eJournals

Band 56 Heft 1 Harald Höbus ch, Rebeccah Dawson (Hr sg.) C O L L O Q U I A G E R M A N I C A I n t e r n a ti o n a l e Z e it s c h r ift f ü r G e r m a n i s ti k Die Zeitschrift erscheint jährlich in 4 Heften von je etwa 96 Seiten. Abonnementpreis pro Jahrgang: € 138,00 (print)/ € 172,00 (print & online)/ € 142,00 (e-only) Vorzugspreis für private Leser € 101,00 (print); Einzelheft € 45,00 (jeweils zuzüglich Versandkosten). Bestellungen nimmt Ihre Buchhandlung oder der Verlag entgegen: Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG, Postfach 25 60, D-72015 Tübingen, Fax +49 (0)7071 97 97 11 · eMail: info@narr.de Aufsätze - in deutscher oder englischer Sprache - bitte einsenden als Anlage zu einer Mail an hhoebu@uky.edu oder bessdawson@uky.edu (Prof. Harald Höbusch oder Prof. Rebeccah Dawson, Division of German Studies, 1055 Patterson Office Tower, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506-0027, USA). Typoskripte sollten nach den Vorschriften des MLA Style Manual (2008) eingerichtet sein. Sonstige Mitteilungen bitte an hhoebu@uky.edu © 2023 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Alle Rechte vorbehalten/ All Rights Strictly Reserved Druck und Bindung: CPI books GmbH, Leck ISSN 0010-1338 Inhalt Introduction: Football and Violence in 20 th and 21 st Century German Literature and Culture Rebeccah Dawson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 1 kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” Rebeccah Dawson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 5 East Germans Rehearse the Uprising: GDR Football Stadiums as Testing Grounds for the 1989 Revolution in Ernst Cantzler’s … und freitags in die “ Grüne Hölle ” Oliver Knabe � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 27 Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Football Fandom and Coming-of-Age in Philipp Winkler’s novel Hool Bastian Heinsohn � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 51 The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football Kate Zambon � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 69 Verzeichnis der Autor: innen � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 91 BAND 56 • Heft 1 Themenheft: The Virulent Violence of Football in 20 th and 21 st Century German Cultural Production Introduction: Football and Violence in 20th and 21st Century German Literature and Culture 1 Introduction: Football and Violence in 20 th and 21 st Century German Literature and Culture Rebeccah Dawson University of Kentucky Since the arrival of football in Germany in the late 19 th century, it has continually morphed into malleable battlefields, both physically and metaphorically. While the cultural and political canvas of Germany changed dramatically over the next century, so too did the impact of football on the Germanic world� And yet, with all the turmoil and upheaval the German nation has endured over the past hundred+ years, the appeal and popularity of football has not only survived, it has thrived, growing the nation to become one of the most recognized and lauded in the world� Throughout the 20 th and 21 st centuries, sport, and more specifically football, became a microcosmic forum through which cultural norms could be voiced, critiqued, and interpreted� This special issue focuses on precisely these aspects of athletic cultural production, revealing the manifold forms in which football has given life to the continually changing landscape posited in the tumultuous peaks and valleys of German life since 1945� The issue draws from (but is not exclusively sourced from) papers presented on the panel “The (Socio)-Political Role of Football in 20 th -Century German Film and Literature” at the 2018 German Studies Association Conference in Pittsburgh, PA� While the panel was the birthplace of this special issue, it has morphed over the subsequent years to include new authors and expanded papers from the original panel members� The GSA panel brought together history, film, and literature dealing with football in 20 th century Germany, focusing primarily on the pedagogical influence of sport on cultural production� This special issue follows the trajectory set into motion by the 2018 GSA foundations and explores the societal and cultural impact of football in literary, cinematic, and mass media production in Germany after 1945-bringing together perspectives from both German and sociological scholars� The cultural impact of sport, and more specifically football, in German history has dominated the pages of academia over the past century� Even non academics know and acknowledge the cultural significance of events such as the 1936 Olympics in Nazi Berlin, the World Cup victories in Bern (1954, otherwise known as “The Miracle of Bern”) and West Germany (1974), and the infamous 2 Rebeccah Dawson 1972 Olympic Games in Munich� Furthermore, football enthusiasts surely connect the 1990 World Cup victory in Italy with the reunification of East and West Germany and the 2014 World Cup as the first European team to lift the golden trophy on South American soil� To be sure, the cultural impact German football has had on a global scale is not to be discounted and has been far from problematic at times; however, what is perhaps too often overlooked is the involvement and production of football within the cultural sphere and how it has influenced the developing landscape of German society� The significance of such cultural production allows one to see deeper into the time, events, and people to reveal the inner workings of social thought and action in dramatically different eras of German history. Literary and cinematic works offer a portal through which athletics could praise or critique societal norms and posit an understanding of each era not accessible through historical accounts alone. Indeed, examining cultural production-both fictional and non-fictional-elucidates football’s role in reshaping a country in shambles, challenging the status quo, and developing the violent and racially charged state of the Germanic footballing world� The articles chosen for this issue examine instances of football embedded in cultural production as a means to cope with and understand the past trauma of German life as well as illuminate the issues at hand in contemporary football society� Each article acts as a case study of sorts for the era in which the examined artifact was produced� Utilizing a historical trajectory, the issue begins with the early stages of the newly born Bundesrepublik Deutschland (BRD or Federal Republic of Germany) in the immediate Post-World War II era and subsequently follows the development of football through the split of East and West Germany and back into contemporary culture� Finally, the sociological state of football today and the prominent position it has assumed in racially charged debates of the men’s national team� Thus, this issue draws a metaphorical timeline of the progress (or lack thereof) within the German footballing world, elucidating the manner in which the country’s core cultural values are displayed, allowing a deeper understanding of the past, present, and future of German society as a whole� Rebeccah Dawson begins our journey in the literary rubble of World War II in West Germany’s Stunde Null and the new battlefield the sports arena provided blossoming writers of the time in her article “ kanonen kicken köpfen. Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s ‘Das Fußballspiel’”� Rising from the ashes of the National Socialist all-encompassing vice grip on cultural production, authors sought to ground a novel form critical literature, which allowed liberties the previous generation was denied. Influenced by Dieter Wellershoff’s Neuer Realismus, Ludwig Harig’s 1962 short story and subsequent Hörspiel (radio Introduction: Football and Violence in 20th and 21st Century German Literature and Culture 3 play) “Das Fußballspiel” reflect the chaotic and confusing incomprehensibility of postwar West Germany by turning to the realism of everyday experiences of the individual� Harig implements football in combination with radical literary form and language to reveal an everyday where the violent fascist past of West German society can be accessed and confronted� “Das Fußballspiel” questions the indifference of society after 1945 and its inability to come to terms with the horrific past, revealing it is through sport that the possibility of this interaction can come to fruition� Utilizing Adorno’s theories on sport and fascism in Prisms (1955) and “Education after Auschwitz” (1966), Dawson explores how football can unveil the resistance of society in recognizing the ghosts of fascism still present in society and subsequently how this reflects the refusal of West German society to reconcile with the horrific, violent past and the poignant dangers it poses to the present� Oliver Knabe’s contribution, “East Germans Rehearse the Uprising: GDR Football as a Democratic Testing Ground in Ernst Cantzler’s Und freitags in die ‘Grüne Hölle’,” brings the athletic battlefield into the period of separated Germanies, focusing on cinema of the late German Democratic Republic� Knabe explores the contentious relationship between the GDR government and football in the last days of the regime’s power by examining the complex layers of meaning in the film’s symbolism, careful montage, and cultural references. By treating Grüne Hölle as a cultural artifact, Knabe presents a striking understanding of the film’s spectators as a metaphorical embodiment of the challenging, and eventual dismantling, of the country’s borders� Charting the inner turmoil of the GDR in the late 1980s, the article posits that football’s metaphorical language presents the key in understanding the unspoken, if not violent, aspirations of the moribund nation’s citizens� The theme of violence likewise weaves itself into the 2016 novel by Phillip Winkler entitled Hool. Bastian Heinsohn offers a fresh take on football violence and fandom as seen through the eyes of a teenage hooligan’s support of his Bundesliga team: Hannover 96 in the article: “Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Football Fandom and Coming-of-Age in Philipp Winkler’s novel Hool. ” Much like Knabe’s article, Heinsohn investigates the parallels between football and the spectators surrounding it� By examining the novel’s use of various spaces of combat and struggle both inside and beyond the football field, the article examines not only the search for identity and belonging but also the rise of hooliganism in German youth� Furthermore, Heinsohn illuminates the violent resistance associated with such fandom as it relates to the continual commodification of football. Much like the other articles in this volume, Kate Zambon’s examination of football highlights the violent nature of football society� Zambon takes an al- 4 Rebeccah Dawson ternative approach, however, in comparison to the other articles in this issue, in that she investigates the reality of racism in the cultural landscape of today’s German national team� Unlike the articles by Dawson, Knabe, and Heinsohn, “The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football” offers a no-holds-bar take on the reality of life as a player of color in the German footballing world and the subsequent performative non-performance which arises as a direct result� Considering the turbulent history Germany instigated in the early 20 th century, the article utilizes the ever present yet contentious topic of symbolic nationalism that has produced considerable public debate in recent years� In the end, Zambon argues that discourses on football echo and reformulate national politics of culture, race, and citizenship, revealing the problematic associations between footballers and societal integration in creating a new, “colorful” German nation� This special issue aims to further discourse on the role of football in the past, present, and future of German cultural landscapes� By examining each of these artifacts in detail in light of their respective eras of production, a clear trajectory of cultural understanding can be traced throughout football’s dynamic role in the production of German identity� While the sport remains the same at its core, the far-reaching effects of its literary, cinematic, and social renderings provide an opportunity to better understand the multifarious critiques, developments, and diversification of German culture. kanonen kicken köpfen� Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 5 kanonen kicken köpfen. Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” Rebeccah Dawson University of Kentucky Abstract: Following World War II, sport in West Germany faced the problem of disassociating itself from National Socialism. The Kölner Schule in particular sought to confront the Nazi past in the postwar present by challenging the mediums of literary form and language, eventually abandoned the pages of literature entirely in favor of cinema and radio-plays to establish true “critical realism�” In order to achieve this feat, authors like Ludwig Harig turned to football, allowing athletics to act as a tool to facilitate the desired change in literature after 1945. Influenced by Wellershoff’s Neuer Realismus, Ludwig Harig’s 1962 short story and subsequent Hörspiel “Das Fußballspiel” seek to reflect the chaotic and confusing incomprehensibility of postwar West Germany by turning to the realism of everyday experiences of the individual� Harig utilizes football in combination with radical literary form and language as the everyday where the violent fascist past of West German society can be accessed and confronted� “Das Fußballspiel” uses sport to question the indifference of society after 1945 and its inability to come to terms with its horrific past. By utilizing Adorno’s theories on sport and fascism in Prisms and “Education after Auschwitz,” this article elucidates how sport unveils the resistance of society in recognizing the ghosts of fascism still present in society, and subsequently how this reluctance reflects the refusal of West German society to reconcile with the horrific and violent recent past� Keywords: Kölner Schule , Realism, Hörspiel, sport, football, Neuer Realismus Though his literary interaction with sport first appeared in his short story “Das Fußballspiel” (1960), Ludwig Harig, an integral author of the Kölner Schule, continued to utilize the theme of football in critical realism throughout his literary career� Indeed, Harig composed and published a wide array of texts centered 6 Rebeccah Dawson on sport, including essays, short stories, radio plays, and poetry� While “Das Fußballspiel” emerged as his first work centered upon sport, his 1974 collection Netzer kam aus der Tiefe des Raumes, written in collaboration with Dieter Kühn, and Die Wahrheit ist auf dem Platz: Fußballsonnette (2006) 1 are considered his most notable contributions to athletically focused publications� There is no doubt that Harig fostered a love for all things football and recognized the merit in implementing it as an overarching theme in literary works� However, his short story “Das Fußballspiel”, and furthermore the transformed Hörspiel version of the piece, are both vital examples of the critical realism unique to post-World War II Germany that the author executes through the athletic realm� While he later produced collections of poetry focused on sport, his initial work centered on football was published in Ein Tag in der Stadt (1962), an iconic collection of texts promoting the style of Neuer Realismus e mbraced by the Kölner Schule, an avant-garde literary movement founded by Dieter Wellershoff in 1962� Included amongst iconic literary texts penned by authors like Rolf Dieter Brinkmann and Dieter Wellershoff, Harig’s text represents the first appearance of Neuer Realismus in Germany� Indeed, the roots of Harig’s literary career grew from the school’s attempt to create a new, critical realism grounded in everyday experiences rather than “modernism’s penchant for metaphysical transcendence and the universalization of a singular human ontology” (Langston 105)� Dieter Wellershoff’s notion of a new form of realism is self-admittedly indebted to the French nouveau roman pioneered by novelist Alain Robbe-Grillet in the late 1950s. Rather than follow the traditional form of the novel, Ann Jefferson notes that Robbe-Grillet proffered literature should foster a realism based on individual experiences of the everyday rather than the traditional plot, narrative, and character constellation (6)� It is these foundations that the Kölner Schule, and subsequently Harig’s short story, built upon to achieve a true critical realism� While the desire for this new realism was initiated in France as early as 1956, Wellershoff first introduced the concept into German literature in 1960 (in his text “Während”) 2 and first addressed the specific intentions of the genre in 1965 in his article “Neuer Realismus.” In the text, Wellershoff declares new realism as standing in direct opposition to fantastic, grotesque, and satirical postwar modernism, as epitomized in the works by Günter Grass (843—44)� Indeed, opponents of the Kölner Schule rejected the so-called critical realism of Gruppe 47, referring to their modernist style as seeped in what Peter Handke referred to as “Beschriebungsimpotenz” (30)� 3 While the school agreed that the postwar generation desperately needed a new form of realism, they saw Gruppe 47 as lacking the “signifikante literarische Techniken, um die Mängel, die für das Entstehung des Dilemmas [in der Gesellschaft] verantwortlich waren, zu verdeutlichten und beheben” (Arnold 118)� The perceived new reality in the years following World kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 7 War II could no longer be expressed with the traditional mode of modernism the Kölner Schule attributed to the works of Gruppe 47 and desperately needed a new outlet� In order to achieve this, members of the school strayed from the omnipotent narrator, turning to radical new forms of narration and structural framework, adding anti-grammatical and anti-syntactic language centered on the chaotic events of the everyday (Merkes 8)� Christa Merkes rightly notes: “Der ‘neue’ Mensch in dieser Literatur sucht seine Identität, die ihm nicht mehr vom allwissenden Autor zustanden wird und in dem Maß, in dem seine feste Welt als Bezugspunkt zerfällt und sein Innenleben die äußere Realität bestimmt, bestimmt sein Bewußtseinsstrom auch die Romanform” (8)� That is to say that this new trend turned to the inner workings of the individual rather than the narrative form of the novel adopted by schools like Gruppe 47. By relaying “eine Tendenz zum Alltäglichen” (9) in their works, the school’s writers created a “critical realism seeped in the sensual and concrete, the quotidian and present-day” (Langston 105)� Furthermore, the texts produced in this literary group differed greatly in form from other attempts at new realism� Authors turned to what Merkes calls “schizoide Bewußtseinsstrukturen, Textkollagen, verschiedene Textsorten, anti-grammatische und anti-syntaktische Strukturen […], deren formale Problematisierung jedoch einer äußeren Realität eher entspricht, als eine kohärente, die Welt abspiegelnde und interpretierende Version” (8)� The form of writing produced by these writers thus sought to reflect the fragmented state of society through the themes implanted in each work as well as formal structure� Storylines did not follow long periods in a character’s life as was common in the works of Gruppe 47, but rather they revealed a veritable snapshot of one day� It is no coincidence that the title of Wellershoff’s collection of stories which features Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” is Ein Tag in der Stadt. By turning to everyday experiences of the individual, literary scholar Wolfgang Powroslo argues, “[Wellershoff] griff ausdrücklich auf die Tradition realistischen Erzählens zurück in der Überzeugung, daß Literatur Erkenntnis in Gang setzen und gesellschaftliche Veränderung initiieren könne� Dies weist auf eine neue Aufmerksamkeit für das Alltägliche, scheinbar Bekannte und Geläufige hin” (11, 19)� Mirroring the viewpoint of a cinematic camera, the authors of the Neuer Realismus created a series of literary images capturing the chaotic and elusive nature of the everyday. Indeed, Wellershoff elaborates: “Der Schriftsteller will nicht mehr […] eine abgeschlossene Geschichte Allgemeingültigkeit und beispielhafte Bedeutung erreichen, sondern versucht möglichst realitätsnah zu schreiben, mit Aufmerksamkeit für die Störungen, Abweichungen, das Unauffällige, die Umwege, also den Widerstand der Realität gegen das vorschnelle Sinnbedürfnis” (843—44). Wellershoff’s Neuer Realismsus s ought to reflect the 8 Rebeccah Dawson chaotic and confusing incomprehensibility of postwar West Germany through such radical new form and language� Furthermore, the hallmarks of this novel critical realism allowed authors of the Neuer Realismus to voice the perceived problems and desired changes in society. According to Wellershoff, the school used avant-garde literary techniques as a method “die Gesellschaft immanent durch genaues Hinsehen [zu kritisieren]� Es ist eine Kritik, die im Produzieren der Erfahrung entsteht” (843—44)� That is to say that by creating a realism seeped in the everyday, the school sought to highlight and deal with societal problems through critical realism in literature� Harig utilizes the key characteristics of text-collages and anti-grammatical, anti-syntactical language emphasized in Wellershoff’s poetics of Neuer Realismus to reveal the chaos of reality in post-fascist West Germany through sport in his text. Harig’s participation in Wellershoff’s poetics can be best understood through the publication of “Das Fußballspiel” in Ein Tag in der Stadt. Its appearance on the literary scene in 1962 signified the spread of the ideas of Neuer Realismus as an attempt to portray the shortcomings rampant in postwar society� This article contends that Harig uses football in an attempt to access the “everyday” where the violent fascist past of West German society can be accessed and confronted through critical realism� Indeed, Harig questions of state of society after 1945 and its inability to come to terms with its horrific past, and it is through sport that the possibility for this interaction can come to fruition� After all, what better everyday activity could there be in West Germany during the wake of the 1954 so-called Miracle of Bern than football? These ordinary scenes of the everyday, however, reveal the problematic landscape posed in Harig’s text: the indifference, and even utter denial, of society in recognizing and confronting its fascist past� By utilizing Theodor Adorno’s theories on sport and fascism while also mapping Wellershoff’s conception of critical realism onto the structure of Harig’s text, I elucidate how sport unveils the resistance of society to recognize the ghosts of fascism still present in society� Furthermore, I illuminate how this reluctance reflects the refusal of society to reconcile with the horrific and violent recent past. In order to fully understand the theoretical map Adorno provides on sport and fascism, it is prudent to bring these theories into the realm of post-World War II West Germany society� Though society at the time overwhelmingly sought to avoid the atrocious memories of the Third Reich, theorists like Adorno openly proclaimed society as littered with characteristics of surviving totalitarian behavior� In his 1955 work Prisms, the philosopher elaborates on postwar society’s surviving fascist traits and highlights sport as the prime example� Adorno initially focuses on sport as a massively negative aspect of society by drawing a parallel between sporting events and fascist rallies: “[A]thletic events were the models for totalitarian mass rallies� As tolerated excesses, they combine cruelty and aggression with an authoritarian moment, the disciplined observance of the rules-legality, as in the pogroms of Nazi Germany and the people’s republics” (80)� Thus, Adorno reinforces the perseverance of totalitarian characteristics in postwar society, pinpointing this surviving mentality as thriving in sporting events� In addition to sport’s excessive totalitarian attributes within the stadium, Adorno criticizes athletes’ propensity towards violence, which he sees as a key fascist trait� His essay “Education after Auschwitz” likewise draws parallels between sport and fascist brutality by citing athletes as the ideal example of the hostile and violent traits of fascism� “In many of [sport’s] varieties and practices it can promote aggression, brutality, and sadism, [also] in people who do not expose themselves to the exertion and discipline required by sports but instead merely watch: that is, those who regularly shout from the sidelines” (25)� In his critique, then, Adorno links both the athlete and the spectator to the fascist ideals of Nazi Germany, which can be identified through sport in postwar society. Finally, Adorno describes athletic competition itself as the reincarnation of fascist ideals� In training, Adorno explains in his text “The Schema of Mass Culture,” the athlete displays the blind obedience characteristic of totalitarian regimes� Those who excel and succeed in both competitions and training are those “who are so utterly compliant with the expected behavior […] as they no longer feel resistance in themselves” (89)� According to Adorno, sport can quickly and easily strip one’s freedom� What is more, it can transform the individual to a submissive entity to be molded and “proclaim the undisguised law of the strongest which arises so naturally from the competitive domain” (90)� In other words, Adorno understands sport not only as a gateway to fascist hostility and violence through athletic competition, but the desire to succeed in such competitions culls the total submission and obedience prevalent in propagating a totalitarian mindset� 4 Indeed, Adorno’s view of sport is rife with connections to the aggression and mass mentality synonymous with Germany’s fascist past� It is precisely these poignant connections that elucidate the remnants of fascism society is faced with overcoming in Harig’s text� With his use of anti-grammatical and anti-syntactical language, Harig evokes the violent and fascist nature of sport as it relates to the sublimated totalitarian regime and brings forth the ghosts of the past in the present stadium� In order to understand the emphasis of these associations fully, the framework of Harig’s text must first be addressed. Rather than football encompassing the entirety of a stereotypical everyday as one might expect, the separation of sport and everyday life in “Das Fußballspiel” brings to light the societal difficulty in accepting the violent fascist ghosts of the kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 9 10 Rebeccah Dawson past� The football game in Harig’s text, however, constitutes only one portion of the larger whole� The story itself is divided into blocks of text, each distinctively set apart, with three larger sections numerically labeled� While sport constructs the entirety of Section II, it plays little to no role in either Section I or III� That is to say that sport remains an entirely separate category disassociated from the remaining aspects of the main character’s everyday life� Indeed, the man (he is given no actual name) arrives at the game alone and does not even mention the game or team when outside of the stadium� The atmosphere created around the game evokes the mundane yet meticulously prescribed nature of the man’s everyday life outside of sport� The description of the man’s activities before the game suggests precisely such a feel� “der mann [sic] hat schon seit einer geraumen weile seine brötchen gebrochen, den frühstückskaffee geschlürft, seinen mund abgewischt, ein frisches taschentuch in die rechte hosentasche gesteckt, hosen- und jackentaschen nach streichholzschachtel, zigarettenpaket, brille und geldbeutel abgeklopft und sitzt nun seit sechs minuten hinter dem steuer seines wagen auf dem weg” (Harig 119)� The man’s actions appear almost systematic and boring� Furthermore, the language used to describe the man’s movements can be understood as outwardly docile and pacifist, much like the societal outlook following World War II. Indeed, everyday cultural norms following the war involved a desire to break from the violent tendencies of the past and progress to a peaceful and docile existence, never looking back to the horrors of the past� Coinciding with this mentality, the man’s demeanor and actions in the story are almost boring in the mundane details of his everyday� Even before the game begins, the man follows this docile approach in his life� darin der mann [sic], nachdem er seine krawatte wiederzurechtgerückt und mit einem grasbüschel den staub von den schuhen gewischt hat, schließlich seinen gewohnten platz einnimmt, in die innere rocktasche faßt, mit geübtem griff seine brille aus dem in der tasche verbleibenden futteral befördert, aus der rechten hosentasche das zu einem akkuraten rechteck gefaltete und gebügelte taschentuch zieht, die gläser abwischt, und auf die nase setzt (136)� The concentration on such ordinary actions reflects the desired normalcy in postwar society after the catastrophes and violence synonymous with the Third Reich� Such descriptions are not only used at the beginning of the story in part one but in the third section as well� After the game, the man visits a bar before going home with no rumination of the athletic event he has just attended in the previous section of the story� Even after the actions of the match, the man returns to the same type of activities he engaged in before the match� When drinking at the bar, he “sucht sein taschentuch [sic] in der linken rocktasche, findet es beim brillenfutteral, […] holt es hervor, wischt die gläser ab und steckt es in die linke hosentasche” (157)� Not only does the non-violent nature of the text return after the game, but the man engages in the exact same action as before� Although he has just been to an action-packed, violent football match (which is examined below), there is no mention of the game afterwards� Indeed, his night is further detailed with such ordinary, mundane descriptions and fails to internalize the athletic scene he just witnessed in any form. Reflecting the desire to move away from the violent and war-driven mentality of the period of National Socialism, the events of the man’s day can be understood as a calm and emphasized routine with repeated submissiv acts of the everyday and not the violent virulence of the athletic events that transpired� This innocent mentality, however, is dramatically different in both composition and content from the actions in the football arena� In fact, the events of the man’s day are even presented separately in the story’s structure from those of the game, each set of text separated into its own block of “action�” Indeed, the explicit description and integration of sport only appears in the second section of the story with the rest of the man’s day serving as bookends on either side� Additionally, while the text blocks describing sequences not associated with the action of the game itself are composed in complete sentences (though there is no use of periods to end sentences or thoughts), the events in the arena feature an anti-grammatical and anti-syntactical form, using predominantly phrases