ 51 hoker (sb.) disdain 13/ 189 hol → hole (2) ‘hold’ (vb.) ◆ inf.: hald 11/ 79, 104 *14/ 93, 175; helde 9/ 66; holde 5/ 22 *6/ 196 *7/ 192; holden 5/ 121; hyealde 4/ 38; ◆ ps.: hald 11/ 33; halde 12/ 325; haldez 6/ 223, 231; haldis 14/ 94; halt 4/ 14-15 *7/ 221; holdeth 7/ 30; holdez 6/ 72; hyalde (sg.ps.subj.) 4/ 39; ◆ imp.: hald 14/ 9; ◆ pt.: held (sg.pt.) 1/ 16 *11/ 16, 43, 58, 80, 92 *14/ 141, 177; helde 7/ 202; helden (pl.pt.) 1/ 17; heold 1/ 68, 70, 78 *5/ 11, 100; heolden 1/ 31-32; hoeld 8/ 3; holden 6/ 28; ◆ ptp.: halde 13/ 432; halden 11/ 38, 98; haldin 14/ 46; holden 6/ 46; ihialde 3/ 21 holde (sb.) keeping 12/ 151 holden, holdeth, holdez → hold hole (1) (sb.) 13/ 522 hole (2) (adj.) whole, entire, sound 5/ 40; hol 5/ 40 *9/ 41; haill 14/ 60; heil 2/ 12, 44 holi, holie → holy holpen → help (2) holt (sb.) wood, coppice 13/ 6 holy → churche; gost; writ holy (adj.) 10.5/ 59 *10.7/ 9 *12/ 400; holi 3/ 2 *5/ 2, 227; holie 5/ 23, 31, 53, 58 etc.; hooly 13/ 17, 209, 510; hali 1/ 87; halie 14/ 95; haly 11/ 28, 32, 38, 40-41 etc.; halier (comp.) 11/ 66; holyiste (sup.) 4/ 44; haliest 11/ 58; ◆ neg.: vnholy 7/ 3 holyer (sb.) adulterer 4/ 32 holyiste; hom → holy; home homage (sb.) retinue 9/ 119 home (adv., sb.) 6/ 195; hom 8/ 17; ham 13/ 256; homes (pl.) 6/ 12; ◆ col.: at home 6/ 55; at hame 11/ 95, 106 homely (adv.) friendly 12/ 64 homes → home homward (adv.) homewards 13/ 466; hamward 11/ 55; hamewart 14/ 24 hond, honde → hand; hound hondele (inf.) to handle 6/ 76 hondred → hundred (ME) how hone; honge → one; hange honger; hongi → hungur; hange honnoure → honour honour (sb.) 5/ 187, 214; honoure 13/ 209; honnoure 12/ 132-133; honur 5/ 169 hood (sb.) 7/ 182, 192 *13/ 68; hod 7/ 179 hoolly (adv.) entirely, wholly 13/ 55; halely 11/ 65 hooly → church; holy; writ hoor (adj.) hoary, grey 13/ 102 hoost (sb.) host, innkeeper 13/ 123; hooste 13/ 355 hoote → hat hope (1) (sb.) 2/ 27, 62 *7/ 29 *12/ 38 hope (2) (sg.ps.) 6/ 139 *12/ 43; expect 13/ 253; hopes 6/ 182; hopede (sg.pt.) 8/ 40 *9/ 67 hoppen (pl.ps.) to dance 13/ 100 hopur (sb.) hopper (of a mill) 13/ 260, 263 horderwycan (sb.) office of steward 1/ 77 Horn (1) (prn.) 9/ 1, 3, 15, 19 etc.; Hornes (gsg.) 9/ 38, 57, 111, 134 horn (2) (sb.) 9/ 56; horne 7/ 202 hors (sb.) horse 13/ 241, 284, 286, 288 etc.; (pl.) 13/ 54 hose (sb.) 13/ 157; hosen (pl.) 13/ 179 ho-so → who hostelrye (sb.) inn, lodging 13/ 23 hostiler (sb.) hostler, stableman 7/ 190, 192 hot, hote → hat hot (adj.) 3/ 33; hote 7/ 145, 159 hotez; hou → hat; how houe; houed, houen → heifis; houeð houes → howve houes (sb.pl.) hoof 6/ 246 houeð (sg.ps.) to stay, circle, swarm 2/ 9, 48; houen 2/ 41; houed (pt.) 7/ 131 hound (sb.) 7/ 214, 232; hond 4/ 45; houndes (pl.) 8/ 145; hundes 9/ 54 hounderstod → vndirstande hounger → hungur houpbringe (inf.) to bring up 8/ 63 houre; hous → we; house housbondrie (sb.) (careful) management 13/ 301 house (sb.) 8/ 131 *12/ 136; hous 4/ 54 *5/ 10, 24 *6/ 72, 96, 120, 195 *7/ 154 *8/ 6, 14 *13/ 346 *14/ 142; hows 11/ 22; hus 1/ 70 *9/ 121 houssong (sb.) matins 8/ 133, 135; houssonge 8/ 137 how (adv., conj.) 6/ 166, 188, 201 *7/ 227 *11/ 3, 53, 60 *12/ 367 *13/ 138, 249, 263, 266 *14/ 8, 77; howe 12/ 3, 213, 222, 301, 356; hou 4/ 69 *5/ 38, 149 *10.7/ 2 *10.8/ 2 <?page no="359"?> 348 how (ME) *13/ 247; hu 2/ 3 *9/ 48; howgates 13/ 261; ou 8/ 115; wu 2/ 2, 5 hows → house howve (sb.) cap 13/ 135; houes (pl.) 7/ 131 hu → how huader → quhether huan, huanne → when hue → she huer, huere → they; where huer-of, huerof; huet → where; what Hugo of Walteruile (prn.) 1/ 79 hulles → Maluerne hundereth → hundred hundes → hound hundred (num.) 9/ 35 *13/ 220; hundret 5/ 203; hundrid 7/ 131; hondred 4/ 57 *5/ 28; hundereth 12/ 39; oundred 8/ 4 hungær; hungerd → hungur; hungren hungery → hungry hungren (inf.) to hunger, to be hungry 2/ 57; hungreð (sg.ps.) 2/ 38; hungerd (sg.pt.) 11/ 89 hungry (adj.) 7/ 214; hungery 11/ 93 hungur (sb.) hunger 7/ 239; hungær 1/ 48, 56; honger 8/ 56; hounger 8/ 7, 34, 73, 84, 127 huo; hure → who; she hurt (inf.) 14/ 89 hus → house husband (sb.) husband, farmer 12/ 45 *14/ 2, 12, 24, 27, 43, 57, 142, 204 husberners (sb.pl.) burner of houses 3/ 30 huy, huyche → they; which hwer-of; hwylem → where; whilom hy → in; she; they hyalde; hyde → hold; hide hydously (adv.) hideously 12/ 138 hye → highe; in; she hyealde; hyer → hold; here hy q , hy q e → highe hy q e (imp.) to hasten 6/ 86; hyis (sg.ps.) 14/ 187; hyit (pl.pt.) 14/ 157 hy q t; hyht → highe; hat hyis, hyit → hy q e hym, hymself, hym-selfe, hymseluen → he hyndreste (adj., sup.) last 13/ 78 hyne (sb.) servant 13/ 59 hyre → hire; she Hyrtlingbyri (pn.) 1/ 79 hys → he I I (perspron. 1.sg.) i 9/ 5, 7-10, 12, 29, 43, 96; Ic 2/ 2; ich; Ihc 8/ 80 *9/ 9, 28-29, 31, 48; ik 13/ 91, 112; ych 10.3/ 6; Y; ◆ poss.: mi 5/ 128 *8/ 60, 93-94, 97, 100 *9/ 3, 11-12 *10.1/ 6 *10.2/ 11-12 *10.4/ 42 *10.5/ 13-14 *10.6/ 54 *12/ 37, 235, 249, 267 etc.; min 8/ 93 *9/ 11, 40; mine 5/ 132, 165 *8/ 25, 50, 80, 91, 106 *9/ 53 *11/ 12; my; myn 6/ 44, 143, 195 *7/ 241 *10.1/ 11 *10.3/ 47 *10.4/ 4, 12, 18 *12/ 389 *13/ 94, 143, 309, 346, 477, 513-514; myne 6/ 129 *12/ 217, 250, 312, 339 *13/ 93-94 *14/ 33; ◆ obj.: me; mee 12/ 274; ◆ refl.: miselffe 12/ 212; miselue 10.4/ 11; my self 14/ 88; myself 11/ 63; myselfe 12/ 67 iafen → give Iame → Saints ibede → bid iben, i-beo → be iblessed (ptp.) to bless 9/ 52; yblessed 7/ 76; blissid 12/ 404 i-bore → bear ibrocht, i-brou q t, ibrout → bring i-bured → beberieden Ic, ich → I ichabbe; icham → have; be ichaue; i-chose → have; cheosen ichot → wit (2) i-chulle, ichulle → will (2) i-cleoped, icleped, iclepede → clepe i-come, icome, icomen → come (2) icrope → crepen i-do, ido, idon → do idrunke; ieden → drinke; go Ieneuer (sb.) January 5/ 202 Ierusalem (pn.) Jerusalem 3/ 3 Iesu, Iesus → Jesus Christ i-ete → eat if (conj.) iff 12/ 331; gif 1/ 61, 76 *13/ 405, 414 *14/ 75; q ef 2/ 36 *8/ 49, 102 *10.3/ 15, 39 *10.5/ 23 *10.8/ 20; q if 5/ 124 *6/ 193 *8/ 67; yef 3/ 40-41 *4/ 38, 96; yf 7/ 38, 80 ifaie (adv.) gladly 8/ 100 ifere → fere iff; ifulde → if; feld (2) iq olden → yelde Ihc → I iherd, iherde, ihere, ihereþ → hear ihialde → hold ik → I ikaut; iknede → cacche; knede ikneu, iknowe → know i-kud; il → kiðen; ill ilc, ilce; iles → ilk; ille ilhayl (sb.) bad luck 13/ 313 ilk (adj., pron.) same, every each, every 2/ 23 *6/ 24 *11/ 25, 107 *14/ 202, 222; ilke 4/ 4, <?page no="360"?