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ISSN 0010-1338 Themenheft: German Identity and History through the Lens of Football Gastherausgeber: Oliver Knabe Oliver Knabe: Introduction: German Football, History, and Identity Rebeccah Dawson: The First German Football Film. Zoltan Korda’s Die elf Teufel and the Cultural Transgressions of the late Weimar Republic Oliver Knabe: Revisiting a Children’s Classic: The Silent Third Reich in Sammy Drechsel’s Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein (1955) Alex Holznienkemper: Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte Sabine Waas: Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media Kate Zambon: Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Di erence narr.digital Band 57 Band 57 Heft 2 Harald Höbus ch, Rebeccah Dawson (Hr sg.) C O L L O Q U I A G E R M A N I C A I n t e r n a t i o n a l e Z e i t s c h r i f t f ü r G e r m a n i s t i k C O L L O Q U I A G E R M A N I C A I n t e r n a ti o n a l e Z e it s c h r ift f ü r G e r m a n i s ti k Die Zeitschrift erscheint jährlich in 4 Heften von je etwa 96 Seiten. Abonnementpreis pro Jahrgang: € 138,00 (print)/ € 172,00 (print & online)/ € 142,00 (e-only) Vorzugspreis für private Leser € 101,00 (print); Einzelheft € 45,00 (jeweils zuzüglich Versandkosten). Bestellungen nimmt Ihre Buchhandlung oder der Verlag entgegen: Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG, Postfach 25 60, D-72015 Tübingen · eMail: info@narr.de Aufsätze - in deutscher oder englischer Sprache - bitte einsenden als Anlage zu einer Mail an hhoebu@uky.edu oder bessdawson@uky.edu (Prof. Harald Höbusch oder Prof. Rebeccah Dawson, Division of German Studies, 1055 Patterson Office Tower, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506-0027, USA). Typoskripte sollten nach den Vorschriften des MLA Style Manual (2008) eingerichtet sein. Sonstige Mitteilungen bitte an hhoebu@uky.edu © 2024 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Alle Rechte vorbehalten/ All Rights Strictly Reserved Druck und Bindung: CPI books GmbH, Leck ISSN 0010-1338 BUCHTIPP Wie kommen Fußballklubs mit der Sprachenvielfalt in der Mannschaft zurecht? Welche Funktionär: innen und Politiker: innen beschimpfen französische Fans in ihren Foren? Ticken „Live-Ticker“ in verschiedenen Kulturen gleich oder unterschiedlich? Wenn bei einem Fußball- Videogame der digitale Schiedsrichter Abseits konstatiert, kann man dann auch dagegen sein? Wie kämpfen Fans für die Beibehaltung der traditionellen Stadiennamen? Um welche Mannschaften handelt es sich bei den Rivalen „Herne-West“ und „Lüdenscheid Nord“? Inwiefern bestimmt die Kultur Ghanas die Bildhaftigkeit seiner Fußballkommentare? Dieses Buch beantwortet nicht nur alle Ihre Fragen über Sprache(n) und Fußball, sondern auch viele weitere, die Sie sich noch nicht gestellt haben. Eine Fülle an linguistischen Disziplinen, zahlreiche Länder und Sprachen auf mehreren Kontinenten: der Fußball bringt sie alle zusammen. Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek (eds.) Language and Football Tübinger Beiträge zur Linguistik (TBL) 1. Au age 2024, 382 Seiten €[D] 88,00 ISBN 978-3-8233-8624-7 eISBN 978-3-8233-9624-6 Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG \ Dischingerweg 5 \ 72070 Tübingen \ Germany Tel. +49 (0)7071 97 97 0 \ info@narr.de \ www.narr.de BAND 57 • Heft 2 Themenheft: German Identity and History through the Lens of Football Gastherausgeber: Oliver Knabe Inhalt Introduction: German Football, History, and Identity Oliver Knabe � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 119 The First German Football Film� Zoltan Korda’s Die elf Teufel and the Cultural Transgressions of the late Weimar Republic Rebeccah Dawson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 123 Revisiting a Children’s Classic: The Silent Third Reich in Sammy Drechsel’s Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein (1955) Oliver Knabe � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 143 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte Alex Holznienkemper � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 165 Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media Sabine Waas � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 191 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Difference Kate Zambon � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 215 Verzeichnis der Autor: innen � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 241 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0006 Introduction: German Football, History, and Identity Oliver Knabe University of Dayton In 2024, Germany is once again the site of a major international football tournament-the UEFA EURO Cup� Men’s and women’s competitions combined, it is the seventh event of its kind hosted by the Federal Republic (FIFA World Cups 1974, 2006, 2011; European Championship/ UEFA EURO Cup 1988, 1989, 2001)� While Germany’s men used their home game advantage only in 1974 when they secured their second World Cup title, the women’s team managed to win two tournaments on their own turf, adding two European Championships to the nation’s portfolio� Yet, what becomes part of a people’s cultural memory and how we interpret these football moments is not necessarily determined by the competition’s outcome alone since hosting such a monumental event generates manifold collective experiences and makes possible a wide range of national discussions� These milestones in a country’s sporting history have shown that they possess the ability to transcend mere results and shift the focus beyond the physical playing fields. The 2006 FIFA World Cup, which ended for the German men with a third-place finish, is certainly the most striking example of that. In fact, the tournament’s unofficial name suggests a significance that is not restricted to the realm of athletics� The competition and the events surrounding it were dubbed a “Summer’s Tale”-a direct reference to Sönke Wortmann’s documentary film Deutschland. Ein Sommermärchen -hinting at the magical and transformative forces that football supposedly brought to Germany� Already during the tournament but also years later, the 2006 FIFA World Cup generated a wide range of public discussions about nationhood and patriotism as well as the country’s self-image and its reputation abroad� Six weeks of consistent football enthusiasm became almost indistinguishable from nationalistic fervor� For some, the singing of the national anthem and exuberant flag-waving resonated uneasily with Germany’s history and the nation’s post-war identity� Questions about German identity and the nation’s past are also at the center of this special issue. The five essays gathered in this volume originated at the 2023 German Studies Association Convention in Montreal, Canada� These versatile works are in dialogue with recent publications on German football 120 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0006 culture, such as Football Nation: The Playing Fields of German Culture, History and Society and the Colloquia Germanica special issue on The Virulent Violence of Football in 20th and 21st Century German Cultural Production (both 2023)� Through their contributions, the authors seek to join and expand the interdisciplinary conversations on football that have become more accessible for non-German speaking audiences in the past few years� Stretching historically from 1920s Weimar Republic to the 21st century, this special issue reveals how football has been a contentious space rife with debates but also a place for imaginative possibilities that reflect a nation’s shifting perspectives on memory culture, politics, social values, and what it means to be ‘German�’ The Themenheft is kicked off by Rebeccah Dawson and her essay “The First German Football Film� Zoltan Korda’s Die elf Teufel and the Cultural Transgressions of the late Weimar Republic�” This close reading of the 1927 silent movie takes us to Berlin in the Golden Twenties and looks at football as a metaphorical battlefield for Germany’s sociopolitical conflicts at the time. Dawson demonstrates how Korda utilizes the realm of football to address the rising tension between conservative German values and cosmopolitan modernity. Specifically, through her analysis of the film’s two female characters-Linda and Vivian- Dawson explores the antagonistic gender identities in Weimar society embodied by the different variations of the “new woman.” As the essay shifts its focus to protagonist Tommy-the star player in the film-we transition to the timely debate about the commercialization of football. Dawson highlights how the film portrays the fame, money, and luxury of professional football as devilish temptations and the protagonist’s seduction as “a Faustian deal of sorts�” In this way, Dawson’s reflections echo ongoing discussions about the current state of football in Germany where fans try to defend ‘their’ game and oppose, what they believe to be, the destructive forces of consumerism and corporate interests� Moving away from the Weimar period, Oliver Knabe’s contribution “Revisiting a Children’s Classic: The Silent Third Reich in Sammy Drechsel’s Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein (1955)” takes the reader to the immediate post-war years-a time when Germans preferred looking to the future rather than being reminded of their past. And Drechsel’s football novel reflects this very zeitgeist. Despite its 1930s setting, the Reich is nowhere to be found-or so it seems� By focusing specifically on the book’s depiction of mass media, the essay reveals Sammy Drechsel’s “language of silence” and uncovers the Nazi state within the novel� Football, Knabe argues, serves Drechsel as a narrative device that hides Germany’s Nazification; yet football also holds the key to its detection: “where there is football, there are silences�” Ultimately, Knabe raises the question about the role of children’s literature in Germany’s collective