and words rather than sentences or full thoughts� The alternating use of italics on text blocks throughout the story combined with the lack of punctuation variety (a plethora of commas without a period in sight), throws the actions of the day into utter chaos� One long train of thought becomes impossible to distinguish from another, the only breaks coming when the text blocks separate� The break into athletic-specific language, however, marks the start of Section II—its beginning explicitly stating that the entrance doors into the stadium are now closed and will not reopen, implying there is no going back from where they came� While the majority of the text from parts one and three reflect the passive, non-violent state of present society without interruption from the remnants of the past, sport in the text illuminates the conjured ghosts of violent fascism that have persevered� In fact, it traps the spectators and players alike into the stadium with the battlefield playing out before their eyes. The descriptions of both the stadium and the engagement of the fans with football emphasize sport’s innate link to fascism� Sport, then, becomes the activity where the effects of the surviving totalitarian mentality in postwar society can be encountered. This is first highlighted with the initial description of both the stadium and the players at the start of the match. Though Harig specifically kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 11 12 Rebeccah Dawson describes athletes arriving on an athletic playing field, the connection he draws is that of impending violence and war: “ die heerschau [ sic] struppiger gladiatoren […] aufmarschiert im schlachtfeld zehntausendachthundert quadratmeter geebnet liniert auf gedieh und verdarb zwischen den eckfahnen paralleler vernichtung, schwarz die prätoren netze und strafraum geprüft […]” (135—6)� 5 The game is cast as an act of war from the onset� Indeed, the players are never even referred to as athletes, but rather they are gladiators set to fight each other in the stadium before the higher levels of society� The words of Harig’s text likewise reveal the violent nature of the sporting event in the arena� The players march onto a “ schlachtfeld, ” transforming the pitch itself into a battlefield and the athletes into marching soldiers� The men are later referred to as “ stürmer” and move in “ flanken” (142)� While these terms can indeed be used to describe positions and actions, they carry a dual meaning here in their reference to war� To be sure, the initial description of the athletic game conjures strong notions of war and violence associated with the fascist Nazi dictatorship. The rendering of the players on the field is not only reminiscent of Adorno’s connection between modern sport and its violent fascist personality, but the stadium itself also draws a parallel between sport and the fascist rallies of the Third Reich� Indeed, the opening ceremony includes masses of fans cheering wildly while trumpets and instruments interspersed throughout the crowd sound loudly: “ alles drin, die zehntausende auf den rängen mit trommelfellmienen trompeten am schulterband falschgoldene hymneninstrumente, schützenkönigliche triumphtoren in der arena aufgepflanzt die heerzeichen schwarzblau ausstaffiert die kulisse […]” (135)� The players enter the stadium surrounded by thousands of cheering fans clad in team colors accompanied by the sound of drumbeats and trumpets� Both trumpets and drums, instruments associated with war and the battlefield, comprised a distinct musical component of Nazi rallies. Indeed, the image of eager and cheering onlookers surrounded by these instruments mirrors the image of countless Nazi rallies. Scholars such as Linda Jacobs Altman document accounts of such rallies and their musical accompaniment, concluding: “[Hitler’s enormous rallies] were grand, showy events with blaring trumpets, pounding drums, waving banners, and thousands of uniformed Nazis marching in close-order drill” (59)� Describing one such event, Joachim Köhler characterizes the model of Hitler’s Nuremberg rallies in the 1930s as littered with “flags and banners, trumpets and drums [and] brightly dressed citizens” (260) cheering in unison for their leader� To be sure, the stadium preparing for the start of the football match is not described in athletic terms but rather in those reminiscent of a Nazi mass rally complete with trumpets, drums, and diehard followers dressed in identical bright colors displaying their loyalty� Thus, the stage is set for the resurgence of a fascist battle in the epitome of the everyday events of West German culture, if only in a contained space� The connection between the fascist assemblies and sport is one likewise documented by Adorno in Prisms. In it, he argues that modern sporting events are “the models for totalitarian mass rallies� As tolerated excesses, they combine cruelty and aggression with an authoritarian moment” (80)� This description of sport parallels that produced in Harig’s text, linking the match to the barbarity and aggression of such totalitarian mass gatherings� Thus, before the match even begins, the introduction of the arena’s landscape has already culled a stark connection between the characteristics of modern sport and those of fascism� The stadium becomes a microcosmic space where fascism and war are left utterly exposed in postwar society, with spectators and players alike cheering in idolized support� The atmosphere and introduction of the game within the walls of the stadium is not the only link to fascism posited in Harig’s text� The actions of the game itself likewise draw an association to sport’s violent and aggressive nature in relation to totalitarianism� Harig does not, however, describe the actions of the players in narrative form, rather he uses a list of words and short phrases to relay the moves of the players of the match� What is of particular note in this description is the nature of the words used to convey action� As the man watches, it is as if a slaughter transpires before him as the ball moves around the field. “ vorgeschoben die attacke feld erobert tank im mittelabschnitt überrollt die barrikaden rempeln stoßen werfen foulen […] meistern schlagen treten hetzen kicken schieben scheibeln flanken schneiden köpfen schießen bomben feuern aufgebrochen in die mauer und die bombe auf das tor kanone abgezogen die granate […] kampf mit kalten waffen” (142—3)� Harig’s choice of words reveals the inherently violent and war-like nature of the game. Many even offer a double meaning, or a play on words if you will, such as foulen, schlagen, kicken, köpfen, schießen, in that they pertain to both football as well as battle� While these actions are most certainly applicable on the football pitch, they purvey a distinct connotation of violence when read in relation to the others surrounding them� The author’s wordplay mirrors the hibernating violence and terror of fascism� The severity of violence implied in the action in the game only further highlights Adorno’s direct association between sport and fascist violence� As detailed above, the game is not described in full narrative detail, but the violent vocabulary list is the only reference to the action on the field. No players are individually named, and the actions are not assigned to any specific player, revealing that these violent acts are not confined to any one player on the field but rather to the athletic group as a whole� This, then, postulates that brutality and aggression are synonymous with the game of football as well as the teams kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 13 14 Rebeccah Dawson themselves� Indeed, Adorno maintains this mindset in his essay “Education after Auschwitz,” where he argues that sport’s many forms and practices produce “aggression, brutality, and sadism” identical to those promoted during the Hitler regime (25)� This further suggests that the violence associated with war is not only a reference to the hostile aggression of fascism, but it is also present in the athlete’s actions in the stadium� Considering the violent acts of the players on the field, aggression, brutality, and sadism are the only aspects of the sport portrayed to the crowd in the story. Indeed, the actions on the field do little to dissuade the connection between sport and fascism confined to the athletic stadium� Bearing in mind the visions of war and violence associated with the football match the man attends, the association between sport and violence provides the outlet through which Germany’s fascist past can be accessed in postwar society� That is to say that the totalitarian tendencies in cultural production are magnified and examined via the athletic engagement in the stadium. The position of the game within the overall framework of Harig’s text, however, reveals that, while this aspect of postwar society indeed still exits and is even adored, it is kept entirely independent from the remaining parts of everyday life� In fact, it is even positioned in a markedly different section as compared to the rest of the text� This implies that while the possibility to confront the terrors of the past presents itself, the individuals in society neglect to realize it in their ordinary lives, only confronting it when enclosed in the fascist athletic microcosm of the stadium� If sport can be viewed, according to Adorno, as a link to a totalitarian mentality then the refusal of the man to implement-or even refer to or ponder -the game he just attended when outside of the stadium proves that he cannot connect the two aspects of his life� Even within the football section itself, the separate nature of active sport versus observant society is illuminated through structure, stylistic grammatical changes, and font changes utilized by the author. Not only are the sections dealing directly with the game separated into block portions of text set apart from the story’s main narration, but the game itself also occurs on its own, cordoned-off section of the story, physically separating it from the rest of the text� Moreover, the actions in the stadium are predominantly described in short phrases and individual words that lack any semblance of sentence structure� The phrases are reduced to increasingly violent verbs as the section progresses� Thus, the most violent actions are revealed in the greatest fragmentation of the text� Indeed, structural form and fragmented grammatical structure are common characteristics of the writings of the Kölner Schule. To be sure, Wellershoff proposed that structure and language in literature reflects “der Widerstand, an dem das Allgemeine konkret wird und zwar zugleich als Zeugnis und Kritik� […] Das gegen die Ordnung und Schemata gerichtetes Schreiben [gibt] die Komplexität der Welt heute am besten wieder�” ( Literatur und Veränderung 85)� Such characteristics are likewise found in Harig’s narrative and reflect the influence of Neuer Realismus on his text. Werner Jung discusses the ramifications of the author’s writing style, arguing that the differentiation in text font and the overall structure of the text are significant attributes when interpreting Harig’s work as it relates to the Kölner Schule (60—90)� The distinction in style and the separation of narration distinguishes the portions of the text associated with athletics as entirely separate space from the actions of everyday life� The portions between the football excerpts reveal the typical actions of the man on a daily basis and illuminate the desire in society to ignore any violent acts they may encounter along the way� In fact, once the man enters the stadium, the entry gates slam shut, leaving only the designated exit available� In other words, the spectators in the stadium have no choice but to move forward to exit exactly where they are told and may not retrace their steps to escape, forcing each to encounter the athletic battle confined to the stadium in some. Though the man remains in the stadium, he chooses not to explicitly engage with the exploits on the field before him, as reflected in the drastically different writing style and language used to distinguish the two parts� The segments dealing with sport remain entirely distanced from the man in both structure and language� While he does in fact attend and watch the game, which suggests that a confrontation with such totalitarian ideals is possible, he is not incorporated into it what is happening around him� Each section of athletic action is blocked off into separate, italicized sections. The man watches the action, but does not engage in it, not even in the textual composition of the story� Indeed, the text reveals a categorical shift in narration between these two scenarios, keeping them entirely separate from each other in both form and style� The words of the game are described in short choppy phrases or verbs, while the remaining narration, though not in entirely grammatically correct form considering the lack of capitalization and punctuation, contains run-on sentences rather than the oneor two-word phrases� Though the everyday narration of the man’s life may be chaotic, it is a far cry from the violently dictated actions of the football field. Thus, the Neuer Realismus inspired writing style that Harig utilizes in his text reveals a drastic dissimilarity between these two areas of the man’s life, separating the violent actions of the sporting activities from the calculated passivity of his ordinary life and thoughts� In identifying the fascist tendencies of sport described by Adorno, lingering aspects of Germany’s totalitarian past are brought to light in postwar West German society with the critical realism of the Kölner Schule. The containment of kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 15 16 Rebeccah Dawson such values within the walls of the stadium reflects the faded presence of such a past in the lives of West Germans after the fall of National Socialism in 1945. This neglect and inability to confront the past in postwar society, according to Adorno, “became the systematic building block of post-war German society” (“What Does Working Through the Past Mean? ” 3)� By understanding the fascist past’s violent role in the present within the confines of the stadium, Harig reveals the sports arena as the place where the man could confront and come to terms with the connotations and repercussions of the past� It is as if the stadium is a theater offering the screen through which the violent fascist characteristics of society can be viewed-the reality of society laid plain before the massive crowd of fans� The recognition and internalization of these attributes, however, is not guaranteed� The man leaves the stadium exactly as he entered, failing to incorporate sport into any other aspects of his life� Even the location of the stadium, in that it is explicitly revealed to be outside of the city, highlights the separation of the past from the present� He is locked into the stadium with the only exit before him, which is notably different than the entrance. In the end, the man leaves the stadium via this exit without acknowledging or questioning the virulent violence on full display on the football pitch� The nameless man leaves the athletic world as he entered it: unchanged and unthinking� Thus, “Das Fußballspiel” posits a society unwilling to identify and combine the associations of its lingering past into the continuous actions of the present� Though the possibility presents itself, as the man attends the football match alone every Sunday, there is no incorporation or even mention of the game in his other activities nor are there friends with whom he shares the experience� Harig, then, highlights the violent presence of fascist ideals through sport to unveil society’s neglected past and its refusal to confront and come to terms with a warring and aggressive history� The task of realizing this specter of aggression, however, lies solely with the reader� It is the recipient of the work, who, through viewing the separation of narrative action and the grammatical textual composition, is required to question both this separation and the rationale for it� This critical analysis is further emphasized when one considers the even greater onus placed on the listener of Harig’s Hörspiel version of the short story� For the members of the Kölner Schule, the limitations of literature fail to truly question the problem of language and structure in its realistic endeavor� In order to fully understand the critical realism of the Kölner Schule, one must turn to the audible advantages the author offers with the production of his Hörspiel variation� Indeed, while Harig’s short story attempts to move beyond the limits of the realism crafted by Gruppe 47, his Hörspiel progresses even further to exceed the limitations of the written literature of the Kölner Schule. In his radical use of language and structure in the short story “Das Fußballspiel,” Harig attempts to free both language and structure in literature from the traditional norms of previous literary trends to great success� Scholar Karl Riha touts Harig as mastering this linguistic freedom, stating: “Der poetologischen Kategorie nach handelt es sich [in Harigs Werken] um Mischtexte, also um literarische Produktionen, die von einem vorgefundenen Textstil ausgehen, wobei einzelne Textmomente wie Bilder, Sätze etc� herausgelöst und - aus ihrer ursprünglichen Kontextfunktion befreit - neu arrangiert, poetisch mobil gemacht werden” (3—4)� Taking this concept a step further, the genre of the Neues Hörspiel was viewed by writers like Harig as an even stronger means through which to critically depict reality, in that it frees linguistics attempts entirely from paper� Rather than silently reading words on paper, the radio play allows the listener to experience the action through monologues as well as added sound effects. Indeed, the Neues Hörspiel allowed authors to “unlock the literary text� It is a medium necessary in writing that allows one to do things that can only be described in prose” (Lermen 209)� To be sure, the new radio plays that emerged in the 1960s from authors of the Kölner Schule sought to create an even more accurate and innovative depiction of society than was possible in literature alone� Transitioning the text from physical to auditory reveals a critically realistic reflection of postwar society sonically accessible to the listener. Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel: Ein stereophones Hörspiel” (1962), as Max Bense notes, concentrates “vor allem auf die nicht Eindeutigkeit semantischer Bezüge des gesprochenen Wortes und des Höreindruckes” (243)� Johannes Kamps furthers this notion in his text “Aspekte des Hörspiels,” explaining that the listener is left only to concentrate on the tones, sounds, and words spoken, which, when focused on entirely, would resonate differently in each individual (499). For writers attempting to establish a novel form of realism, the listener is transformed into “ein neues Wahrnehmungsorgan sobald er zum Zuhörer wird, der aufgreift, was die anderen sagen, und wie sie es sagen” (Bense 243)� This intense experience of hearing the play’s mixture of voices and sounds was intended to create an experience inimitable to each listener, thus creating a uniquely processed understanding for the individual� Klaus Schöning proclaims this to be one of the most profound effects of the Neues Hörspiel, elaborating that: “Erst indem [der Zuhörer] sich einläßt auf seine eigenen Geschichten, seine eigenen Erfahrungen, Assoziationen, Emotionen, die im vorgeführten Spiel wiederentdeckt, stellt er die Geschichte her” (66)� The listener is to deduce his own meaning and interpretation from the radio play, using it to analyze and reflect inwardly on the world around him� In this respect, the new realism produced by the writers of the Kölner Schule was harnessed and produced not only in literary endeavors but also audio form for the radio� kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 17 18 Rebeccah Dawson The writers of the genre saw this as an opportunity to create social change, according to Wellershoff, through “die imaginativen Fähigkeiten” of the listeners (“Bemerkung” 339)� Indeed, the radio play’s new form appealed to members of the Neuer Realismus in its ability, as Norbert Otto Eke posits, to act “als eigenständiger Wirklichkeits- und (Selbst-) Erfahrungsraum” (148)� Furthermore, this open space was intended to “mobiliz[e] the imagination of the audience, who would thus engage in the process of coming to terms with the Nazi past” (Siegert 863)� Indeed, one of the main intentions of the new radio plays for the members of the Kölner Schule was to question the validity and state of societal norms (Barner 452—3)� While the print version of Harig’s story highlights the innate fascism of sport and its exclusion from one’s everyday life, the radio play focuses almost exclusively on the action occurring within the stadium� However, rather than a stream of consciousness form of narration from the man (he is again given no actual name), the play is relayed through individual monologues by the man and the crowd at the stadium� The actions that occur are reinforced by additional sound effects, such as the cheering crowd or the sound of a chain-link fence. While the majority of the game’s description remains the same, the major modifications in the radio play take shape in the introduction of a chorus of spectators in the stadium, the so-called “Stimmen,” and a drastically differing fate of the man� While in the printed text, he leaves the stadium, has a few beers at the bar, and eventually returns home to his wife, the man in the Hörspiel suffers a violent death at the hands of a mob while leaving the stadium� The aggressive acts in the game now internalized and voiced by the spectators in addition to the transference of this violence from the field outside of the stadium with the man’s horrific death reveals an even further escalated violence as compared to its printed version� By viewing the role of sport in Harig’s radio play in light of these differences from the short story-most specifically in the role of the spectators at the game-illuminates the dangers and ramifications produced in neglecting society’s fascist past� Indeed, football in Harig’s Hörspiel elucidates the elevated fascist violence that can plague a society unwilling to come to terms with the ghosts of its turbulent history� Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel: Ein stereophones Hörspiel” implements prominent Neues Hörspiel characteristics, most particularly word play and repetition by the spectators as well as background sounds meant to intensify the listening experience� Rather than written in a narrative form that juxtaposes the relayed action from the game with the thoughts and discourse of the man, the play fluctuates between the man’s isolated monologues, in which he thinks about other parts of his day, and the mass of spectators, who recount the action of the game in the football arena� However, while the focus of the man’s thoughts remains on issues outside of the stadium, his part in comparison to the original version of the text is notably understated� The role of the football game, however, dominates the entirety of the piece� In the printed story “Das Fußballspiel,” the spectators are confined mainly to a few references in the overall description of the match and the events therein� While the fans are described, we do not hear them speak in the story and they are generally not associated with the action of the game on the pitch� In the Hörspiel, however, the spectators are given a voice of a commentator, relaying the actions in the stadium to the listener� In other words, the fans and the game become one in the same� Therefore, any violence imparted on the field is likewise mapped onto the spectators and listener alike. Additionally, drums, trumpets, cheers, and screams are added in the background to augment the role of the spectators both inside the stadium and in the acts instigated after the game’s conclusion� Indeed, the first sounds the listener hears in “Das Fußballspiel: Ein stereophones Hörspiel” are not in the form of dialogue, rather, the stage directions call for a mixture of sounds: “ aufblenden: massengeräusch [sic] und aufschrei der masse, bedrohlich aufebbend. hinzu kommen blechtrommeln und trompteten” (161)� 6 Much like the scene described in the short story, the stadium is filled with the noise of the masses in addition to drums and trumpets� The opening scene of the radio play, then, harkens the fascist connotations of sport proclaimed in Adorno’s essay “Education after Auschwitz�” Indeed, the stadium brings across the feeling of being in the inside a Nazi rally. The combination of sounds literally brings forth the unique qualities associated with those of the mass rallies of the Third Reich� Furthermore, the cheers from the crowd and the instruments are repeated throughout the entirety of the play� While the chorus of spectators speaks, they are continually followed by an “ aufschrei der masse” (161—70) as well as the sounds of the drums and trumpets� That is to say that with each utterance of the spectators, the listener is greeted with fascist associations to National Socialism. That the noises are produced rather than read, however, gives the listener the feeling of being in the stadium itself amongst the masses and creates a sonic representation linking the stadium to fascism� Following these sounds, reporters recount the staging of the players on the field, which is identical to text of the short story and is read as if meant to be actual sport commentary accompanying a game� The spectators transmit the action of the game by chanting in unison, alternating only with the monologue voiced by the man� Indeed, as the match progresses, the spectators chant the actions occurring on the field and repeat the words with an increasing intensity until they are screaming: “rempeln / stoßen / werfen / foulen / meistern / schlagen / treten / hetzen / jagen / kicken / schieben / schneiden / köpfen / schießen / bomben / feuern / ” (169—70)� After each thought the man voices, the liskanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 19 20 Rebeccah Dawson tener is met with this chorus of words� While the chorus chants the succession of verbs above, they alternate this list with the repetition of “schießen / schießen / schießen/ ” (169)� Like the short story, these words hold dual meaning in their reference to both the game and the violence of combat� Unlike the short story where this string of words is generated only once, however, the crowd continually repeats the same combination of words, with each round growing in intensity� To be sure, any football fan watching a match has used these words in describing a game. In this regard, the listener identifies with both the action and fans with each word spoken, able to picture the scene in their minds’ eye� The repetition of the series, a trait common in the Neues Hörspiel, de-familiarizes the words from their original meanings-in this case, with the plays on the football pitch� That is to say that while these words may commonly be used in conjunction with football, they produce, when repeated, novel and increasingly violent connotations for the listener� Indeed, rather than simply denoting the action on the game, the increased intensity and individual repetition of the verbs crafts an audible representation of violence� While the verbs are listed in a paragraph in the short story, each is given its own line in the radio play, and each word is independently voiced with only a brief silence between words� As the tempo quickens, the intensity of the voices likewise rises� Moreover, the radio play adds the emphasized repetition of “schießen,” singling out a blatantly violent world reminiscent of war� Schießen, of course, also refers to shooting a goal, which would, in turn, lead to winning the game� As such, the dual meaning of the word simultaneously culls both violence and victory, melding the two thoughts into one spoken word� Harig presents these words spoken individually and therewith singles out the violence of the actions in order to relay a new, intensifying each connotation� Thus, the play is able to display the barbaric and aggressive fascist nature Adorno argues as innate in sport by simply uttering the actions of the game as they play out before the fans� The connection between sport and violence is poignant in the multiple meanings of the spoken words of Harig’s Hörspiel. Mario Leis comments on the brutal associations of the language used in relation to sport, stating: “In dem Stück wird vor allem die Nichteindeutigkeit semantischer Bezüge thematisiert. Es kommt immer wieder vor, daß Gewaltsemantik für die Sportsemantik in Anspruch genommen wird” (65)� The resulting understanding of sport in an increasingly aggressive light only further enforces the connection Adorno makes between sport and fascism� Moreover, the intensity and volume with which the words are spoken during the play reiterates Adorno’s connection between sporting events and fascist rallies of Germany’s not-so-distant past� As the spectators chant in unison, the association between violence and the image of a totalitarian rally likewise only increases for the active listener� The actions are not put forth by individual voices but rather many voices together chanting as one� The listener is left only with the chanted, aggressive words and rally sounds separating the thoughts voiced by the man, which expose the enduring violence still prominent in postwar society� Some scholars understand the extreme use of wording in Harig’s radio play as an attempt “auch die Extreme [des Hörers] zur Berührung zu bringen, indem er in der kollektiven Sprache die Spuren einer bestimmten Geisteshaltung aufzeigt” (Barner 461)� In identifying the aggressive violence and reflection of totalitarian rallies in the stadium, and thereby the fascist tendencies harbored in the sporting world, the listener is confronted with the lingering totalitarian past ignored by postwar society� Much like the printed short story, the role of the man in the radio play unveils a society ignorant of the totalitarian ghosts mirrored in the athletic arena� He does indeed attend the match, as evidenced by his entrance into the studio/ stadium and the sounds of him climbing over other spectators to his seat� However, after settling in, the thoughts of the man during the game are expressed as individual monologues kept entirely separate from the thoughts or dialogue of other spectators� When he speaks, the sounds of the stadium fall from the background to leave only silence surrounding his voice, further emphasizing his ostracization from the action of the game� Moreover, his thoughts do not follow the game, but rather his mind wanders to other aspects of his life� For example, the man reflects on a day earlier in the week: “das war / ein herrlicher tag [sic] / da im grünen / du wolltest kinder […]” (166)� Additionally, the man thinks of a walk from his apartment: “eine wohnung in der stadt im elften stock / und ich liebe so die rosen / und die nelkenbeete die so duften / und die wälder und die vögel […]” (166)� The thoughts of the man stray to his life outside of the stadium and reflect a peaceful area filled with a happiness in the things he sees every day. While he thinks of the flowers and aspects of nature he appreciates near his apartment, the man’s thoughts are kept entirely separate from the noise of the