> 349 37, 46, 53, 89 *8/ 24, 50, 136 *12/ 273 *13/ 96; ilc 1/ 5; ilce 1/ 85; ◆ col.: ilk a every 11/ 11; ilke a 12/ 130; 253; ◆ contr. art.: þilke 8/ 74; þulke 5/ 83, 85 ill (adj.) bad, poor, evil 11/ 16 *12/ 34; (adv.) 12/ 139; (sb.) 14/ 143; il 13/ 398, 408; ille (adj.) 2/ 48 *13/ 269; (adv.) 6/ 133 *7/ 109 *10.6/ 43; ylle (adv.) 7/ 143 *9/ 28 ille → ill ille (sb.) island 9/ 29; iles (pl.) 6/ 7 iloke → lok i-mad, i-maked, imaked → make imunt → mene (2) in (prep.) ine 3/ 3, 14, 24, 33 etc. *4/ 5-6, 9-12 etc.; 8/ 69, 81-82, 132; ◆ col.: in feere (adv.) together 12/ 364, 385; in fere in company 6/ 54; together 12/ 126; in hy (adv.) immediately, at once 11/ 49, 87; in hye 12/ 367 i-nam; ine → be; in i-nelle → will (2) Ingland → England inne (adv., prep.) in, inside, within 1/ 41 *5/ 142 *8/ 12, 36 *9/ 49, 98 *13/ 41, 131 innogh, inogh → enough i-nome → nime inou, i-nou q , i-nov q , inowe → enough inspired (ptp.) to breathe forth, quicken 13/ 6 into (adv., prep.) 1/ 72 *3/ 15, 43 *5/ 141 *6/ 104, 222 *7/ 2, 101 *9/ 75, 86 *10.3/ 12 *11/ 3 *12/ 256, 342, 348 *13/ 23, 206, 267, 360 *14/ 115, 123, 201; in-to 5/ 66, 88 inward (adv.) inwards 13/ 303 inwardly (adv.) greatly 12/ 361 inwit (sb.) conscience 7/ 222 Iohan → Saints ioie, ioies → joie iolite (sb.) ease, pleasure 11/ 62 ioye, ioyes → joie ire (sb.) anger 13/ 86 i-redie → redy iren (sb.) iron 1/ 46, 48; yren 7/ 97 Irisse (adj.) Irish 9/ 53; Yrisse 9/ 15 Irlond (pn.) Ireland 10.3/ 12; Yrlonde 9/ 127 is → be; he i-sched → schade iseie, i-sei q , i-sei q en, i-seo, iseon, i-seothþ → see iserued; isey, isiist → serve; see i-somoned (ptp.) to summon 5/ 113 Israel (prn.) 7/ 105, 111 isriue; istounge → shryue; stong istrengþed (ptp.) to strengthen 3/ 25 (ME) kay iswonge (ptp.) to beat, scourge 8/ 146 it (perspron. 3.sg. n.) itt 12/ 147; hit itake; itt → take; it i-þoled → þolien Iudeus → Jewe iuel → fall iuge (sb.) judge 14/ 80, 99 iustise (sb.) justice 1/ 30; judge 5/ 118 iwend → wene i-wende, iwent, i-wiende → wend iwil → will (1) i-wis (adv.) certainly, indeed, truly 5/ 6, 9, 29, 78, 132-133; iwyis 6/ 51; iwys 6/ 39; ◆ col.: mid iwisse 8/ 117, 147; myd iwisse 10.4/ 8 iwriten → writeth iwyis, iwys → i-wis J jalous (adj.) jealous 13/ 185 Jame → Saints jape (sb.) 13/ 425, 431 jay (sb.) 13/ 378 ‘Jesus Christ’ Iesu 10.4/ 21, 41, 50 *10.6/ 5, 36, 47 *10.7/ 14, 25; Iesu Crist 2/ 24; Iesus 10.5/ 12; Iesus Crist 3/ 5; Jesu (prn.) Jesus 12/ 349; Jesus 9/ 135; ◆ col.: for Cristes loue by the love of Christ 8/ 97; for Cristes peyne by the pains of Christ 13/ 308; for Cristes saule by the soul of Christ 13/ 487 Jewe (sb.) Jew 12/ 147, 320; Jewes (pl.) 12/ 163, 170; Gius 3/ 13; Iudeus 1/ 84 Job (prn.) 12/ 285 John (prn.) 13/ 237, 242, 244, 249-250 etc.; Ser John 10.10/ 2-3, 7, 11, 15, 19 joie (sb.) joy, happiness 12/ 35, 383; ioie 9/ 43, 47, 51 *10.4/ 9 *10.5/ 15, 25, 31, 37, 43, 47, 49, 54; ioye 5/ 210, 232; joies (pl.) 12/ 103; ioies 8/ 83; ioyes 10.5/ 24 joly (adj.) merry, cheerful, pretty, attractive 13/ 155, 379, 456; jolyf 13/ 378 Jordane (prn.) the River Jordan 11/ 103; Jordanne 12/ 76 Jossa (interj.) 13/ 325 Judas (prn.) 12/ 147, 165, 308 juge (inf.) to pass judgement 12/ 320 K kamus → camus kan, kanne → can kare; kastes → care; cast kay (adj.) left 6/ 209 <?page no="361"?> 350 kayres (ME) kayres → cayren keep (1) (sb.) care, attention 13/ 388 ‘keep’ (2) (vb.) keip (inf.) 14/ 133, (sg.ps.subj.) 14/ 224; kepe (inf.) 5/ 114 *6/ 94 *9/ 32 *13/ 326, (sg.ps.subj.) 6/ 80, 159 *7/ 127 *13/ 471; kepest (sg.ps.) 9/ 24; kep (imp.sg.) 9/ 10 keip → keep (2) kele (inf.) to alleviate, cool 12/ 84 kempe (sb.) fighter 4/ 14 ken (inf.) to teach, instruct, show 11/ 2; kende (sg.pt.) 12/ 50, 73; kend (ptp.) 11/ 34 kene (adj.) bold, courageous 6/ 108, 269 kenne → kin kep, kepe, kepest → keep (2) kid, kidde → kiðen ‘kin’ kenne 9/ 129; cunne 8/ 83; kun 8/ 62; kunne 8/ 27 *10.8/ 12; kyn 13/ 166, 262; kyne 7/ 26; kynne 12/ 232; kunnes (pl.) 8/ 73, 112, 147 kinde (sb.) kind, nature 2/ 1; cunde 9/ 59; kynde 6/ 5, 48, 108, 260 *7/ 120-121, 123, 126, 231; ◆ col.: Kynde Wit intelligence 7/ 121; Kynde Witt 7/ 126; Kynde Wytt 7/ 120, 123 kinedom (sb.) royal state, reign 5/ 205; kynedom 5/ 100 king (sb.) 1/ 1, 5, 17-18 etc. *5/ 53, 69, 72, 85 etc. *9/ 2, 5, 13, 34 etc. *11/ 51, 53-56, 59 etc. *14/ 21, 59, 168; kinge 1/ 14 *9/ 14, 84; kyng 5/ 5, 58, 80, 176 *6/ 108, 127, 130, 151, 153, 155, 159, 250, 254, 269 *7/ 118 *9/ 38, 72 *10.3/ 14 *12/ 126, 128, 184 *14/ 124; kynge 6/ 180 *7/ 90, 126-127, 130 *10.5/ 12; kinges (gsg.) 1/ 14, 83 *9/ 13, 94 *11/ 73, 119; kinges (pl.) 11/ 35; kingues 5/ 90; kynges 6/ 25 *10.5/ 39 kirke → church kitchine (sb.) kitchen 11/ 76 kiðen to proclaim, tell, announce, make known 2/ 1; cuddest (2.sg.pt.) 5/ 42; kid (3.sg.pt.) 11/ 61; kidde (ptp.) 12/ 251; kydde 6/ 50; i-kud 5/ 184, 229 klene → clene knaue, knaues → knave knave (sb.) servant, young man 12/ 244; knaue 7/ 40, 172; knaues (pl.) 7/ 45, 145, 165 knawe, knawen, knawes, knaws → know knede (inf.) to knead 13/ 318; iknede (ptp.) 8/ 128 knees (sb.pl.) 7/ 211 kneled (sg.pt.) to kneel 6/ 155; knelede 7/ 71 kneu, knew, knewe → know ‘knight’ (sb.) young man, knight kni q t 9/ 4, 21-23, 27 etc.; knyght 13/ 42-43, 64, 72 etc.; kny q t 6/ 63, 153, 164, 168 etc.; knightes (pl.) 11/ 74, 88; kni q tes 9/ 102, 125; kny q tes 6/ 237; kny q tez 6/ 260 kni q thod (sb.) knighthood 9/ 4; knyghthed 7/ 121; knyghthede 7/ 118 knokked → cnokez know (sg.ps.) 6/ 112, 187; iknowe (inf.) 9/ 56; knowe (sg.ps.) 6/ 144 *12/ 159; (ptp.) 7/ 54; knawe (inf.) 12/ 315; knawes (ps.) 12/ 283; knaws 11/ 35; knowen (pl.ps.) 6/ 241 *13/ 279; knew (sg.pt.) 13/ 60, 244, 519; kneu 8/ 57; ikneu 8/ 62; knwe 6/ 247; knewe (pl.pt.) 9/ 91 *12/ 229, 371; knawen (ptp.) 6/ 135; a-knowe 5/ 130; iknowe 8/ 91 knyf (sb.) knife 13/ 184 knyght → knight knyghthed, knyghthede → kni q thod kny q t, kny q tes, kny q tez → knight knyt (ptp.) to tie 13/ 307 kok → cok kom, kome, komeþ → come (2) konne → can kors (sb.) curse 8/ 101 koude; kow → can; cou kowthe, kouþe → can kueade (adj.) evil, bad, sinful 4/ 2, 6, 30; qued 8/ 100, 105; quede 8/ 112; kueades (sb.pl.) 4/ 62 kun, kunne, kunnes → kin kydde → kiðen kyn → kin kynde; kyne → kinde; kin kynedom → kinedom kyneriche (sb.) kingdom 7/ 127 kyng, kynge, kynges → king kyngdome (sb.) kingdom 12/ 186 kynne → kin kynrede (sb.) lineage 13/ 191 kyrf (sb.) blow, cut 6/ 159 kyrke-ward (adv.) towards the church 7/ 152 kys (inf.) to kiss 10.10/ 3, 9 *11/ 92; kyssen 7/ 71 kyth (sb.) country 6/ 247 L labour (sb.) work, toil 7/ 125 lacche (inf.) to catch, seize, grasp 7/ 207; lach (imp.) 6/ 79; la q t (sg.pt.) 6/ 115, 220; lahte 10.3/ 45 lad, ladde → lede <?page no="362"?