memory (specifically regarding the Third Reich and the Shoah), while highlighting the book’s potential to gen- Introduction: German Football, History, and Identity 121 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0006 erate meaningful conversations about the destructive effects of silence today, during a time when antisemitism is, once again, on the rise� This linkage of Germany’s past with the contemporary moment is also at the heart of Alex Holznienkemper’s essay “Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte �” The point of departure for Holznienkemper are today’s heated debates and arguments about the commercialization of and ever-growing corporate influence on football. These market-driven forces usurping the game have been combated passionately by many German football fans, who view them as threats to their clubs ( Vereine ) and thus to their own opportunities for social engagement within these clubs� This has led, in recent years, to manifold forms of protest and fan activism� Holznienkemper suggests that the fans’ struggle for democratic participation at the club level ( Teilhabe , Mitbestimmung ) are not merely to be viewed as fights about football and the game’s soul but instead as a defense of the institution Verein itself-a form of association and collective organizing that has existed in German society since the late 18 th century, and thus before football even made an appearance in Germany� Vereine and their social practices, he maintains, help navigate the modern social world with all its inherent tensions� Through the case study of FC St� Pauli, this essay highlights the history and significance of the institution Verein and the role it plays in German identity formation� Sabine Waas’ essay titled “Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media” moves our discussion fully to the contemporary moment and to the game’s central actors-the players� Through her case study on Jérôme Boateng-the first Afro-German World Cup champion-and his various representations in football-related media, Waas investigates the construction of star athletes’ identities� As she documents and analyzes the interplay between Boateng’s depictions by the media (biography, television broadcast, print journalism) and his self-stylization (e�g�, through websites and social media), Waas reveals how discourses on race and ethnicity, class, sexuality, as well as nationality can intersect in the formation of a celebrity identity� Furthermore, by covering a decade of media representations, she manages to capture the fluid quality of the celebrity construct; in Boateng’s case it is the transformation “from ‘ghetto kid’ to the working-class trendsetter and nowadays ‘bad boy�’” This volume culminates with an essay by Kate Zambon who addresses the role of football within the fraught political debate about the integration of migrant populations� Through discourse theoretical analysis, “Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Difference” sheds a critical light on the nation’s (mis)conceptions about its immigrant communities� In her reading of the public relations materials for the 122 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0006 annual Integration Prize awarded by the German Football Association (DFB) and Mercedes-Benz, Zambon reveals the underlying racialized and gendered assumptions about migrant populations and cultures, particularly Muslim families. Girls, she finds, are often believed to be in need of emancipation from their patriarchal families and traditional norms in order to participate in German society; boys and men, on the other hand, are coded as aggressive and potentially criminal� Against this background of presumptions, Zambon argues, football is viewed as a liberating and transformative tool that promises integration and transformation� Football is, in other words, charged with nothing less than solving Germany’s “problem migrants�” The collection of essays presented in this special issue are meant as catalysts for the reader-as starting points that help us to reflect on the role football has played and is playing in shaping German society� Ultimately, these scholarly provocations hope to encourage more interdisciplinary and collaborative inquiries into the realm of sports and German studies, and perhaps the UEFA EURO Cup will prove generative for the next set of scholarship in this field. DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film. Zoltan Korda’s Die elf Teufel and the Cultural Transgressions of the late Weimar Republic Rebeccah Dawson University of Kentucky Abstract: By the close of the Golden Twenties, sport in Germany had experienced an exponential rise in popularity, both among the masses and the capitalistic elite� Though the cultural and technological progression of the 1920s was welcomed by many, a distinct fatigue and criticism emerged in the late years of the doomed German republic� The burgeoning cinematic realm facilitated the combination of the popularity of sport, and more specifically football, with pedagogical influence in a time of political upheaval and crisis, illuminating the cultural battlefield at the time. Zoltan Korda’s 1927 film Die elf Teufel elucidates these characteristics of early cinematic landscape in Weimar Germany� By examining the main characters and their interpersonal interactions, Korda’s film sets the stage not only for the fall of the young republic� In analyzing the star player Tommy’s role in the love triangle central to the plot as well as the variations of the “new woman” (‘Gretchen,’ ‘Girl,’ and ‘Garçonne’), this article demonstrates how Korda’s film not only highlights the progressively problematic cultural development at play in the Weimar Republic but also the purported victory of traditional German values over those of international modernity� Keywords: Weimar Germany, Football, Soccer, Modernism, Zoltan Korda, Die elf Teufel , Gender, New Woman, Gretchen, Girl, Garçonne “Fußball - der Sport des Jahrhunderts! ” So reads an early intertitle of Zoltan Korda’s Die elf Teufel . Already at the start of the film, the spectator can see the pinnacle of popularity that football had assumed in the early years of German modernity� Both cinema and football saw surprisingly similar lifespans during the Weimar years of German history: both slowly rose in prominence throughout the 1920s with their pinnacle at the tail end of the Golden Twenties, and 124 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 both became a vehicle for stardom for the individual in popular culture� The combination of the two, then, would offer a unique cultural landscape accessible to manifold corners of public consumption. Zoltan Korda was the first director to combine these two massively popular phenomena in his silent film Die elf Teufel , which premiered in October 1927 and was declared “den ersten Fußball-Spielfilm” by the Film-Kurier � 1 Not only did the film pose a fictional world of football in Germany, but it utilized actual footage of a match from Hertha BSC, which took place in 1927 (“Der Sädte-Kampf ”), 2 thus merging both imagined and real football at the core of its production� Die elf Teufel was by no means an outlier in athletically focused cinematic production, as Fritz Freisler’s Der König der Mittelstürmer premiered only a few weeks later. While Freisler and Korda’s films worked with a significantly smaller budget than other cinematic productions premiering in 1927 (e�g� Metropolis ), the cultural relevance of football cinema cannot be overlooked in their influence on German cinematic history and Weimar society� It is no coincidence that the popularity of these films coincided with the rise of organized football leagues and the sport as a mass cultural phenomenon throughout Germany and Austria� Before the end of the Weimar Republic, however, the cultural landscape that embraced these new mass phenomena would reveal a rift at the very core of society-traditional values of the conservative so-called simple life battling the “other” in its manifold forms born in the metropolitan cityscape� As the product of two massively popular cultural phenomena of the era, Die elf Teufel elucidates the societal and cultural conflict between the traditional, German values and the progressive modernity which threatened it� This article will first contextualize Korda’s film within the cultural landscape of the Weimar Republic, when sports, and more specifically football, experienced an exponential rise in popularity and capital value� Subsequently, I will show how the main characters of the film, in both their unique attributes as well as their key interpersonal interactions, reflect the combative state of Weimar culture in the final years of the 1920s. By examining the two main female characters (Linda of Sportklub Linda and femme fatale Vivian of Sportklub International) in relation to the main protagonist (Tommy), the gendered war of the Weimar Republic comes to the forefront. This article will specifically focus on Tommy’s role in the love triangle with Linda and Vivian-both of whom embody drastically different depictions of the “new woman”-but also on the protagonist’s moral crisis in choosing between his love of the game and desire for fame and money� The athletic journey Tommy embarks on showcases the battle between the two extremes of Weimar women: the traditional, conservative ‘Gretchen’ symbolic of the old German values versus the ‘Girl’ transformed into ‘Garçonne,’ who threatens the aforementioned way of life� This dynamic DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 125 combined with the highs and lows of Tommy’s football career perfectly underscore the societal chaos that accompanied the last years of the Weimar Republic� The extreme binaries presented in the film-modesty/ pompousness, work/ pleasure, honesty/ deception, proletariat/ bourgeois, good girl/ femme fatale , country/ city-illuminate the cultural war ravaging Weimar society� This article will