stadium and the spectators, reflecting the separation of the man from the events immediately around him� That is to say that though he exposes himself to the stadium, he refuses to acknowledge the sporting event or its fascist associations� The man likewise ignores the blatantly violent and totalitarian tendencies of sport as illuminated through the spectator’s chants as well as the atmosphere portrayed in the stadium� The last portion of the Hörspiel, however, brings these two poignant perspectives together, whereby the man is killed by the violent mob of spectators just outside of the stadium� Indeed, in addition to the war-conjuring connotations of the football game established with the listener inside the arena, the fans transport this violence outside the walls of the stadium. In a drastically different endkanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 21 22 Rebeccah Dawson ing than the short story, the radio play ends with the brutal death of the man as he exits the arena by a savage hoard of fans� While no rationale is given for his death, the chorus of voices again chants in unison as the man is killed: “schlagen ihn tot / schlagen ihn tot / treten ihn tot / treten ihn tot / treten / tot / treten / tottreten / tottreten/ […]” (179)� Considering the beating occurs outside the confines of the athletic arena, the spectators from the stadium have unleashed the contained violence of the field onto society at large. However, unlike the chanting in the stadium, the chorus maintains a monotone and somber voice while describing the man’s death� The words used also change as the chorus repeats them, unlike the set phrases uttered during the game� The multiple forms and sequence of the actions of the man’s death bring forth a vivid sound of the violence used in his killing� He is literally and forcibly stamped out by those leaving the stadium around him� The fact that the chorus does not change its tone throughout the final series of actions suggests the indifference of the crowd towards such brutality. In the moments following the game, the crowd appears to be apathetic in their actions, revealing the commonality, and perhaps even normalcy, of such violence in society� This, then, suggests that the viciousness associated with the fascist past has likewise become commonplace and overlooked� As the man dies, the radio play ends with the chorus simply stating in steady, somber unison: “vorüber / und vorbei / verloren” (181), which concludes the play� The words of the chorus reveal multiple meanings at this point in the piece, signifying at once the death of the man, the end of the game as well as the conclusion of the play� If the spectators of Harig’s Hörspiel can be understood as mirroring the fascist past Germany continues to ignore in the present, the death of the man outside of the stadium illuminates the dangers of such ignorance. The apathetic yet unified voice of the spectators during the killing and report of the end both suggest the disillusionment the spectators embody when inflicting such violence. Furthermore, the murder does not occur inside the stadium, where the athletic war has just taken place, but rather it follows the man outside of the stadium, refusing his departure and re-entrance into normal society� This added dimension of spectator actions emphasizes the dangers in disregarding the violent past and its lingering effects in the present. Rather than confront and deal with the violent display of athleticism with other fans in the arena, the man remained ignorant, only to be literally trampled out of existence� The added auditory element of Harig’s Hörspiel most certainly deepens the associations between fascism and sport as well as the increasing violence this connection exerts both inside and during its novel appearance outside of the stadium� Rather than simply reading the text in silence, the listener is exposed to a barrage of sounds from the stadium, virtually transporting the listener into the stadium alongside the chorus of spectators� Furthermore, the Hörspiel relays not only the end of the man’s life outside of the stadium but also the extent of this utterly senseless and violent act-both aspects notably absent from the story’s printed, literary version� In hearing the sounds of the stadium, the listener is transferred into the realm of a totalitarian rally� The structure and intensity of the violent verbs of the text reflect the escalation of violence the listener experiences� This aggression is subsequently transposed onto the spectators themselves, as is revealed in the active violence inflicted on the man. That is to say that while the aspects of sport within the stadium provide access to the fascist past, the transference of the violence into the hands of the spectators reveals the presence of sport’s fascist traits outside of the arena� The death of the man suggests that one cannot escape the totalitarian tendencies elucidated by sport� Indeed, the man does not recognize the qualities presented in the stadium through the fans or the violence of the game� In his ignorance and retreat to his ordinary life, the man is consumed and destroyed by the mob in an escalation of outward aggression� The introduction of the Neues Hörspiel to the 1960s cultural scene emphasized the listener’s auditory exposure to the characters’ internal thoughts and experiences rather than a literary focus on the narrative and external surroundings as bound by the written form. In fact, Bernhard Siegert argues that the defining element of this new form of Hörspiel was precisely the exposure of the audience to an imaginary inner space prompted by what was heard� This was achieved in an attempt to “mobilize the imagination of the audience, who would thus engage in the process of coming to terms with the Nazi past.” (Siegert 863). In the case of Harig’s radio play, the listener is freed from the confines of written language and sonically exposed to the violence and hostility mirrored in sport that cannot be read but rather is heard, felt, and internalized by sounds accompanied by the strategic use of unique words and phrases� What is more, the onus is firmly on the listener of the Hörspiel to experience this violence and critically ponder its meaning� Indeed, through the auditory stimulation of the radio play, the listener sonically experiences the ghosts of fascism in the present, which postwar society sought to ignore� Furthermore, the listener is presented with the ramifications of ignoring the latent fascism, namely the death of the man at the hands of his fellow football fans� Thus, the listener is presented with a cautionary tale of the consequences in denying the virulent violence of postwar society’s immediate past� kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 23 24 Rebeccah Dawson Notes 1 Both works listed above contain poetry focused on football and were written in honor of Germany, or West Germany as is the case in 1974, acting as host for the World Cup tournament� 2 The first reading of this text occurred at the annual meeting of Gruppe 47 in 1960� According to Reinhard Lettau in his text Die Gruppe 47 , Wellershoff initially belonged to Gruppe 47 before forming the Kölner Schule in 1962 (215)� 3 Peter Handke, like Wellershoff, was a member of Gruppe 47 until the early 1960s, when he argued their particular form of realism lacked the ability to accurately describe the contemporary reality of West Germany� 4 Though he offers a critique of the traits associated with sport, Adorno provides no apparent solution to this problem in Prisms or “Education after Auschwitz�” He merely uses sport as a lens through which to witness the residual corruptive and violent totalitarian tendencies of sport in contemporary society� 5 All use of italics in quotations is identical to the original text and has not been added by the author of this article� 6 All quotes attributed to the radio play are cited from the script likewise entitled “Das Fußballspiel: Ein stereophones Hörspiel” by Ludwig Harig� Works Cited Altman, Linda Jacobs� Holocaust, Hitler, and Nazi Germany. Berkeley Heights: Enslow, 1999� Adorno, Theodor W� “Education after Auschwitz�” Can One Live After Auschwitz? A Philosophical Reader. Ed� Rolf Tiedemann . S tanford: Stanford University Press, 2003: 19—33� ---� Prisms: Studies in Contemporary German Social Thought. Trans� Shierry Weber Nicholsen and Samual Weber. Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983. ---� “The Schema of Mass Culture�” Theodor W. Adorno: The Culture Industry and Selected Essays on Mass Culture. Ed� J�M� Bernstein� London: Routledge, 2002: 61—97� ---� “What Does Working Through the Past Mean? ” Can One Live After Auschwitz? A Philosophical Reader. Trans� Rodney Livingstone� Ed� Rolf Tiedemann . S tanford: Stanford University Press, 2003: 3—18� Arnold, Heinz Ludwig, ed� Die Gruppe 47: Ein kritischer Grundriß. Munich: edition text + kritik, 1980� Barner, Wilfried� “Von der Rollenrede zum Originalton: Das Hörspiel der Sechziger Jahre�” Geschichte der deutschen Literatur von 1945 bis zur Gegenwart. Ed� Wilfried Barner� Munich: C�H� Beck, 1994: 452—62� Bense, Max. “Nachwort.” Ludwig Harigs “Ein Blumenstück. " Ed� Johann Maria Kamps� Wiesbaden: Limes, 1969: 239—46� Eke, Norbert Otto. Wort / Spiele: Drama - Film - Literatur. Berlin: Erich Schmidt Verlag, 2007� Handke, Peter� “Zur Tagung der Gruppe 47 in USA�” Ich bin ein Bewohner des Elfenbeinturms. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1999: 29—34� Harig, Ludwig� “Das Fußballspiel�” Ein Tag in der Stadt. Ed. Dieter Wellershoff . C ologne: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1962: 118—67� ---� “Das Fußballspiel: Ein stereophones Hörspiel�” fußball literarisch oder Der Ball spielt mit dem Menschen. Ed� Karl Riha� Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch, 1982: 161—81� Jefferson, Ann. The “Nouveau Roman” and the Poetics of Fiction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984� Jung, Werner� “Brot fürs Ohr? ” Du fragst, was Wahrheit sei? : Ludwig Harigs Spiel mit Möglichkeiten. Bielefeld: Aisthesis Verlag, 2002: 60—90� Kamps, Johann M� “Aspekte des Hörspiels�” Tendenzen der deutschen Literatur seit 1945. Ed� Thomas Koebner� Stuttgart: Alfred Kröner, 1971: 480—501� Köhler, Joachim� Wagner’s Hitler: The Prophet and His Disciple. Trans� Ronald Taylor� Cambridge: Polity, 2001� Langston, Richard� Visions of Violence: German Avant-Gardes After Fascism. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2008. Lermen, Birgit� Das traditionelle und neue Hörspiel. Padeborn: Ferdinand Schöning, 1975� Lettau, Reinhard� Die Gruppe 47: Bericht, Kritik, Polemik. Ein Handbuch. Berlin: Hermann Luchterhand, 1967� Merkes, Christa� Wahrnehmungsstrukturen in Werken des Neuen Realismus. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 1983� Powroslo, Wolfgang� Erkenntnis durch Literatur: Realismus in der westdeutschen Literaturtheorie der Gegenwart. Cologne: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1976� Riha, Karl� “Ludwig Harig�” Harig lesen. Eds� Gerhard Sauder and Gerhard Schmidt-Henkel� Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1987: 1—11� Schöning, Klaus� “Anmerkungen und Zitate zu Franz Mons Hörstücken�” Franz Mon: Text und Kritik. Ed� Heinz Ludwig Arnold� Munich: edition text + kritik, 1978: 61—75� Siegert, Bernhard� “1953, March 26: Coming to Terms with the Past�” A New History of German Literature. Ed� David Wellbery� Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005: 861—6� W ellershoff, Dieter. “Bemerkung zum Hörspiel.” Akzente 8� Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1969: 331—343� ---. “Neuer Realismus.” Werke 4� Eds� Keith Bullivant and Manfred Durzak� Cologne: Kiepenheuer & Witsch, 1997: 843—4� ---� Literatur und Veränderung: Versuche zu einer Metakritik der Literatur. C ologne: dtv, 1969� kanonen kicken köpfen � Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” 25 East Germans Rehearse the Uprising: GDR Football Stadiums as Testing Grounds for the 1989 Revolution in Ernst Cantzler’s … und freitags in die “Grüne Hölle” Oliver Knabe University of Dayton Abstract: Through the lens of cinema, this article focuses on the subject of football as a powerful medium of political expression. It is the first comprehensive analysis of the 1989 DEFA film … und freitags in die “Grüne Hölle” by Ernst Cantzler and it reads the documentary in close relation to the historic developments during the late years of the GDR� Viewing the football stadium as a symbolic stand-in for East Germany, this article understands Cantzler’s work as a well-crafted montage that-metaphorically-lays out two possible scenarios for the end of German division: a peaceful revolution and a violent uprising� Keywords: East Germany, GDR, football, soccer, DEFA, hooliganism, reunification, Cold War, cinema, documentary, stadiums 30 Meter im Quadrat nur Minenfeld und Stacheldraht nun wisst ihr wo ich wohne Ich wohne in der Zone� … Doch einmal wird es anders sein dann reißen wir die Mauer ein Wir sperren alle Bullen ein [Union] wird Deutscher Meister sein 1 (Zonenlied) 28 Oliver Knabe More than 30 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, visitors of East German football grounds can still occasionally hear the chant above-the ‘Zonenlied’-sung by the fans in the stands� Today the use of these lyrics can mostly be ascribed to notions of Ostalgie� 2 They create a distinguishing identity for East German football fans within the post-reunification football discourse in which former GDR clubs and their supporters play a marginal role� 3 Prior to German reunification, however, these lyrics conveyed subversive messages that challenged the polity of the GDR by expressing feelings of entrapment and the peoples’ desire for political change� This “Zone’s” claustrophobic proportions serve as a descriptor for the citizens’ experience of constrained mobility and stifled individuality. Sung in the tune of the British rock band Uriah Heep’s 1971 chart hit “Lady in Black,” the song is indicative of the East Germans’ ever-growing affinity to Western culture which, for the GDR’s authorities, also signified the rejection of socialist ideologies. Not only do the singers of these lines long for a dismantling of the inner German border but by predicting a German instead of an East German championship win for their team, they evoke the end of the GDR altogether� Yet, how this end is to be achieved remains ambiguous� While the destruction of the Wall and the imprisonment of the police (“Bullen”) signal a violent solution, the song’s tonal kinship to “Lady in Black” allows for a peaceful interpretation� The ballad’s original lines: “But she would not think of battle that / Reduces men to animals / So easy to begin / And yet impossible to end” (Uriah Heep) are the emphatic rejection of the lyrical subject’s call to arms: “And I begged her give me horses / To trample down my enemies / So eager was my passion to devour this waste of life.” Realizing that this conflict would never bear any winners and would only result in the deaths of “brothers,” the subject ultimately abandons his desire for carnage� Through the melody, the ‘Zonenlied’ is imbued with the pacifist resolution of “Lady in Black” and thus with some hope for a peaceful path towards Germany’s reunification despite the alluded violence in the fans’ rendition� Peaceful or violent, chanting for a revolution transforms the football stadium momentarily into a political realm, the space becomes a microcosm pro tempore for the GDR� This relation between the Republic and its football sites is itself addressed in the song’s opening verse� By chanting “30 Meter im Quadrat” inside the stadium, the politically restrictive “Zone” is immediately tied to the spatially limited sectors ( Sektoren) , which often were in fact only a few dozen square meters in size. It is this particular conflation of the East German state and its football stadiums as well as the citizens’ desire to overcome the demarcations of both these spaces that will constitute the focus of this article� The medium of the motion picture, with its flexibility in terms of visual perspectives and its ability to capture movement, lends itself to the examination of East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 29 such spatial relations and the dynamics of border-crossings� However, archives offer us only a limited collection of East German football films. While the GDR’s DEFA studio produced a variety of sports-related movies ranging from gymnastics and high diving to automobile racing, boxing, wrestling, and long-distance running (among others), East Germany’s most popular game-football-only made its way into the oeuvres of a few filmmakers. What appears contradictory initially, becomes more conclusive once we consider that the GDR’s film production was a state-run enterprise and thus naturally tied to the concerns of the Socialist Unity Party (SED)� Especially during the last two decades of the regime, the Party’s relationship to football and its supporters had become increasingly contentious� The government saw in the fan scenes the potential to compromise the carefully cultivated image of a functioning and prospering socialist German state� In addition to unpredictable spectator behavior such as public political defamations 4 and organized football violence, the authorities were worried about the growing number of fan clubs� Among the SED leadership, these often autonomously governed groups were considered “a rallying point for politically indifferent or oppositional elements” (Braun 415, 424). A cinematic promotion of this sport on a larger scale could therefore not have been in the Party’s interest. Unsurprisingly, the few East German football films that did make it onto cinema screens and/ or national television ultimately revolved around popular socialist concepts such as camaraderie and community� 5 Yet, these films do not constitute a homogeneous corpus with a consistent image of East German socialism� GDR historian and football scholar Alan McDougall concluded that DEFA’s football films, in addition to reflecting “the shifting political priorities” of the state, also capture “public sentiments that constitute […] a sense of nationhood,” providing us with “revealing insights into the evolution of the socialist project” (McDougall, “Eyes on the Ball” 16—7)� While the 1960 children’s film Der Neue Fimmel ( The New Craze) , for instance, still depicted the East German state as an idealized socialist community in harmony with football, DEFA’s last production within the football genre, the 1989 documentary … und freitags in die “Grüne Hölle” (… And Fridays at the “Green Hell”) , “powerfully evoked the breakdown of the unspoken social contract between citizens and regime” and showed a clear divide between the game’s spectators and the socialist state (McDougall, “Eyes on the Ball” 17)� Since the following investigation is concerned with the intersections of East German spectator behavior in football stadiums and the growing desire among the state’s citizens to challenge their country’s borders, the historical emphasis of this article will lie on the GDR’s final years. Between 1985 and 1989, the Stasi (or Ministry for State Security) had registered a dramatic increase in successful attempts by East German citizens to escape the GDR. While officials recorded 30 Oliver Knabe 627 illegal border-crossings in 1985, this number roughly doubled in each of the next three consecutive years before a staggering 53,576 GDR citizens would escape from the East to the West in 1989 (Eisenfeld 49)� 6 During the same time, fan violence in football stadiums had become a permanent characteristic of the game on both sides of the Iron Curtain (McDougall, “Whose Game is it Anyway” 203)� The reasons for such unrests varied from country to country, yet the behavioral manifestations of spectator violence showed little deviations across borders� During these unrests, the challenging and breaking down of stadium demarcations by supporters had become earmarks of the game itself and found expressions in ritualized pitch and block invasions-violent advances that regularly resulted in physical confrontations with the attending law enforcement� The film that fits the historical parameters and captures authentic footage of East German fan behavior inside the Republic’s football stadiums is the aforementioned … und freitags in die “Grüne Hölle” by Ernst Cantzler. Officially released five months before the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, this film not only provides a commentary on the eroding state borders of East Germany in its final years but also exhibits football stadiums as the GDR’s testing grounds for a coming revolution� Following a short introduction of Grüne Hölle, this article will demonstrate how Cantzler’s documentary serves as a cinematic thought experiment which uses the realm of football to play through two scenarios of political change for the GDR. While the film’s images of the match in Karl- Marx-Stadt (today Chemnitz) offer the viewer a metaphoric outlook at a peaceful uprising, the events in Leipzig sketch a conflict of uncontrollable violence at the inner German border� In forty-seven minutes, Grüne Hölle tells the story of the Union Berlin fan club BSV Prenzlauer Berg and its adolescent members during the 1987-1988 Oberliga season� 7 As we follow BSV’s leader Andreas Schwadten and his friends for their weekly football games, we are taken across the German Democratic Republic, from Berlin to cities such as Karl-Marx-Stadt, Leipzig, and Riesa� Through this travel footage in addition to interview sequences and scenes from the stadiums, filmmaker Ernst Cantzler and scriptwriter Burghard Drachsel hoped not only to capture authentic fan club culture and its members’ attitudes toward life and their country, but also provide a more balanced account of football fans in general� In an unpublished 2018 interview, Drachsel recalls the negative image that dominated public perceptions of the supporters� Ausschlaggebend war, dass damals in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung ein ziemlich negatives Bild der Fans gezeichnet wurde� Für die Mehrheit wurden sie pauschal als Rowdys und Außenseiter der Gesellschaft diskreditiert� Dem wollten wir etwas entgegensetzen und genau hinsehen, wollten erfahren, was sind das für Leute und wo liegen die Ursachen für ihre Aggressivität� (Baumert and Drachsel) 8 Yet, this type of causal investigation was not part of the state’s approach in dealing with football supporters� “Für die Staatsmacht,” Drachsel added, “waren die Fangruppen ein Phänomen, das bekämpft werden musste�” Kämpfe -or combat- was indeed what Cantzler and his team had witnessed throughout the 1987-88 season: fights between fans and the police but also between supporters from opposing teams. Imbedded in these confrontations, the filmmaker captured the symptoms of an ailing society-symptoms which manifested themselves in images of destruction and physical harm, as well as audio tracks exposing anti-Semitic slurs which by no means aligned with the government’s self-perception as an anti-fascist state� 9 During the final stages of production, the film underwent several deletions, sound edits, and one reshoot before the Division Film Approval of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs ( Kulturministerium) officially cleared Grüne Hölle for public screenings on May 26, 1989� Despite these adjustments, however, the Ministry’s concerns remained as “Cantzler’s film cut too close to the political bone” (McDougall, “Eyes on the Ball” 17)� The director’s somber and sobering portrayal of the state and its youth had created a predicament for the reviewers, some of whom had taken a liking in the aesthetics and the pedagogical value of the documentary� The assessment by Heinz Rüsch, DEFA’s studio director at the time, illustrates the indecision that Cantzler’s film had caused among the members of the Ministry. Rüsch acknowledged the documentary’s excellent cinematography and Cantzler’s competency in creating verisimilitude when he rightfully praises the well-jointed visual language as well as the film’s dedication to social accuracy in its depiction of the football fans’ daily lives� “Gerade die Ehrlichkeit des Materials,” he wrote, “ist dabei von unschätzbarem Wert” (Rüsch 2)� Yet, we must assume that it is this very honesty which cost the documentary a wider audience� “Der Film sollte in Sonderveranstaltungen eingesetzt weden,” reads his final recommendation which was ultimately followed by the production of only two physical copies of the film (Ibid. 2). Aware of the documentary’s potential efficacy, the Division Film Approval’s focus lay on a controlled and cautious distribution-outside of the GDR’s regular cinema programs and limited to an age-restricted audience� Furthermore, the reviewers explicated the setting they had envisioned for these special events where they hoped to provide adolescent football fans with a critical distance to their own behavior ( Zum Einsatz 1)� Grüne Hölle screenings were to be followed up by guided discussions which, one assumed, would help amplify said critical distance� For this purpose, it was recommended to bring in FDJ and/ or state officials from sportsand cultural affairs (Ibid. 1). Having such re- East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 31 32 Oliver Knabe strictive terms attached, this cinematic document-with its potential to generate understanding and tolerance (“Verständnis und Toleranz,” Rüsch 2)-only made it onto the screens of three cities (Neubrandenburg, Rostock, Leipzig) before, ultimately, the reunification’s sweeping transformations shifted the focus away from East German cultural production� Overrun by the rapid westernization, this documentary about the Republic’s critical state of affairs and the youth’s desires had lost its raison d’être� Grüne Hölle would not make an appearance on television until 1994 when the East German Broadcasting Brandenburg (ORB) re-introduced the film in the context of its series Rückblick. 10 With the beginning of the twenty-first century and the club’s surprising success on the national football stage, multiple sequences of Cantzler’s film could suddenly be seen in two so-called DSF Reportagen, documentaries produced by the commercial broadcaster Deutsches Sport Fernsehen. In October 2006, Grüne Hölle resurfaced again as a whole when it was publicly screened in Berlin-Friedrichshain’s movie theater Kosmos as part of the presentation of the book Eiserne Menschen. Within one year of this event, Icestorm Entertainment issued the first DVD edition. With its supplemental title “Ein Film über Fußballfreunde des 1� FC Union Berlin” (A Film about Football Friends of 1�FC Union Berlin), this release was mostly aimed at Berlin’s football fans and connoisseurs of the East German football scene. In 2009, the film was finally introduced to a larger audience at Berlin’s annual 11mm International Football Film Festival, and in 2014 Germany’s Federal Agency for Civic Education ( Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung) provided the documentary with a public platform through its digital media library� By describing Grüne Hölle as a piece of exciting contemporary history (“ein Stück spannender Zeitgeschichte”), the agency invited the audience to view the film as more than just a football documentary but rather as a document of the country’s political change which just so happens to be about football (Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung)� Until this point, the film had been largely overlooked by scholars and critics alike, with the exception of Jan Tilman Schwab who included a short entry on Grüne Hölle in his 2006 encyclopedia on football films (930—933). However, the documentary’s digital availability coincided with an increase in scholarly engagement. In line with the agency’s promotion of the film, Alan McDougall called attention to Cantzler’s work, presenting it to the academic football discourse as a critical cinematic witness of Germany’s recent past ( The People’s Game; “Whose Game is it Anyway? ”; “Eyes on the Ball”)� Building on McDougall’s work, this essay shifts the understanding of Grüne Hölle from a historical document to a cultural artifact which bears complex layers of meaning comprised of symbolism, careful montage, and cultural references� Immediately in Grüne Hölle’s first scene, the audience is presented with an aura of conflict. Cantzler’s opening medium shot shows us the lower part of a house’s exterior wall-a building that has clearly seen better days� Its grey, crumbling concrete facade displays a shoemaker’s decomposing shop sign as well as a label cut off by the film’s frame reading “Anfertigung” (manufacture). On this image of decay, which raises the question if there is in fact anything still being manufactured at the store, someone had painted in white letters the words ‘Eisern Union,’ the slogan of Berlin-Köpenick’s football team 1� FC Union Berlin� Likely intended by the anonymous ‘artist’ as a territory marking for rival fans, this graffiti can also be read-detached from its football context-as a defiant political message� While the German adjective “eisern” stands for qualities such as relentlessness, rigidity, perseverance and resilience, the noun “Union” holds a semantic breadth spanning from the alliance and confederation of states to fusion and unity� With the latter’s political connotations, the football slogan takes on the role of a publicly displayed dissident code that both rejects Germany’s status quo of separation and posits a demand for a united nation� Acoustically, the film’s opening is accompanied by forceful bugle sounds, an aggressively loud off-screen crowd shouting the Union slogan, and a long piercing whistle, which could easily appear to those unfamiliar with the world of football as the beginning of a battle. With only one shot and five seconds into Grüne Hölle, Cantzler has established the central themes for his documentary: an ailing society, the notion of unity, and the looming threat of violence� As the bugle sounds grow louder, a J-cut reveals the alleged ‘battleground’ for political change� It is Karl-Marx-Stadt’s Dr�-Kurt-Fischer-Stadium where at that exact moment the referee had ended a football ‘battle’ after 90 minutes� At the center, a celebrating goalkeeper abruptly turns toward the standing terraces to welcome an enthusiastic supporter onto the pitch� Just moments earlier, the latter had climbed the security fence and crossed the cinder track� These compromised demarcations within the stadium build the focal points of the following actions� As the camera closes in on the supporters’ section, viewers become aware of numerous others who have also started climbing the barriers� At the same time, East German police forces are frantically charging onto the cinder track which, just moments ago, had served as a no-man’s-land between players and fans� However, their initial attempt to prevent the Berliners from uniting in celebration with those eleven men wearing their red and white colors failed� Eventually, the police’s resistance ceases and their green uniforms are swallowed by the celebrating masses. The pitch fills up quickly with hundreds of Union supporters who stream onto the field from multiple entry points within the stadium. The lines of division are temporarily suspended as field and terraces have merged into one space of joy� Ecstatic Berliners embrace each other East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 33 34 