> 351 ladde (sb.) fellow, serving-man 12/ 243 laddre (sb.) ladder 5/ 35; laddren (pl.) 5/ 34 ladis → lady lady (sb.) lady, woman 11/ 94 *12/ 135 *13/ 190; ledy 10.3/ 44 *10.8/ 17-18; leuedi 3/ 4, 6 *10.1/ 12 *10.2/ 2, 7; leuedy 10.2/ 4 *10.5/ 37, 55; ◆ pl.: ladyez 6/ 260; ladis 11/ 74, 88; ledies 10.3/ 8; leuedis 10.3/ 34; ◆ col.: legge lady (liege lady) 6/ 133; oure lheuedy St Mary 4/ 98; ure Lauedi 3/ 8; ure Leuedi 3/ 4, 6 lafe (sb.) loaf 11/ 83 laft → leave la q e → lo q e la q e (inf., ps.) to laugh 6/ 251, 259; la q es (sg.ps.) 6/ 103; ◆ sg.pl.pt.: loh (sg.pt.) 10.1/ 8; lou 8/ 12, 74; loughe 13/ 82; lou q e 9/ 110; leuch 14/ 18, 66, 99, 115; ◆ ptp.: laughen (ptp.) 13/ 79; ◆ sb.: leyhing 7/ 195 la q t, lahte → lacche lai; laid, laide → lien; lay (3) laif (sb.) remainder, rest 14/ 98, 171 lait; laith → late; loth Lammasse (sb.) Lammas 1/ 1 land (sb.) land, country, state 1/ 33, 50, 54-55 etc. *11/ 38, 42 *13/ 212 *14/ 124, 170, 191; lande 1/ 57 *12/ 51, 68, 314; lond 9/ 6, 12; londe 2/ 39 *3/ 3 *5/ 93 *6/ 36, 198, 273 *7/ 125, 128 *8/ 51 *9/ 20, 34, 39, 49, 77, 94 *10.2/ 4 *10.3/ 19; landes (pl.) 1/ 2, 6, 71, 75-77; londes 13/ 14 Lanfranc (prn.) 5/ 115 lang → Friday; long; longe Langaberde (prn.) 6/ 12 lange; lap → long; lepe lape (1) (sb.) lap 10.10/ 17; lappe 7/ 213 lape (2) (inf.) to lap up, drink 7/ 215 lappid (pl.pt.) to clothe, lap 11/ 109 large (adj.) generous, liberal 3/ 38 last (1) (inf.) 11/ 111; leste 10.2/ 11; lasteth (sg.ps.) 7/ 125; lesteþ 10.8/ 5; lastand (psp.) 12/ 66; lastede (sg.pt.) 1/ 50; laste 5/ 198 ‘last’ (2) (adv.) ◆ col.: atte laste at last, finally 13/ 330; at the last 14/ 22, 151; atþe laste 5/ 86, 179 lastand → last (1) laste → last (1, 2) lastede → last (1) lastes (sb.pl.) vice 10.3/ 17 lasteth → last (1) lat, late → let late (adj., adv.) 8/ 41 *10.3/ 35, 43 *12/ 162, 329 *13/ 420; lait 14/ 23 (ME) leep lathe (sb.) barn 13/ 312 latte; lau → let; lawe laude (pl.ps.) to praise, laud 12/ 384 laudes (sb.) lauds 4/ 26 Lauedi → lady laughen → la q e launde (sb.) clearing, meadow 7/ 8 laus; law → loos; lo q e lawe (sb.) law 7/ 133 *12/ 313, 322, 329, 403 *13/ 403-404; lau 14/ 49; lawes (pl.) 12/ 277 lawte (sb.) loyalty, fidelity 14/ 55; lewte 7/ 128 lay → lien lay (1) (sb.) light, splendour 10.5/ 33 lay (2) (sb.) song, lay 9/ 109 *10.2/ 10; laye 6/ 30 lay (3) (imp.) to lay (down) 12/ 143 *13/ 309; legge (inf.) 5/ 16 *13/ 161; leye 13/ 233; leith (sg.ps.) work on 13/ 453; layd (sg.pt.) 6/ 206; leyde 7/ 211; laid (ptp.) 11/ 99, 105; laide 12/ 83, 329; læiden (pl.pt.) 1/ 51 laye → lay (2) laykez (sb.pl.) sport, entertainment 6/ 49 laykyng (sb.) to play 6/ 259 layne (inf.) to keep secret 10.9/ 6 layt (inf.) to seek 6/ 198; layte (sg.ps.) 6/ 236; laytes 6/ 142 layth → lien Lazar (prn.) 12/ 162, 171 læiden → lay (3) læt → let ‘leave’ (vb.) to leave, leave off leffe (sg.ps. subj.) 12/ 376; leif 14/ 98; leue 12/ 284; leue allow, permit 7/ 128 *10.5/ 53; left (sg.pt., ptp.) 14/ 179, 192; laft (sg.pt.) 6/ 156; lefte (ptp.) 12/ 314; ylaft 13/ 86 lece → never leche (sb.) physician 13/ 128 lecherie (sb.) lechery, debauchery 3/ 29 *4/ 61, 75, 78, 91; lecherye 7/ 75; litchery 11/ 8 lechur (sb.) lecher 3/ 38; lechurs (pl.) 4/ 64 led → lede (2) lede (1) (sb.) man, knight 6/ 45; leid 14/ 53; lude 6/ 236 lede (2) (inf., ps.) to lead 7/ 128 *9/ 67, 132 *11/ 62 *12/ 391; let (sg.ps.) 4/ 30; ledeþ (sg.pl.) 4/ 11; led (sg.pt., ptp.) 11/ 54, 73, 90, 119; ladde (sg.pt.) 5/ 3, 189 *7/ 118 *9/ 86, 120-121; lad (ptp.) 10.2/ 1 *13/ 456 ledeþ → lede (2) ledies, ledy → lady leede ◆ col.: in leede on earth 12/ 70, 135 leek (sb.) 13/ 103 leep → lepe <?page no="363"?> 352 leere (ME) leere (inf.) to learn 12/ 321; lere 12/ 313; leren 2/ 32; lereð (sg.ps.) 2/ 25, 27 lees (sb.pl.) lie 12/ 127 leet; lef → let; believe lef (1) (adj., adv.) dear, beloved, precious 2/ 49; leue 9/ 40, 50; leuer (comp.) 11/ 106; leuere 8/ 4 lef (2) (sb.) leaf 10.3/ 3 lefde → live leffe, left, lefte → leave legge → lady; lay (3) legges (sb.pl.) leg 13/ 47 leid → lede (1) leif; leiff → leave; leue lei q en → lien leill; leip → lel; lepe leith → lay (3) lel (adj.) loyal, faithful, just, true 6/ 35; lele 7/ 88, 125 *12/ 65; leill 14/ 50, 53, 58, 69, 163 lelly (adv.) loyally, faithfully 6/ 236 *12/ 403; lely 11/ 11 lemes → lim lemman (sb.) lover, beloved 9/ 76, 95 *13/ 464, 471; lemmon 10.4/ 33 *10.6/ 47 lende (inf.) to come, arrive, descend 12/ 47, 54; lent (ptp.) 10.1/ 6; ylent 10.1/ 12 lene (1) (adj.) lean, thin 13/ 47 lene (2) (inf.) to lend 13/ 67; leneth (pl.ps.) 7/ 75 lened (sg.pt.) to lean, recline 7/ 8 leneth → lene (2) leng → longe leng (inf.) to stay, remain 6/ 198; lenge (sg.ps.) 6/ 41 lengar; lenge → longe; leng lenger → long; longe lengour → longe lengðe (sb.) length 2/ 61 lent → lende lenton (sb.) Lent, spring 7/ 89 leof (sb.) beloved 10.8/ 7; luef 10.8/ 31 leose (inf.) to lose 10.7/ 8; liesed (pl.ps.) 3/ 32; lorn (ptp.) 7/ 112 *13/ 297, 299; lorne 12/ 198; losten (pt. (weak)) 7/ 108; ylost (ptp. (weak)) 13/ 538 leouede → live lepe (imp.) to leap, run 6/ 79; leip (inf., imp.) 14/ 174, 181, 222; lep 8/ 117; (sg.pt.) 8/ 11, 119; lepez (sg.ps.) 6/ 115; lepynge (psp.) 13/ 303; lap (sg.pt.) 14/ 183, 191; leep 13/ 452; lop 8/ 39 lere → leere lere (1) (adj.) empty, vacant 5/ 51 lere (2) (sb.) face 6/ 105, 205; lyre 12/ 119 lere (3) (inf.) to teach, tell 8/ 116 *12/ 330, 391; leres (sg.ps.) 11/ 1; lered (ptp.) 1/ 63 *7/ 88; (sg.pt.) 12/ 55, 127 leren → leere leres → lere (3) lereð → leere lerned (ptp.) to learn 13/ 69, 192, 346 lernyng (sb.) tidings, news 12/ 85 les, less, lesse → little les (imp.) to release, set free 10.2/ 4 lessouns (sb.pl.) lesson, reading 4/ 90 lest → little lest (conj.) 10.1/ 16 leste, lesteþ → last (1) let (imp.; pt.) to let, allow; give up, relinquish 5/ 65 *6/ 86, 147, 201, 207, 210, 255 *8/ 87 *9/ 60-61, 63, 68, 97 *10.4/ 45; lete (inf., ps., pt.) 4/ 74 *5/ 120 *8/ 26, 44 *10.2/ 7 *10.4/ 45 *10.9/ 12, 17 *11/ 52 *13/ 532; leten (ptp.) 8/ 20, 23; lette (inf.) 5/ 102; lat (imp.) 7/ 195 *11/ 