lay bare the gendered cultural extremes of Weimar Germany in their athletic interactions as displayed in the film and subsequently reveal a ravaged society left open to the dangers, transgressions, and manipulations to come� At its core, Die elf Teufel illuminates the progressive “other” in its many forms and the threat it wields against not only traditional German values, but also German masculinity� Only by defeating this new world order can the virtuous conservative culture, and therewith Germany, survive and thrive� Using the backdrop of the football clubs Sportklub Linda and Sportklub International, the characters in Die elf Teufel reflect the character, loyalty, and morality expected of traditional German society� The working-class players of Sportklub Linda present the modest yet contented lives of Germans outside of the city center void of the capitalistic greed that accompanied the urban cultural landscape of the Weimar years� On the opposing side, the players of Sportklub International pride themselves as the elite of the football world, harnessing power from beyond the borders of Germany to dominate at any cost� Despite the massively uneven power dynamic, Sportklub Linda serves a pedagogical role in the film to viewers, reinforcing the positive value inherent in a simple life unadorned by the capitalistic greed and modern advancements of the urban elite� What’s more, the film shows an athletically fueled Faustian bargain struck between Tommy, the captain and leader of Sportklub Linda, and the management of Sportklub International, leading him to betray his football family� It is only in his realization of the merit and camaraderie of these hard working and loyal Arbeiter from the outskirts of the city that the rivalry game can be won and the capitalistic International, in all its manifestations, can be defeated� This article will demonstrate how Korda’s film highlights not only the revered traditional cultural foundations surviving in the Weimar Republic but also the threatening power that Sportklub International and the scandalous “new woman” pose to Germany’s survival� Alongside the manifold technological and cultural advancements of the Golden Twenties, the popularity of sport began to surge at the start of the 1920s, only gaining momentum as the decade progressed� The athletic world was no exception to the excess associated with the Weimar days, and the public’s obsession with sport likewise steadily intensified as the decade surged on. With the implementation of the mandatory eight-hour workday in 1918, workers sought out 126 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 sporting events as entertainment and distraction in their free time� While football clubs began forming throughout Germany before the turn of the 20 th century (the earliest in the late 1870s), the German Football Association ( Deutscher Fußball Bund or DFB) was not officially founded until 1900, with 86 teams from across the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Germany� After its initial foundation, the league expanded with lightning speed� By 1905, it boasted 254 clubs and 13,000 players� In 1910, the league had grown to include 1,361 clubs with 111,000 players� Finally, by the start of World War I, the league boasted over 2,200 clubs with just under 190,000 members (Kramer 207—8)� The exponential growth rate reflects not only the overall massive popularity football had attained but also the rise of the sport as a mass phenomenon at all levels of society as evidenced by the sheer reach of the association, its professional teams, and most importantly, the star player persona now accessible to all levels of society� It was only after the First World War, however, that football’s popularity began to filter into society outside of larger cities like Vienna, Berlin, and Prague, which had drawn massive attention early on� What is more, the elite began to realize the financial windfall the sport could offer both the players and the athletic administrations� Though largely limited to the working-class pre-World War I, football became a seemingly unending source of revenue during the post-World War I years for club owners, who capitalized on the new leisure time activity for fans as well as the promise of stardom for talented players� Considering the quick and colossal popularity the sport attained in such a short amount of time, it is no surprise that the rise of football as a mass phenomenon seamlessly filtered itself into artistic and cultural production. Indeed, the newest obsession with organized leagues throughout Germany, Austria, and Czechoslovakia made for an ideal transformation into cinema, thereby further illuminating the cultural battle being fought outside the arena� While the phenomenal rise of professional athletics in the 1920s is indeed impressive, it pales in comparison to the mass media revolution happening during the same period� The advancement of newspapers, magazines, and radio shows provided the population with a constant stream of information that crept into every avenue of cultural life-from politics to fashion, economics to literature and stage productions, artistic and cultural production as well as, of course, the sporting world� Mass media soon moved into the realm of entertainment, with cinema assuming a prominent role in cultural production, growing exponentially as the decade progressed� By the end of the 1920s, German cinema had infiltrated nearly all areas of society, with cinemas, theater halls, and production studios cropping up all around Germany (Heinsohn 204)� Across the Atlantic, Hollywood superstars like Gary Cooper, Douglas Fairbanks, and Charlie Chaplin dominated the cinematic world, aiding Hollywood’s iconic historical trajec- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 127 tory into its heyday in the early 1930s� Germany, too, saw a boom in cinematic leading men, perhaps best seen in Gustav Fröhlich’s iconic role in Fritz Lang’s Metropolis , which premiered in March 1927, only months before the filming and cinematic premiere of Die elf Teufel � 3 The fervor and adoration of the Hollywood elite, composed of American and European actors alike, enchanted audiences around the world, not least in Weimar Germany� As is still the case in today’s cinematic world, athletes of Weimar Germany were known to share the screen with popular actors in feature films. Boxer Max Schmeling, for example, added acting to his portfolio with films like Liebe im Ring from 1930, Knock Out (filmed with his real-life wife, actress Anny Ondra) in 1935, and even cameos in football films like Das große Spiel (1942)� That Die elf Teufel , a film focused exclusively on football, showcased Gustav Fröhlich and could capitalize on his Metropolis fame cannot be ignored� Though his casting may be viewed as a lucky coincidence, the popularity Fröhlich attained in the months after the release of Metropolis certainly garnered attention for Die elf Teufel it might not have otherwise received as a small film production. His presence in the film, however, combined with the pinnacle of German spectatorship in football stadiums-the German national team, for example, boasted 50,000 spectators at a match in November of 1927, just weeks after the film’s premiere (Heinsohn 205)-posits Die elf Teufel as a vital example of athletically powered films, which can provide insight into the cultural landscape of the time and glean an understanding of the struggles perpetuated amongst the Weimar masses� Football was not the only cultural aspect that would undergo a makeover in 1920s Germany� The Weimar Republic saw a woman’s movement, which emphasized the emancipated role women could and furthermore would play in modern society. As Lilean Buhl explains, the “new woman” was a “complex and contingent figure of modernity who reconciled utopian promise with the omnipresent potential for decline. […] [S]he personified the contemporary understanding of crisis […] as a decisive, open-ended, and dynamic situation of conflicting possibilities.” Indeed, the “new woman” blossomed during the 1920s, and her role often featured in newspapers and magazines� Much research exists on this topic, 4 but Manfred Georg’s often cited categorization of the “new woman” of the era is especially fitting when mapped onto the female characters of Die elf Teufel . In the year the film premiered, Georg published a breakdown of the three main types of women found in Weimar Germany in the 8-Uhr-Abendblatt : the ‘Gretchen,’ ‘the Girl,’ and the ‘Garçonne�’ According to this trifecta, the ‘Gretchen’ is by far the least fearsome and is generally categorized as the young German girl with braids and knitting needles-the obedient wife and caring mother that embodies core traditional values� This good girl often plays the role 128 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 of a redeemer, seen as the "innocent victim […] longsuffering and faithful lover […] or as a contrast to the fringe world itself ” (Place 41—42)� Representative of the conservative, traditional values of German society, the ‘Gretchen’ stands in direct opposition to the femme fatale � The Weimar men, and ‘Gretchen’ women for that matter, are threatened by these latter two types of women� The ‘Girl’ personified materialism and excess, perhaps best exemplified by the flapper icon of the Roaring Twenties� Though she was no menace in overtaking masculinity, she posed a unique threat to traditional values in her glamour, boyish hair and fashion, consumerism, superficiality, and sexuality (Hung 55). The true antagonist amongst the categorical “New Woman,” however, was the ‘Garçonne,’ who manifested a distinct threat to the masculinity of the age� Indeed, she dressed in suits and ties, wore top hats, and ceased to have any traditional values of German society� A masculinized, rational, and independent woman, the ‘Garçonne’ entered the male dominated realms of society and represented a dangerous threat of the transgression of feminine ideals (Sutton 6)� Considering Georg’s article was published during the same year and in the same city as Korda’s film, it is perhaps unsurprising that the two women portrayed in Die elf Teufel embody all three categories over the course of the film. Indeed, the viewer follows a battle of the “new woman” via her relation to football� That the ‘Gretchen’ figure comes out victorious over the remaining two forms of modern femininity only further supports the victory of the traditional German ideals over those of the new metropolitan modernity� Die elf Teufel follows the career trajectory of Tommy, captain “des armen und unbekannten Sportklubs Linda.” 