Oliver Knabe while singing, screaming, and waving their flags to celebrate a last-minute victory, which saved the club from seemingly inevitable relegation� The film then moves forward and a few days later, back in Berlin, eyewitness Mathias Dächsel recalls these moments in an interview at the local pub Grüne Hölle, the fan club’s regular meeting site� Ick bin gleich runter zum Zaun, und rüber, bin zwar oben noch fast hängen jeblieben aber ick hab es irgendwie jeschafft. Und auf eenmal stand vor mir irgend so ‘n Ordnungshüter und hat jemeint, ick soll wieder zurück, oder so� Da habe ick ihm bedeutet: „Na, warum soll ick denn jetzt alleene wieder zurück, wenn hunderte schon druf sind? Wat nützt es denn da, wenn ick da och zurückgehe? Ick will bloß meiner Mannschaft mal gratulieren�“ Da hat er och nüscht weiter jesagt� Konnte er och nüscht weiter sagen� Und da war ja och nüscht weiter� Die Leute haben da jejubelt, haben den Spielern die Souvenirs ausjezogen, dass die dann nur noch in Hosen runterjejangen sind und so� […] Und dann sind sie auch alle friedlich runter vom Rasen� 11 Colored in a thick Berlin dialect, Dächsel’s recollections of this game in Karl- Marx-Stadt in May 1988 bear a number of striking similarities to the border-crossing narratives that would emerge one and half years later: the initial reluctance of those guarding the demarcations, their eventual withdrawal, the borderline’s asynchronous collapse, people bringing back a souvenir, an exuberant but peaceful celebration followed by the eventual return� Even the familiar assurances of the November-9-border-crossers, that the trip to the other side would only be temporary and would simply serve as a brief reunion with someone dear to them, was part of Dächsel’s prophetic anecdote� What is neither mentioned by Dächsel here nor addressed by Cantzler in his Karl-Marx-Stadt narrative are the critical moments during that day� Prior to the celebrations-and seconds after the home team had gained yet another one-goal advantage-the film crew witnessed the game’s first breach of the stadium’s fencing� While it did not make it into the documentary, this initial, more aggressive advance by the Berlin supporters did not go unnoticed by the state’s secret police, as evidenced by their report� Nach der Halbzeitpause des Spiels gelang es ca. 150 Anhängern des 1. FC Union Berlin sich in den Block hinter dem Tor des FC Karl-Marx-Stadt zu begeben, was zu diesem Zeitpunkt Block der Gastgeber war� Als in der 68� Spielminute das 2: 1 für Karl-Marx- Stadt fiel, trieben die Anhänger des 1. FC Union Berlin die umliegenden Gastgeberanhänger in die Flucht� (Lehnert 2) A similar omission must be noted for the hours after the game� On their way back to the capital, approximately one-thousand Berliners continued their celebration aboard an overcrowded train� Intoxicated by their team’s victory and considerable amounts of alcohol, the supporters did not only delay their own arrival through the repeated illegal use of the train’s emergency breaks but also engaged in considerable vandalism� The list of damages, recorded duteously once again by the Stasi, reads as follows: So wurden in diesem Wagen die Fenster von 2 Wagentüren beschädigt, eine WC-Tür herausgebrochen, die gesamte Beleuchtung beschädigt, die Querstreben der Gepäckfächer herausgebrochen und die Deckenverkleidung teilweise aufgebrochen� Diese Beschädigungen wurden durch das mitreisende Kamerateam einer Dokumentarfilmgruppe der DEFA aus Babelsberg nach der Fahrt aufgezeichnet� (Ibid� 1—2) Grüne Hölle’s cinematic composition relies heavily on train scenes and, during its second half, on images of violence� Yet, these particular visuals of destruction from the return ride to Berlin, though evidently recorded by Cantzler’s camera crew, were omitted in the final cut altogether. What could appear as diplomatic deletions for the sake of the film’s mission- to provide the public with a more balanced image of football fans-is in fact part of the documentary’s underlying montage strategy� 12 By leaving out the block invasion and escape shots during the match as well as the vandalism afterward, the film’s Karl-Marx-Stadt narrative remains exclusively focused on the positive idea of a joyous party and a season’s happy ending� If we comprehend the collapsing stadium demarcations in Karl-Marx-Stadt in their metaphoric (and, indeed, prophetic) sense, then Ernst Cantzler’s opening scenes are very much in line with his actual pre-Wende views as they relate to the durability of the inner German border� In 2018, Grüne Hölle producer Rainer Baumert recalls that “Ernst war zum Beispiel so einer, der schon früh meinte, die Mauer fällt irgendwie” (Baumert and Drachsel)� 13 The binary structure of the film with its clear-cut separation of peaceful and violent imagery suggests that “ irgendwie” ( somehow) could only mean one of two scenarios� Through this lens and read as an allegory, the pitch invasion and the subsequent celebrations in Karl-Marx-Stadt become more than just the climax of a thrilling final season match but instead an optimistic outlook at the resolution of a decades-long conflict. We witness the sudden decomposition of established spatial textures that used to be staples for the organization of a collective� More importantly, the act of transcending these lines of division occurs-not least due to the film’s montage strategy-without the hint of any aggression or the forceful intervention of the state authorities� The images of public disorder-and thus the film’s violence-based scenario for the end of East German confinement-are reserved for the second part of the film. Despite possible state reprisals, Cantzler even discussed the Wall’s potential vulnerability publicly, specifically what he saw as the biggest threat to the inner East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 35 36 Oliver Knabe German border. One month prior to November 9, during a panel discussion following the film’s premiere at Neubrandenburg’s Documentary and Short Film Festival (October 9-12, 1989), the filmmaker warned of the rising resentments shared among the GDR’s adolescents, emotional states that he had witnessed first-hand during filming. Football and the country’s state line, he insinuates, are closely linked� Sie durchliefen ein Schulwesen, daß sie fast zwanghaft zu einer Doppelmoral erzogen hat� Irgendwann suchen sie nach Selbstverwirklichung� Irgendwann versuchen sie, die gesellschaftlichen Fesseln abzuwerfen� Der Druck wird immer größer� Irgendwann geht dann das Ventil eben auf - natürlich an der falschen Stelle� Wo sollen sie auch ihren Frust ablassen? An der Mauer oder wo? 14 (Cantzler qtd� in Hübner 35) While Cantzler is obviously not in support of spectator violence, he does not like the alternative either: a bloodbath at the inner German border� “An der Mauer oder wo? ” he asks� Where else if not in the football stadium, he seems to suggest as the game provides these young East Germans with a space where this “Ventil” (valve) can open while its consequences can be contained� If the stadium could no longer serve as a ground for what he thought of as a “proxy war” (“Stellvertreterkrieg,” Cantzler and Drachsel 21), the frustrations and aggressions would find alternate, more politically dire outlets that could set the country up for unpredictable and uncontrollable outbursts of violence, a scenario that ultimately would jeopardize the state’s entire existence� Cantzler’s understanding of football stadiums as compensatory spaces corresponds with Timm Beichelt’s concept of “Ersatzspielfelder” (“other fields of engagement”). 15 In his 2018 study about the relationship of football and power ( Ersatzspielfelder. Zum Verhältnis von Fußball und Macht) , Beichelt outlines the game’s societal function as well as its role as a medium fraught with meanings that allows us to understand football as more than just a game and thus Grüne Hölle as more than just a film about football fans: Fußball ist […] als abgegrenztes ‚Feld‘ zu verstehen, in dem spezifische Regeln und Normen mit einer gesamtgesellschaftlichen Dimension existieren. Fußball stellt (auch) für Nichtfußballer einen Möglichkeitsraum für soziales Handeln dar. Darüber hinaus fungiert er als Projektionsfläche für gesellschaftliche Deutungen, die nicht primär etwas mit dem Sport zu tun haben müssen� (18) Within these fields, society is given the opportunity to break established rules and challenge conventions in a playful manner (ibid�)� Grüne Hölle takes these functions of the game verbatim� It projects the East German football stadium as an “Ersatzspielfeld” on which the citizens of the GDR rehearse their political revolution by breaking through its established structures, hence challenging the existing order and norms that govern this space� ‘Where else if not in the football stadium? ’ The rhetorical nature of this question becomes evident when we recall the game’s qualities as well as its specific spatial manifestations in the GDR and compare them with the zeitgeist and conditions of the late East German state� On the stands, the spectators grapple with feelings of injustice while being engrossed in the dichotomous mindset of ‘us vs� them�’ Furthermore, East German football mirrored the juncture of uncertainty and predictability in everyday life of the GDR� On the one hand, the widespread sense of inner unrest and ambivalence resulting from an omnipresent surveillance apparatus is reflected in the spectator’s experience of abrupt turns from ecstasy and joy to agony, despair, and apathy� The country’s limited opportunities for an individual’s self-fulfillment, on the other hand, find their counterpart in the predetermined outcomes of each Oberliga-season during the 1980s� For ten years, the East German Championship was-in questionable ways-awarded to a single team, rendering individual successes for the large majority of competitors and their fans often less meaningful� But more than these emotional and psychological facets of East German football, it is the structural setup of the Fußballstadion that allows for a metaphoric equation of football spectatorship and life in the GDR� In the pursuit for a stadium atmosphere that would be representative of a socialist state on the one hand and in accordance with UEFA guidelines on the other, in 1985, the German Football Association of the GDR (Deutscher Fußball-Verband der DDR) developed a comprehensive catalog of principles and proactive measures entitled Richtlinien für die Gewährleistung von Ordnung und Sicherheit bei Fußballveranstaltungen des DFV der DDR. Ironically this very catalog outlined the East German stadium as a space of confinement through division (Deutscher Fußball-Verband der DDR 1)� 16 Among other provisions, the officials called for an enforced securing of both teams’ supporters’ sections through separate locations within the stadium (7)� 17 Additionally, the rivaling fan groups were supposed to be distanced from one another through the placement of law enforcement personnel between these two sides� 18 The two supporters’ sections were to be further separated amongst themselves into Sektoren which should be traversed by barriers� Away crowds were to observe the game as far away from the pitch as possible, and the pitch, in turn, was to be surrounded by mandatory fences with a minimum height of 2�20 meters (8)� Through the repeated use of long shots, Cantzler not only captures the totality of the space Fußballstadion, but he also manages to establish the range and quantity of its demarcations� We see inward curved fencing structures pointed East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 37 38 Oliver Knabe at the spectators, a design that bears an undeniable resemblance to the barbwire which dominated the image of significant portions of the Berlin Wall. Called Schutzzaun (protection fence, Zentraler Operativstab 3), this fence’s name even echoed the state’s official language for the Wall ( Antifaschistischer Schutzwall, Anti-fascist Protection Wall)� Thus, both structures carry a similar ambiguity between those being protected and those posing the threat� Furthermore, we are shown the vast vacuum between supporters and the field, aggressive canine units, endless lines of policemen, and additional security forces, all strikingly reminiscent of the Berlin Wall� Cantzler’s medium shots from within these cagelike spaces, then, immerse us into the crowds of spectators� But instead of seeing their game- Grüne Hölle in fact shows very little football footage-we witness the rising pressure created by the confinement and the fans’ restlessness. The latter is constantly underscored by the cacophonous and discordant music by Aljoscha Rompe, the lead singer of East German punk band Feeling B� Through this unsettling point of view, we start to sense the actual fragility of this space despite its surplus of security: our feeling that a valve might soon burst open increases� Even during the interview sequences inside the protagonist’s apartment, Cantzler keeps the focus on the stadium’s demarcations� In his conversation with Andreas Schwadten, the director addresses the fan club’s potential involvement in securing Union Berlin’s games themselves in the role as voluntary stewards (“Ordner”)� While this measure had already been implemented by several football clubs for the purpose of de-escalation, Schwadten rejects this scenario emphatically, clarifying that none of his fan club’s members, including himself, would partake in these practices� When asked why, his retort is outright and unapologetic: “Ne, weil ich sowas nicht mache,” as if a matter of principle. With the stadium as a metaphoric placeholder for the entire East German state in mind, Schwadten’s disapproval of security measures which are carried out by the fans suddenly becomes less of an indifferent attitude toward football-related violence but instead a clear statement that he is not willing to assist in maintaining the demarcations and conventions that limit his freedom� It is fitting that Cantzler interrupts this dialogue a few moments later and shifts the film’s narrative briefly to a space that represents these exact hopes for increased mobility, a moving train� 19 With this change in location, the atmosphere, though festive, suddenly gains a revolutionary tone� As Schwadten chants the following lines in high spirits, his previous assertion of non-participation has been replaced by a subversive call for the annihilation of precisely those forces that perpetuate his imprisonment: Wenn der Einsatzwagen brennt und ein Schupo leise flennt leise piepst das Funkgerät alle Knüppel sind zersägt alle Akten sind verstaut alle Knarren sind geklaut über Nacht ist es gescheh’n Deutscher Meister Union Berlin Similar to the ‘Zonenlied,’ the prophecy of an all-German championship is here synonymous with reunification and thus the end of the East German state. However, the revolutionary means proposed in this song go even beyond what had been suggested in the famous fan chant� Aggressions are not only directed at the border or resolved through the locking up of policemen but also through arson, vandalism, and larceny� The plight of the “Schupo” ( Schutzpolizist) is left ambiguous but his crying suggests that physical assault is not to be entirely ruled out� After the metaphoric opening of a peaceful end to Germany’s division, this song introduces the somber alternative: the valve opening at the wrong end� To emphasize what is at stake, the film returns to the interview of Andreas Schwadten who, when asked what he disliked and liked in life, answered: “Ja, ankotzen tut mich, dass ich nicht rüber kann, wa, nach ‘n Westen. Naja, und was ich gut finde: Na Union find’ ich gut! ” In these two short responses, the film posits both the central conflict for many GDR citizens (division) as well as its resolution (unification). Grüne Hölle then continues to explore the option of violent confrontation as presented in the song. The film transitions from Schwadten’s apartment to Berlin’s Chausseestraße, a street close to the Stadion der Weltjugend and only a stone’s throw away from the Berlin Wall� 20 Through the positioning of the camera, the viewers find themselves placed in the middle of the road where a broad wall-like formation of football fans is moving quickly towards them� Determined and stretching across the entire street, this crowd makes it clear that a collision is inevitable only to overrun the camera seconds later� In 2018, scriptwriter Burghard Drachsel remembered this scene vividly, likening it to a “Demonstrationszug,” and adding: “Das ist schon Aufstand� Da ist schon eine Macht dahinter” (Baumert and Drachsel)� In the fall of 1989, this rebellious force found an outlet in the famous Montagsdemonstrationen (Monday demonstrations) as hundreds of thousands took their anger and frustrations to the East German streets� At the time of Grüne Hölle’s premiere, its audience was certainly sensitive to the contiguities between the historic developments and the images they had just seen on the screen� In the immediate aftermath of the brutal suppression of a peaceful protest by GDR citizens on Republic Day 1989, East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 39 40 Oliver Knabe one viewer attending Neubrandenburg’s post-screening discussion (apparently with access to the affairs of East German film distributor Progress) described his reaction to Grüne Hölle as follows: Inzwischen habe ich die Gelegenheit gehabt, den Film dreimal zu sehen, heute das erste Mal in einem vollen Kinosaal. Betroffenheit und Aufmerksamkeit waren woher so nicht erlebbar� Heute sehe ich den Film natürlich ganz anders� Die Zeitungen sind in Bewegung� Im Kontext der Bilder vom Wochenende und der Ereignisse der vorangegangenen Tage sieht vieles anders aus - Stiefel, Gummiknüppel und Hunde� (Hübner 35) Clashes between police forces and GDR citizens are also at the center of Union’s next game against Lokomotive Leipzig� As if to prepare the audience for the unsettling scenes from Saxony, the film quickly reminds us that football unrests are indeed only symptoms of a much larger issue� Back once again in Andreas Schwadten’s apartment, Ernst Cantzler confronts his protagonist with what appears to be the filmmaker’s personal take on the continuous hostilities in and around the GDR’s football stadiums: “Sag mal, siehst du da möglicherweise einen Zusammenhang mit den zunehmenden Randalen in den Stadien und zu dem, was hier in dem Lande im Augenblick passiert? ” (Cantzler)� Ultimately asked for nothing less than his view on the state of the Republic with a DEFA camera rolling, Schwadten appears tense and even cornered� This impression is underscored by the narrowness of the interview’s indoor location where he finds himself sitting between a wall and a shelf with the camera blocking his only way out� After quickly considering his options, he decides to carefully acknowledge what Cantzler seems to be suggesting to him: “Na, en kleener is gewiss da. Uff jeden Fall. Dit wurde zwar ‘ne Menge übernommen von drüben, weeste […] aber ‘n kleener Zusammenhang wird da schon da sein� Dass die Unzufriedenheit da irgendwie rauskommt, weeste? ” 21 In this response, Schwadten’s predicament is on clear display� As he has to weigh potential reprisals by the state with his own personal convictions, his answer shows not only attempts to deflect from the domestic spectator violence (“von drüben”/ “from the other side”) and diminish its link to the GDR’s political plight (“kleener Zusammenhang”/ “small connection”) but it is also comprised of linguistic dissonances that reflect his inner strife (“gewiss”/ “certainly,” “Uff jeden Fall”/ “Defintely! ,” “da schon”/ “likely”)� In the end, he even obscures the gravity of the situation when he, almost euphemistically, calls the cause for the football-related disorders “Unzufriedenheit” (discontent)� Yet, it is more than just discontentment that we see moments later, when, inside Leipzig’s Bruno-Plache Stadium, aggressive forces are unleashed� Shouting the club’s slogan “Eisern Union,” the crowd’s emotions grow stronger by the minute and fans soon start to challenge the demarcations of the stadium� They climb on top of the security fences that separate them from the field while pyrotechnics are thrown onto the no-man’s-land cinder track� The riotous quality of this force is once again highlighted by Aljoscha Rompe’s punk rock music (“Assilied”) which, at this point, resembles an unmelodious pile of notes� Having lost any sense for harmony, the soundtrack expresses not only the bottled-up frustrations of these East German men but also serves as an acoustic harbinger for the images of chaos that immediately follow� With supporters violently shaking the fences, the lines that separate the away crowd from the home sections, as well as the football pitch, are on the verge of collapse� While his cinematographer Michael Lösche was capturing these images, Grüne Hölle producer Rainer Baumert already sensed the symbolic nature of this scene, describing it retrospectively as the moment “wo an der Mauer gerüttelt wird” (Baumert and Drachsel)� Additional emphasis is given to the wall’s fragility by a fan banner attached to the fence, reading “Union” and “Hertha BSC�” This message is not simply a profession of sympathy between the fan scenes of these two Berlin clubs; it insinuates a natural unity between East (Union) and West (Hertha) at large� Moments later, the metaphoric wall indeed comes down and Grüne Hölle’s second revolution begins� Unlike Karl-Marx-Stadt’s breach, however, Leipzig’s is followed by consequences� With the demarcations annihilated, violence immediately unfolds and the situation on the stands escalates� Footage of merciless chases and fights between the two fan groups across the concrete stairs is interwoven with images of Leipzig’s stewards who are administering first aid to an injured fan� Through the stadium’s speakers, the uncontrolled masses are called upon to immediately quit their “rowdyhaftes Verhalten” but to no avail� Meanwhile, police forces use their truncheons as they attempt to keep the riot at bay� 22 Ultimately, these scenes are no longer just limited to the spectator stands� As aggressions reach the other side of the fence (the cinder track and the pitch), the viewer witnesses an overwhelmed police unit which, in keystone cop style, pursues an out-of-control fan mob through the stadium� Ernst Cantzler had sarcastically suggested the Wall as an ‘alternative’ venue for these extreme acts of violence to the visitors of the panel discussion in Neubrandenburg when he asked: “An der Mauer oder wo? ” Through Grüne Hölle’s Leipzig game, the filmmaker presented them metaphorically with just that scenario: a revolution that is driven by destructive forces and results in casualties� Ultimately this type of violence never reached the jurisdiction of East Germany’s border-guards and ‘only’ challenges Leipzig’s Volkspolizei that day� Grüne Hölle’s Leipzig unrests are visually linked to the widespread phenomenon of football hooliganism� This international practice characterized by (mostly East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 41 42 Oliver Knabe male) violence and disobedience had gained in popularity within East German football fan scenes since the 1970s and had become a regular occurrence by the mid-1980s (Dennis, “Soccer Hooliganism in the German Democratic Republic” 56; Dennis, “A People's Game” 213—214; McDougall, The People’s Game 201)� “Football,” McDougall writes, “served as a vehicle of Cold War cultural transfer, fostering interests and behavior that transcended the Iron Curtain� Hooliganism was part of this crossover” ( The People’s Game 203)� Adopting this culture from the other side (“von drüben”), as Schwadten had put it during the interview, established questionable routines in East German football such as the ‘ third half ’ ( Dritte Halbzeit) 23 and the invasion of the opponent’s supporters’ section ( Blocksturm) � Through the manifestation of such martial rituals in the GDR’s stadiums, the East German spectators tied their football culture visually to the game’s western, particularly English traditions� One case in point are Leipzig’s chase scenes on the terraces which bear striking resemblances to the infamous 1985 Heysel stadium disaster in Brussels. Before the kickoff of the annual European Cup final, Liverpool’s hooligans had charged at Juventus supporters, driving them across the stands before a collapsing wall buried numerous fans in their desperate attempt to escape� The confrontation resulted in the deaths of thirty-nine people (most of whom were from Italy) and injury of hundreds more� 24 The visual parallels between these two block invasions are no coincidence as Grüne Hölle would demonstrate a few moments later� During a train ride scene, a group of supporters display a large British flag for the camera, the Union Jack, while they repeatedly chant the name “Liverpool�” The shout that follows, “hooligans, hooligans,” makes it abundantly clear that the fan’s behavior in Leipzig is to be understood as an alignment with the extreme acts of violence carried out by the English� Football hooliganism had become a multi-layered act of Grenzüberschreitung, a German term that can mean both border-crossing or border violation as well as transgression of limits and boundaries� In addition to literally overrunning the demarcations of the Bruno-Plache Stadium and therefore violating the norms and rules of the community, the East German spectator, by embodying this English ‘tradition,’ was provided with a sense of having crossed into the West, though not physically but at least in spirit� In this way, East German hooliganism became an act of simultaneous cultural association (Western Bloc) and dissociation (Eastern Bloc, GDR)� The latter is further achieved linguistically since the term ‘hooligan’ as a self-designation stood in opposition to the GDR’s established language where officials consistently spoke of ‘Rowdy,’ ‘Rowdytum,’ or ‘rowdyhaftem Verhalten’ (hooligan, hooliganism, rowdy behavior)� In this light, the destructive performances seen in Grüne Hölle held a paradoxically productive value for its agents since it served as a reformative act of their rejected East German identities� While hooliganism’s practices had been manifested in numerous European countries at the time, they found especially fertile grounds in the German Democratic Republic with its geographical tightness and what many perceived as parochial living conditions� The East German hooligan, Wolfgang Engler maintains, “war […] ein in die Grenzen der DDR gebannter Gewalttourist, der, aufgrund dieses klaustrophobischen Gefühls, nur desto erbitterter die Fäuste reckte” (125)� One could even argue that the cultural, psychological, and spatial tightness of the country enabled these violent transgressions in the first place rather than merely amplifying them� In The Wretched of the Earth, Frantz Fanon stresses physical and psychological confinement as fundamental factors for the violence witnessed during the national liberation movements of former colonies in Northern Africa. The colonial subject is a man penned in […] The first thing the colonial subject learns is to remain in his place and not overstep its limits. Hence the dreams of the colonial subject are muscular dreams, dreams of action, dreams of aggressive vitality� I dream I am jumping, swimming, running, and climbing� I dream I burst out laughing, I am leaping across a river and chased by a pack of cars that never catches up with me� During colonization the colonial subject frees himself night after night between nine in the evening and six in the morning. The colonized subject will first train this aggressiveness sedimented in his muscles against his own people� This is the period when black turns on black, and police officers and magistrates don’t know which way to turn when faced with the surprising surge of North African criminality. 25 (15—6) Despite the important differences in cultural and historical specificities, Fanon’s exposition of this interdependence between violence and psycho-somatic states of constraint echoes the desire of many East Germans for action (crossing, climbing, running) as seen in Cantzler’s documentary� Hooliganism allowed these men to satisfy their “muscular dreams” of “aggressive vitality,” training it against those who were, like them, penned into the stadium and into the confines of the German Democratic Republic, a space governed by authoritarian rule� In Grüne Hölle, the stadium and the state symbolically become one, the citizens’ entrapment is temporarily defined by the demarcations of the Fußballstadion � It is there, on that testing ground where East Germans rehearsed their uprising for ninety minutes, usually on Fridays and Saturdays, sometime between three and seven o’clock in the afternoon� Of the two scenarios for a revolution laid out in Grüne Hölle, ultimately the course of history chose the peaceful end to Germany’s decades-long divide� The violent forces that we see in Leipzig’s Bruno-Plache Stadium were never unleashed at the inner German border� History eventually caught up with the East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 43 44 Oliver Knabe film’s prophetic messages which, at the time, could not be fully understood even by those involved in the documentary’s making� This includes scriptwriter Burghard Drachsel who, indeed, believed, “dass das Rütteln an den Gittern [in Leipzig] das Signal für eine Veränderung der Gesellschaft ist�” However, he did not understand these moments as an omen for the fall of the Wall but instead as a signal of necessary and impending change that would entail profound political transformations. “Wir saßen in einem Käfig und der war umfassender als die Mauer� All diese Verkrustungen, in denen wir gelebt haben in der DDR, mussten weg” (Baumert and Drachsel)� Similarly, producer Rainer Baumert felt the emblematic quality of Grüne Hölle’s images during the shooting, yet he did not consider them to be a harbinger for one of Germany’s biggest political cesuras either� “Ich habe nicht geglaubt, dass die Russen das jemals aufgeben� Insofern war das [Rütteln an den Zäunen] schon eher ein Symbol� Aber ich hatte damals nicht den Gedanken: Es ist soweit, die Mauer fällt” (Baumert and Drachsel)� Although their interpretations eventually differ, both men experienced the football stadium as a space that carried the symbolic� They recognized the scenes from Saxony as transcending moments, as something that took the events at Bruno-Place Stadium beyond the sole game and instead spoke about East German society as a whole� It is this symbolic quality that gives Cantzler’s documentary critical value as a witness to the final GDR days. Arising out of a cultural environment that threatened its artists and artifacts with censorship and bans, this film often delivers its messages past the spoken word as one final look into Andreas Schwadten’s apartment shall demonstrate. He is not unmoved by the current political developments inside and outside of the country, Schwadten tells Cantzler. “Kalt lässt mich das natürlich nicht, uff keenen Fall. Aber groß interessieren tu ick mich dafür nicht� Man hört so was man so hört� […] Ob du dir da Gedanken drüber machst […] dit nützt ja im Endeffekt doch nüscht�” When directly confronted with political questions, Schwadten often reverts to diversionary language or, in this case, to responses channeling fatalism, indifference, and hopelessness. Yet, the football cosmos that always surrounds him conveys a different idea. Just like his singing on the train, the setting of Schwadten’s private space holds a revolutionary message� Comprised of two colors, blue and red, a collage of football pennants decorates the wall behind him� Representing West German Hertha BSC (blue) and East German Union (red), this collection of fan memorabilia is strictly organized by club: Hertha on the left, Union on the right� The arrangement thus follows a pattern of west and east division, mirroring the geopolitical realities of both Berlin as well as Germany� “Hertha und Union, dit war schon immer so jewesen,” 26 Schwadten says with an unmistakable tone of self-evidence� He insinuates a bond that holds this city together despite its political partition; they have always been two sides of one coin, and they always will be� 27 Unlike Schwadten’s entirely pessimistic response, his wall decoration is an expression of optimism and political conviction� In Grüne Hölle, football’s metaphoric language dares to speak where the protagonist leaves gaps and contradictions or where censorship obscures the narrative� 28 The tensions that emerge from such a story provide today’s viewer with a unique sense of a late East German zeitgeist, mirroring all its conflicts, worries, as well as the people’s (unspoken) aspirations� Notes 1 “30 meters in square / only minefield and barbwire / now you know where I live / I live in the GDR […] but at one point all this will change / then we will tear down the Wall / we will lock up all the pigs / [Union] will be German Champion�” As the ‘Zonenlied’ was sung by various fan scenes all over the German Democratic Republic, the club’s name in the last line was simply substituted to match the name of the supporters’ team� 2 Describing the sentimental longing for East German times and/ or culture, Ostalgie (eastalgia) is a blend word that consists of the German terms ‘Osten’ and ‘Nostalgie.’ 