65, 67 *13/ 321-322, 349; late (imp., pt.) 9/ 107 *12/ 65; latte (imp.) 12/ 194, 234; læt (sg.pt.) 1/ 71; leet 13/ 116, 438; liet 5/ 31, 67, 70, 92 etc. let → let; lede (2) leten, lette → let letteres (sb.pl.) letter 6/ 35 leuand; leuch → live; la q e leueð → believe leue → beliaue; believe; lef; leave; live leue (sb.) leave, permission 7/ 50, 83, 241 *8/ 13 *11/ 111, 119; leve 13/ 140, 231, 236; leiff 14/ 106; yleaue 4/ 9, 11 leued → believe; live leuedi, leuedis, leuedy → lady leuely (adv.) attentively 10.3/ 47 leuer, leuere → lef (1) leuyd, leuys → live leve → leue leveful (adj.) lawful 13/ 136 levesel (sb.) arbour 13/ 285 lewed (adj.) ignorant, lay, simple 7/ 70, 88, 102 lewte → lawte Leycestre (pn.) Leicester 10.3/ 30 leyde, leye → lay (3) leyen; leyhing → lien; la q e lheuedy; lhorde → lady; lord libbe, libe → live lic (sb.) body, corpse 1/ 7 licence (sb.) 7/ 83 licht → light; li q t licour (sb.) sap, moisture 13/ 3 lie (inf.) to lie, tell lies 8/ 66 *9/ 96; lye 7/ 50 *13/ 200; lye q e 4/ 91; liyng (sb.) 13/ 108 <?page no="364"?> 353 lien (inf.) to lie (down), belong to 1/ 47, 76; ligge 9/ 8, 14; liggen 5/ 18; layth (sg.ps.) 7/ 207 *13/ 245; liht 5/ 230 *10.3/ 44; lijthþ 5/ 137; lith 13/ 423, 451, 480; liþ 4/ 65; lye 13/ 430; (inf.) 13/ 532; lyis (sg.ps.) 14/ 140; lyth 13/ 514; leyen (pl.ps.) 7/ 89; lai (sg.pt.) 1/ 2 *5/ 221; lay 7/ 8 *9/ 22 *11/ 91, 94 *13/ 20, 196, 217, 418, 482 *14/ 16; lei q en (pl.pt.) 5/ 219 liesed; liet → leose; let lif, lif-daie, lif-dayes → life life (sb.) 11/ 40, 53-54, 60 etc.; lif 4/ 11 *5/ 2-3, 189 *7/ 125 *8/ 89 *9/ 64 *10.2/ 11 *10.5/ 13 *13/ 114; liffe 12/ 66; liif 8/ 94; lijf 5/ 23, 210; liue 5/ 58 *8/ 106, 114, 125 *9/ 37; lyf 6/ 142 *7/ 238 *10.2/ 4 *13/ 116, 119, 248, 456; lyue 6/ 172 *10.4/ 46; lyues (gsg.) 10.4/ 48; (pl.) 7/ 225; ◆ compd.: lif-daie term of life 8/ 100; lif-dayes (pl.) 8/ 25; lyf-tyme 7/ 50, 238, 242 lifes, liff, liffe, liffis, lifing → life; live liflode (sb.) means of life, sustenance 7/ 32 lift (inf.) to lift, lift up, raise 11/ 15; lyftes (sg.ps.) 6/ 12; lyft (ptp.) 6/ 45; (sg.pt.) 6/ 220; lyfte (sg.pt.) 6/ 156, 233; (inf.) 7/ 211; luftynge (sb.) 7/ 212 ligge, liggen; light → lien; li q t; li q te (2) light (sb.) 12/ 21, 47, 54, 57, 69, 83, 85, 92-93, 353 *13/ 521, 523; licht 14/ 64; lyht (sb.) 10.4/ 30 lightly (adv.) easily 13/ 323; li q htliche 5/ 181; lychtlie 14/ 183, 217; ly q tly 6/ 79, 115, 210 li q t → li q te (2) li q t (adj.) light, easy 8/ 118; li q te 9/ 25; licht 14/ 10; light 10.3/ 3 li q te → li q t li q te (1) (inf.) to illuminate 4/ 84 li q te (2) (inf.) to alight, arrive, land, stand 9/ 69; light 11/ 56; ly q t 6/ 210; li q t (imp.) 6/ 41; ly q tis (sg.ps.) 6/ 116; liht (ptp.) 10.2/ 8; lyht 10.1/ 6 liht → lay; li q te (2) liif, lijf; lijthþ → life; lien like (1) (adj.) 11/ 7, 33, 42, 122 *12/ 90, 243; lyk 13/ 46; lyke 7/ 205; ylyk 13/ 48 like (2) (sg.ps.subj.) to like, love, please, prefer 10.6/ 43; likis (pl.ps.) 12/ 321; lykes (sg.ps.) 6/ 76, 177; liked (sg.pt.) 11/ 82; lyked 6/ 133; likede (pl.pt.) 7/ 58; lykede 7/ 70; liking (sb.) desire 11/ 101 likerous (adj.) luxurious, pleasant 7/ 32; likerouses (pl.) 4/ 36 liking, likis → like (2) likkin (sg.ps.) to compare 14/ 197 (ME) loke lim (sb.) limb 11/ 122; limes (pl.) 1/ 44 *2/ 3, 14 *5/ 40; lemes 13/ 110 Lincol (pn.) Lincoln 1/ 27 ling ◆ col.: in to ane ling (adv.) at once, immediately 14/ 107 linkis (sb.pl.) fetter, chain 14/ 203 list → lust list (sg.ps., impv.) to desire, long for 13/ 91; liste (sg.pt.) 12/ 68, 277, 313; (sg.ps.subj.) 13/ 90; luste (sg.pt.) 5/ 218 liste → list liste (sb.) trick, cunning 9/ 100 listen (inf.) 2/ 19; lysten 6/ 30; listneð (sg.ps.) 2/ 61; luste 9/ 2 litchery → lecherie lite, litel → little littel → little little (adj., adv.) 2/ 59; lite 4/ 80 *13/ 87, 507; litel 1/ 20 *2/ 30 *9/ 90 *13/ 86, 231, 521; littel 6/ 30, 205; lut 10.3/ 19; lutel 10.1/ 2 *10.8/ 1; luitel 8/ 130; luyte 5/ 22, 108, 121; luytel 5/ 21; lvtel 10.7/ 1; lytill 14/ 156; ◆ comp.: les 11/ 12, 47, 50, 123; less 11/ 45; lesse 12/ 383; ◆ sup.: lest 6/ 142 lith, liþ; liue → lien; life liuen, liueð, liuie → live ‘live’ ◆ inf.: libbe (inf., ps.) 4/ 56, 58; liff 11/ 117; liffe 12/ 68; liuen 1/ 76 *2/ 49; liuie 8/ 83; lyfe 7/ 88; lyue (inf.) 7/ 125 *10.8/ 21; lyuen (pl.ps.) 7/ 102; (inf.) 10.1/ 10; (sg.ps.) 10.1/ 3; libe 8/ 21; leue 12/ 322; lyueþ (sg.ps.) 9/ 50 *10.3/ 45; ◆ ps.: leuys 12/ 160; lifes 11/ 8, 114; liffis 12/ 70; liueð 2/ 44; ◆ psp.: leuand 12/ 55, 127; ◆ pt.: lefde 9/ 59; leouede 5/ 23, 195; leuyd 12/ 353; lyueden 7/ 28; ◆ ptp.: leued 12/ 243; ◆ sb.: lifing 11/ 113 liyng → lie lo (interj.) 5/ 129 *13/ 130-131, 322, 395, 542; loo 13/ 359 lobies (sb.pl.) lubber, lout 7/ 53 lof and grin (sb.) fetters and chains 1/ 44 lofden → loue loft ◆ col.: vpo loft on high 10.8/ 30 lo q e (adj.) low 6/ 89; la q e 2/ 59; lo q we 5/ 91; law 11/ 25 loh → la q e lok (inf.) to lock (in) 14/ 203; luketh (sg.ps.) 2/ 42; iloke (ptp.) 8/ 10; ◆ neg.: vnlokynne 12/ 197 loke (inf., ps.) to look (at) 3/ 39 *5/ 218 *6/ 235, 266 *12/ 92, 152, 211; looketh (sg.ps.) 13/ 283; luke 11/ 11; loked (sg.pt.) 6/ 233 *11/ 78; lokede 9/ 112; loken (ptp.) 6/ 35; loki (inf.) to consider 4/ 40; to attribute 4/ 43 <?page no="365"?> 354 lokkez (ME) lokkez (sb.pl.) locks 6/ 206 lond, londe, londes → land Londoun (pn.) London 7/ 83, 89; Lundene 1/ 13; lundenisce (adj.) 1/ 13 long → ylong long (adj.) 10.2/ 4 *13/ 73, 153; longe 6/ 206 *7/ 53 *10.4/ 36 *13/ 47, 459; longue 5/ 178; lenger 13/ 96; lang 11/ 112, 115, 119; lange 13/ 399; lang eir 14/ 70 longe → long longe (adv.) long 4/ 21 *6/ 36 *8/ 140 *10.2/ 9 *10.6/ 33 *10.8/ 5; longue 5/ 23, 122, 195, 198; lang 11/ 112, 119; ◆ comp.: leng 1/ 76 *5/ 15; lenger 4/ 77 *12/ 193 *13/ 461; lengar (comp.) 12/ 68; lengour 8/ 21; longe 10.1/ 10 longen (inf., ps.) to long for, desire 10.4/ 23 *13/ 12; longinge (sb.) 10.1/ 12; longyng 10.2/ 1 longest; longinge → belongeth; longen longue → long; longe longyng; loo → longen; lo looketh → loke loos (adv.) loose 13/ 362; laus (adj.) 13/ 288 lop → lepe lord (sb.) 3/ 16, 35 *7/ 28, 103, 134, 225 *10.10/ 3 *11/ 19 *13/ 57, 64, 66, 488, 511 *14/ 50, 168; lorde 3/ 34, 42 *6/ 103, 130 *12/ 65, 120, 129, 135, 349, 357, 361, 376, 397, 400, 405; lhorde 4/ 50; Louerd the Lord, God 2/ 25 *3/ 5, 7, 11, 18 *5/ 42, 44, 204; Louerde 3/ 15, 22; Louerdes (gsg.) 5/ 191; lordes (gsg., pl.) 