5 It is clear from the outset that the big city referred to here is Berlin (the capital and largest city of the Weimar Republic), and it is inferred that the fringes of the city are outskirts of the district of Neukölln (Heinsohn 215)� Tommy begins the story as the contented and happy leader of the working-class team Sportklub Linda, in love with the sport and with the club’s namesake, his fiancée Linda. The team-a ragtag combination of players from all walks of working life including factory workers, taxi drivers, and mechanics-gathers after work to play on their run-down, dirt-covered field. The story, however, takes a dark turn when Tommy is recruited, or better put seduced, by femme fatale Vivian Holm and Sportklub International, led by trainer Mac Lawrence and composed of professional footballers accustomed to the finer side of a commercialized game. As Tommy delves deeper into the world of big-league football, he slowly strays from both his team and his love Linda. The conclusion of his Faustian deal comes when International is slotted to play against his former club. In the happy end, Tommy returns to Linda-the club and the woman-to win the game, defeating the big city team and its modern, DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 129 capitalistic influence on sport. The film, then, can be viewed as an example of the cultural and societal challenges faced in the waning years of the Weimar Republic� By examining Tommy’s choices in his personal life and athletic career, the underlying cultural battlefield of the Weimar Republic surfaces. The juxtaposition of amateur and professional, big city and small town, wholesome Weimar good girl and Golden Twenties flapper femme fatale reveals the struggle at play in the cultural landscape of Germany as the 1920s came to a close� In the end, the film puts a typical German Arbeiter centerstage and follows his fall as well as his path to redemption. The inner conflict Tommy experiences reveals the daily struggle men faced in the waning years of Germany’s first democracy. This trajectory understood in a larger sense is representative of the struggles in everyday culture of the Weimar Republic� By mapping Tommy’s interactions with the trifecta of Weimar women onto his athletic successes and failures, a society in need of protection emerges� Only by returning to the conservative, traditional values and escaping the international, metropolitan modernity can Germany survive and succeed in the daunting future� The film’s blueprint breaks down into a familiar good versus evil straight from the start� It is important, however, to examine the details that create this black-and-white battle of morality that serves as the basis of Tommy’s athletic journey. The first reference to Tommy appears as an intertitle, referring to him as “Liebling der Vorstadtjungen.” It is not hard to see why he carries this honor, as he jokes and playfully wrestles with the young fans on his way into the locker room� This immediately conjures an image of purity, almost childlike innocence, before the audience even sees Tommy interact with the other main characters or play on the field. He is very much still an innocent child at heart like the young fans who admire him. After he enters the clubhouse, he cannot find his practice uniform but enters the pitch, donning his dress clothes from work, establishing himself on screen as not only a skilled player but also as a coach/ leader other players look to for guidance� Thus, Tommy can be understood as the stereotypical working-class athlete, who quite literally cannot separate himself from work (hence the suit rather than the football kit the others wear), but his passion for the game shapes younger players around him� Additionally, unlike the professional players seen later in the film, Tommy’s suit is noticeably oversized on his slim frame, suggesting it was not tailored to him but second hand, or simply bought off the rack. This distinguishes him as a worker when compared to the custom, tailor-made suits worn by those associated with Sportklub International� Most obvious in the initial perception of Tommy, however, is that he plays the game for fun and not for the capitalistic gains of a professional career� It is not long until this athletic innocence is tested, and Tommy must choose between 130 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 the love of the game and his fiancé Linda or the temptations of the metropolitan professional league and the allure of femme fatale Vivian� Linda and Vivian, representations of the extremes of the “new woman” in the Weimar era, can be viewed as embodiments of the teams they represent� By looking deeper into the interactions and characteristics of each woman, the true value and merit of each club can be revealed. To begin, the audience first encounters Linda (played by Evelyn Holt) in her house wearing Tommy’s practice jersey on a lark� Not only does she love the team, but she also loves football itself, so much so that she symbolically becomes a part of the team by wearing Tommy’s uniform even when he goes onto the field for practice. What is more, Linda’s home and the clubhouse for Sportklub Linda are one and the same. The locker room, bathtubs, and lounge area for the players are all contained in Linda’s meager home. That is to say that it is nearly impossible to separate Linda from Sportklub Linda. The two are infinitely intertwined. Linda, then, can be seen as the ideal representation of a working-class, German football woman: she lovingly supports her fiancé and his teammates in their play but also loves the game so much that she supports the team with her own hearth and home� Introduced via intertitle as “der Engel der elf Teufel,” Linda is revered by the entire club, especially by Tommy� Not only is she introduced as the angel amongst the devils, but she also has pale, fair skin that radiates light, giving her an angelic look� She dresses conservatively, wearing long-sleeve dresses with high collars, while her long, light-colored hair is always pulled back out of her face and never flowing loosely. She does not reflect the stereotypical femme fatale of the Roaring Twenties, but rather a good girl ideal, who supports her man as he works to earn a living and plays football for fun with his friends, while caring for the neighborhood children� Indeed, her personality and actions align with the ‘Gretchen’ detailed in popular culture of the Weimar years, which would subsequently be idealized during the Third Reich� As the obedient wife and nurturing mother often praised by more traditional, conversative pockets of Weimar society, ‘Gretchen’ is sexually powerless and overall passive, yet boasts an optimistic outlook on life� Considering her role in the home (Sportklub Linda) caring for the male players and neighborhood children, Linda appears to fulfill the role of a traditional, conservative ‘Gretchen’ posited amongst the options for the “new woman” in Weimar society� She is even specifically referred to as an angel-the most innocent of beings-and fulfills a stereotypical angelic ideal in her physical appearance. The notion that Linda can be understood as fulfilling the positive, traditional ‘Gretchen’ role for her football club is only furthered when the etymological roots of the name Linda itself are analyzed to elucidate manifold meanings which support the core conservative value that she holds in Tommy’s life and career� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 131 Perhaps today most associated with the Spanish meaning “beautiful,” the name Linda takes root from the old Germanic word linde , which translates roughly to “tender, soft, or gentle” (Kluge 520)� The name also mimics the German verb lindern , meaning “to soothe or alleviate�” This is precisely the role that Linda plays in the film. She is the ideal representation of a Weimar ‘Gretchen’: a tender, soft spoken woman who soothes the men around her, keeping them fed and taken care of� Indeed, the good girl, in contrast to the femme fatale , plays the role of the “redeemer” and often fills the role of the “innocent victim” (42). As will be discussed below, it is Linda who is victimized when Tommy chooses Vivian over her, yet she immediately comes to his aid when he is injured� This notion of the ideal German woman is only further cemented with the fact that the old Germanic linde is also the etymological root of the iconic Linden tree, which has long been associated with marital love and fertility, yet also with strength� 6 Additionally, perhaps the most famous association to the word is the famous street Unter den Linden , which runs through the center of Berlin� The Linden tree was also a symbol of jurisprudence and justice, as sentences in trials were typically delivered under the Linden tree, which were typically planted at the very center of any German town, as with Unter den Linden in Berlin� Further still, the tree, with its heart shaped leaves, also carries an association with love and lovers, which relates in part to the aforementioned marital love and fertility� Considering the multitude of meanings associated with the name, it can be no coincidence that the guiding light representing loyalty, modesty, and honesty, the nurturing soul of the players and fans, the source of all things good for the