3 In the 2022/ 2023 season, only one former East German Oberliga team (1� FC Union Berlin) participated in the highest federal men’s competition, the Bundesliga. From 2009/ 10 to 2018/ 19, the eighteen slots have been filled entirely by former West-German clubs (and since 2016 by RB Leipzig which was founded in 2009)� A similar though not quite as strong dominance of former West German teams can be seen in Germany’s highest football competition for women, the Frauen-Bundesliga (Women’s Federal League)� Only two former GDR clubs, Jena and Potsdam, have managed to maintain a substantial presence in this twelve-club league after reunification. With the turn of the century, Turbine Potsdam has been able to consistently play at the top level, securing national championships, several cup wins, as well as international trophies� 4 A common way for football crowds to defame the GDR was to call for the destruction of the Wall� One particular fan cheer-“Die Mauer muss weg/ The Wall has to go”-enjoyed great popularity whenever a freekick close to the opponent’s goal was given� The football context provided the fans with some freedoms as it was not entirely clear to critical observers whether the supporters were referring to the nation’s borderline or to the set of players forming a ‘wall’ to protect their goal� 5 Drei Mädchen im Endspiel (1955); Der Neue Fimmel (1960); Nicht Schummeln, Liebling! (1972); Der Nackte Mann auf dem Sportplatz (1973); Verzeihung, East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 45 46 Oliver Knabe sehen Sie Fußball? (1983); Frauen am Ball (1987); …und freitags in die “Grüne Hölle” (1989)� 6 Border-crossing in this context refers to the various strategies GDR citizens used to leave the country and is not limited to the physical passing of the inner German border alone� Such strategies involved (among others) escape routes through Hungry and the ČSSR. The Research Association SED-State ( Forschungsverbund SED-Staat ) at the Freie Universität Berlin recently adjusted the numbers for 1989� Based on records of the Federal Commissioner for the Records of the State Security Service of the Former German Democratic Republic, Jochen Staadt counted overall 115,592 citizens who escaped the GDR between January 1 and November 6. If one adds the individuals who left after successfully applying to leave the GDR (Ausreiseantrag) during that year, the total increases to 202,895 (Staadt)� 7 Cantzler mistakenly labelled the fan club as BSV Prenzlauer Berg� The fan club was actually called “Grüne Hölle,” named after the club’s favorite bar and meeting spot (Koch 354)� 8 The interview was recorded by the author of this article� 9 Grüne Hölle reflects the presence of racist ideologies in East Germany such as antisemitism and white supremacy� However, due to the limited scope of this article, the following analysis will focus exclusively on violent spectator behavior as it is connected to the notion of border-crossings� 10 The documentary as well as the Rückblick episode aired on June 16, 1994; the latter was moderated by Peter Claus� 11 “I immediately went down to the fence, and [climbed] over, almost got stuck but somehow made it� And all of a sudden, a steward appeared in front of me and stated I should go back, or something like that� I responded: “Well, why should I go back by myself, when hundreds [of fans] are already on [the pitch]? What good does it do, if I go back? I only want to congratulate my team�” To that he did not respond anything� He could not respond anything� And nothing more happened� The people cheered, stripped the souvenirs off the players, so that they walked off [the pitch] only in their shorts and so on. […] And then they all peacefully left the field.” All quotes from Grüne Hölle used in this article are taken from the 2007 Icestorm edition (Cantzler)� 12 In earlier versions of the film’s Montageszenarium , Cantzler and Drachsel had still included these images from the train ride� It can be assumed, however, that displaying the destruction of public property would have jeopardized the release of the documentary even more. The scene was officially cut on March 16, 1989 (Kaempffer 1). 13 Italics added by the author for emphasis� 14 Here, Cantzler echoes the thought and language of his protagonist Schwadten who, in a deleted scene, gives the following response to the filmmaker after Cantzler remarked that a stadium was the wrong place to release one’s personal hatred and aggressions: “Wo sollen sie das denn ablassen, an der Mauer oder wo? Irgendwo muß ja der Zoff mal raus” (Cantzler and Drachsel 32)� 15 Beichelt’s term “Ersatzspielfeld” allows for a variety of translations: replacement playing field, surrogate playing field, as well as compensatory playing field. They all capture the roles that the game of football plays in society. 16 “Jedes Fußballspiel muß von einer der sozialistischen Gesellschaftsordnung entsprechenden Atmosphäre geprägt sein�” These directives were part of an official resolution by the Office of the Federal Executive Board of the German Gymnastics and Sports Federation ( Sekretariat des Bundesverbandes des Deutschen Turn- und Sportbundes ) from August 20, 1985, and they were written in response to the continuing violence among football crowds which had grown strong especially during the 1980s� They also followed in the aftermath of Brussels’ Heysel stadium disaster in May 1985 (Dennis, “Soccer Hooliganism in the German Democratic Republic” 63)� 17 “Verstärkte Absicherung der Zuschauerblöcke beider Mannschaften durch getrennte Platzierungen in den Stadien�” 18 “Die Anhänger der Gastmannschaft sind in begrenzte Gruppen aufzuteilen und nicht auf den vordersten, dem Spielfeld am nächsten gelegenen Rängen unterzubringen� Kontakte zwischen den Anhängern der beiden Mannschaften sind zu vermeiden, dabei sind zwischen den Gäste- und Heimzuschauern Ordnungskräfte zu platzieren�” 19 By the time of the film’s first public screening at Neubrandenburg’s Documentary and Short Film Festival, history had charged the train symbol even further as it had become an actual path to freedom� Only a few days prior, on October 1, 1989, the first chartered train with East German refugees on board had arrived in Hof, Bavaria, after they had stayed for weeks at the West German embassy in Prague� 20 The name of the street, Chausseestraße, charges the scene even further with revolutionary meanings since this address was made famous by former East German dissident and singer-songwriter Wolf Biermann� In 1968, the blacklisted artist recorded an album illegally in his apartment, which was located at Chausseestraße 131, an address that would also serve as the album’s title� 21 “Well, a small one certainly exists. Definitely! Although a lot has been adopted from the other side, you know […] but a small connection probably exists. The discontent will find a way out, you know? ” East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 47 48 Oliver Knabe 22 Later, during the train ride back to Berlin, it is revealed that police forces had used rubber bullets in addition to their truncheons in their attempt to fight off the advances of the supporters. 23 The Dritte Halbzeit was not only limited to violence within the stadium but also referred to physical fights outside the football grounds. They took place in the streets, at train stations, and in the city centers (McDougall, The People’s Game 205)� 24 The GDR’s officials were aware of the dangers that these fan disorders from Brussels could pose: “The Heysel disaster did not go unnoticed in East Germany� […] The Stasi issued a directive to all unit leaders on 30 May [1985], warning of the possible impact of Heysel on GDR hooligans” (McDougall, The People’s Game 204)� 25 Italics added by the author for emphasis� 26 “Hertha and Union, it has always been like this�” 27 In a deleted sequence of this interview, which has survived in one of the film’s earlier manuscripts, Schwadten assures Cantzler that both clubs are in fact “one and the same” (“das ist ja nun einunddasselbe, Hertha und Union,” Cantzler and Drachsel 5)� 28 For Grüne Hölle to be approved, Ernst Cantzler had to reshoot a scene in Andreas Schwadten’s apartment during which the protagonist discusses the violence in East German football� In this new footage, Schwadten partially revised statements he had made earlier in the film, thus providing slightly conflicting responses. Works Cited Baumert, Rainer, and Burghard Drachsel� Personal Interview� 02 August 2018� Beichelt, Timm� Ersatzspielfelder. Zum Verhältnis von Fußball und Macht. Berlin: Suhrkamp Verlag, 2018� Braun, Jutta� “The People's Sport? Popular Sport and Fans in the Later Years of the German Democratic Republic�” German History 27�3 (2009): 414—28� Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung� “Dokumentation: Und freitags in die Grüne Hölle | Bpb�” Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 2014� Web� https: / / www�bpb�de/ mediathek/ video/ 178613/ und-freitags-in-die-gruene-hoelle/ � 25 Sept� 2021� Cantzler, Ernst and Burghard Drachsel� Montageszenarium. Film: Eisern Union. Juli 1988. Manuscript� BArch, DR-118� 2656� Bundesarchiv� Berlin� Cantzler, Ernst, director� … und freitags in die “Grüne Hölle.” Icestorm, 2007� Dennis, Mike� “A People's Game: Football in the German Democratic Republic�” Dislocation And Reorientation. Ed� Axel Goodbody, Pól O Dochartaigh and Dennis Tate� Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2009� 209—20� ---� “Soccer Hooliganism in the German Democratic Republic�” German Football: History, Culture, Society. Ed. Christopher Young and Alan Tomlinson. New York: Routledge, 2006� 52—72� Deutscher Fußball-Verband der DDR� Richtlinien für die Gewährleistung von Ordnung und Sicherheit bei Fußballveranstaltungen des DFV der DDR. (August 20, 1985). Document� BStU, MfS, HA XX/ 221� Berlin� Eisenfeld, Bernd� Anatomie der Staatssicherheit. Geschichte, Struktur und Methoden. Mfs-Handbuch. Berlin: BStU, 1996� Engler, Wolfgang� “Private Gewalt als Politischer Akt�” Stadionpartisanen. Fans und Hooligans der DDR. Edited by Frank Willmann. Berlin: Neues Leben, 2007. 121—5. Fanon, Frantz� The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press, 2004. Hübner, Martin� “Wenn ich Erich Honecker wäre … ” Film und Fernsehen. I ssue 10� (1990): 34—5� Kaempffer, Hubert. Einigung über Änderungen der Filmfassung vom 13.03.1989. (March 16, 1989). Document� BArch, DR-118� 2656� Bundesarchiv� Berlin� Koch, Matthias� “ Immer weiter - ganz nach vorn”. Die Geschichte des 1. FC Union Berlin. Göttingen: Verlag Die Werkstatt, 2013� Lehnert� Bericht zur Sicherung des Jugendlichen Fußballanhanges des 1.FC Union Berlin beim Spiel gegen den FC Karl-Marx-Stadt am 28.05.1988 um 15.00 Uhr in Karl-Marx- Stadt. (May 30, 1988). Document� BStU, MfS, BV Berlin, XX/ 3542� McDougall, Alan� “Eyes on the Ball: Screening Football in East German Cinema�” Studies in Eastern European Cinema 8�1 (2017): 4—18� ---� “Whose Game is it Anyway? A People's History of East German Football�” Radical History Review 2016�125 (2016): 35—54� ---� The People's Game: Football, State and Society in East Germany. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014� Rückblick. ( Episode From June 16, 1994, With Peter Claus, Ernst Cantzler, Günter Jordan, and Michael Lösche�) Brandenburg: East German Broadcast Brandenburg (ORB), 1994� Rüsch, Heinz� Einschätzung “Fan-Club. ” Document� BArch, DR 1-Z 1793� Bundesarchiv� Berlin� Schwab, Jan Tilman� Fußball Im Film. Lexikon Des Fußballfilms. München: Belleville, 2006� Staadt, Jochen� “Die DDR zuletzt� Impressionen des Machtzerfalls im SED-Staat�” Zeitschrift des Forschungsverbundes SED-Staat 44 (2019): 25—45� Uriah Heep� “Lady In Black�” Salisbury, Sydney Bron Music Co� Ltd, 1971� Zentraler Operativstab� Bericht über den Stand der Realisierung der Aufgabenstellung der Information des ZK der SED “Zur Lage auf den Fußballplätzen und Vorschläge zur Gewährleistung von Ordnung und Sicherheit im Zusammenhang mit Fußballspielen.” 30 Dezember 1985. Document� BStU, MfS, HA XX/ 221� Zum Einsatz des DEFA-Dokumentarfilms “…Und freitags in die Grüne Hölle.” Document� BArch, DR-118� 2656� Bundesarchiv� East Germans Rehearse the Uprising 49 Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Football Fandom and Coming-of-Age in Philipp Winkler’s novel Hool Bastian Heinsohn Bucknell University Abstract: This essay is an exploration of the nexus between hooliganism and literary fiction in Philip Winkler’s 2016 acclaimed debut novel Hool. The novel thematizes a violent form of football fandom and mixes fiction with real-life facts surrounding the professional German team Hannover 96� The novel uses football and fandom as important elements in a coming-of-age story, but it only moderately highlights the game itself, the team, its players, results, and tables� Hool is a protagonist’s search for identity and purpose in life and for whom football and hooliganism serve as temporary constants and spaces of belonging� Fandom, or rather its violent variant hooliganism, however, reveals itself to be only a transitory space of comfort that Heiko can hold on to for a limited time during his adolescence� A key undertaking of this study is the exploration of how the novel maps various spaces of combat and struggle inside and beyond the football field. Furthermore, this essay contextualizes Hool as a unique German-language novel within the current debates about the significant commercialization of football in Germany and across Europe� These trajectories have caused a surge of resistance from the common football fan, who is increasingly pushed into the role of an estranged consumer of an over-priced commodity� Keywords: football, hooligans, coming-of-age, consumerism, Winkler, Hannover 96, space, violence, vernacular German, fandom In the Fall of 2016, the German magazine Buchjournal announced the publication of Philip Winkler’s debut novel Hool, set in the world of football hooliganism, with a reference to the title of Michel Houellebecq’s 1994 Extension du domaine de la lutte which translates into English as “extension of the domain of struggle (Kahlefendt)�” 1 This reference captures well the essence of Hool well, consider- 52 Bastian Heinsohn ing Winkler’s novel extends the combat zones of a hardcore football fan in and around the stadiums to the peripheral areas away from any city and stadium and beyond, namely to the protagonist’s personal struggles growing up, finding the right friends and the right path in life� 2 Winkler’s Hool i s a novel about football fandom that mixes fiction with real-life facts surrounding the German Bundesliga team Hannover 96� The novel uses football and football fandom as important elements in a coming-of-age story, but it only moderately highlights the game itself, the team, its players, results, and tables� A key undertaking of this study is to explore how the novel maps various spaces of combat and struggle inside and beyond the football field. Furthermore, this essay contextualizes Hool as a unique German-language novel within the current debates about the significant commercialization of football in Germany and across Europe. These trajectories have caused a surge of resistance from the common football fan, who is increasingly pushed into the role of an estranged consumer of an overpriced commodity (Tyres)� The commercialization of football has caused fans to either become distanced from their beloved sport or to form critical protest and violent resistance, as evidenced by the rise in hooliganism and violent encounters between fan groups in Germany according to recent reports from both England and Germany (Ball)� In the area of football studies, hooliganism is one of the most popular topics and has been studied for decades as far back as the emergence of hooliganism in British stadiums during the mid to late 1960s� Hooliganism has been studied within historical contexts, sociological and psychological contexts, in a political dimension and also in light of sociocultural and economical trajectories whereby hooliganism can take the form of subcultural activities forcefully and violently resisting processes of commodification and commercialization of football� 3 Despite the mass appeal of the sport, a combination of football and literary fiction is surprisingly still a fairly rare phenomenon in German literature. England has had its fair share of football fiction, perhaps triggered by Nick Hornby’s novel Fever Pitch (1992) that showed football fans, as Cyprian Piskurek states, “that literature could be pushed from its elitist pedestal” (84)� John King’s Football Factory soon followed in the UK in 1997, revealing the overarching popularity of the athletic-literary combination� Compared to British literature’s embrace of football as a trope in fiction, German-speaking authors have so far neglected making use of the supposedly low-brow football world as a setting and a literary topic� The relative scarcity of football fiction in German literature is certainly one of the reasons why critics enthusiastically anticipated the release of a novel set in a German football hooligan scene� Critics agree that Hool is a highly accomplished literary achievement by a new and young literary voice� 4 The novel was subsequently nominated for the Deutscher Buchpreis in 2016 and shortlisted as one of the best new six books of the year� 5 Reviewers have identified Winkler, born 1986, as an authentic new voice in German literature, praising his extraordinary and artistically successful approach in making a die-hard football fan, a hooligan, the protagonist of his debut novel� This essay further examines if Winkler’s novel actually fits the category of a ‘football novel,’ a genre that Lee McGowan defines as “any work of fiction with a significant reliance on football as a central or substantive element, including but not restricted to narrative, voice, structure, setting and character development” (222). Winkler rarely mentions specific game results and the position of Hanover’s team in the national league table, yet the issue of passionate fandom and absolute loyalty to the team paired with physical encounters and clashes with fans from other teams elevate football to the substantive element in the novel that McGowan seeks in football novels� Winkler’s Hool captures the Zeitgeist in the sense that its release falls into a time when the debates about the commercialization and media exploitation of football had reached new and previously unimaginable frontiers. Brazilian football star Neymar was transferred from Barcelona to Paris Saint-Germain in 2017 for the record fee of an estimated 222-million Euros and a new TV deal in England in 2016 earned each member of the Premier League large sums of money that put the British football in a powerful economic position in comparison to its European counterparts� Before the COVID-19 pandemic hit in spring 2020 and brought professional football around the world (save for Belarus) to a sudden halt wielding significant impact on teams and national leagues alike, the novel reflected the Zeitgeist in football fandom at a time when fans began to voice their opposition to their status as consumers of a commodified and high-priced modern football industry. In recent years, football fans have become increasingly vocal and powerful in raising concerns about the current trajectories in their beloved sport� Whether as visitors in the stadiums or viewers in front of the TV, football fans today constitute a unique critical voice that asks forcefully to be heard by the clubs, national federations and international as well as global federations such as UEFA and FIFA� While ultras and hooligans constitute distinct fan groups, it is telling that die-hard fans like the ultras movement have been the most vocal against a premature restart of the Bundesliga in May 2020� Moreover, it was primarily the fans and their threats to boycott professional football that let the European top teams’ plans of a European Super League collapse within days of its announcements in April 2021 (Panja)� Professional football is at the crossroads today following the dramatic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on teams and the sport as form of entertainment as we know it, with increasingly powerful fans voicing Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 53 54 Bastian Heinsohn their rejection of commercialized football� Winkler’s novel Hool was born into a time just prior to the real debates and clashes, fought with arguments and silent protests, between fans and professional football in Germany� Within the wider context of recent contemporary literature in Germany, Winkler’s novel fits into the recent reemergence of a trend: namely giving a literary voice to young, marginalized groups; to outsiders and characters whose voices are otherwise rarely heard, such as immigrants, the unemployed and people left behind for various reasons� While giving a voice to those without in society-to Außenseiter -has a long tradition in German literature, the degree of recent novels by young German authors that are marked by a first-person narrator’s heavy use of colloquial German rather than Standard or High German is striking� This form of German, called Alltagsdeutsch, can be found in stories set at the fringes of urban spaces and at the lower strata of society, for example in Felix Lobrecht’s Sonne und Beton (2017), Clemens Meyer’s Als wir träumten (2006) und Im Stein (2013), and Wolfgang Herrndorf ’s Tschick (2010)� The use of Alltagsdeutsch, however, does not necessarily indicate a lack of education or a migration background on the part of the protagonist� Instead, it increases the authenticity of the language, the novel’s characters and the plot� Within this context, Hool has been widely praised as an authentic presentation of the world of football hooliganism and allegiance to a German Bundesliga team� 6 To achieve the ‘authenticity,’ Winkler uses an intensity and immediacy in the language that catches the atmosphere of a certain milieu, namely football hooligans, and places the reader right in the center of the action� In Hool, the world of football serves as a transitory space and a surrogate home in a what can be considered a coming-of-age story of a young adult trying to find his place and role in society. Most of the plot is in fact set far away from the pitch and the stadium-so offside or im Abseits, to use a football term� ‘Matches’ take place in offside spaces as well. The term ‘matches’ does not refer to Bundesliga games, however, but instead is a slang word commonly used among hooligans for fights off the pitch. The fights are meticulously planned with the other Bundesliga teams’ affiliated hooligan groups and are executed like rituals with a fixed set of laws setting boundaries to the violent physical encounters� This essay explores the novel’s numerous ‘spaces’ with a particular focus on the landscapes off the pitch frequented by the hooligans and the spaces of memory that are closely connected to the protagonist’s upbringing� Similar to Nick Hornby’s seminal football novel Fever Pitch, Winkler’s Hool is ambiguous about its fictitiousness, as it frequently references true events in Hannover 96’s club history including the suicide of goalkeeper Robert Enke, a key match in the German Cup against rival Eintracht Braunschweig and a relegation play-off game� Consequently, critics have suspected Winkler of being an active or former member of the hooligan scene who writes from lived experience, which Winkler has consistently and convincingly denied� 7 His novel mixes facts and fiction in ways similar to Nick Hornby in Fever Pitch, which has been considered an autobiographical account; however, there are fundamental differences between these two novels putting football at their center. Winkler’s first-person narrator Heiko Kolbe is a football fan, but in contrast to Hornby’s protagonist, a character trait such as obsession does not properly define Heiko’s stance towards the club. Winkler rarely shares any game results, gives no crucial information about the importance of upcoming matches and the psychological extreme situations fans endure in stadiums during games, no information is gained on the manic behaviors in the stands, nor the extreme moments of joy or sadness that are inherent to any die-hard fan who is ‘obsessed’ with a team� Winkler’s protagonist Heiko does not experience any such emotions, except for the adrenalin that kicks in when he and his hooligan friends are on the way to the violent clash with the other fan groups away from the stadium� Despite the fact that one can place the novel in the realm of coming-of-age stories, there is, tragically, little to no significant learning outcome for Heiko in the end. Winkler’s novel uses football as a sport and its impact on the protagonist perhaps more in the subtle, yet forceful way Peter Esterhazy uses football in Keine Kunst (2010) or the way Don DeLillo weaves in baseball into his masterpiece Underworld ( 1998) . The first pages in Hool describe the encounter of Hannover 96 with FC Köln hooligans and it is Winkler’s language that puts the reader into the mind of protagonist Heiko� The narration provides intimate access to anything Heiko sees, feels and even smells in what is a tense and physical scene of a violent encounter between two hooligan groups. The novel’s first paragraph below describes the minutes immediately before the fight begins. Ich wärme meinen neuen Zahnschutz in der Hand an� Wende ihn mit den Fingern und presse ihn etwas zusammen� So mache ich es vor jedem Kampf� Das Gelmaterial bleibt stabil, gibt nur wenig nach� Das ist ein Top-Ding� Was Besseres kann man nicht bekommen� Individuell vom Zahntechniker hergestellt� Keines dieser Billoteile aus Massenproduktion, die man nach zwei Wochen gleich wieder in die Tonne kloppen kann, weil dir die Kanten ins Zahnfleisch schneiden. Oder weil man wegen der beschissenen Passform und dem chemischen Kunststoffgeruch andauernd einen Würgreiz kriegt. Bis auf Jojo mit seinem mageren Hausmeistergehalt haben wir inzwischen fast alle so einen Zahnschutz� Kai, der immer den feinsten Shit haben muss� Ulf� Der kann das mal locker aus der Portokasse zahlen� Tomek, Töller� Und einige unserer Jungs, die entsprechende Jobs haben� Onkel Axel sowieso� Der hat den Zahntechniker vor ein paar Jahren aufgetan� Hat sich auf Kontaktsportarten spezialisiert und versorgt Kampfsportler in ganz Deutschland� Wie man hört, sollen auch welche von den Frank- Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 55 56 Bastian Heinsohn furtern zu dem gehen und einige Jungs aus dem Osten� Aus Dresden und Halle, die Zwickauer� Müssen bestimmt ihren Monatssatz Hartz IV dafür hinblättern, denke ich und fahre die durchgestanzten Atemlöcher mit der Fingerspitze ab� (7) The fight takes place far away from any stadium and even far away from the team’s home cities of Hanover and Brunswick� The novel follows Heiko on longer journeys by car into the periphery via the Autobahn, through towns and villages, and through remote forests pathways to spaces that are in some ways neutral and indistinct territories to stage the fights. The hooligan groups on each side discuss and agree on rules before they actually meet and clash on their designated battle fields. The fights appear like games with set rules that are to be followed no matter the degree of hostility and rivalry between the fan groups� Winkler includes spatial markers to map the journey that takes the hooligans along the Bundesstraße ‘B 55’ and through remote towns such as Olpe and onto dirt roads into forests and abandoned parking lots� The hooligans wear T-shirts in specific colors, for example red in the opening sequence, as if wearing a uniform, dressing like a sports team before a clash or even showing allegiance to and membership of a gang ready to violently confront a rival gang� Setting these fights far away from the stadiums in the cities of the respective home teams, Winkler creates a counter-landscape that consists of faceless urban spaces such as the labyrinth-like architecture of former open-air shopping malls and of entirely remote and rural areas. Winkler’s first-person narrator Heiko muses that the abandoned Ihme-Zentrum, a failed shopping and business center building project in Hanover designed and erected in the 1970s, is the ideal spot for a post-game fight with rival hooligans. “Es ist der perfekte Ort für ein Match in der Stadt. Genug Platz und Bewegungsspielraum für ein Aufeinandertreffen von 40, vielleicht sogar 60 Leuten” (250). Ironically, the purpose of these fights is to put Hanover on the map, but not in the sense that the city of Hanover deserves to be recognized, but in order to rank the hooligans of Hannover 96 among the leading hooligan groups of Germany’s football teams� 8 The ranking of these notorious fan-or rather hooligan-groups therefore differs greatly from the teams they support� Hannover 96 and Magdeburg, for example, replace major cities on the German football map such as Munich and Dortmund and perhaps even Leipzig today� Winkler draws an alternative map of Fußballdeutschland, namely a map from below and from the viewpoint of a hooligan� 9 The hooligans gather im Abseits, away from the big money football and also away from big cities in geographical terms, as this novel does not mention Berlin, Hamburg or Munich, but instead Hanover, Brunswick, Olpe, and anywhere in between� Winkler focuses on regions in Germany that are located in between large urban areas in Germany and can be considered transit spaces� Here, spatial geography matches the protagonist’s current stage in life between adolescence