7/ 62, 93 *11/ 113 *13/ 53 lordinges (sb.pl.) lord, master 3/ 35 lordly (adv.) 13/ 124 lore (sb.) teaching, advice, knowledge 2/ 25, 61 *5/ 111, 121, 145 *9/ 125 *10.8/ 19; lores (pl.) 10.3/ 47 lorelles (sb.pl.) worthless fellow 7/ 75 lores; lorn, lorne → lore; leose los (1) (sb.) loss 13/ 410 los (2) (sb.) renown, fame 6/ 45 lossum (adj.) lovely, pleasant 10.1/ 8 lost; losten → lust; leose loth (adj.) hateful, loathsome, loath, reluctant 7/ 53; laith 14/ 89; loð 2/ 49; loþ 8/ 3, 110 lou → la q e loude (adv.) loudly, fiercely 6/ 103; lude 9/ 17 loue → love loue (inf., ps.) to love 10.2/ 6 *10.3/ 17 *10.5/ 13, 19 *10.8/ 13 *10.10/ 2, 7-8 *11/ 9 *12/ 361; louien (inf.) 5/ 48; louye (inf.; sg.ps.subj.) 4/ 47 *7/ 128 *10.4/ 24 *10.8/ 27; loueþ (sg.ps.) 4/ 20 *10.8/ 14, 28, 35; loues 10.10/ 7; luffes 12/ 403; luueþ 9/ 42; louede (sg.pt.) 5/ 47; lufit (ptp.) respected 14/ 53; (sg.pt.) 14/ 64; loueden (pl.pt.) 9/ 131; lofden 6/ 21; luueden 1/ 82; louyng (sb.) 12/ 405 loue-longinge (sb.) love-longing 10.1/ 3; loue-longynge 10.4/ 3; louelongynge 10.5/ 16 louely (adj.) lovely, pleasant 12/ 119; louelych 6/ 206; lufly 6/ 220; ◆ neg.: vnlouely 7/ 215 Louerd, Louerde, Louerdes → lord loues; loughe, lou q e → loue; la q e louien → loue loun (sb.) rogue 14/ 183 Lounde (pn.) Lound, Lincolnshire 10.3/ 30 lourand (psp.) to lurk 14/ 64 louryng (sb.) frowning 7/ 195 lousit (pl.pt.) to detach, untie 14/ 23 louting → lut louye, louyng → loue love (sb.) 13/ 342; loue 5/ 26 *7/ 28, 88, 103, 134 *8/ 97 *10.1/ 6 *10.2/ 8 *10.3/ 9, 36 *10.4/ 5, 19, 29, 37 *10.6/ 7 *10.7/ 2, 5, 34 *10.8/ 2, 4-5, 14, 21, 28 *12/ 245; luf 11/ 49, 51, 64; lufe 11/ 48; luue 1/ 86 *2/ 27 *3/ 28, 34, 40-41 Lowrence (prn.) 14/ 16, 18, 62, 64 etc. Lucifer (prn.) 12/ 119, 197; Luciferes (gsg.) 7/ 40 lud (sb.) language, speech 10.1/ 2 lude → lede (1) loude luef; luf, lufe → leof; love luffes, lufit → loue lufly → louely luflych (adv.) lovingly, in a friendly manner 6/ 41; luflyly 6/ 156 luftynge; luitel → lift; little luke; Luke → loke; Saints luketh → lok Lumbardie (pn.) 6/ 12 Lundene, lundenisce → Londoun lur (sb.) loss 6/ 142 lurdans (sb.pl.) rogue, rascal 12/ 102 lure (inf.) 14/ 105 lust (sb.) desire, longing, lust 8/ 48, 50; list 2/ 57; lost 4/ 42, 60, 64, 66, 70 luste → list; listen lusty (adj.) desirous 13/ 228 lut, lutel → little lut (sg.pt.) to bow, bend 6/ 205; louting (sb.) 11/ 57 luþer (adj.) bad, evil 5/ 104; luyther 7/ 238 luue; luueden, luueþ → love; loue luyte, luytel → little <?page no="366"?> 355 luyther; lvtel → luþer; little lycame (sb.) body 7/ 32 lycht (adj.) bright 14/ 158 lychtlie → lightly lyckestre (sb. f.) licker 4/ 73 lye, lye q e → lie; lien lyf; lyfe → life; live lyft, lyfte, lyftes → lift lyf-tyme → life ly q t, ly q tis → li q te (2) ly q tly → lightly lyht → light; li q t; li q te (2) lyhtnesse (sb.) splendour 10.5/ 34 lyis → lien lyk, lyke → like (1) lyked, lykede, lykes → like (2) lylie-leor (sb.) fair-faced one 10.3/ 46 lylie-whyt (adj.) lily-white 10.2/ 11 Lymbo (prn.) Limbo 12/ 102; Lymbus 12/ 198 lyn (sb.) linen 10.3/ 46 lynage (sb.) lineage 13/ 496 lynde (sb.) lime-tree 10.3/ 3 lynes (sb.pl.) line, rope 7/ 207 lyppes (sb.pl.) lip 7/ 134 lyre → lere (2) lysten; lyth; lytill → listen; lien; little lyþe (imp.) listen 10.5/ 5 lyue → life; live lyuen; lyues → live; life lyuynge (sb.) vomit 7/ 215 M ma, maced → make (2) mach (inf.) to match 6/ 69 machouns (sb.pl.) mason 5/ 33 macod → make (2) mad (adj.) 10.2/ 1 *13/ 455; madde 12/ 247 made, maden → make (2) madyn → maiden magestee (sb.) majesty 13/ 546 ma q e (sb.) stomach 4/ 72; mawe 7/ 234 ma q t → miht Mahounde (prn.) 12/ 343 mai; maid → may (2) make (2) maiden (sb.) maiden, girl, virgin 10.5/ 7; madyn 10.9/ 2; maide 9/ 128 *10.2/ 1; maidins (pl.) 11/ 115; mayde 13/ 172; mayden 10.4/ 28 *10.5/ 48; maydens (pl.) 11/ 74; may 10.1/ 14 *10.5/ 3, 13, 31 *10.8/ 11 mai q → may (2) maine (sb.) strength, might 8/ 140 *11/ 120; mayn 10.9/ 10 (ME) manciple mainsum (adj.) nourishing 11/ 75 mair, maist → much maister (sb.) master 8/ 103, 136; maistres 7/ 60; maystres 7/ 85 maisteris (sg.ps.) to master 14/ 178 maistres → maister maistries (sb.pl.) master stroke 12/ 116, 202, 216-217 mak → make (2) make (1) (sb.) mate, wife 9/ 75 *10.1/ 9, 16 make (2) (inf., ps.) to make, cause, effect 7/ 35, 124 *9/ 97, 134 *12/ 42, 103, 142, 146, 178, 217, 247, 339, 362 *13/ 275, 320, 347, 350, 356; maken 13/ 9, 202; ◆ inf.: ma (inf.) 14/ 112; mak 11/ 46, 50, 84, 101 *14/ 26, 104, 122, 180, 182; maki 4/ 69; ◆ ps.: maked 3/ 36-37; makes 11/ 24, 30 *12/ 125, 216, 383 *13/ 478; maket 1/ 88 *3/ 39; maketh 7/ 37 *13/ 240, 424; makeð 2/ 10; makeþ 4/ 19, 59, 62, 82, 90 *8/ 15; makie 10.6/ 42; mase 12/ 116; ◆ pt.: macod 1/ 26; made 3/ 22 *5/ 39, 53, 198 *7/ 55, 119-120 *11/ 5, 25, 83, 85 *12/ 80, 202, 233, 356 *13/ 33, 127, 204, 223, 363; maid 14/ 113; makede 1/ 9, 32, 80-81 *3/ 36 *5/ 9 *9/ 31, 47, 63, 104, 109, 117, 124, 130; makedest 9/ 6; maden 5/ 50; ◆ ptp.: maced 1/ 46; maked 1/ 30, 34; i-mad 5/ 101; i-maked 5/ 52; imaked 3/ 3, 18 *5/ 24 *8/ 36; ymake 10.1/ 8; ymaked 10.7/ 5 *13/ 469 maker (sb.) creator 12/ 2 makes, maket, maket, maki, makie → make (2) maladye (sb.) illness 13/ 217 Malduit → Willelm malice (sb.) 12/ 302 malt (sb.) 13/ 212, 215 Maluerne hulles (pn.) the Malvern Hills 7/ 6, 135 Malyne (prn.) 13/ 460 mammon (sb.) 14/ 214 man → must man (1) (pron.) one 3/ 30 *5/ 190, 231; me 1/ 24, 38-39, 64 *4/ 25, 32, 38, 50-51, 53-54, 82, 93, 96-97 *8/ 38 *10.3/ 17, 20, 41 *10.5/ 47; men 8/ 106 *9/ 5 *10.5/ 38 *13/ 434 *14/ 195 man (2) (sb.) man, person, mankind manne 3/ 37 *4/ 9 *12/ 1, 80; mon 6/ 69, 109, 119 *8/ 143 *10.1/ 13 *10.5/ 42 *10.7/ 1, 17 *10.8/ 1, 18; mannes (gsg.) 1/ 47 *5/ 88, 96; mannis 12/ 246 *14/ 219; men (pl.) menne 6/ 253 *9/ 53 manciple (sb.) 13/ 253; maunciple 13/ 217 <?page no="367"?