Sportklub, the love of Tommy’s life and future bride bears the name Linda. She, then, provides the team, and Tommy specifically, with exposure to the epitome of Germanic roots: not only is she a symbol of marriage and family, but she also bears the name of justice and strength-all of which Tommy, and the team, will need to harness to beat the heavily favored Sportklub International� Furthermore, her name takes root in the same word as the Linden tree, with all of its vital and viral associations with the mystical Germanic past� While Linda represents the ‘Gretchen’ role in her almost proto-militaristic conservative German values in both her name and appearance, Vivian Holm (played by Lissi Arna), the female representative of Sportklub International, posits none of the mental or physical traits associated with her Sportklub Linda counterpart� Rather than described as an angel, Vivian’s intertitle declares her “eine begeisterte Anhängerin des Sports und der Sportler.” Unlike Linda, she is not directly involved with the game, but she is an enthusiastic fan of the sport and, more importantly, the players� As the description notes, she quite literally hangs onto the sport (not the game) and team� Rather than comforting and nurturing the players of International, she proclaims to her paramour 132 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 (star midfielder Biller) that he should never be jealous because she will always simply do whatever she feels like doing. Vivian, in stark contrast to Linda, can be understood in her appearance, demeanor, and etymological nomenclature as representative of the modern, internationalized world that endangers the Gretchen ideology. Unlike Linda, Vivian fluctuates between the ‘Girl’ and the cosmopolitan ‘Garçonne’-both of which sit in direct opposition to the conservative, traditional norms of the ‘Gretchen’ ideals of the Weimar “new woman�” Vivian accompanies Mac Lawrence on an outing when they stumble upon Sportklub Linda’s practice. Arriving in a chauffeured automobile, a symbol of luxury in the 1920s, the initial impression of Vivian, Lawrence, and Sportklub International is one of wealth and opulence� This prosperity comes in stark contrast to the ramshackle field and clubhouse of Sportklub Linda. While Vivian and Lawrence approach the field, Tommy plays and coaches his teammates oblivious to their arrival. She wears a bowler hat typical of flappers and is not dressed in attire expected for a football match-a short dress with a jacket that cuts especially low in comparison to Linda’s high collars. Her makeup is dark and heavy, accentuating her dark hair, chopped short in a bob, and pale complexion. In contrast to the angelic depiction of Linda who cares for the team and the neighborhood boys in her initial appearance, Vivian appears as a temptress, immediately plying Tommy with compliments, smirks, and caresses. The flirtation she initiates is so obvious and extreme that Linda, who peers from the kitchen of the clubhouse where she cooks for the neighborhood boy Pips, can tell something is amiss� In her first appearance on screen as well as her first interaction with Tommy, Vivian posits a combination of the ‘Girl’ and ‘Garçonne’ of the Roaring Twenties in complete contrast to the traditional ‘Gretchen�’ True to the description of such “new women” of Weimar, Vivian’s appearance represents the progressive feminine mindset rampant in metropolitan Germany. Throughout the film, she is seen wearing dark-colored dresses, which show much more skin than the traditional ones Linda wears, and even masculine slacks, a button-down dress shirt, and tie� Indeed, her depiction onscreen is from the onset one of a masculine vamp, threatening not only the male power in society, but also the honest, loyal hardworking love cultivated by her female counterpart� Indeed, Vivian fits the description of a flapper, as posited by Sumiko Higashi, perfectly. “The flapper looked boyish and acted mannish. According to Victorian standards, women as moral superiors elevated men to the level of their pedestals� The flapper reversed gears and acted like a man, thus making herself more accessible to the opposite sex� She smoked, drank and petted” (112)� This description falls in line with both the ‘Girl’ and ‘Garçonne’ of Weimar� Vivian’s initial appearance solidifies her role as the vamp, and her actions throughout the film-she DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 133 does indeed smoke, drink, and pet regularly-cement her as the dangerous “new woman�” Even in Vivian’s early moments on screen, she conjures the image of the scandalous Weimar woman, simultaneously seducing and threatening the masculine in society with her dress, demeanor, and interactions� Like Linda, the etymology of Vivian’s name symbolizes her influence on Tommy’s life and career� The name Vivian, a distinctly non-Germanic name, comes from the Latin “vivus,” meaning living or to live and is ultimately linked to the Roman name Vivianus (Frier 477)� This is an appropriate name for her considering that what she offers Tommy is a new life with Sportklub International in an entirely new and lively world of professional football� It comes as no surprise that when Tommy does indeed join International, he initially feels more alive than ever before. He begins a new life through the temptation offered to him by Vivian, Lawrence, and International. It soon comes to pass, however, that this new life is an unwelcome change and not at all what Tommy expected or desired in his athletic life and proves this new existence to be one of dangerous transgressions� Like his female counterpart Vivian at International, the trainer Lawrence (played by Fritz Alberti) enters the film as the ultimate temptation, offering Tommy a metropolitan life and athletic career far from the simple life at Sportklub Linda. His name, Mac Lawrence, immediately invokes the image of a distinctly foreign “other�” As is the case with Vivian, the name points towards the UK or even America as its source� Whatever his heritage, he stands in direct contrast to the team at Sportklub Linda, appealing to Tommy not through camaraderie or loyalty, but superficial monetary gain and fame. In the audience’s first encounter with him, he appears at the field of Sportklub Linda in a tailored three-piece suit, complete with a gold pocket watch and jewelry to match� He later brings Tommy via chauffeur to the Sportklub International headquarters in the city center. From the start, Lawrence establishes himself as a cutthroat businessman, trying to buy Tommy with a “fabelhaften Vertrag.” Lawrence, much like Vivian, can be understood as the metropolitan, professional yet corrosive influence in society, sent to tempt Tommy away from the love of the game as well as the loyalty and camaraderie he represents at Sportklub Linda. Alongside Vivian, Lawrence embodies the devil of consumerism to whom Tommy sells his athletic soul for a professional career� The etymology of the name Lawrence likewise reveals more about the trainer’s character in relation to Tommy’s career. The name Lawrence derives from the Latin laurus , meaning “laurel.” The Laurel tree, of course, culls images of ancient Greece and Rome, where laurel wreaths were worn to represent victory or achievement in sport� It is no coincidence, then, that the trainer of the professional team bears the name synonymous with victory in athletic endeavors� 134 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 His first name, Mac, is generally associated with the Scottish, meaning “son of.” When combined, his name quite literally means “son of athletic victory�” Not only does he offer Tommy a “fabelhaften Vertrag,” but his character embodies the dream of all athletes: victory� With each of these characters pulling him in a different direction, Tommy faces a crossroad in the early portion of the film where he makes a Faustian deal of sorts� Even his name clues the viewer into the unstable status of his morality from the start� Tommy, of course, is a form of the name Thomas� While Tommy was not necessarily a common German name of the time, Thomas certainly was� Generally speaking, Tommy is traditionally used as a nickname for a young boy, whereas Thomas is a formal, proper name for an adult. That Tommy specifically goes by the shortened, informal version, suggests that he has perhaps not matured into the courageous, loyal, masculine role model expected of men at the time� In fact, it posits him as an impressionable young man, who can either be nurtured by the loving and loyal ‘Gretchen’ or intimidated into a certain role by the ‘Girl’ or ‘Garçonne’ of Weimar women. He is pliable and finding his footing in life, much like society of the Weimar Republic� The decisions he makes will determine if he grows into the respectable and traditional German man, Thomas, or a foreign influenced and dominated Tommy in the grip of Vivian, Lawrence, and the professional moneymaking Sportklub International. As such, a naïve and young Tommy can and, as is the case in the film, will be tempted by a lively existence without passion or substance� It is how he deals with the repercussions of his decision that will determine what kind of man Tommy/ Thomas becomes� Tommy begins the film as the epitome of a working-class football player. He comes to the field each evening and even plays in his work suit. His loves are obvious at the start: the game of football and the angelic Linda. When Lawrence sends for Tommy to discuss and offer him a fabulous contract, his response is simply: “Ich bin Sportsmann aus Begeisterung—�” Quite simply, he plays for no other reason or motivation than his love of the sport. Lawrence then offers him a 1000 Mark bonus, which Tommy refuses, stating simply, “Ich gehöre zu meinen elf Teufeln�” Tommy, thus, has twice refused the monetary enticements from the professional league. However, as he leaves Lawrence’s office, he quite literally gets lost trying to find the building’s