and adult life� Heiko, who is in his late 20s and therefore similar in age to Winkler when he wrote the novel, longs for acceptance and stability and his football fandom provides him with like-minded friends and Hannover 96 fans� Football and his friends seem to be the only constants in his life� A closer look at the excerpt above, the novel’s first paragraph, reveals how well Winkler includes some of the novel’s key elements and themes� The reader learns about the following: a) the adrenaline that rushes through Heiko before ‘matches’ against other hooligan groups; b) the danger inherent to the fights and the necessary preparation for the encounters; c) Heiko’s friends and their social backgrounds with most seemingly coming from a working-class background; and d) Heiko’s environment of fitness studios and martial arts. The map of Fußballdeutschland in this novel also varies greatly from the geographical map of Germany in which cities like Berlin, Hamburg, Cologne and Munich stand out in size� The map that Winkler’s novel draws contains major sites with significant fan, or rather hooligan, bases for example Frankfurt, Dresden, Halle and Zwickau� Except for Frankfurt, these are cities that are not at all key cities on a map of Germany nor on the map of Fußballdeutschland. These alternative sites are the spots where fans meet and clash before or after the games and the connector of these locations is a car� Car scenes are frequent in Hool, leading to and from violent encounters or at times merely emphasizing the sense of disorientation in space without major identifiers and sights. The location of this introductory sequence above takes place inside a car and Heiko is traveling with his friends to a remote location to meet the fans of FC Köln for a fight. In the novel, the Kampfzonen (combat zones) are located outside the stadiums, shifting the focus away from the game itself and its players towards the fans and their physical encounters beyond the stadiums� On match days, states Heiko’s uncle, who functions as his mentor and surrogate father figure, fights should take place in the city but not in the stadium: “Am besten nicht zu weit vom Stadion� So wie es früher war� Bevor alle Kameras, Richtmikrofone und Überwachungssysteme installiert waren� Im Stadion selbst wird das nichts, da müssen wir uns gar nichts vormachen� Aber außerhalb des engeren Polizeiradars� Irgendwo in der City” (244)� ‘Irgendwo’ does not translate to ‘anywhere’ in the sense of ‘no matter where,’ but the term refers to a location in the city that is non-descriptive and bleak and could be anywhere, a faceless ‘non-place’, to use a term coined by Marc Augé� Augé defines a non-place as follows: “If a place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity will be a non-place” (63)� Augé’s definition of a non-place could be applied to the hooligan’s battlefield Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 57 58 Bastian Heinsohn spaces as well, as these remote spaces have no inherent relation to the club nor the city and are not filled with history or identity, like for example a marked battle ground that has seen previous encounters between hooligan groups� The novel’s characters have difficulty finding such remote battlegrounds, which alludes to the fact that these spaces indeed have no history or identity within the context of the story� For example, protagonist Heiko ponders the space he finds himself in before a hooligan fight: “Dann waren wir also draußen. In der Walachei. Mitten in der Nacht” (75). The expression “Walachei’ refers to a remote region in Romania and has been commonly used in the German language figuratively meaning “middle of nowhere”. Heiko continues, stating: “Es war kalt. So kalt, wie es Anfang November nun mal ist, wenn man nachts, wasweißichwo, in der Pampa steht” (77)� 10 The term “wasweißichwo” is best translated as “what do I know where” and implies a sense of disorientation in a non-descriptive and faceless space. A later fight takes place in a desolate space within the city limits when hooligans meet in a labyrinth-like outdated and quasi abandoned 1960s shopping center� Heiko states: Es ist der perfekte Ort für ein Match in der Stadt� Genug Platz und Bewegungsspielraum für ein Aufeinandertreffen von 40, vielleicht sogar 60 Leuten. Dabei durch die labyrinthartige Struktur und den Sichtschutz, den die Hochhäuser und leerstehenden Ladenpassagen bieten, versteckt genug, um das Ganze ohne vorzeitige Polizeiauflösung durchzuführen� (250) Heiko’s goal is to represent the city of Hanover and its football team with ‘honor’ and to put Hanover ‘on the map’ in the hooligan scene� A successful placing of new markers on the counter-map of Germany in its identical national borders is decided on the hooligan’s battle fields in the non-descriptive peripheries of any urban center or any traditional marker on a map� Except for the novel’s last fight placed towards the end of the story and again set in a no man’s land, all fights follow strict rules in regard to the number of participants on each side, the use or banishment of weapons and do’s and don’ts, for example not hitting an opponent once the opponent is on the ground� Winkler emphasizes the details of the regulated fight to a degree that the fights almost appear choreographed from beginning to end� In certain ways, a more violent version of the sport the hooligans use for their rivalries, replaces the sports on the pitch� Heiko proudly states that his uncle praised Heiko’s preparations for a hooligan fight with fans from Cologne: “Tatsächlich lobt er mich für die gute Organisation des Köln-Matches. […] Hat ja auch alles geklappt, im Endeffekt. Wir haben einen Sieg eingefahren� Keine Bullen� Unterm Strich schon ein Erfolg” (45)� The novel rarely gives attention to matches, players, performances, and results� Match descriptions happen in flashbacks and reference legendary games or in episodes in the present with his father, when both visit a game in Bremen’s Weserstadion and sitting on neutral seats� Actual football match descriptions are sparse in Hool, which stresses the fact that Winkler gives the clashes outside the stadiums and far away from the cities a much stronger emphasis� The post-game hooligan matches boast a flair of playful, yet violent, attempts to redraw the map of Germany to achieve an alternative geography, a map of Fußballdeutschland f rom the viewpoint of its hooligan fan base� The narrative structure of the book switches between past and present as well as between spaces connected to Heiko’s world of football and friends and spaces linked to his family home. The family home appears in flashbacks and in episodes set in the present� Winkler portrays the protagonist’s broken childhood full of hardships with an absent mother-the reasons for her absence are never explained in the novel-and a disengaged and alcoholic father� The father’s new wife, a woman from Thailand called Mie, remains ghostlike in the novel and is more absent than present in the novel’s passages that describe Heiko’s occasional visits at home� His sister Manuela and her young family are busy with their own lives and estranged from the family. Domestic space has a significant impact on Heiko and provides him with a balance to the spaces of football and combat� The family home is a space of memory that alternates between being a space of comfort and a space of trauma due to Heiko’s shattered childhood and a nostalgic place of loss� Memories of his grandfather connected to the family home give him comfort and respite and he feels a sense of belonging in the memories of his past� His grandfather introduced him to the world of football by playing football together in the garden when Heiko was little� The feeling of Geborgenheit that Heiko finds in his memories, however, is more or less absent in Heiko’s present� In fact, in the family home episodes, Heiko repeatedly feels imprisoned and uncomfortable very quickly� For example, after feeding the pigeons his father keeps in a pigeon house in the garden, Heiko states: “Ich knalle die Tür zu. Lassen den Futtereimer einfach neben dem Stall stehen. Nur noch weg hier” (58)� The constant switch between episodes and locations throughout Winkler’s novel, separated like mini numberless chapters, emphasizes the fact that Heiko is seeking a space he can call home without truly finding it. The episode with the pigeons is followed by Heiko’s escape to a fitness studio called Wotan Club where Heiko occasionally helps out and works out as well� The studio is run by his uncle Axel, mentor, and surrogate father� Axel initiated him to the world of hooliganism during his adolescence� The family home and the gym, despite its questionable clientele of gang members and criminals, are also spaces of comfort for Heiko and provide a constant in his life that he can otherwise only find in his loyalty to the football club and in the close bond to his hooligan friends� Towards the end of the novel, his life as a hooligan begins Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 59 60 Bastian Heinsohn to crumble as his friends turn their attention to other things in life such as job and family, whereas Heiko does not have any other alternative in his life as a constant other than his allegiance to the football team� Facing the loss of the remaining fixed points in his life, Heiko explodes in the end of the novel in an orgy of violence: “Der Tunnelblick setzt ein� Ich sehe nur noch dieses Gesicht vor mir� Alles herum verschwindet in einer schwarzen Wolke� Da ist wieder Axels Stimme� Er ruft uns etwas zu� Bei mir kommt nur ein dumpfes Wummern an. Ich stoße mich vom Boden ab” (303). Following the violent episode are flashbacks to Heiko’s childhood and his spaces of comfort and belonging, but the novel does not offer any solution for its protagonist’s longing for acceptance and a solid plan for the future� In fact, Hool dwells on the past by emphasizing spaces of memory and loss throughout the novel� The novel links the protagonist’s personal sense of lost Geborgenheit he once experienced at home to disappearing spaces of comfort in football, for example when Heiko remembers the names of previous Hannover 96 star players and calls the team’s stadium by its old name, the Niedersachsenstadion. (70) The novel’s relative lack of football game descriptions and overall nostalgic mood throughout must also be read as a deliberate rejection of what commercialized football has become today� Protagonist Heiko clings to remnants from the past in a short passage that shows that Winkler’s first-person narrator considers himself a true football fan: “Ein echter Fußballfan legt Wert auf Tradition, auf das Althergebrachte. Nichts verkörpert das besser als unsere Hannoveraner Stammkneipe, der altehrwürdige Timpen in der Calenberger Neustadt” (86 — 7)� Examining the notion of fandom as portrayed in this novel shows a fragmentation among fans, in this case the fans of Hannover 96 as fictionalized in the novel� Heiko considers the fans that identify themselves as ultras as immature fans preoccupied with choreographies and the game itself, whereas the hooligans seem to care much less about the game and more about the clashes with the hooligans of the other team� Towards the end of the novel and leading up to its climactic sequence, the orgy of violence mentioned above, Heiko considers an upcoming DFB-Pokal match against archrival Eintracht Braunschweig mainly as an opportunity to clash with the Eintracht hooligans rather than as a good opportunity for Hannover 96 to advance in the cup competition� While Heiko and his hooligan friends in the novel are overall apolitical, they do take a firm stand in clearly distancing themselves from neo-Nazi groups among the Hannover 96 fans� For Heiko and his friends, the game itself and its results are not immensely important and rarely mentioned in the novel� What matters is solidarity, camaraderie within the group, reliability, and letting off steam physically while also adhering to the rules of the clashes with other hooligan groups� Through the voice of the first-person narrator, the novel distinguishes between the fragmented fan groups, particularly between ultras, hooligans and racist right-wing fans� Scholarship on football fandom equally emphasize the diversity of football fans and divides fan groups by their varying intentions and support, ranging from expressing passion for the team through tireless support in the stands, following political agendas and staging protests addressing trajectories in modern football as well as utilizing the stadium and the anonymity within the masses as a forum to express radical right-wing and racist views� Spaaij and Testa define football hooliganism as “a distinctive subculture among predominantly young male partisan fans and their engagement in a collective violence which is primarily targeted at opposing fan groups with whom there is often a history hostility and confrontation” (365)� Hooliganism is perhaps the least political of all fan sub-groups, and Winkler’s novel confirms the shifted priorities of hooligans away from supporting the team, from saving modern football from commercialization and commodification (it is safe to say that this is a fight football has been losing since at least the late 1990s), and also away from attacking groups for political or radical reasons� This is not to say that radical leftist and right-wing viewpoints are entirely absent in football hooliganism, but violence for the sake of violence tends to be the primary force in hooliganism� The group of ultras, infantilized in Winkler’s novel through Heiko’s remarks that also serve to distance himself as a hooligan and primarily also in an attempt to assure himself of maturity and masculinity, are preoccupied with team support in the stadium and with strengthening the role of fans during the transformations of modern professional football into an entertainment industry� “Their basic function,” as Spaaij and Testa note about ultras, “is to provide expressive and colourful support to the team, and therefore they are not necessarily concerned with defeating or humiliating their rivals through intimidation or violence” (365)� It must be noted here that the ultra movement in Italy has historically been different than in the rest of the European continent with a significantly higher proclivity to exercise violence in stadiums and beyond and expressing racist and fascist views in the stadium openly and for everyone to see through banners, clothing and gestures causing severe problems for the reputation of teams and the national league� 11 Returning to the aspect of space in connection to football fandom as portrayed in Winkler’s novel, it is conspicuous that the various groups of fans also have distinct spaces they inhibited for their activities� The common fans share the stadium space with the ultras who focus on supporting the team in the stands during the 90 minutes of the game� The right-wing and tentatively violent hard-core supporters increasingly operate between stands and spaces around the stadium to threaten supporters of the other team� As aforemen- Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 61 62 Bastian Heinsohn tioned, hooligans, however, are preoccupied with clashes outside the stadium and therefore occupy spaces that are primarily further away from the football grounds, which is reflected in Winkler’s Hool. The spatial shift of hooliganism towards areas away from football grounds and their surroundings must also be attributed to the increased policing and surveillance of fan behavior inside and near the stadiums� Public spaces that are disconnected to professional football’s private spaces under surveillance allow transgressive behaviors not tolerated and severely fined in the arenas. Remote areas where hooligan groups meet have become uncontrolled arenas of danger and violence, thus creating its own form of spectacle in response to the increasingly controlled sports spectacle in the stadiums� The commercial and critical success of Winkler’s Hool, and its wider appeal and marketability, also stems from the fact that football-related violence exhibits a voyeuristic appeal� 12 Winkler’s stylistic means to begin the novel with a vivid description of a violent clash from the point of view of a hooligan is appealing to the reader and football-interested fan because media coverage of violence in professional football has subsided in the past decades as the game itself has become increasingly family friendly and free of fan disruptions in its coverage of games� For example, television stations attempt to avoid showing fan violence and illegal pyrotechnics in the stands or images of fans invading the pitch during the game� As Alan McDougall writes “[i]n safer, family-friendly stadiums, with better football and tighter security measures on display, violence has fewer places to hide� Fighting fans increasingly staged confrontations far from the stadium, in prearranged meeting places” and therefore, McDougall concludes, “violence had been displaced, not eradicated” (165)� Winkler’s novel shows precisely this emphasis of on spaces far from the stadiums, in remote places in rural Germany at night as spaces where football fans clash� By ridding the game itself of any internal and external disturbances, fan violence has entered the realm of professional football’s underbelly as a darker side marked by transgression and violence that is absent from the surface of professional football� Many of the described violent encounters between hooligan groups in Winkler’s novel take place at night in remote areas and are quite literally taking place in dark spaces unseen by the wider public� It is a “spectacle of violence” that has shifted from the stadiums, perhaps best exemplified in football hooliganism in the 1960s to 1980s in England, to physical spaces away from the sport arenas to geographical and mental spaces increasingly free of any references to the sport itself� 13 Gunter Gebauer detects an interrelation between a highly regulated and increasingly violent-free football spectacle in the stadiums on the one hand and the violent clashes of hooligans around the stadiums and beyond on the other hand� “[Hooligans] verfolgen die Absicht, Gewalt im Fußball wieder zu einer realen Gefahr zu machen: ein beherrschtes in ein wildes, unkontrolliertes Spiel ausufern zu lassen, das eine Gefahr für Leib und Leben darstellt” (151)� Gebauer argues that hooligans attempt to reinsert violence into football to turn a controlled game into a wild and uncontrollable game that poses a danger for people (151)� Gebauer states that evil in the form of football-related violence is a media event and provides what he phrases as “Bilder einer extremen Fremdheit” within a commodified and family-friendly football industry today (158). Hooligans, as representatives of a football subculture, are “producers of images of evil” (“Bilderproduzenten des Bösen”) feeding a public that is literally expecting images of deviance and transgression as part of modern-day football coverage (158)� Representation of football-related violence, whether it is in recent literature such as Winkler’s Hool o r media reports on violence at football events such as international Champions League games and World Cups, form modern football’s counter-images of a transgressive subculture that media coverage is unable to repress entirely� Subcultural behavior could perhaps be defined as a transgressive response to forms of oppression and regulation� In modern football, hooligans represent a subcultural deviant response to a sport shifted towards excessive media and commercial exploitation that demands regulation and mass market appeal, thus eliminating any forms of aggression which are not part of the sport competition in the pitch itself� In a linguistic context, subcultural behavior counters the standard language used through more colloquial and substandard forms of verbal communication� Winkler’s Hool has been praised for its unique and raw language, for the “authentic sound,” as journalist Sabine Peschel calls it, of a world surrounding football and hooliganism� The language spoken by the characters, and particularly by protagonist Heiko, who serves as the novel’s first-person narrator, is Alltagsdeutsch with a high percentage of direct speech ranging from the colloquial and the vulgar to the poetic� He, for example, describes a scene in a car as follows: “Axel war gerade dabei, den synchron nickenden Kai und Töller einen Einlauf zu verpassen, was der Mist da sollte, nach einem Match noch sonen Aufriss zu machen, und wer ihnen eigentlich ins Hirn geschissen hätte” (17). Specific vocabulary is used to describe the world of hooliganism, for example “matches” for the violent and physical encounters with other hooligan groups. The first-person narrator’s use of colloquial German is occasionally interspersed with highly reflective narration that borders on the poetic when observing and commenting on landscapes and atmospheres, for example, exemplified in sudden and somewhat surprising use of poetic Sprachbilder describing the beauty of the natural landscape� Winkler’s narration, particularly in passages describing the hooligans’ violent physical encounters such as the novel’s introductory passage discussed above, has been praised and compared to the Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 63 64 Bastian Heinsohn energy and fast pace of live sports commentary from a subjective point of view� As Journalist Andreas Plattenhaus describes: “Winkler schreibt im erzählenden Präsens, es hat den Sog einer Sportskommentierung, aber ohne jede Objektivität.” The narrative pace and the language style varies constantly, reflecting the vernaculars used in the novel’s many spaces, from the hooligan’s battlefields, the social spaces shared with friends such as passages that take place in gym named after the mythical Nordic God Wotan, scenes in the car, to the spaces of memory surrounding the domestic spaces of Heiko’s family� Reviewers like Die Zeit’ s David Hugendick have pointed out the numerous stylistic and linguistic variations in Hool and consider the language the novel’s major weakness� Yet, one can argue that Winkler convincingly changes tone and style throughout the novel and adapts language to the situation his protagonist is in and the people he is communicating with in the respective passage� In an interview soon after the novel’s release, Winkler stated that he envisions his protagonist as an educated person who may not be eloquent, but who is not dumb either� Youth language mixed with northern German dialect and region-specific expressions are dominant in interactions with his friends. Here, Heiko uses extreme examples of foul language, for instance “Scheiße”, and “Wichser” at numerous occasions both in direct speech and narration� In a radio interview with Swiss station SRF in November 2016, only a few weeks after the novel’s release, Winkler points out that beauty can be found in vulgar language as well and that the language he applies in the novel is a collection of different components (Münger). Language changes when Heiko interacts with his family to a more intimate and relatively polished speech pattern marked by regional dialect, for example “Vadder” and “weißte datt, mien Jung? ” Winkler hereby links a warm sense of comfortable rootedness to domestic space by letting his protagonist speak more dialect and use casual expressions, whereas the language used in the interactions with his friends is casual, yet edgy, confrontational, and filled with expletives in line with the violent encounters the group has with other hooligan groups� The complexity of language used in the novel serves the protagonist to adapt to his changing surroundings� Colloquial language, whether it is the vernacular marked by dialect at home or by foul language among his buddies, provides Heiko with a space of comfort and a retreat� The sudden shift in the plot towards the end of the novel, when the bond between his friends begins to fall apart as they seek to pursue alternatives to football and hooliganism in their lives significantly threaten his space of comfort� It is time for Heiko to come to terms with real life, and to realize that the time with his hooligan friends and ersatz family was only a transitory space and time for him. “Heiko, raff es mal”, advises his uncle Axel bluntly towards the end of the novel, “Das wars für mich� Und du solltest auch endlich im wahren Leben ankommen” (253)� Winkler’s novel is a protagonist’s search for identity and purpose in life and for whom football and hooliganism serve as temporary constants and spaces of belonging� However, football fandom, or rather football hooliganism, reveals itself to be only a transitory space Heiko can hold on to for a limited time during his adolescence� When this space begins to crumble, he needs to find a constant in his life other than football, fandom and hooliganism. A step that the protagonist has yet to take at the rather hopeful and optimistic end of Hool. In the process of entering a new phase in life of his protagonist, Winkler’s novel leaves open to speculation how Heiko’s alliance to the football club Hannover 96 and the nature of his fandom will develop further� Notes 1 Houellebecq’s novel Extension du domaine de la lutte was published in English under the title Whatever � 2 Philipp Winkler’s Hool has been translated into various languages including English and was adapted to the theatre stage in 2017� In several interviews, Winkler has indicated that plans exist to adapt the book to the movie screen. As of August 2021, a film project has yet to be announced. 3 See for example Anastassia Tsoukala, Football Hooliganism in Europe: Security and Civil Liberties in the Balance (2009); Steve Frosdick and Peter Marsh, Football Hooliganism (2005); Gary Armstrong, Football Hooligans: Knowing the Scene (1998); Eric Dunning, Patrick Murphy, and John Williams, The Roots of Football Hooliganism: An Historical and Sociological Study (1988)� 4 See for example Daniel Knipphals’ review “Sich festhalten am falschen Leben�” 5 Eventually, Bodo Kirchhoff’s novel Widerfahrnis won the Deutscher Buchpreis 2016 award� 6 See for example Julia Encke’s review “Die Null, die alles entscheidet” in the FAZ and Gerrit Bartels review “Der Traum vom Tiger” in Tagesspiegel � 7 In his interview with SRF radio interview, Winkler states that he was not a hooligan and wrote his book after researching the hooligan scene for roughly a year� 8 This essay uses the spelling Hanover for the German city and Hannover to refer to the football club Hannover 96� 9 The term ‘Fußballdeutschland” is commonly used in newspaper articles and in debates surrounding football and fans in Germany (“Lockerungen in der Corona-Krise�”) 10 The italics in this quote were added by the author of this paper to emphasize the specific word elaborated on in the subsequent sentences. Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 65 66 Bastian Heinsohn 11 On the history of ultras and their support in Italian football, see for example: Carlo Podaliri and Carlo Balestri’s “Ultras, Racism and Football Culture in Italy�” 12 See Crabbe’s “The public gets what the public wants: England football fans, ‘truth’ claims and mediated realities�” 13 Crabbe uses the term ‘spectacle of violence’ and argues that hooliganism and football-related violence is an essential part in the consumption of the wider commercial enterprise of football today (418)� I use the term ‘mental space’ here in relation to internal motivations behind violent behavior and sociological reasons to engage with other hooligan groups in physical encounters� Works Cited Armstrong, Gary� Football Hooligans: Knowing the Scene. Oxford: Berg, 1998� Augé, Marc� Non-Places. An Introduction to Super-Modernity. Translated by John Howe� London: Verso, 2009� Ball, Tom� “Rise of Football Hooliganism sees return to 1980s violence�” The Times, 20 August 2019� Web� https: / / www�thetimes�co�uk/ article/ rise-of-football-hooliganism-sees-return-to-1980s-violence-bdk6xvcrt 04 March 2023� Bartels, Gerrit� “Der Traum vom Tiger�” Tagesspiegel, 21 September 2016� Web� https: / / www�tagesspiegel�de/ kultur/ roman-hool-von-philipp-winkler-ein-match-in-braunschweig-endet-mit-einer-katastrophe/ 14581416-2�html 04 March 2023� Crabbe, T� “The public gets what the public wants: England football fans, ‘truth’ claims and mediated realities,” International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 38 (2003): 413—25� Dunning, Eric, Patrick Murphy, and John Williams� The Roots of Football Hooliganism: An Historical and Sociological Study. London: Routledge, 1988� Encke, Julia. “Die Null, die alles entscheidet.” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 23 September 2016� Web� https: / / www�faz�net/ aktuell/ feuilleton/ buecher/ buch-ueber-diehooligan-szene-von-philipp-winkler-14429523�html 28 August 2021� Frosdick, Steve and Peter Marsh, Football Hooliganism. London: Willan, 2005� Gebauer, Gunter: Poetik des Fußballs. Frankfurt/ Main: Campus, 2006� Hornby, Nick. Fever Pitch. London: Verso: 1992� Hugendick, David� “Aufs Maul�” Die Zeit, 19 June 2016� Web� https: / / www�zeit�de/ kultur/ literatur/ 2016-09/ philipp-winkler-hool-roman/ komplettansicht 04 March 2023� Kahlefendt, Nils. “Last Exit Wunstorf-Luthe,” Buchjournal, 20 October 2016� Web� https: / / www�buchjournal�de/ 1242137/ 04 March 2023� King, John� Football Factory. London: Jonathan Cape, 1997� Knipphals, Daniel� “Sich festhalten am falschen Leben,” taz, 17 September 2016� Web� https: / / taz.de/ ! 5339682/ 04 March 2023� “Lockerungen in der Corona-Krise� Auf wen Fußball-Deutschland jetzt schaut�” Die Welt, 14� April 2020� Web� https: / / www�welt�de/ sport/ fussball/ bundesliga/ article207240969/ Lockerungen-in-Corona-Krise-Auf-wen-Fussball-Deutschland-jetztschaut�html 28 August 2021� McDougall, Allan� Contested Fields. A Global History of Modern Football. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2020� McGowan, Lee� “Football and its Fiction” in Routledge Handbook of Football Studies. Ed. John Hughson, Kevin Moore, Ramón Spaaij, and Joseph Maguire. New York: Routledge, 2016� 222—35� Münger, Felix� “ Hool von Philipp Winkler.” SRF, 06 November 2016. Web. https: / / www� srf�ch/ audio/ 52-beste-buecher/ hool-von-philipp-winkler? id=10971301 04 March 2023� Panja, Tariq� “Super League Collapses as Premier Teams Walk Away�” The New York Times, 20 April 2021� Web� https: / / www�nytimes�com/ 2021/ 04/ 20/ sports/ soccer/ super-league-collapse�html 28 August 2021� Peschel, Sabine� “100 GUTE BÜCHER� Philipp Winkler: Hool. " Deutsche Welle, 10 September 2018� Web� https: / / www�dw�com/ de/ philipp-winkler-hool/ a-45349156 04 March 2023� Piskurek, Cyprian� Fictional Representations of English Football and Fan Cultures. London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2018� Plattenhaus, Andreas� “Gewaltbereitschaft ist alles�” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 20 September 2016� Web� https: / / fazarchiv�faz�net/ faz-portal/ document? uid=FAZ__ FD1201609204950167 04 March 2023� Podaliri, Carlo and Carlo Balestri “Ultras, Racism and Football Culture in Italy�” In: Fanatics: Power, Identity and Fandom in Football. Ed� Adam Brown� London: Routledge, 1998� 88—100� Spaaij Ramón and Alberto Testa� “Football Hooliganism”� In Routledge Handbook of Football Studies. Ed� John Hughson, Kevin Moore, Ramón Spaaij, and Joseph Maguire. New York: Routledge, 2016. 