> 356 maner (ME) maner (sb.) manner, kind, way 6/ 271; manere 4/ 71 *5/ 162 *7/ 20 *11/ 5, 17 *12/ 350; maneres 4/ 58; manyeres 4/ 92 manhede (sb.) manliness 5/ 106 mani, manie → many manifældlice (adj.) manifold 1/ 89 mankynde (sb.) mankind 12/ 15; monkunne 10.7/ 35; monkyn 10.5/ 30 manne, mannes, mannis → man (2) manred (sb.) homage 1/ 30 mansla q þe (sb.) murderer 4/ 40 mansla q þes (sb.pl.) murder 4/ 93; manslechtes 3/ 29 manure → place many (adj.) 7/ 5, 26, 49, 229 *11/ 75 *12/ 103 *13/ 113, 131, 149, 168; manye 7/ 96; mani 1/ 44, 48, 81 *2/ 57 *3/ 36 *5/ 96, 182, 231; manie 1/ 80; moni 6/ 229 *8/ 87; mony 6/ 14, 22, 71, 97, 138, 241 *7/ 27, 60, 63 *14/ 219 manyeres → maner marbre-ston (sb.) marble 5/ 139, 141, 149, 157 March (sb.) 13/ 2; Mersh 10.1/ 1 marchandise (sb.) trade 7/ 61 marchen (pl.ps.) to go hand in hand 7/ 61 mare → much mare (sb.) 13/ 279; mares (pl.) 13/ 289, 305 mariage (sb.) marriage 13/ 204 Marie → Saints Marie (prn.) 10.6/ 10, 19, 29, 39 *12/ 231, 250; Marye 10.4/ 26 market-betere (sb.) bully 13/ 160 marre (inf.) to injure, afflict, harm 12/ 116, 173, 208; marreþ (sg.ps.) 10.2/ 1 mart (sb.) fattened ox or cow 14/ 41 Martin (prn.) 1/ 68 martir (sb.) martyr 13/ 17; martyr 1/ 87; martyrs (pl.) 1/ 37 Marye; mase → Marie; make (2) mased (ptp.) to make dizzy 12/ 247 masse (sb.) mass 7/ 156 *8/ 126; masses (pl.) 9/ 61 massedæi (sb.) feast-day 1/ 6; mæssedæi 1/ 72 masses → masse mate (adj.) daunted 6/ 123 materis (sb.pl.) matter, affair 14/ 93 matynes (sb.pl.) matins 4/ 26; matyns 4/ 24 maugre (prep.) in spite of 11/ 92 maunciple → manciple mawe; mawen → ma q e; may (2) may → maiden May (1) (prn.) 7/ 6 *10.3/ 1 may (2) (ps.) to be able to, may 4/ 52 *5/ 231 *6/ 52, 167, 183, 196 etc. *7/ 9 *8/ 59, 115 *10.1/ 4 *10.2/ 8, 11 *10.5/ 5, 23 *10.6/ 12, 28 *10.8/ 2, 14, 21 *11/ 31, 33-34, 62 etc. *12/ 6, 187, 207, 290, 380 *13/ 105, 120, 257, 268 etc. *14/ 43, 59, 75, 101 etc.; mai 1/ 49 *2/ 46-47 *8/ 71 *9/ 98 *10.5/ 9, 47; mai q (sg.ps.) 2/ 15, 43, 59; mawen (pl.ps.) 10.5/ 43; maye (sg.ps.) 10.10/ 8 *12/ 173; mouwen (pl.ps.) 5/ 146; mowe 13/ 110; ◆ pt. and subj.: micht 14/ 168; might 11/ 39, 53, 86; mi q hte 5/ 102, 152, 158, 160, 185; mi q hten (pl.) 5/ 182, 219; mi q t 4/ 34, 42; mi q te 4/ 68 *5/ 15, 20 *8/ 29, 44 *9/ 43, 69-70, 130-131; mi q ten (pl.) 4/ 58, 77 *5/ 218; mi q tte 8/ 21, 56; mihte 1/ 7 *10.3/ 9; mocht 14/ 88; mo q e 4/ 69, 87; mycht 14/ 169; myghte 7/ 100 *13/ 341, 368, 390, 415, 419, 516; myghtest (2.sg.) 7/ 135; my q t 6/ 132, 266, 270; myhte 1/ 47 *7/ 39, 68, 204, 231, 233; myhtes (2.sg.) 1/ 53 mayde, mayden, maydens → maiden maye; mayn → may (2) maine mayn (adj.) great, strong 6/ 123 maystres → maister mæssedæi → massedæi me → I; man (1) mede (sb.) reward 2/ 24 *10.7/ 26 *11/ 31 mee → I meel (sb.) meal 8/ 124; mel 8/ 87 meit → mete (2) meke (adj.) meek 11/ 2, 13, 61 *12/ 1; meoke 10.7/ 11 mekely (adv.) meekly 11/ 20 mekenes (sb.) meekness 11/ 30; meoknesse 9/ 118 mekes (sg.ps.) to humble 11/ 26; mekis 12/ 350 mekill; mekis → much; mekes mel → meel mele (sb.) flour 13/ 163, 219, 266, 294 etc. meled (sg.pt.) to speak 6/ 234 melle → mille melle (inf.) to mingle 12/ 302 melly (sb.) contest, battle 6/ 129 melodye (sb.) melody, music 13/ 9, 392 melte (inf.) to melt 5/ 198 men → man (1, 2) mende (inf., ps.) to amend, improve 12/ 79, 359; mendid (sg.pt.) 11/ 120 mendenant; mendid → frere; mende mene (1) (adj.) poor, simple 7/ 20, 137 mene (2) (inf., ps.) to mean, signify; complain; intend; moan 2/ 60 *5/ 190 *11/ 14, 68, 102; menes (sg.ps.) 11/ 27; menys 12/ 46, 231, 301; mente (sg.pt.) 12/ 174; imunt 8/ 122 menne → man (2) <?page no="368"?> 357 menske (inf.) to honour, adore 10.2/ 8 mente → mene (2) menyng (sb.) token, reference, mention 12/ 103; menynge 7/ 99 menys → mene (2) meoke; meoknesse → meke; mekenes mercy (sb.) 10.8/ 18 *11/ 19 *12/ 356; merci 10.5/ 57; mercye 12/ 359 merie (adj., adv.) glad, gladly, merry, merrily 9/ 63; murie 9/ 64, 104; mury 10.8/ 23; myrie 13/ 352, 454 Mersh → March meruaile (sb.) marvel, wonder 11/ 67; meruayl 6/ 253, 266 merueylousliche (adv.) wondrously 7/ 9 mes (sb., sg.pl.) dish, buffet 4/ 62, 69-70, 75; mese 11/ 75, 82 meschaunce (sb.) disaster 7/ 105 meschief (sb.) evil 7/ 65 mese; messagers → mes; messengere messengere (sb.) messenger 12/ 362; messagers (pl.) 5/ 163 mest → much mesuage (sb.) house (and its contents) 13/ 203 mesure (sb.) measure, moderation 4/ 49 *12/ 302 met (inf.) to meet, encounter 10.9/ 13; mete 8/ 3; dream 9/ 74; meten (inf.) 7/ 135 *8/ 4; mete (sg.pt.) 10.9/ 3; mett 11/ 55; mette (impv.) dreamt 7/ 9, 137; mette met 8/ 121 mete → met mete (1) (adv.) appropriately 10.6/ 9 mete (2) (sb.) food, provisions, dinner, livelihood 2/ 18 *4/ 3, 5, 45, 52-54, 69 *6/ 261, 271 *8/ 7, 49, 72, 85 *11/ 50, 78, 81, 85, 117 *13/ 356; meit 14/ 173; mette 12/ 230; metes (pl.) 4/ 27, 36, 48-49, 62, 68 meten; metes → met; mete (2) mett → met mette → met; mete (2) meþ (sb.) moderation 8/ 49 mi; micel → I; much micht; mid → may (2) right mid (prep.) with, by, through 1/ 33-34, 38, 48 etc. *2/ 51, 53, 60 *4/ 50, 66 *8/ 7, 15, 28, 31, 36 etc. *9/ 66, 68 *10.5/ 3; mide 2/ 11; myde 4/ 8 midday (sb.) 10.6/ 14; middæi 1/ 3 middel (sb.) waist 10.1/ 8; myddel 7/ 210 middelni q te → midnycht mide → mid Midewintre Dæi (sb.) Christmas Day 1/ 14 midnycht (sb.) midnight 14/ 147; mydnyght 13/ 372; middelni q te 9/ 19 (ME) mod miengyngue → dweole Mighill (prn.) Michael 12/ 339, 389 might → may (2) mightis, migt → miht mi q hte, mi q hten → miht; may (2) mi q t → may (2) mi q te, mi q ten, mi q tte, mihte → may (2) miht (sb.) might, force, authority, power, strength 10.2/ 7; migt 2/ 51; mi q hte 5/ 123; mi q te 4/ 9 *5/ 42; myght 7/ 119 *12/ 86, 129, 233, 349, 360 *13/ 103, 328; myht 10.4/ 22; ma q t 2/ 56; mightis (pl.) 12/ 174; my q tez 6/ 69 mikel, mikle → much milce (sb.) pity 5/ 176 milde (adj.) mild, gentle 1/ 29 *10.4/ 21, 41 *10.5/ 8 *10.7/ 11; mylde 10.4/ 28 mildeliche (adv.) humbly, gently 5/ 125, 140, 166, 180, 222 mile (sb.) 10.6/ 13; myle 13/ 348 milk (sb.) 11/ 94 mille (sb.) mill 13/ 232, 245, 285, 339, 535; melle 13/ 147, 466 millere (sb.) miller 13/ 137, 149, 211, 219 etc.; milleres (gsg.) 13/ 89, 490; milleris 13/ 428 min, mine → I minstralsy (sb.) entertainment 11/ 87; mynstralcie 6/ 271 mint (sg.pt.) to intend 1/ 76 miracle (sb.) 3/ 18, 24, 26, 39 *5/ 150, 184, 229, 231 *11/ 46; miracles 1/ 89 *3/ 22 *4/ 82, 84, 90; myracles 7/ 99 mirke (adj., sb.) murk 2/ 22 *12/ 53 mirth (sb.) 11/ 87; mirthe 12/ 79, 104-105, 228; myrthe 13/ 229; murthes (pl.) 7/ 35 mis (sb.) sin, transgression 11/ 20 misdede (sb.) misdeed, sin 5/ 170 *8/ 91 *11/ 3 misdon (inf.) to act unjustly 1/ 9; mis-do (ptp.) 5/ 110 miselffe, miselue → I misferdest (2.sg.pt.) to commit adultery 8/ 106 mis-payþ (sg.ps.) to offend 4/ 18 misse (ps.subj.) to lose, forget, miss 9/ 99 *10.5/ 58; mysse (inf.) 13/ 440 mis-stap (sg.pt.) to stumble 5/ 37 mist (sb.) 2/ 26; myst 7/ 135 miste → must miszigge (inf.) to slander 4/ 91 mo → much mobils (sb.pl.) moveable goods 11/ 12 moche, mochel → much mocht → may (2) mod (sb.) mind, state of mind, heart, wrath 10.5/ 8; mode 9/ 73 *11/ 13, 61 <?page no="369"?