exit. In his attempt to leave, he stumbles unwittingly to Vivian’s room. While he has not fallen victim to Lawrence’s lucrative offer, Tommy has become lost in the labyrinth of the opulent metropolitan athletic world� Subsequently, this maze only has one exit, namely into the web of a Weimar vamp, who makes the third and final offer to Tommy to join the team, which he does not refuse� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 135 From examining the names and appearance of the main characters, the division is clear between the traits embodied by Linda (both the woman and the club): modesty, honestly, loyalty, resilience, courage, comradery, hard work, love, athletic passion� Conversely, the new, modern, and dangerous transgressions in the metropolitan mindset of those associated with Sportklub International illuminate players bought and sold like commodities with no loyalty or substance� To be sure, the moral code of the Sportklub International puts the traditional working-class team who play for the love of the game in danger, as personified by Tommy’s fall from grace in his Faustian deal with Lawrence� When the duality of the innocent, loyal yet passionate German society as portrayed by Linda is juxtaposed with those of the vamp Vivian, a distinct battlefield is drawn, where Tommy must choose between the modest yet loyal lifestyle he knows and the international fame and wealth the modern Sportklub International affords. The internal battle plays out through key scenes of the film involving Tommy and the female leads� A close analysis of these pivotal scenes exposes the core values promoted by Sportklub Linda and the threat that Sportklub International poses to their modest yet happy way of life� Tommy’s recruitment symbolizes the beginning of his fall from grace. As aforementioned, Lawrence brings Tommy and Linda via chauffeur from the outskirts of town to the International headquarters. Linda, enamored with the luxurious car sent for her fiancé, insists on accompanying him� After driving through the bright lights and modern cityscape, they pull up in front of the International high-rise� Upon arrival, however, Linda is told to remain in the car, while Tommy goes to speak with Lawrence. That is to say that after traveling into the modern metropolis in a wealthy, chauffeured car, Tommy leaves the nurturing, traditional embodiment of his club in the vehicle that brought him into the metropolis� Only he is allowed into the den of modernity within the offices of Sportklub International. Without the loyalty and love Linda represents, Tommy becomes vulnerable to the temptations of the modern city� Though he remains strong during the meeting, twice refusing Lawrence’s attempt to buy his talent, Tommy succumbs to the modern labyrinth as he attempts to leave� Searching for the exit, Tommy wanders through dark shadows into corners, struggling to free himself from the hold of Sportklub International� The only door that opens leads to Vivian’s apartment� Once Vivian sees Tommy in her room, he is unable to resist, succumbing entirely to the power Vivian holds� Though he balks towards the door, his decision to stay with Vivian is made and he leaves Linda, in all her manifestations, behind. This is solidified when Vivian, noticing the door ajar, closes it and therewith any chance Tommy had of resisting her� 136 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 When Vivian appears on screen, she is the epitome of the Weimar flapper ‘Girl” persona� She wears a dark dress with a plunging neckline, a hem that hits above the knees, dark hair cut into an angular bob, and her makeup is dark and heavy on her pale skin� Tommy appears just as she primps herself to go to a nightclub with the International players� Indeed, the new ‘Girl’ of Weimar was known to frequent clubs and bars, wear scandalous clothes, and sport short, bobbed hair� In fact, according to Georg, the ‘Girl’ is “sexy without sizzle—rather coolly calculating” and she always succeeds whenever she encounters a man she wants� Indeed, this describes Vivian perfectly� She is able to catch Tommy in her web, convincing him to stay by her on the other side. Like the ‘Girl,’ she succeeds in her encounter with Tommy where Lawrence could not. While Tommy stumbles through the shadowy hallway and is eventually drawn into Vivian’s room, the doorman downstairs tells Linda, without Tommy’s knowledge, that she should return home without him� Refusing the luxuries of the International club she admired earlier in the night, she exits the car and declares that she would prefer to walk the long distance back to Neukölln� She waits briefly for Tommy under a lone streetlight, illuminating her as the only bright spot in the darkness of the city street. That is to say that Linda is the sole light that can lead Tommy back to the “right” side of sport, morality, and life� He does not, however, glance out of the window in time, and she returns to the Sportklub Linda clubhouse, continuing to wait for him while comforted by the loyal Sportklub Linda players. She has not lost hope, as evidenced by her adamant declaration to the rest of the team that Tommy will return� Indeed, Linda becomes the “innocent victim” of the femme fatale . As Linda leaves, the ‘Girl’ has won over the ‘Gretchen,’ which will only lead to hardships in Tommy’s life and career� Rather than follow the light to Linda, Tommy remains with International, and more specifically with Vivian, causing him to miss work, practice, and Linda’s birthday� Even with his recent promotion at the factory, his absence results in being fired, severing the last connection to the Arbeiter on the outskirts of the city entirely. The influence of Vivian, and therewith International, has already caused upheaval in Tommy’s life� The job, promotion, and his engagement all evaporate within the span of a day after accepting the contract with the metropolitan, urban football club� Professional sport as well as the ‘Girl’ of the “new women” clearly show the threat to the ideals that Sportklub Linda holds high. Indeed, the emancipation of women like Vivian combined with the commercialization and excess of the Weimar city culture menace the very foundation of the hardworking and passionate working-class team as well as the faithful ‘Gretchen’ waiting at home� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 137 The next time the audience sees Vivian, she informs Lawrence that Tommy will play for International, but he does not know against whom the team will play� As Vivian tells the trainer of Tommy’s decision, she interrupts the morning practice session and stands in the center of the screen surrounded by the men of International� In this scene, she has transformed into the ‘Garçonne’-wearing riding pants, carrying a riding crop (which she slaps against her hand as she grins), high boots, a white button-down blouse with a black tie� Her short, black hair remains nearly invisible under the wide brimmed hat� She controls the fate of the men on screen. Indeed, she fulfills the character that Hung describes as: “the masculinized, rational and independent female, embodying women’s supposed intrusion into formerly male-dominated spheres such as sport, technology, intellectual debate and sexual agency, challenging men on their own territory” (55)� Vivian has invaded the athletic world not just in her role with the Sportklub International but also by seducing Tommy to their club� The ‘Garçonne’ role she embodies here elucidates not only the power but also the threat that such women hold on society-when the club could not lure Tommy away with money and fame, she was able to coax him away from the simple traditional life he had� Not only has she lured Tommy away from his team, but she has also broken him from the loyal, loving relationship with Linda, the idealized representation of the ‘Gretchen’ in society� Thereafter, the audience witnesses Tommy’s deep dive into the excess the modern, metropolitan world of Sportklub International boasts� Having abandoned Linda (both the club and the woman), he is now fitted with custom suits and tuxedos (unlike his frumpy suit from the earlier scenes), goes out to clubs, drinks champagne from crystal goblets, and has seemingly forgotten his former club and love entirely. The birthday gift he originally bought for Linda, an expensive chain-link bracelet, is commandeered by Vivian, who assumes it is a present for her� In other words, he is now chained to Vivian and International without any hope of return to his former life� The dangerous threat brought about by Vivian as both ‘Girl’ and ‘Garçonne’ combined with the new lifestyle of Weimar modernity has taken hold, leaving Tommy a helpless victim to his own fate� Vivian holds power over Tommy and dictates his actions so much so that he is lost without her� Indeed, the message is clear here that Vivian’s femme fatale role poses a clear threat to the strong masculinity of Weimar society� Tommy’s betrayal comes to its precipice when Linda, worried for her fiancé who does not attend her birthday party, tracks him down to a club in downtown Berlin� As she enters, she witnesses Tommy, drunk and stalking Vivian around the dancefloor while she dances with his rival Biller. Tommy’s wild eyes and disheveled appearance reveal just how far he has fallen from the proper, traditional, and contented gentleman introduced at the beginning of the film. When 138 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 asked if he knows Linda, Tommy despondently responds simply with “nein,” as Vivian smirks, leading him back to his new team� At this moment, Tommy has fallen completely into the vices of his new team and new woman� Utterly disavowing his old life, Tommy has made a deal that will earn him money, fame, and fortune; however, he is noticeably unhappy and uninspired� The childlike, carefree innocence from the first scene has evaporated completely, leaving a shell of the athletic star. Indeed, after Linda and Vivian