364—75. Tsoukala, Anastassia� Football Hooliganism in Europe: Security and Civil Liberties in the Balance. London: Palgrave MacMillan, 2009� Tyres, Alan. “Football Fans suffer as TV now runs the Premier League.” The Telegraph, 02 September 2019� Web� https: / / www�telegraph�co�uk/ football/ 2019/ 09/ 02/ couldfans-gets-premier-league-free-to-air-television-boycotting/ 04 March 2023� Winkler, Philipp� Hool. Berlin: Aufbau, 2016� Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Philipp Winkler's novel Hool � 67 The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 69 The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football Kate Zambon University of New Hampshire Abstract: This paper analyzes the emergence of public debates about the obligation of athletes with transnational heritage to perform the national anthem� While the sporting national anthem has a contentious history in Germany, the question of the obligation to sing only emerged in 2010, once Germany’s men’s national football team began to reflect the true diversity of the citizenry. As some players chose to pray or silently focus and reflect during those crucial moments before the match, commentators began to raise questions about their commitment and true loyalties� Discourse around national sports reflects and reconstructs national politics of culture, race, and citizenship� It both symbolizes the optimism of national communities and reveals the fragility of support for celebrated “role models of integration�” Every time the anthem plays and the cameras pan player’s faces, the audience is invited to scrutinize and interpret their emotions and motivations� Beyond the right to judge, media discourse has established the public’s entitlement to command (minoritized) players’ bodies� This study analyzes the asymmetrical power of competing narrations by the mainstream media and players themselves� However, while players’ voices were elicited only to be dismissed, the persistent non-performance of the anthem exerted its own counterhegemonic effect. Athletes’ assertion of control over their bodies and voices became an act of resistance� While this debate demonstrates the depth of racist logics underlying the self-declared positivity of “soccer patriotism,” it also reveals how small counterhegemonic acts can shatter that benign façade by making racism visible� Keywords: football, national anthem, performance, minority, German national team, transnational heritage, patriotism, mainstream media, resistance 70 Kate Zambon Children march onto the field, leading uniformed men by the hand to line up, shoulder-to-shoulder, flanked by enormous national flags and looking out onto the roiling sea of fans� The announcer’s voice booms through the stadium announcing the anthem moments before the first swelling orchestral chords fill the space� The cameras perform a slow, close-up tracking shot of players’ faces� Nationwide, from the public viewing spaces to private homes, the screen asks viewers to evaluate and compare each athlete’s performance� Are their lips moving? Are their voices audible? Do their chests heave with emotion? What feeling can be read in their eyes? Does the spirit of the national anthem move them? Are they genuinely committed to their side in the battle ahead, to their role as warriors fighting for national supremacy? Do they “look German”? This article analyzes public debates about the obligation of national team footballers with transnational heritage to perform the national anthem� Analysis of press discourse shows that this topic only emerged as a focus of national debate after players of color became a substantial part of the German national team in 2010� As this issue became a heated national debate in subsequent years, journalists interrogated players about their refusal to sing only to dismiss or ignore their nuanced sentiments and reasoning� Players of color were repeatedly asked to explain themselves, although their answers were never enough� Despite the disproportionate weight given to the claims of their critics, the persistence of their performative non-performance of the anthem exerted its own counterhegemonic effect. Athletes’ assertion of control over their bodies and mental preparation became an act of resistance� While this debate demonstrates the depth of racist logics underlying the self-declared positivity of “soccer patriotism,” it also reveals how easily small counterhegemonic acts can shatter that benign façade by making racism visible� International competition turns athletes into living symbols of the nation� The carefully choreographed cameras and running commentary of mediated international sports reproduce familiar tropes and narratives of racial, gendered, and national differentiation. 1 Drawing on an archive of 353 news and magazine articles, 2 this paper analyzes the public debate around the obligation of athletes with transnational heritage to perform the German national anthem� Articles were combined from a custom Google search of 177 German newspaper archives curated by onlinenewspapers�com, as well as a custom search curated by the author of the 10 highest circulating periodicals in Germany� For historical perspective, the corpus includes results mentioning the national anthem, singing, and football from the complete archives of Der Spiegel beginning in 1954� The obligation to sing ( Singpflicht) became a policy proposal in 2012, but it began with speculation about the commitment and true national allegiance of immigrant and minority players in the 2010 men’s FIFA World Cup in South Africa� The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 71 Minoritized players are a central part of new soccer patriotism narratives� The beginnings of this narrative element appeared with the 2006 World Cup in Germany, which spurred unprecedented marketing and promotional projects by media, industry, and the federal government to both promote Germany on the world stage and to prepare Germans to be appropriately enthusiastic and patriotic fans (Speth)� The most prominent and expensive of these campaigns, under the slogan Du bist Deutschland (You Are Germany), earned praise for its inclusion of Ghanaian-born German national team player, Gerald Asamoah and several other entertainers of color. While it was an important affirmation that people of color can, indeed, “be Germany,” the campaign’s neoliberal ethos of citizenship through productivity set up new limitations on belonging� These new frameworks of citizenship and nationalism came into full focus in the 2010 World Cup, when half of the German team had immigrant heritage� 3 With his outstanding World Cup debut in 2010, Mesut Özil attracted special acclaim as a symbol of “successful integration” and as proof of the openness of German society� At the same time, alongside his fellow starting players Sami Khedira and Jerome Boateng, Özil became a lightning rod of suspicion about the loyalties and commitments of these new “cosmopolitan” players, exemplified in the now perennial debate about their obligation to perform the national anthem� While this debate reveals the tenacity of racialized nationalism within the celebratory framework of “soccer patriotism,” it also shows that small counterhegemonic “acts of citizenship” (Isin and Nielsen 2) can reveal how supposedly apolitical national sporting spectacles reproduce white Christian normativity� The public act of refusing to conform to hegemonic demands lays the foundations for future protests and claims to substantive citizenship� This case opens opportunities for transnational comparison analyzing the public responses to athletes’ attempts to assert their voices in the nationalist symbolic space of mediated sports� While it is beyond the scope of this paper, there are striking transnational similarities linking responses to athletes who use their platform to resist the racism of national publics that devalue the voices and the lives of “others�” These connections are especially clear between Germany and the U�S, from the national anthem protests of NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick and Mesut Özil’s condemnation of racism in his 2018 resignation to recent criticism of human rights abuses in China by Özil and NBA executives, fans, and players� The debate around the obligations and constraints on athletes’ speech and action in this paper sheds light on of the politics and nationalist symbolism of mediated sports in a global world� As Germany is experiencing a resurgence of far-right nationalism like many other established democracies globally, this case study shows that white Chris- 72 Kate Zambon tian nativist notions of German identity and demands for increased nationalism do not only come from the extremist margins of society� International sporting events like the Men’s FIFA World Cup 4 normalize nationalist hegemonies while obscuring this ideological role� Through a productive contradiction, political projects built around sports do so in part by claiming that sports are apolitical� This position holds that political protests corrupt of the “purity” of sporting competition by inserting politics where they do not belong� It is not accidental that this assertion often pairs with the celebration of “healthy” patriotism facilitated by international sporting events� Like sports themselves, this patriotism is framed as fun, natural, and, somehow, apolitical� However, as symbolically laden events, sporting spectacles are ideally situated to produce nationalist consciousness� Hobsbawm saw the rise of mass mediated international sporting competitions as deeply intertwined with the emergence of modern nationalism� He argued that international sporting competitions are the most potent means of making “national symbols part of the life of every individual” (142), spurring individuals to identify with the nation embodied by individual athletes� Maurice Roche concurs, finding that international sports provide occasions to invent and imagine national tradition and community and to “construct and present images of themselves for recognition in relation to other nations” (6)� Mediated sports are thus a crucial field for the cultivation of hegemonic frameworks of common consciousness, the foundation of all national politics� While scholarly analyses of sports have obliterated the mythology that sports can ever be apolitical, 5 the prevailing view in the media is that sport is a “harmless party providing important social release and cohesion in chaotic and harried postmodern times” (Wenner 6)� From this perspective, politics is an unwelcome intrusion that ruins the party� However, popular conceptions of “the political” rarely include the naturalized political acts perpetuating nationalist norms, 6 such as beginning sporting events with the national anthem and compelling players to stand or even sing� Instead, the idea of “politics” is only applied to those who challenge white, Christian, and patriarchal power structures� This challenge may be an explicit moral or ethical stance or may simply consist of being or acting “out of place�” This definition of politics is evident in one article from the archive, a 2009 interview with former DFB president Gerhard Mayer-Vorfelder in the rightwing newspaper, Junge Freiheit. Then interviewer repeatedly criticizes sanctions against soccer fans who hurl racist abuse at athletes of color� The interviewer concedes that the heckling of Nigerian player, Adebowale Ogungbure, by imitating a monkey was “politisch unter der Gürtellinie” 7 but asks whether sanctions show that “Politik [ist] also inzwischen wichtiger als die Leistung der Mannschaft auf dem Platz? ” 8 In the familiar vocabulary of right-wing culture The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 73 warriors across borders, the interviewer worries that “bald gelten auch nichtrassistische Aussagen als ‘rassistisch’” and that “Fußball wird zum Mittel, das Volk politisch korrekt zu erziehen” (Schwartz)� 9 Mayer-Vorfelder holds firm to the liberal democratic position that racism should not be tolerated, although he does state that players with a migration background “[müssen] sich auch zu unseren deutschen Grundwerten bekennen” 10 and he links this to the expectation that they sing the national anthem before games� In this example, sanctions against racist acts qualifies as political intervention, whereas requiring symbolic nationalist performance does not� The mere presence of athletes from minoritized groups in the symbolically laden roles of national athletes can be a political act triggering racist backlash� In more blatant examples this manifests in overt rejection, such as far-right AfD politician Alexander Gauland’s claim in 2016 that Germans accept Ghanaian-German player Jerome Boateng as a footballer, but “sie wollen einen Boateng nicht als Nachbarn haben” (qtd. in Wehner and Lohse). 11 When challenged, Gauland later absurdly claimed that he had no idea that Boateng was “ farbig ” (colored) when he made that statement (Dargent)� This disingenuous color-blind self-defense was belied further when he later responded to a question about players with immigrant ancestry by claiming that their presence meant that “eine deutsche oder eine englische Nationalmannschaft sind eben schon lange nicht mehr deutsch oder englisch im klassischen Sinne� Fußball ist letztlich eine Geldfrage und keine Frage der nationalen Identität mehr” (qtd� in Amann and Feldenkirchen) � 12 In a move the incorporates both racist notions of national identity and antisemitic tropes, Gauland argues that the presence of players of color is antithetical to Germanness and shows that the sport is corrupted by moneyed interests� More commonly, however, these racialized reactions appear in more subtle forms, such as the disproportionate policing and scrutiny of minoritized athletes’ performances on and off the field. The debates around the obligation of national players to sing the national anthem shows how celebratory coverage of new German diversity combines with narratives of suspicion and control� When the presence of minoritized bodies is a provocation, a small act of autonomy-the refusal to perform a symbolic act on demand-may be politically potent� The vaunted multikulti team of the 2010 World Cup in South Africa came to symbolize the strength of a new, inclusive Germany� 13 Turkish-German midfielder Mesut Özil emerged as a breakout national star� Özil and his German-born national teammates Jerome Boateng and Sami Khedira were widely lauded as “examples of successful integration�” The only two players who immigrated to Germany were Polish-born players, Miroslav Klose and Lukas Podolski� These players, who immigrated as ethnic-German Aussiedler, attracted less attention regarding “inte- 74 Kate Zambon gration,” suggesting that immigration itself was a less salient factor than apparent religious or racial difference. No single demographic characteristic unites all these players, except that they all carry some trace of transnational heritage� Those who were celebrated as “examples of integration” might have a white German parent, or they might not� They might have immigrated to Germany, or their family may have resided there for generations� They might be white (in the case of those on the team who actually immigrated), or they might be identifiable as people of color� They might be Christian, Muslim, or not religious at all� This diversity makes discussing the racial project evident in integration discourse and in this particular case difficult. 14 In contrast, the media’s division of players into unqualified Germans and “migrant” others was so reflexive it required little elaboration. While Germany celebrated the national team for its unprecedented diversity in 2010, observers in the public sphere began commenting on the practice of some of the team’s immigrant and visible minority players to focus in silence during the national anthem� This observation set the stage for heated recurring debates that reflect the surveillance and perpetual evaluation that accompanied the entrance of transnational Germans into the heart of national symbolic space� Before the turn of this century, the sports national anthem was not a significant object of media discussion� Archive searches in Der Spiegel return only sparse mention of the anthem and soccer before 2000� Searches of Der Spiegel’ s archive for the terms Fußball, singen, AND Nationalhymne returned only 12 results in its first 52 years of publication. From 2000 to 2019, the same search returned 93 results, two-thirds of which were written since 2010. The first spike in interest in this topic coincided with Germany’s preparation to host the 2006 World Cup� Before and during the tournament, the anthem appears most often as a naturalized part of football narration� Describing how the anthem plays with the subject standing hand-over-heart to sing is a standard element of the football story� Sometimes it simply sets the stage and others it provides the emotional apogee as the narrator or subject describes the dissolution of the self through the unifying power of the national ritual� A handful of articles summarize the history of the German anthem and its connection to national football, including the exuberant and politically problematic outbreak of the anthem- including the excised first verse declaring “ Deutschland über alles” -after West Germany’s surprising victory in the 1954 World Cup final. One of the powerful aspects of sporting spectacles is their recursive nature� Their retrospective, repetitive template allows myths and associations to be established in collective memory, whether celebrations of national euphoria, as in 1954, or patterns and stereotypes defining “the national” against its “others.” 15 Before 2010, when the players were almost exclusively white Germans, there was no sustained discussion about whether or how national players sang along with the anthem� The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 75 Despite the relative lack of interest in players’ performance of the national anthem before the debut of the mulitikulti team, several of the earlier articles in the Spiegel a rchive provide elements of the script for future discussions� The clearest example comes from 1984 when the magazine celebrated that “Endlich singen Deutschlands Nationalkicker die Nationalhymne mit” before coyly asking if this might be “das Geheimnis des Sieges? ” (“Deutsche Töne” 227)� 16 This article includes the affective and logical narratives that echo through the post-2010 coverage, though with a very different tenor. The playing of the anthem is described as “bewegend” (moving) and the players praised according to how “kräftig,” “mit Herz,” and “voller Inbrunst” 17 their performances were� This article praises the nationalist vision of DFB President Hermann Neuberger, who lamented that Germans had become a “gesichtsloses Volk” and advocated change by turning the national team into an “Ersatzschule der Nation” (qtd in “Deutsche Töne” 228)� As became clear a generation later, when the faces representing the nation were no longer exclusively white, the demands for serving this nationalist pedagogical role intensified sharply. Another idea that became a staple of future anthem discussions is the idea that the performance of the anthem determines the outcome of the game� The article retrospectively declares that their zealous performance of the anthem made their victory against the “emotionsarmen schwedischen Geradeausguckern” (“Deutsche Töne” 227) 18 a foregone conclusion� The tone in articles in these earlier articles is playful and positive� After 2010, however, instead of occasional celebrations of those who sing, attention shifted almost exclusively towards those who did not, asking both implicitly and explicitly about their divided loyalties and suggesting, then demanding, obligatory performance� A custom search of the archives of 177 German newspapers 19 with the same search terms used above returned two articles before 2010 that discussed players who choose not to sing. The first, from the online news portal, News.de, in 2008, covers players’ statements about their preparations for the game during the anthem, focusing on their decision whether to sing along� The article mentions the foreign birth of three players, all ethnic-Germans from Poland� Miroslav Klose says that he sings the German anthem but does not know the words to the Polish anthem� The other two Polish-born players “halten es anders als Klose� Ihre Lippen bewegen sich nicht während der deutschen Nationalhymne” (“Fußballer und die Nationalhymne”). 20 The article then shifts to look at the future team, naming U-21 team members Sami Khedira and Ashkan Dejagah as two players who “lassen sich nicht vom Gesang der Mitspieler mitreißen�” 21 This article provides space for the players’ explanations of their decisions (which are discussed further below) and also notes that it is not a universal international norm that national athletes sing along� While the article does not pass judgement explicitly, the fact that 76 Kate Zambon the only names mentioned in the article are not “traditionally” German stands out and begs the questions that will become staples of future debates, namely about the dedication and loyalty of players bearing the traces of migration� The second article to focus on players choosing not to sing before 2010 foreshadows the ambivalence of the coverage to come� With the headline “Multi- Kulti-Mannschaft steht für erfolgreiche Integration” (Ritter), 22 the article from the Mitteldeutsche Zeitung about the U-21 national team turns the diversity of the team into a symbol of the openness of contemporary Germany� A quote from team manager Oliver Bierhoff touts diversity as evidence “das zeigt, welch integrativen Charakter der Fußball hat” (qtd� in Ritter)� 23 Like integration discourse more generally, where praise of individual success is always accompanied by reminders of indelible otherness, the question about players’ national loyalty is the unifying theme of the article� The lead claims that “Die deutsche Nationalhymne haben sie noch nicht verinnerlicht, doch die Entscheidung für ihre neue Heimat ist längst gefallen�” 24 Despite the spurious reference to a “new homeland” for players who were mostly born and raised in Germany, many of whom have at least one German parent, this lead seems to accept players’ choice to play for Germany as a statement of allegiance� At the same time, by opening with a patronizing and presumptuous reference to minority and immigrant player’s failure to “internalize” the national anthem suggests that their membership is not full-fledged. The rest of the article follows this pattern, apparently marshalling evidence that players belong on the national team while only players with transnational traces are forced to demonstrate their dedication. Not singing the German anthem looms as counterevidence that players with transnational heritage are forced to address� Figure 1: The caption for this photograph in Die Welt reads, “Schweiger und Sänger: Die deutschen Spieler mit Migrationshintergrund lauschen der Nationalhymne mit geschlossenen Lippen, der Rest singt inbrünstig mit�” (Spoerr) 25 The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 77 These two articles presage the debate that broke in the public before the 2010 tournament when former national team member, trainer and DFB vice president, Franz Beckenbauer criticized the national players who chose not to sing along with the national anthem before games� The popular tabloid, Bild manufactured and cultivated the controversy starting with a comment from a reader who stated that it “irritated” him that not all of “our players” sing the German anthem (“Franz Beckenbauer fordert”)� Beckenbauer responded that the reader was right to be irritated and that all players have the obligation to sing along� As the manager of the national team in 1984, Beckenbauer joined DFB President Neuberger to introduce the expectation that players sing the anthem as a tactical, aesthetic, and nationalist tool� Again in the 2010 Bild interview, Beckenbauer cited aesthetic reasons (“[Es] ist optisch schöner, wenn alle mitsingen” 26 ) as well as claiming that when singing the anthem, “man dann eine ganz andere Einstellung hat, sich viel mehr identifiziert” 27 (qtd� in “Franz Beckenbauer fordert”) Beckenbauer’s elevated stature in German football as “Kaiser Franz” made his statements newsworthy� Other outlets picked up the story and Bild kept the topic in public view, surveilling “welcher Spieler singt und wer schweigt” (“Der Hymen-Streit”) 28 and asking about the obligation to sing at press conferences and interviews with team members� Bild did not manufacture the story alone, however� In 2009, team manager Oliver Bierhoff reported that the team had received letters complaining about the number of players on the U-21 team who did not sing the anthem (Theweleit). Bierhoff refused to lend these criticisms too much weight, however, saying that they also get letters complaining about players’ haircuts� Still, in mediated sports, the cameras slowly panning players’ faces during the anthem invite audiences to pass judgement� Bild simply choose to elevate this response, legitimizing the right of audiences to demand minority players perform national symbolic acts to justify their place on the team. Nevertheless, in 2010 the topic of the so-called Hymnenstreit (anthem battle) was eclipsed by enthusiasm for “mehr Leistung durch Vielfalt” (Ashelm)� 29 The performance-orientated approaches to national team diversity predicate the legitimacy of a minoritized athlete’s membership on the success of the team overall, meaning a poor team performance puts disproportionate scrutiny on players of color� At a fundamental level, all team members must earn their place based on performance. This is the definition of elite sports. However, commentators assessing that performance are rarely as objective or dispassionate as they claim� Furthermore, when cultural and ethnic essentialism is framed in positive terms, it obscures the harms of constructing an essentialized other� When the value of minoritized players is tied to the supposed competitive advantage of 78 Kate Zambon their essentialized cultural difference, that same cultural difference may be singled out for blame in the case of a loss� One article from the left-leaning weekly national newspaper, Die Zeit, demonstrates the tensions within this “hybrid vigor” theory of teambuilding� The article declared the “Erfolgsgeheimnis” (secret to success) of the junior national team to be its “bunte Vielseitigkeit” ( colorful versatility) (Theweleit)� Under a photo of Nigerian-German player Denis Aogo, the caption evokes both racial and cultural essentialisms with a play on the team’s jersey colors, stating “Schwarz und weiß sind die Farben der deutschen Mannschaft: Dennis Aogo hat sich deutsche Tugenden angeeignet und sich afrikanische bewahrt” (Theweleit)� 30 Despite Aogo’s birth in Germany to a white German mother, he is said to have “acquired German virtues” rather than ascribing them as part of his birthright� The reference to African virtues is equally dubious, demonstrating the imperialist tendency to treat the world’s largest continent as a single culture� The article discusses the paucity of players from a “rein deutschen Elternhaus” 31 and dissects the backgrounds of players to uncover cultural and natural virtues of their heritage� The players repeat these racialized essentialisms when pressed� Aogo is quoted as saying “Es heißt ja immer, dass Afrikaner eine starke Physis mitbringen und Europäer taktisch gut ausgebildet sind, eine Mischung kann da schon positiv sein für eine Mannschaft” (qtd� in Theweleit) 32 echoing classic dehumanizing white supremacist tropes associating whiteness with intelligence and blackness with physicality� The article names a “Schattenseite” (shadow side) of this new diversity, namely, that transnational players may choose to play for Germany’s opposition� From the reporter’s perspective, the threat is the possibility of dual loyalty� For minoritized players, however, this bargain entails the expectation that your cultural difference will yield victory, or it may be suspected as the cause of defeat� With this framing established, after the team’s worse-than-expected performance in the 2012 European Championship, the national anthem debate flared again with new fervor� As the public sought who to blame for the early exit, commentators raised questions about the team identification and commitment of those who do not sing the German anthem� While diversity in 2010 was praised as the source of better performance, the early exit prompted assessments that “die deutsche Tugend auf dem Platz ist weg” (“Weltmeister schlägt Alarm”)� 33 Subsequently, politicians and leaders in the DFB proposed a Singpflicht ( “singing requirement”) for all national team players, while the team’s coach at the time, Joachim Löw, defended the freedom of players to choose how they prepare for the game during the anthem (“Diskussion ums Halbfinal- Aus bei der EM”)� Although the former DFB president Mayer-Vorfelder was credited with beginning to scout new talent in immigrant communities after The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 79 disappointing performances in 1998 and 2000, he emerged in 2012 as one of the most strident voices calling for the expulsion of players who refuse to sing� In an interview with Bild, Mayer-Vorfelder dismissed coach Löw’s statement that he cannot force players to sing: “Klar kann man die Spieler zwingen� Wenn sich einer der Spieler dann immer noch beharrlich weigert, dann wird er eben nicht mehr eingeladen� Und wenn Löw einem seiner Spieler sagt, dass er singen muss, weil er sonst nicht mehr nominiert wird, dann wird er ganz schnell springen” (qtd� in Schmidt and Vielberg)� 34 Previously, the illiberalism of forcing players to sing gave even Beckenbauer pause. In 2010, he qualified his demand that players sing, saying “Vielleicht ist es demokratisch, das Mitsingen jedem selbst zu überlassen� Wir haben ja viele Spieler mit einem Migrationshintergrund” (Ashelm)� 35 What appears to be a concession to minority players in the last sentence, is contradicted by the fact that the obligation to sing only became a contentious national debate once minority players were involved� Still, whereas Beckenbauer was able to recognize that forcing athletes to sing the anthem violates liberal democratic values, such concerns did not trouble Mayer-Vorfelder and the proponents of a Singpflicht after the team’s poor performance in 2012� Once firmly established in the public consciousness, the anthem debate was renewed again in anticipation of the World Cup in 2014 and the European Championship in 2016� Winning “Integration Prizes” and even the World Cup in 2014 did not protect minoritized athletes from perpetual policing� When a photo opportunity with the Turkish president unleashed a renewed debate about Mesut Özil’s “divided loyalties” during the 2018 World Cup, the question of his “refusal” to sing the national anthem once again took center stage� The calls for the forced performance of symbolic nationalism belie the common narrative that awareness of the genocidal potential of nationalist excesses still dampens nationalism in Germany� While the media set the stage for normalized symbolic nationalism in the 2006 tournament, pointed public demands for “heartfelt” and “ardent” performances of the national anthem only appeared after Germany’s team became more diverse� The discourse around requiring national players to sing the anthem reflects the contradictions of mediated sporting spectacles outlined at the beginning of this article� First, sports are idealized as somehow beyond ideology, despite being among the most potent forums of national symbolic reproduction� Second, mediated sports are dependent on affective storytelling for building meaning and holding audience attention, while they are idealized as a form of popular culture that is more “real” than others. These contradictions are exemplified in a pair of commentaries from Die Welt during the World Cup in late June 2014 that take opposing positions on the national anthem question� Kathrin Spoerr, editor for 80 Kate Zambon Die Welt, urged three of the most-frequently targeted players of color to sing the anthem in the form of an open letter� It is worth quoting an extended excerpt from the letter since it provides a striking example of racialized and gendered discourses in soccer and narrates how the mediated experience of sports feeds expectations of affective satisfaction. Lieber Mesut Özil, lieber Sami Khedira, lieber Jerome Boateng, ich verstehe nicht viel von Fußball, aber ein bisschen verstehe ich doch davon� […] Ich muss sagen, die Sache mit dem Zusammenspielen, die klappt in der deutschen Mannschaft ganz gut� Eine andere Sache klappt nicht so gut� Sie wissen schon, wovon die Rede ist, richtig, von der Nationalhymne. Alle Spieler singen die Hymne - nur Sie drei nicht� Sie schweigen� […] Ich kann nichts anders - ich muss mich fragen: Was wollen Sie uns mit Ihrem Schweigen sagen? […] Ich mag Sie drei wirklich gern, weil Sie so nett aussehen, weil Sie so schnell laufen können und weil Sie Tore schießen wollen, damit Deutschland die beste Fußballmannschaft der Welt wird� […] Aber dann sehe ich Sie stehen und schweigen. Die Kamera filmt die singenden Münder. Die singenden Spieler, den singenden Trainer, die singende Reservebank. Nur Sie drei kneifen die Lippen zusammen wie Teenager, die ihre Eltern dafür bestrafen wollen, dass sie nicht cool genug sind� Sie stehen da und schweigen Millionen begeisterte Landsleute vor dem Fernseher an, die sich in diesem Moment nichts sehnlicher wünschen als eine Gänsehaut� Die sich wünschen, mit Ihnen zu einer singenden deutschen Fußball-Schicksalsgemeinschaft verschmelzen zu dürfen, sogar Leute wie ich, die nicht in der Lage sind, einen Elfmeter von einem Freistoß zu unterscheiden� […] Sie drei stehen stumm da und machen die schöne Idee kaputt, dass wir mit der Hymne zu einem einigen Ganzen werden könnten� Oder könnte es sein, dass das alles nur ein Missverständnis ist? Lieber Mesut, lieber Sami, lieber Jerome, jedes Mal, wenn ich Sie schweigen sehe, frage ich mich, was Sie wohl denken, während Deutschland singt� Ich glaube, ich weiß es: Sie denken gar nicht an die Türkei, an Tunesien und Ghana� Sie denken nicht über ihre nationale Identität nach� Sie denken: Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit für das deutsche Vaterland� Stimmts? Wie wäre es, wenn Sie nächstes Mal beim Denken einfach den Mund aufmachen? 