> 358 moder (ME) moder (sb.) mother 4/ 97 *9/ 50, 62 *10.4/ 28; modir 12/ 231, 250 Modi (prn.) 9/ 123 modir; mo q e → moder; may (2) molde (sb.) earth, world 7/ 65 *10.2/ 1 *12/ 1, 91 mon → man (2) mon (sb.) moan, plaint 10.6/ 42 mone → moone monek (sb.) monk 5/ 9; munec 1/ 82; monekes (pl.) 5/ 211, 214; munekes 1/ 60, 69, 80, 87 moneye (sb.) money 7/ 61, 136 moni → many monkunne, monkyn → mankynde monþe (sb.) month 5/ 202; monþes (pl.) 5/ 208 mony; mo, moo → many; much moone (sb.) moon 13/ 522; mone 1/ 3 *14/ 158, 162 moore; moot → much; must moralitie (sb.) moral 14/ 195 more; mor q en, morn → much; morning morning (sb.) 14/ 3, 5; mornyng 7/ 6; mor q en 4/ 22; morn 6/ 240 *11/ 110; morwe 7/ 175; morwen 7/ 154 morwe, morwen → morning mosseles (sb.pl.) morsel, bit 4/ 77 most, moste → much; must mot, mote → must motes (sg.ps.) to lead 12/ 256 mounteth (sg.ps.) to arise 7/ 65 mournen (inf.) to mourn, sorrow 10.1/ 17; mournynde (psp.) 10.6/ 38 mouse-trappe (sb.) mousetrap 10.10/ 15 mouth (sb.) 7/ 136 *13/ 501; mouthe 7/ 234; mouþ 4/ 3; mouþe 4/ 2 *8/ 28, 50; mudh 3/ 31; muð 2/ 30-31, 33, 41; muthe 6/ 234 mouwen → may (2) moveth (pl.ps.) to pour 3/ 16 mowe → may (2) mowled (ptp.) to mould 13/ 94 Moyses (prn.) Moses 12/ 86 much (adj., adv.) great, important, much, very 6/ 143, 234; muche 5/ 24, 42, 80, 185, 227 *7/ 99 *9/ 47 *10.8/ 4; muchel 8/ 49; muchele 5/ 77; mekill 12/ 129, 146, 233, 349 *14/ 178; micel 1/ 4, 8, 23, 69, 72; mikel 2/ 56; mikle (sb.pl.) 2/ 59-60; moche 4/ 8, 12-13, 18, 47; mochel 4/ 98; mycel 1/ 70; ◆ comp.: mare 1/ 57, 66 *11/ 47; mair 14/ 22, 126, 138, 147, 173, 194; mo 5/ 36 *6/ 23 *8/ 102 *12/ 358 *13/ 194; moo 12/ 208, 328; moore 13/ 82, 220, 275-276, 385; more 3/ 25 *4/ 20, 46, 77 *5/ 112, 175 *6/ 120, 123, 191, 248 *7/ 137, 150, 157, 231 *8/ 34, 103 *10.5/ 47 *10.6/ 28 *10.7/ 10 *10.10/ 8 *11/ 12, 27, 45, 49, 114, 123 *12/ 106, 142, 202, 228, 383; ◆ sup.: maist 14/ 131; mest 9/ 44 *10.5/ 19; most 7/ 124; moste 2/ 35 *7/ 65 *12/ 360; ◆ compd.: non-more 5/ 146; nonmore 5/ 122; þe more 3/ 24-25 mudh → mouth mullok (sb.) mullock, refuse 13/ 97 mum (sb.) mumbling 7/ 136 munec, munekes → monek munne (inf.) to think, remember, mention 10.7/ 31 *10.8/ 10; mynge 10.5/ 24 murgeþ (sg.ps.) to grow merry 10.3/ 1 murie → merie Murry (prn.) 9/ 38 murthes; mury → mirth; merie ‘must’ must, may miste (sg.subj.) 9/ 51; muste 12/ 274; man 14/ 67, 180; moot 13/ 207, 401; most 8/ 104; mot 5/ 165 *6/ 129, 174 *12/ 139 *14/ 14; mote 3/ 43 *5/ 232 *9/ 80 *13/ 142; ◆ pt.: moste 1/ 76 *8/ 43 *10.7/ 21 mustir (inf.) to show, demonstrate, muster 12/ 174; musteres (sg.ps.) 12/ 104; mustered (sg.pt.) 12/ 86 muð, muthe → mouth my → I; faith mycel; mycht → much; may (2) myddel; myde → middel; mid mydnyght; myght → midnycht; miht myghte, myghtest → may (2) myghty (adj.) mighty, strong 12/ 91 my q t → may (2) my q tez, myht → miht myhte, myhtes → may (2) mylde; myle → milde; mile myn → I mynde (sb.) mind, thought, memory 12/ 2 *13/ 301 myne; mynge → I; munne mynstralcie → minstralsy mynstre (sb.) monastery, minster 1/ 72, 88 mynstrels (sb.pl.) minstrel 7/ 35 myracles → miracle myre (sb.) mire, bog 12/ 256 myrie → merie myrre (sb.) myrrh 10.5/ 41 myrthe → mirth mysbileue (sb.) wrong belief 7/ 102 myself, myselfe → I mysgo (ptp.) to go astray 13/ 479; mysgon 13/ 476; mysgoon 13/ 442 mys-nyme (sg.ps.subj.) to err 4/ 51 mysse; myst → misse; mist <?page no="370"?> 359 myster (sb.) craft 13/ 69 N na; nabbe → no; nothing; have nacht; nadde → not; have nadres (sb.pl.) adder 1/ 41 nagulte (sg.pt., neg.) to sin 10.7/ 12 Na q areth (pn.) 10.7/ 25 na q t → not; nou q t naht; nai → nou q t; no naill (sb.) nail 14/ 179; nayl 13/ 101; nayles (pl.) 10.4/ 14; naylles 10.6/ 31 naked (adj., adv.) 2/ 29 *6/ 207, 210 nam → be; nime name (sb.) 5/ 115 *6/ 187 *9/ 3 *12/ 190 *13/ 165; nome 5/ 81 *6/ 10, 195 named (ptp.) 11/ 37 nameliche (adv.) in particular 4/ 65 *13/ 213; namely 13/ 337 namen → nime nammore (adv., pron.) no more; nothing 1/ 52; namoore 13/ 122, 362; namore 3/ 8 *8/ 33 *10.8/ 21 nan, nane → no nareu (adj.) narrow 1/ 43 nas; nat → be; not nathelees (adv.) nevertheless 13/ 35 nature (sb.) 13/ 11 natureliche (adv.) by nature, naturally 3/ 27; naturelliche 3/ 33 nawþer; nay, naye → neyther; no nayl, nayles, naylles → naill næure → never ne (part.) not ne . . . ne (conj.) neither . . . nor 1/ 47, 49, 60 nec (sb.) neck 6/ 207; nekke 7/ 114 *13/ 142, 233, 485; nykken (pl.) 4/ 76 nedde, neddi → have nede (1) (sb.) need, necessity 2/ 32 *7/ 229 *8/ 113, 138 *11/ 116 *13/ 250; nedes (pl.) 13/ 429 nede (2) (adv.) needs 5/ 165 nedede; nedes → nedes; nede (1) nedes (sg.ps., impv.) to be in need of 6/ 191; nedede (pt.) 13/ 244, 385 nedlare (sb.) needle-maker 7/ 166 neen; neer → no; nei q neet (sb.pl.) cattle 13/ 53 nefe (sb.) nephew 1/ 12; neues (pl.) 1/ 28 negh (inf.) to draw near 12/ 224 nei q (adv., prep.) nearly, almost; near, next to 5/ 28; nei q h 5/ 107, 209; nei q hq wat 5/ 91; ney 8/ 16, 108, 131; nie 5/ 203; ny 13/ 44, (ME) nime 419; nye q 4/ 28; ◆ comp.: neer 13/ 528; neir 14/ 147; neirar 14/ 15; ner 8/ 19; nere 6/ 109 *12/ 43, 224 nei q ebore (sb.) neighbour 8/ 58 nei q h, nei q hq wat → nei q neilond (sb.) island 2/ 37, 50 neip (sb.) turnip 14/ 132, 165 neir, neirar → nei q nekke → nec nelle, neltou → will (2) nemne (inf.) to name, appoint 10.8/ 9; neuenes (sg.ps.) 6/ 10; nempned (sg.pt.) 7/ 189; nempnede 7/ 178 Neptalym (pn.) Nephthalim 12/ 51 ner → nei q ; never nere, nes → be; nei q nesche (adj.) soft 5/ 141 nestes (sg.ps.) to survive 8/ 24 net (sb.) 14/ 214; nettes (pl.) 13/ 151 neuede; neuenes → have; nemne neuer, neuere, neuer-eft, neuereft, neuermo, neure → never neues; neure; neuuæ → nefe; never; newe never (adv.) 14/ 35; nevere 13/ 262; neuer 6/ 38, 186, 242, 248, 257 *8/ 99 *12/ 98, 106, 112, 136, 224, 283, 294 *14/ 64; neuere 7/ 240 *8/ 2, 24 *9/ 7 *12/ 16, 38, 236, 323, 378, 388; næure 1/ 37, 57; neure 1/ 54; ner 10.8/ 14, 28; ◆ col.: neuer-eft no more 5/ 89; neuereft 5/ 94; neuermo never more 8/ 73; neuer þe helder never the more for that 6/ 163, 217; neuer þe lece none the less 6/ 261 newe (adj.) new 2/ 13, 29 *7/ 178 *10.4/ 5; (adv.) recently 5/ 75 *12/ 314; nywe (adj.) 9/ 86, 91; neuuæ 1/ 72 neweð (sg.ps.) to renew 2/ 2, 5, 21 ney → nei q neyd (sg.ps.) to need 12/ 242 neyther ◆ col.: neyther ne (conj.) neither . . . nor 7/ 36; nawþer ne 6/ 217; noþer ne 7/ 204; nouþer ne 8/ 3; nouther ne 1/ 58; nowthir nor 12/ 287 Nicholas (prn.) 13/ 80 nie → nei q night (sb.) 11/ 107; nigt 2/ 6; ni q ht 5/ 199, 217; ni q t 4/ 28 *9/ 58, 74, 82; ni q te 8/ 56; niht 1/ 3 *10.7/ 15; nycht 14/ 102, 154, 158; nyght 10.10/ 16 *12/ 261 *13/ 10, 23, 327, 341, 399, 459, 489, 508; nyht 10.2/ 14 *10.5/ 14 *10.7/ 7; nyhtes (gsg.) 10.5/ 20 nihtes (adv.) at night 10.1/ 11; be nihtes 1/ 35 nime (inf.) to take 4/ 35 *5/ 171; nimeth (sg.ps.) 5/ 175; nimeþ 4/ 50; nimeð goes 2/ 21; nymþ <?page no="371"?