leave, Tommy sits alone, pours himself a glass of champagne only to throw the glass to the ground, shattering it� This only further cements that the glitz and glamour of the modern urban football scene, though tempting, are not the path to success� In fact, they pose a threat to the key ideals that define Sportklub Linda and succumbing to their allure leads only to dangerous transgressions� The joy that accompanied Tommy at the start of the film is gone and, in its place, a morose player who dreads the news of his first opponent. The identity of his first opponent is intentionally kept from Tommy until the game is set to begin� Once he is told he is to play his former teammates, he refuses to participate, instead sitting in the locker room, occasionally peering through a window at the battle ensuing on the field. That is to say that the original Tommy, the one beloved by the neighborhood children and who played for the love of the game, has not been entirely eradicated by the influence of the ‘Girl’/ ’Garçonne’ and the professional football world� On the contrary, he does not even entertain the notion of playing against them� In the epitome of a Faustian moment, Lawrence holds up the signed contract to remind Tommy of what he agreed to. In the scene, Lawrence stands between Tommy and the window to the game-his face snarled in a demonic grin� Fighting back against the professionalized athletics, Tommy rips the contract into pieces, signifying his disavowal of the momentary greed and lust he felt for modern urban life� That is to say, he resists the draw of the new society he discovered in favor of the one he knew with Linda. Ostracized by both the former team he left behind and the rich, professional team he has renounced, Tommy sits forlorn in the locker room while the battle rages on outside� The match unfolding is brutal, and International eventually leads 1-0 via a questionable penalty kick, much to the dismay of Linda supporters, who begin to chant “Tommy! ” Eventually, his Linda kit is snuck to him, and he enters the pitch, much to the delight of the fans, his team, and, perhaps most importantly, Linda. It does not take Tommy long to even the score at 1: 1� However, after his goal, Biller, the midfielder Tommy originally replaced and Vivian’s love interest, commits a brutal and intentional foul, injuring Tommy’s head and leaving him weak, woozy, and bleeding� As the fans call for a red card, Tommy intervenes and tells the referee that it was an accident, and no charge should be given� Even in an DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 139 injured state, Tommy’s decency, fair play, and leadership of Sportklub Linda surfaces� The foul, however, causes Tommy to faint, and he is carried from the field to the locker room, where he is joined first by Linda and then by Vivian in the climactic moment symbolic of the two paths Tommy must ultimately choose between and the two women representing the extremes of the new Weimar woman� In the locker room, Tommy lays lifelessly on the bench, still bleeding from his head. Linda kneels next to the bench and throws her upper body protectively over him� True to the core of her name ( lindern ), Linda attempts to protect and heal Tommy, soothing his pain� Vivian then enters the room and stands at the foot of the bench, towering over both Tommy and Linda. The dynamic at play here takes on an interesting form� Vivian, and therewith the professional league and modern life in the urban metropolitan lifestyle she represents, quite literally towers over the underdog couple� She is dressed in a fur-lined coat with a hat that splits into two at the crown, mimicking two devil horns� The embodiment of the ‘Girl’ of Weimar society, she wears expensive clothes, dark, dramatic make-up, and a bucket hat that reveals only the tips of her bobbed black hair� She initially has no physical interaction with Linda or Tommy as she takes in the scene. As Tommy lies unconscious on the bench under a protective Linda, Vivian realizes she has lost Tommy� She returns the bracelet, the chain holding Tommy to her and International, to Linda, telling her: “Das Armband war für Sie bestimmt�” With the contract in pieces and the chain holding him to Vivian gone, Tommy regains consciousness, beginning his new life with Linda and the team he was meant to be on� He returns to the game to score the winning goal, resulting in the underdog defeating the professional favorites International� The victory Tommy achieves is only possible when the influence of professional, modern life-as portrayed here by both the monetary influence of Lawrence and the cultural dominance of Vivian-releases its hold over his life and career. True to the cultural association of the Linden tree, the values associated with Linda (modesty, honesty, loyalty, passion, love) act as a symbolic shield for Tommy in his weakened state� The ‘Girl’ (and the ‘Garçonne’ very obviously hidden within Vivian) no longer threaten the traditional values of German culture, and the capitalization of the city league have been conquered� As such, Tommy becomes revitalized, playing with the happiness and passion he exuded while playing on the ramshackle fields of Sportklub Linda at the start of the film. Victory with these weapons comes easily to Tommy and to his team of Arbeiter � Indeed, the return to the simple life reveals the resilience, camaraderie, and hard work needed to combat the transgressions of modernity� This notion is only further supported by the trophy ceremony at the culmination of the film. 140 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The final scene begins with an intertitle that reads: “Ich überreiche Ihnen diesen Pokal als Zeichen der Anerkennung für Ihr Zusammenhalten, das der schönste Beweis von Kameradschaftlichkeit in Gefahr und Kampf war�” That is to say that the very qualities that are highlighted as the source of victory for Sportklub Linda are those valued in traditional German society. In fact, the phrasing here even emphasizes the proto-militaristic fashion in which the values are honored by Tommy, Linda, and their team. The moral battlefield Tommy encountered in his athletic and personal lives transformed into a war, which could only be won by harnessing the qualities and camaraderie of a traditional, noble German working man rather than those of modernity in the metropolitan football realm. Likewise, the support of a traditional, angelic German ‘Gretchen,’ must also arise victorious over the temptations of the modern, Weimar ‘Girl’ and ‘Garçonne’ embodied by Vivian� The battle of Weimar culture is clearly laid out in Tommy’s career trajectory and further scaffolded by the juxtaposed forms of Weimar femininity� Rather than an obsession with money and fame, Tommy and Linda are content to work hard, support each other, and play football for the sake of playing football� In the end, the threat of the modern athletic landscape, in all of its manifestations, is defeated by the traditional values at the core of the conservative, traditional, courageous German life� Perhaps the most significant moment in the victory of the amateur club is that Linda specifically receives the trophy. This is particularly poignant, considering the role that Linda played not only for the team and neighborhood youth but for Tommy specifically. She was the key component in holding the team together and keeping her faith that Tommy would indeed see the error in his ways� She is the epitome of a traditional German ‘Gretchen,’ who “embodied the ideal of the obedient wife and caring young mother (Hung 55)�” She nursed Tommy back to health and unwaveringly supported him in returning to the traditional, moral life away from lust and temptation of modernity� Vivian, on the other hand, is not seen after the game, while Linda is praised at the center of the stadium� Although both women are present for the remainder of the match in the stands, it is Linda who joins the team on the field to celebrate their victory� To be sure, there is little doubt as to who has won the battle of Weimar feminine culture, and the implications of this victory can be used to understand the status of the societal and political upheaval that was boiling over in the late Weimar Republic� Korda’s film not only reflects the famed status of football in popular culture during the late 1920s, but it also lays bare the fatigued cultural landscape at play in the waning years of the Weimar Republic: a metaphorical battle between upper and lower society, adventurous and traditional gender roles, modern, and romantic notions of how society should be� By examining the challenges, DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 The First German Football Film 141 choices, and victories Tommy experiences in both his athletic and personal life, the film dictates the trials and tribulations German society was subjected to throughout the Weimar Republic� Seduced by the thrills of the wealthy, modern, urban, and professionalized life, Tommy abandons his traditional, working-class morals to capitalize on his football prowess, wooed by the exotic ‘Girl’ turned ‘Garçonne�’ He is consumed by this new world, until the one he left behind is glimpsed through the window of the arena� That Tommy not only refuses to play against his old team but subsequently joins them and defeats the goliath rivals, injured no less, unveils the idealized values at play. The film ends with the victory of the old world over that of the modern, bourgeois, athletic society, suggesting that the key to success in the future of Germany resides not in urban modernity, but in the traditional values forgotten in the glitz and glamor of 1920s culture� By returning to those, Germany can be made victorious again, and the hard-working German proletariat can be “der schönste Beweis von Kameradschaftlichkeit in Gefahr und Kampf�” Notes 1 While the film did not reach its peak popularity in society until two years later in 1929, it is still today considered the first feature film to focus exclusively on football� 2 The Film-Kurier makes note of the filming in September 1927, stating “Der Städte-Kampf Hamburg-Berlin, [d]er am letzten Sonntag auf dem Fußballplatz des B�S�C� Hertha ausgetragen wurde, wurde von dem Regisseur Zoltan [C]orda benutzt, um eine Reihe technisch interessanter Aufnahmen für den ersten Fußball-Spielfilm ‘Die elf Teufel’ zu machen […].” 