36 (Spoerr) This commentary is followed by a counterpoint by a male colleague, Holger Kreitling, who argues that performance on the field is what matters and that not singing does not mean that the players are not patriotic� He also points out that before the team’s victory in the 1974 final no one, including Beckenbauer, sang and the anthem was not an issue� Ultimately, he argues for a purist approach to the sport on its own terms� In contrast to the female author of the The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 81 first position who thrice proclaims her ignorance of the sport and disinterest in soccer outside of the national team, the second author cares about results and substance over symbolism� This juxtaposition reinforces gendered expectations that women have little understanding of soccer and are only interested in the narratives, pageantry, and emotion of international games, whereas men have a deeper, more technical interest in the “real” aspects of the game� The World Cup is framed as an exceptional event, where “even women” become soccer fans and patriotic displays are increasingly not only safe and normal, but they are also obligatory. Spoerr drives this point home, writing, “Die Nationalhymne interessiert mich ungefähr genauso wie der Fußball, nämlich normalerweise gar nicht� Aber wenn Fußballweltmeisterschaft ist, dann interessiert mich beides, der Fußball und die Hymne�” 37 Spoerr expresses her entitlement to demand that players fulfill her desire for the affective satisfaction of uncomplicated, frictionless “collective effervescence,” to reference Durkheim’s seminal theory. Spoerr is angry that these three players of color have “destroyed the beautiful idea” of perfect national unity� Possibly recognizing a problem with explicitly singling out three minority players for rebuke, she attempts to show that she is not prejudiced against them by complimenting their physical appearance, speed, and effectiveness in raising Germany to the top of the global (sports) hierarchy� This comment falls squarely in the terrain of the positively framed racism that flourishes in sports, where minoritized athletes are fetishized for their almost preternatural physical prowess and lauded for their physicality rather than their tactical or intellectual abilities� 38 After sexually objectifying these players, the author further demeans Özil, Boateng, and Khedira by infantilizing them and accusing them of petulance and spite toward their “uncool parents,” presumably here embodied by white German society� This infantilizing informality is also evident in Spoerr’s use of the players’ first names. To avoid blatantly accusing them of secret disloyalty by thinking instead of their fathers’ homelands (Boateng and Khedira have white German mothers), she presumes to fill their silence with her wishful projection that they must be mentally singing along� Spoerr concludes with the demand that they should “just open their mouths” next time� Spoerr not only erases minority players’ speech on this specific topic, but she also takes the liberty of ventriloquizing their thoughts and demanding they act according to her expectations� Spoerr’s commentary perfectly demonstrates the intersection of sexist and racist frameworks around soccer. She justifies her claims in terms of harmless fun and positive, unifying feelings� Although this open letter is an extreme example in that it illustrates so many tropes in such an unvarnished manner, the assumptions and expectations underlying it run throughout the soccer anthem archive� 82 Kate Zambon Having been scrutinized and critiqued for their failure to properly perform patriotism from the beginning of their careers on national team, players with transnational heritage had publicly accounted for and defended their practices during the anthem on multiple occasions, explaining that they use that moment to focus or pray� The earliest explanations in the archive include a rebuke in 2008 from Podolski’s representative that it was his personal decision and need not be brought into the public� The personal and private nature of their pregame preparation is a common theme expressed by players� In the same article, U-21 national team member Ashkan Dejagah stated, “Ich bin kein großer Sänger� Das gehört nicht in die Öffentlichkeit. Es reicht, wenn ich weiß, wie stolz ich bin, für den DFB zu spielen”(qtd. in “Fußballer und die Nationalhymne”). 39 Mesut Özil’s answer in a 2010 interview likewise asserts the right of players to their own mental space before games, affirming that “Jeder muss für sich wissen, ob er mitsingt� Man muss ja nicht unbedingt die Mundbewegung machen, vielleicht singt einer auch von innen” (qtd� in Dobbert)� 40 Özil then explains his own mental preparation which involves mentally reciting specific prayers, after which he prays to remain healthy� He states, “Das gibt mir Kraft� Hab das noch nie vergessen� Danach kann ich befreiter spielen�” 41 Özil’s answer reflects the importance of the personal ritual involved in mental preparation for performance� For many players, consistency in pre-game preparation also involves an element of confidence boosting athletic superstition. From his time on the U-21 national team until he stepped in as temporary national team captain in fall 2014, Sami Khedira resisted relentless public pressure to abandon his own practice of preparation in favor of singing the anthem� Khedira stood firm stating in 2010, “Ich bin der Meinung, dass ich nicht mit Singen irgendetwas vorspielen oder künstlich demonstrieren muss” (qtd� in Kneer)� 42 Answering the barrage of criticism in 2012, Khedira denounced those who seek to “reduce” minoritized players to the decision not to sing, thereby suggesting that they are not real Germans (Hummel)� In defense of the legitimate place of players with transnational heritage on the national team in 2012, Khedira argued that “Es ist ein gutes Zeichen, wenn man die Nationalhymne singt. Aber man wird dadurch kein guter Deutscher� Ein guter Deutscher wird man, wenn man die Sprache gut spricht und die Werte lebt� Und das ist bei uns allen der Fall” (qtd. in “Debatte um Nationalhymne ‘überflüssig’”). 43 Khedira accepts not only the positive value of performing patriotism but also the basic notion that belonging as a German is defined by speaking “good German” and adopting normative values� While refusing to alter his own performance under public pressure, Khedira otherwise affirms hegemonic values and upholds national norms. Under a recurring onslaught of scrutiny, maintaining commitment to personal autonomy in pre-game preparation became an act of resistance� The rea- The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 83 sonable and nuanced demands of players to be allowed freedom and privacy in their mental and physical preparations for games were difficult to directly contest. Instead, Mayer-Vorfelder ridiculed Khedira, scoffing that “das glaubt doch kein Mensch, dass Khedira nicht mitsingt, weil er so einen großen Respekt vor Tunesien hat” (qtd� in Schmidt and Vielberg)� 44 Where direct engagement with Khedira’s reasoning would leave him at a disadvantage, Mayer-Vorfelder turns incredulous and mocking, and distorts Khedira’s explanation of his practices� Khedira had mentioned that his transnational heritage plays into his decision but focused more on claiming the space of the national anthem as a time for his own focus and preparation to perform the work of “serving” the nation as a national player� Indeed, none of the players framed their actions as a political protest� They repeatedly made statements to assuage majority anxieties about divided loyalties and their “true” national identification. Nevertheless, the symbolic power of their insistence on their personal autonomy sparked anger, frustration, mocking and celebration when non-singing players changed or were absent� This was evident in the glee expressed by one Bild commentator when Khedira eventually sang after being named team captain (Draxler)� It is also evident in an article from early 2014 with the headline, “Warum alle Spieler die Nationalhymne mitsangen,” which celebrated the restoration of singing uniformity when the non-singing starters were absent for an international friendly match, resulting in a fully white German, anthem-singing lineup (Wolff). Descriptions of the national anthem spectacle in the print media are replete with physical and affective elements, including frequent reference to upright bodies, moving lips, shining eyes, and heaving chests� They employ emotional descriptors of the physical sensation of watching and participating in the national ritual of the sporting national anthem. On television, the visual and affective social process is reactivated every time the anthem plays, guided by the choices in camera angles and framing� Photographs freeze the action to be incorporated later in slideshows on news websites documenting “who sings and who stays silent,” to be contextualized with additional information about the player’s foreign “roots” (“WM 2014”)� The present article captures the discursive framing of this process in print media debates, but this is only the tip of the iceberg� Every time the anthem plays and the cameras close in to pan player’s faces, the audience is invited to scrutinize and interpret their emotions and motivations and to discuss them in their communities� Beyond the right to judge, media discourse affirms the public’s entitlement to command (minoritized) players’ bodies and to demand that they display their loyalty to the nation not only in their athletic performance, but through an explicitly nationalist display� 84 Kate Zambon Discourse around national sports reflects and reconstructs national politics of culture, race, and citizenship� It both symbolizes the optimism of national communities and reveals the fragility of support for celebrated “role models of integration�” The rise of integration discourse is integral in the normalization of a nationalism that centers white Christian identity� This is the case not only in Germany but throughout Europe as the cohesion of the European Union falters in the face of nationalist commitments to regulating the population through controls on migration and restrictions on the rights of minoritized communities� Germany provides a particularly valuable case, however, because its history of atrocities committed in the name of the nation makes symbolic nationalism a contentious topic that is subject to considerable public debate� These mediated incidents mobilize celebrity athletes and entertainers as examples for celebration or scrutiny for their roles in the project of constructing the new “colorful” German nation� Notes 1 For more on the political economy and cultural politics of media and professional sport, see Lawrence Wenner’s edited collection, MediaSport � 2 The broadest search was for the terms nationalhymne AND singen � Other, more targeted searches include Singpflicht AND Nationalhymne , and Nationalhymne AND Integration � Even in searches that excluded the search term Fußball , results were overwhelmingly related to soccer� 3 See Stehle and Weber’s “German Soccer, the 2010 World Cup, and Multicultural Belonging” and Zambon’s “Producing the German Civic Nation: Immigrant Patriotism in Berlin's World Cup Flag Fight” for a more detailed analysis of this time frame� 4 Despite having one of the world’s top-ranked teams, the women’s FIFA World Cup in Germany does not exert the same symbolic nationalist force as the men’s competition, conforming with gendered notions of who may represent the nation� The women are given comparatively little coverage, except after having won a tournament� 5 See Timm Beichelt’s excellent 2018 book, Ersatzspielfelder: Zum Verhältnis von Fußball und Macht � 6 See Michael Billig’s seminal work, Banal Nationalism � 7 In English, one would say “[hitting] politically below the belt�” All translations in this article are my own unless otherwise noted� 8 “Politics are becoming more important than the performance of the team on the field.” The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 85 9 “Even non-racist statements will be considered racist” and that “soccer will be made into a tool to educate the people in political correctness�” 10 “must recognize our fundamental German values” 11 “They would not want a Boateng for a neighbor�” 12 A German or English National team has long ceased to be German or English in the classical sense� Football is ultimately a question of money and no longer a question of national identity�” 13 For three studies analyzing race and national identity in constructions of the multicultural national team in 2010, see Gehring, Stehle and Weber, and Zambon� 14 See Fatima El-Tayeb’s books European Others and Undeutsch � 15 See Carola Daffner’s article, “Football, Mythology and Identity in Sönke Wortmann’s Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen ” 16 “Finally, the national team sings along with the national anthem� The secret to victory? ” 17 “powerful,” “heartfelt,” and “fervent” 18 “emotionless, staring Swedes” 19 See source list at https: / / onlinenewspapers�com/ germany�shtml� 20 21 “HSV-midfielder Piotr Trochowski und Bayern-striker Lukas Podolski both also born in Poland, do it differently than Klose. Their lips do not move during the German national anthem�” 21 “refuse to be caught up in their teammates’ singing” 22 “Multi-kulti-team stands for successful integration” 23 “which shows what an integrative character football has” 24 “They have not yet internalized the German national anthem, but the decision for their new homeland ( Heimat ) has long been made�” 25 “The silent and the singers: The German players with a migration background listen to the national anthem with closed lips, the rest sing along ardently�” 26 “It looks better when everyone sings along�” 27 “In 1984, I introduced the singing of the anthem, because I think that one has a completely different attitude, and a much greater identification. In addition, it’s visually nicer when everyone singes along�” 28 “which players sing and who stays silent” 29 “increased performance through diversity” 30 “Black and white are the colors of the German team: Dennis Aogo has acquired German virtues and preserved African ones�” 31 “purely German household” 32 “They always say that Africans bring a strong physique and Europeans are tactically well-educated� A mix of both can be positive for a team�” 86 Kate Zambon 33 “German virtue is gone from the field.” 34 “Of course, you can force players� If one of the players still stubbornly refuses, then he will no longer be invited [to play on the team]� And if Löw tells his player he must sing otherwise he won’t be nominated, then he will quickly jump to it�” 35 “Perhaps it is democratic to leave it up to every individual whether to sing� We do have many players with a migration background�” 36 “Dear Mesut Özil, Sami Khedira, Jerome Boateng, I don't understand much about soccer, but I understand a little� […] I must say, the business of playing together works well on the German team� Something else does not work so well� You already know what I am talking about, right, about the national anthem� All the players sing the national anthem-only you three don’t� You stay silent� […] But I can’t help it-I have to ask myself: What are you telling us through your silence? […] I really like you three, because you look so good, because you can run so fast, and because you want to shoot goals so that Germany can become the best in the world� But then I see you standing there silently. The camera films the singing mouths� The singing players, the singing trainer, the singing reserve bench� Only you three clamp your lips together like teenagers who want to punish their parents for not being cool enough� You stand there and shun the millions of enthusiastic countrymen in front of their televisions, who are yearning for nothing more deeply in that moment than to get goosebumps, who wish to be allowed to melt into a singing German community of destiny, even people like me, who can’t tell the difference between a penalty and a free kick� […] You three stand there speechless and destroy the beautiful idea that by singing the national anthem we can become a whole� Or could it be that this is just a misunderstanding? Dear Mesut, Sami, Jerome, every time that I see you remain silent, I ask myself what you must be thinking while Germany sings� I think I know: You aren't thinking about Turkey, Tunisia, and Ghana� You aren't thinking about your national identity� You think, “ Einigkeit und Recht und Freiheit für das deutsche Vaterland (unity and justice and freedom for the German fatherland)�” Right? How about next time you think it, you just open your mouths? ” 37 “The national anthem is just as interesting to me as soccer, which is to say normally not at all� But during the World Cup, I am interested in both, soccer and the anthem�” The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 87 38 See John Hoberman’s 1997 book, Darwin’s Athletes � 39 “I’m no great singer� That doesn’t belong in public� It’s enough that I know how proud I am to play for the DFB�” 40 “Everyone has to know for themselves whether they sing along� You don’t necessarily have to move your mouth, maybe some sing along silently�” 41 “It gives me strength� I’ve never forgotten to do it� Afterwards I can play more freely�” 42 “I am of the opinion that I don’t have to pretend or artificially demonstrate something by singing�” 43 “Singing the national anthem is a good sign, but that doesn’t make you a good German� You become a good German when you speak the language well, and you live the values� And that is the case with all of us�” 44 “No one really believes that Khedira doesn’t sing because he has some great respect for Tunisia�” Works Cited Amann, Melanie, and Markus Feldenkirchen� “AfD: ‘Boateng will jeder haben’�” Spiegel Online, 03 June 2016 . Web� https: / / www�spiegel�de/ spiegel/ print/ d-145101317�html 08 March 2023� Ashelm, Michael. “Fußball-Nationalmannschaft mehr Leistung durch Vielfalt.” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 11 June 2010� Web� http: / / www�faz�net/ aktuell/ sport/ fussball/ fussball-nationalmannschaft-mehr-leistung-durch-vielfalt-1998646�html 08 March 2023� Beichelt, Timm� Ersatzspielfelder: Zum Verhältnis von Fußball und Macht. Frankfurt: Suhrkamp Verlag, 2018� Billig, Michael� Banal Nationalism. London: Sage, 1995� Daffner, Carola. “Football, Mythology and Identity in Sönke Wortmann’s Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen. ” Austausch 1�1 (2011): 95—115� Dargent, Ralf� “Alexander Gauland: ‘Wusste nicht, dass Jérôme Boateng farbig ist’ - Anne Will�” DIE WELT, 06 June 2016� Web� https: / / www�welt�de/ vermischtes/ article155987515/ Ich-wusste-gar-nicht-dass-Boateng-farbig-ist�html 08 March 2023� “Debatte um Nationalhymne ‘überflüssig.’ Nach Löw keilt auch Khedira gegen seine Kritiker�” Focus Online, 16 November 2013. Web. http: / / www�focus�de/ sport/ fussball/ wm-2014/ debatte-um-nationalhymne-ueberfluessig-nach-loew-keilt-auch-khedira-gegen-seine-kritiker_aid_799775�html 08 March 2023� “Der Hymnen-Streit BILD�de sagt, welcher Spieler singt und wer schweigt�” Die Bild, 02 June 2010� Web� https: / / www�bild�de/ sport/ fussball/ jogi-loew-ich-zwinge-keinenzum-singen-12744472�bild�html 08 March 2023� “Deutsche Töne�” Der Spiegel 43 Oct� 1984: 27—8� 88 Kate Zambon “Diskussion ums Halbfinal-Aus bei der EM: ‘Kaiser’ und Politiker fordern: Spieler müssen Hymne singen�” Focus Online, 19 November 2013. Web. https: / / www�focus� de/ sport/ fussball/ em-2012/ deutsche-nationalmannschaft/ diskussion-ums-halbfinal-aus-bei-der-em-kaiser-und-politiker-fordern-spieler-muessen-hymne-singen_ aid_775738�html 08 March 2023� Dobbert, Steffen. “Mesut Özil: Özil, der schüchternste aller Stars.” Die Zeit, 05 February 2012� Web� http: / / www�zeit�de/ sport/ 2010-06/ mesut-oezil-nationalelf 08 March 2023� Draxler, Alfred. “Nachgehakt. Macht doch mal Özil zum Kapitän! ” Die Bild, 19 Nov. 2014� Web� https: / / www�bild�de/ sport/ fussball/ nachgehakt/ kolumne-alfred-draxler-38636756�bild�html 08 March 2023� Durkheim, Emile� The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. Trans. Karen E. Fields. New York: Free Press, 1995� El-Tayeb, Fatima� European Others: Queering Ethnicity in Postnational Europe. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011� ---� Undeutsch: Die Konstruktion des Anderen in der postmigrantischen Gesellschaft. Bielefeld: transcript, 2016� “Franz Beckenbauer fordert: Alle müssen die Hymne singen�” Die Bild, 31 May 2010� Web� https: / / www�bild�de/ sport/ fussball/ sport/ fordert-alle-muessen-die-hymne-singen-12731290�bild�html 08 March 2023� “Fußballer und die Nationalhymne. Das Schweigen der Männer.” News.de, 14 Nov. 2008� Web� http: / / web�archive�org/ web/ 20090908074810/ https: / www�news�de/ sport/ 724190924/ das-schweigen-der-maenner/ 1/ 08 March 2023� Gehring, Jacqueline� “Race, Ethnicity and German Identity: A Media Analysis of the 2010 World Cup Men’s National Soccer Team.” Ethnic and Racial Studies 39: 11 (2016): 1962—80� Hobsbawm, E� J� Nations and Nationalism Since 1780: Programme, Myth, Reality. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1992� Hummel, Thomas. “Deutsche Nationalmannschaft: Sami Khedira wehrt sich im Hymnen-Streit�” sueddeutsche.de, 14 Aug� 2012� Web� http: / / www�sueddeutsche�de/ sport/ deutsche-nationalmannschaft-sami-khedira-wehrt-sich-im-hymnen-streit-1�1441380 08 March 2023� Isin, Engin Fahri and Greg Marc Nielsen. Acts of Citizenship. London: Zed Books, 2008� Kneer, Christof� “WM 2010: Sami Khedira im Interview: ‘Südländische Leichtigkeit’�” sueddeutsche.de, 16 June 2010� Web� http: / / www�sueddeutsche�de/ sport/ wm-sami-khedira-im-interview-suedlaendische-leichtigkeit-1�959849 08 March 2023� Ritter, Morten� “U21: Multi-Kulti-Mannschaft steht für erfolgreiche Integration�” Mitteldeutsche Zeitung, 18 June 2009� Web� https: / / www�mz�de/ varia/ u-21-multi-kultimannschaft-steht-fur-erfolgreiche-integration-2454531 08 March 2023� Roche, Maurice� Mega-Events and Modernity: Olympics and Expos in the Growth of Global Culture. London: Routledge, 2000� The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football 89 Schmidt, Marc, and Ursula Vielberg� “Mayer-Vorfelder fordert von Jogi Löw: Wer die Hymne nicht singt, muss rausfliegen.” BILD.de, 19 July 2012� Web� https: / / www� bild�de/ sport/ fussball/ gerhard-mayer-vorfelder/ fordert-wer-die-hymne-nicht-singtmuss-rausfliegen-25242442�bild�html 08 March 2023� Schwartz, Moritz� “‘Sie sollten nichts dramatisieren’�” JUNGE FREIHEIT, 31 July 2009� Web� https: / / jungefreiheit�de/ debatte/ interview/ 2009/ sie-sollten-nichts-dramatisieren/ 08 March 2023� Speth, Rudolf� Die Zweite Welle der Wirtschaftskampagnen. Von „Du bist Deutschland” bis zur „Stiftung Marktwirtschaft”. 127 Hans-Böckler-Stiftung, July 2006� Web� http: / / www�boeckler�de/ pdf/ p_arbp_127�pdf 08 March 2023� Spoerr, Kathrin� “Sollten Alle Deutschen Spieler Die Hymne Singen? ” Welt Online, 26 June 2014� Web� http: / / www�welt�de/ debatte/ kommentare/ article129454350/ Solltenalle-deutschen-Spieler-die-Hymne-singen�html 08 March 2023� Stehle, Maria, and Beverly M� Weber� “German Soccer, the 2010 World Cup, and Multicultural Belonging�” German Studies Review 36: 1 (2013): 103—24� Wehner, Markus and Eckart Lohse. “‘Nicht als Nachbarn’: Gauland beleidigt Boateng.” Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, 29 May 2016� Web� https: / / www�faz�net/ 1�4257743 08 March 2023� “Weltmeister schlägt Alarm: Bodo Illgner: Deutsche Tugend auf dem Platz verloren�” FOCUS Online, July 2012� Web� https: / / www�focus�de/ sport/ fussball/ deutsche-tugend-auf-dem-platz-verloren-bodo-illgner_id_2064574�html 08 March 2023� Wenner, Lawrence, ed� MediaSport. London: Routledge, 2002� “WM 2014: Diese deutschen Nationalspieler singen bei der Hymne mit.” Rheinische Post, 2014� Web� https: / / rp-online�de/ sport/ fussball/ wm/ dfb/ wm-2014-nationalhymnen-check-diese-deutschen-spieler-singen-mit_bid-19525491 08 March 2023� Wolff, Julien. “Warum alle Spieler die Nationalhymne mitsangen.” Die Welt, 03 Sept� 2014� Web� https: / / www�welt�de/ sport/ fussball/ em-2016/ article131888001/ Warum-alle-Spieler-die-Nationalhymne-mitsangen.html 08 March 2023� Zambon, Kate. “Producing the German Civic Nation: Immigrant Patriotism in Berlin’s World Cup Flag Fight�” Popular Communication 12�1 (2014): 1—16� Verzeichnis der Autor: innen Dr. Rebeccah Dawson University of Kentucky Department of Modern and Classical Languages, Literatures, and Cultures Patterson Office Tower 1005 Lexington, Kentucky, 40506 bessdawson@uky�edu Dr. Oliver Knabe Department of Global Languages and Cultures University of Dayton Jesse Philips Humanities Center 300 College Park Dayton, OH 45469 oknabe1@udayton�edu Dr. Bastian Heinsohn Bucknell University Department of Languages, Cultures, and Linguistics One Dent Drive Lewisburg, PA17837 bastian�heinsohn@bucknell�edu Dr. Kate Zambon University of New Hampshire Department of Communication Horton Social Science Center Rm 139 Durham, NH 03824 kate�zambon@unh�edu ALLG EMEI N E ZEITSCH RI FT FÜR PH I LOSOPH I E (AZP) Hrsg. von Andreas Hetzel, Eva Schürmann und Harald Schwaetzer. Essays hrsg. von Michael Hampe. WissenschaftlicherBeirat: Georg W. Bertram (Berlin),Tilman Borsche (Hildesheim), Rolf Elberfeld (Hildesheim), Dina Emundts (Berlin), Petra Gehring (Darmstadt), Michael Hampe (Zürich), Fabian Heubel (Taipei/ Frankfurt), Lore Hühn (Freiburg), Andrea Kern (Leipzig), Jochen Krautz (Wuppertal), Stefan Majetschak (Kassel), Jürgen Manemann (Hannover), Dirk Quadflieg (Leipzig) und Paul Ziche (Utrecht). 1976 ff. Broschur. Die Einzelhefte sind auch als eBook erhältlich. Preis pro Jahrgang (3 Hefte): € 69,-. Mitglieder der DGPhil: € 54,-. Studierende: € 39,-. Einzelheft: € 38,-. ISSN 0340 7969. Demokratie als Lebensform AZP 2/ 2023. Hrsg. von Andreas Hetzel und Katrin Wille. Br. 154 S. Lieferbar Der Titel »Demokratie als Lebensform« steht für ein Forschungsprogramm, das den Fokus der politischen Philosophie über die Untersuchung institutioneller Zusammenhänge und ihrer Rechtfertigungsbedingungen hinaus erweitert. Mit der Frage, ob und wie Demokratie als Lebensform gedacht werden kann, wollen wir die Grenze zwischen dem, was als politisch gelten kann und dem, was vermeintlich nicht dazu zählt, öffnen bzw. auf eine Unbestimmbarkeit hinweisen, die diese Grenze immer wieder heimsucht. Was Formen des Politischen sind, kann nicht im Voraus festgelegt werden, sondern ist selber Gegenstand politischer Aushandlung. Unter der Bezeichnung »Demokratie als Lebensform (democracy as a way/ form of life; démocratie comme forme de vie)« sind in den letzten Jahren aus ganz unterschiedlichen Richtungen der politischen Philosophie und der politischen Theorie Überlegungen zur Erkundung von neuen Räumen und neuen Formen von Demokratie vorlegt worden. Es ist ein Anliegen dieses Schwerpunktheftes, diese Vorschläge und die je verschiedenen theoretischen Rahmungen miteinander ins Gespräch zu bringen. Fragen, die unser Interesse daran leiten, sind die nach der theoretischen Erschließungskraft des Begriffs »Lebensform« (way/ form of life, forme de vie), nach Möglichkeiten neuer Formen des Politischen etwa am Beispiel von Protestformen, nach der Aushandlung von Grenzen zwischen Politischem und Nicht-Politischen z.B. in feministischen Kämpfen, nach der Bedeutung des Affektiven für eine lebendige Demokratie und Forderungen nach Demokratisierung, nach der Rolle von Zeitverhältnissen (Gegenwärtigkeit, Kritik an Fortschrittsnarrativen), nach den Spielarten von interner und immanenter Kritik, die sich in neuen Formen des Politischen artikulieren, sowie nach einer Ideengeschichte von Demokratie als Lebensform. frommann holzboog www.frommann-holzboog.de ISSN 0010-1338 narr.digital Themenheft: The Virulent Violence of Football in 20 th and 21 st Century German Cultural Production Rebeccah Dawson: Introduction: Football and Violence in 20 th and 21 st Century German Literature and Culture Rebeccah Dawson: kanonen kicken köpfen. Fascism’s Violent Victory in Ludwig Harig’s “Das Fußballspiel” Oliver Knabe: East Germans Rehearse the Uprising: GDR Football Stadiums as Testing Grounds for the 1989 Revolution in Ernst Cantzler’s … und freitags in die “Grüne Hölle” Bastian Heinsohn: Mapping Spaces Beyond the Football Pitch: Football Fandom and Coming-of-Age in Philipp Winkler’s novel Hool Kate Zambon: The Refusal to Sing: Affective Demands on Athletes of Color in German National Football