> 360 nime (ME) 4/ 18, 54; nim (imp.) 4/ 41; nyme (sg.ps.subj.) 4/ 55; nam (sg.pt.) 1/ 27 *5/ 7, 65, 68, 140, 157, 180, 197 *10.5/ 51; nom 8/ 39; namen (pl.pt.) 1/ 7, 35, 59, 88; nomen (ptp.) 8/ 125; i-nome 5/ 148 nis; niste → be; wit (2) niþinge (sb.) niggard 3/ 38 no → nothing no (adv., pron.) na 1/ 24, 29 *13/ 250-251, 358, 385, 399-400, 407 *14/ 19, 59, 63, 66, 100, 105, 110, 138, 154, 166, 169, 194; non 2/ 15 *4/ 23 *5/ 61, 135, 152, 160, 177 *6/ 94, 139, 225, 247 *8/ 21, 73, 80 *9/ 16, 59, 110 *10.1/ 13 *10.2/ 7 *10.3/ 7 *10.5/ 48 *10.6/ 37, 44 *11/ 6; none 2/ 15 *5/ 13, 89 *7/ 214 *8/ 2, 42 *9/ 98 *10.3/ 38 *11/ 42, 85, 112 *12/ 252; nones (gsg.) 8/ 147; noon 13/ 50, 181, 441; nan 1/ 9-10, 31, 37, 55, 65; nane 11/ 9, 33, 86 *14/ 30, 130, 136; neen 13/ 409, 411; nay 6/ 43, 66 *8/ 94 *10.10/ 6, 10, 14, 18, 22 *12/ 105, 153, 157, 338 *13/ 407; naye 12/ 335; nai certes (adv.) certainly not 5/ 173 nobilly (adv.) royally, splendidly 11/ 89; nobleliche 4/ 56 noble (adj., adv.) 5/ 10, 98 *13/ 166, 487 noblei q e (sb.) honour 5/ 188 nobleliche; nocht → nobilly; not noen (sb.) noon 7/ 235; at nones 7/ 230 noght, no q t, noht, nohut → na q t; not nolde, nolden → will (2) nom → nime noman (sb.) nobody 5/ 126 *9/ 98 nome; nomen → name; nime non, none, none → no nones → noen; no non-more, nonmore → much nonnerie (sb.) nunnery 13/ 192; nonnerye 13/ 170 noon → no nor (conj.) 12/ 252 *13/ 59; than 14/ 15, 41 Noremaundie → Normandi Noremauns (prn.) Normans 5/ 81 Normandi (pn.) Normandy 1/ 6, 21; Noremaundie 5/ 63 nortelrie (sb.) education 13/ 191 north (sb.) 13/ 239; norð (adv.) northwards 2/ 32 Northfolk (pn.) Norfolk 13/ 75 Northhumberland (pn.) Northumberland 11/ 36 Noruuic (pn.) Norwich 1/ 84 nose (sb.) 7/ 202 *13/ 158, 198, 375, 499, 501 noster; not → pater noster; wit (2) not (adv., pron.) 6/ 44, 65, 133, 135, 147, 187, 262 *10.9/ 13, 17 *12/ 207, 336, 380 *13/ 91, 234 *14/ 36, 42, 49, 53, 58, 71, 87, 91-92, 95, 98, 103, 124, 132-133, 164, 172, 179, 193, 208, 217; nocht 3/ 18 *14/ 56, 61, 90; nacht 3/ 23; na q t 4/ 38, 40, 42, 61, 74; noght 7/ 110, 115 *11/ 7, 10, 15, 23, 31, 33, 49, 64, 82 *12/ 109, 152, 221, 265, 313, 318, 340, 376 *13/ 278, 280, 341, 365; no q t 2/ 43 *6/ 145 *7/ 31 *9/ 133 *12/ 101, 153, 177, 251, 303, 330; nou q t 5/ 57, 111, 130, 133, 158, 173-174, 197, 219 *7/ 77-78, 100; noht 10.2/ 7 *10.3/ 31; nohut 8/ 110; nout 8/ 61, 77 *10.7/ 8, 12 *10.8/ 8; nowyht 10.8/ 5; nat 7/ 134, 182, 187, 227, 233 *13/ 99, 105, 111, 129 etc. note (sb.) business, matter, task 6/ 145, 207 *12/ 268 *13/ 292 nothing (pron., sb.) 11/ 61, 119; no-þing 5/ 19, 41; noþing 8/ 56, 92, 127; ◆ col.: na thing 14/ 63, 66, 154; no thyng 13/ 506 noþer; nou; nou q t → neyther; now; not nou → now nou q t (pron.) nothing, nought 5/ 20, 135; noght 11/ 63 *13/ 447; noht 10.4/ 37 *10.6/ 57; nout 8/ 20, 39 *10.4/ 16; na q t 4/ 37, 40; naht 1/ 10, 63 noumper (sb.) umpire 7/ 189 nout → not; nou q t nouþe; nouther, nouþer → now; neyther now (adv.) 6/ 10, 86, 98, 100 etc. *7/ 151 *10.9/ 2, 8, 13, 17 *11/ 37, 51, 113 *12/ 355 *13/ 92, 119, 133, 222 etc. *14/ 72, 80, 116, 145, 164; nowe 12/ 7, 30, 41, 56 etc.; nou 4/ 34, 78 *5/ 111, 143, 232 *8/ 53, 64, 76, 79, 92-93, 114, 122, 124 *10.5/ 23 *10.6/ 37; nouþe 5/ 5, 145-146 *8/ 28, 50; nu 1/ 83 *2/ 19 *3/ 8, 26, 35, 39 *9/ 99, 132 nowiderwardes (adv.) in no direction 1/ 47 nowthir; nowyht → neyther; not noyney (interj.) 10.10/ 1 noyse (sb.) noise 12/ 101 nu → now; what nul, nulle, nully → will (2) Nwe ` er (sb.) New Year 6/ 71, 191; Nw ` eres (gsg.) 6/ 240 ny → nei q nyce (adj.) foolish 13/ 79, 506; nys 6/ 110, 145 nycetee (sb.) foolishness 13/ 270 nycht → night nye q ; nyght, nyht, nyhtes → nei q ; night nykken → nec nyme, nymþ → nime <?page no="372"?> 361 nyne (num.) nine 13/ 24 nys → be; nyce nyslye (adv.) wantonly 10.10/ 17 nyste → wit (2) nywe → newe O o → a (1) on; oo o (interj.) 10.10/ 3 obeien (inf.) to obey 5/ 179 obitte (adj.) dead 12/ 269 oblissing (sb.) binding contract 14/ 47 oboue; obout → above; about oc; ocht → ac; ought of (prep.) of, off, from, out of, with off 2/ 34 *10.10/ 5, 21 *14/ 4, 30, 97, 122, 139, 162, 171, 188, 193; offe 5/ 190; hof 8/ 148 ofdred (ptp.) afraid 1/ 4 ofer; off, offe → over; of offence (sb.) 14/ 119 offices (sb.pl.) function 4/ 3 Offnies (prn. gsg.) Hophni 7/ 107 offryng (sb.) offering 10.10/ 13 ofreche (inf.) to reach 9/ 12 ofsei (sg.pt.) to catch sight of 8/ 5 ofserueth (sg.ps.) to merit 3/ 31 of-showve (inf.) to repel 13/ 136 oft (adv.) often, frequently 6/ 18, 23 *10.8/ 32 *14/ 213; ofte 4/ 32, 61-62 *5/ 103, 148 *7/ 227 *8/ 18, 93, 105, 108 *10.4/ 23, 43 *10.6/ 41, 51 *10.8/ 8 ofte → time oftsithes (adv.) often 11/ 105 ofþinkeþ (sg.ps., impv.) to regret 8/ 103; of-þou q te (pl.pt.) 5/ 161 ofuundred (ptp.) astonished 1/ 4 of-walked (ptp.) exhausted from walking 7/ 7 ogayne; oghe → again; owen oght → ought o q en, o q ene → owen o q t; oht → ought; othþ ohte (subj.) ought to 10.4/ 18 *10.7/ 31 old (adj.) 2/ 20 *5/ 209; olde 13/ 93, 98, 106, 110, 122; oold 13/ 91; ald 1/ 3; elde (pl.) 9/ 66 *10.5/ 22; elder (comp.) 11/ 35; elderis (comp. gpl.) 14/ 1 on → one on (prep.) on, in, near o 1/ 55 *2/ 2, 39 *10.5/ 32 *10.7/ 3; one 2/ 37, 53; onne 1/ 45; a 5/ 202; an 4/ 29; un 10.9/ 11 onane → a-non onde (1) (sb.) enmity 10.2/ 6 (ME) ore onde (2) (sb.) breath 2/ 39, 58 onder-fongue → ounderfonge onderstant, onder-stod, onder-stonde → vndirstande onderstondinge (sb.) understanding 4/ 89 one → on one (art., num.) 3/ 35 *4/ 55, 69 *5/ 17, 35 *8/ 4, 9, 36, 107 *10.3/ 11; on 4/ 3, 70 *6/ 30, 159, 229 *7/ 186 *8