3 Metropolis premiered on March 13, 1927� Korda’s Elf Teufel utilized a short filming period during the summer of 1927 and subsequently premiered on October 20, 1927 (Pflaum). That the film boasts Gustav Fröhlich in its main role as Tommy cannot be overlooked as a source for the attention it garnered� 4 For an extensive overview, see Kathleen Canning’s “Women and the Politics of Gender” and Ute Frevert’s Frauen-Geschichte: Zwischen bürgerlicher Verbesserung und neuer Weiblichkeit , specifically pp. 146-99. 5 Quoted directly from the intertitles of the film. 6 The Linden tree is traditionally associated with protection as a result of the utilitarian value the wood had in making shields for Germanic tribes� This connotation continues its association with the Linden tree in German culture (Green 70)� 142 Rebeccah Dawson DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0007 Works Cited Buhl, Lilean. “The Space Between: Literature and Culture, 1914-1945.” Searching for the Modern Girl 18 (2022)� https: / / scalar�usc�edu/ works/ the-space-between-literature-andculture-1914-1945/ vol18_2022_buhl�18 06 April 2024� Canning, Kathleen� “Women and the Politics of Gender�” Weimar Germany � Ed� A� McElligott� Oxford: Oxford UP, 2009� 146—74� Die elf Teufel � Dir� Zoltan Korda� Munich: Edition Filmmuseum, 2006� “Der Städte-Kampf Hamburg-Berlin�” Film-Kurier , Vol� 9, Nr� 211� 07 September 1927� Frevert, Ute� Frauen-Geschichte: Zwischen bürgerlicher Verbesserung und neuer Weiblichkeit � Frankfurt/ Main: Suhrkamp, 1986� Frame, Lynne. “Gretchen, Girl Garçonne? Weimar Science and Popular Culture in Search of the Ideal New Woman�” Women in the Metropolis: Gender and Modernity in Weimar Culture � Ed� Katharina von Ankum� Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997� Frier, Bruce W� and Thomas A� J� McGinn, A Casebook on Roman Family Law � Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004� Georg, Manfred� “Drei Frauen stehen heute vor uns� Die drei Typen: Gretchen, Girl, Garçonne�” 8-Uhr-Abendblatt � 04 June 1927 unpaginated� Green, Dennis Howard� Language and History in the Early Germanic World � Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1998� Heinsohn, Bastian� “Educating the Spectator: Athlete-Fan Interplay in the Early German Football Film The Eleven Devils by Zoltan Korda” Football Nation: Football Nation: The Playing Fields of German Culture, History, and Society � Ed� Rebeccah Dawson, et al� New York: Berghahn, 2023� 201—217� Kershaw, Ian� The "Hitler Myth": Image and Reality in the Third Reich � Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001� Kluge, Friedrich� Etymologisches Wörterbuch � Berlin: de Gruyter, 1995� Kramer, Andreas� Sport und literarischer Expressionismus , Göttingen: V&R unipress, 2019� Hanks, Patrick, Simon Lenarčič, and Peter McClure (eds). Dictionary of American Family Names � Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022� Higashi, Sumiko� Virgins, Vamps, and Flappers. The American Silent Movie Heroine. Montreal: Eden Press Women’s Publications, 1978� Place, Janey� "Women in Film Noir�" Women in Film Noir . Ed. E Ann Kaplan. London: British Film Institute, 1978� 35-54� Plaum, Hans-Günther. “ Die elf Teufel & König der Mittelstürmer : About Die elf Teufel�” Edition filmmuseum. Web. https: / / www.edition-filmmuseum.com/ product_info.php/ language/ en/ info/ p24_Die-elf-Teufel---K-nig-der-Mittelst-rmer�html 04 April 2024� Reese, Dagmar� Growing up Female in Nazi Germany � Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006� Sutton, Katie� The Masculine Woman in Weimar Germany. New York: Berghahn, 2011� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 The First German Football Film 143 Revisiting a Children’s Classic: The Silent Third Reich in Sammy Drechsel’s Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein (1955) 1 Oliver Knabe University of Dayton Abstract: This literary analysis of Sammy Drechsel’s 1955 children’s novel Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein focuses on the author’s construction of 1930s Germany as a Nazi-free realm� With a particular emphasis on Drechsel’s depiction of mass media, this article reveals the Third Reich hidden in this popular autobiographical story about football and friendship� It demonstrates how the novel utilizes football to depoliticize and disguise Hitler’s Germany and ultimately raises the question about the pedagogical opportunities that emerge from a work that is based on silence as a narrative strategy� Keywords: West Germany, memory culture, football, soccer, children’s literature, Nazi Germany, Third Reich, Post-WWII literature, Sports literature When he wrote his 1955 football novel Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein (You Ought to be Eleven Friends), popular West German sports journalist and cabaret artist ( Münchner Lach- und Schießgesellschaft ) Sammy Drechsel likely did not envision how successful this book would be over the next decades. Labelled “Ein Fußballroman für die Jugend,” this inspiring, gripping, and endearing story about adolescent protagonist Heinz Kamke and his football-playing friends became a literary staple for generations of children, particularly those devoted to the game of football� Almost seven decades after its debut, Drechsel’s novel continues to be a favorite among young readers� As of 2024, Drechsel’s main publisher (and license holder) Thienemann-Esslinger has released the book’s thirtieth (almost) unaltered edition� 2 Furthermore, it has been adapted as an audio play and turned into an audiobook� 3 Set in mid-1930s Berlin, the story focuses on the football team of a boy’s public school located on Koblenzer Straße in the capital’s Wilmersdorf district� For the “Team,” as the adolescents call themselves, football is everything-and not just on the pitch. Off the field, too, the game is all that matters. Gym- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 nastics lessons, math problems, job aspirations, and even the game of tennis somehow all connect to the boys’ favorite sport� Heinz Kamke-or Heini, as the protagonist is affectionately called by his friends-is the child of working-class parents who, despite financial constraints, support the ambitions of their son whenever they can� And the boy aims high� In the quest for the Berlin school championship, he and his peers face multiple trials as they encounter their (seemingly) imperious principal, angry mothers, demanding teachers, and unsportsmanlike opponents� Yet, through team spirit, smarts, and with the help of friends and family, the “Team” achieves what is initially believed to be impossible� At a sold-out Poststadion , the ‘eleven friends’ win their final match against the favorites from Charlottenburg and are crowned Berlin Champions� 4 Despite its age and a plethora of football literature for children on the market today (e�g� Wir Wochenendrebellen , Die Wilden Kerle , Die Teufelskicker , Meine erste Meisterschaft , Fußball Academy , Traumtreffer ), this autobiographical novel-Drechsel’s real name was Karl-Heinz Kamke-has never lost its unique status� The book has been praised as “nearly unmatched” and “a classic” within the genre of children’s literature by popular football magazine and name twin 11 Freunde (Köster ). Furthermore , in their 2005 audiobook review, the same periodical called Drechsel’s work “zeitlos” (timeless, Köster)-a puzzling characterization considering that the narrative was set during Germany’s darkest moment in modern history, the Third Reich� And indeed, this perennial quality that kept the novel accessible for the children of the following decades was, as a closer look reveals, based in the author’s narrative strategy that can easily be labeled as historical silencing (or, to use a German term, Schweigen )� While Berlin’s local sites (streets, tennis courts, train stations) and historical figures (specifically players, coaches, and journalists) are described in some detail, the larger cultural environment that surrounds the protagonist and his peers is kept ‘clean.’ The consequences of the coordinated Nazification of German society (and Nazis themselves) are linguistically disguised and concealed� “Die damaligen politischen Rahmenbedingungen des Sports spart das Buch gänzlich aus,” Andreas Bode notes, “so, als ob es sie nicht gegeben hätte” (246)� This persistent strategy of historical silencing is in line with narrative practices that were prevailing in West Germany’s 1950s children’s literature� During the first two decades after World War II, the child’s autonomy moved to the forefront of the genre, resulting in a specific literary perspective on the world that neglects the experiential (political) realm of adults� Andrea Weinmann describes these new literary spaces for children “als weitgehend außerhalb der Gesellschaft angesiedelter kindlicher Freibzw� Spielraum” (5)� Established out- 144 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 side of society, these realms do not contain the discriminatory politics of the Third Reich� In this way, Freiraum becomes a double-edged sword� These literary spaces provided children with a carefree refuge that returned ‘Kindheit’ to them after it had been distorted as a concept by Hitler’s Germany, particularly during the final years of the regime. However, on the adults’ side, a realm free of responsibility (‘ Raum frei von Verantworung’) emerged� Children’s book presses simply did not publish any works addressing the Shoah before 1958 (Weinmann 5—6)� And even if these publishers had shown interest in topics connected to Germany’s genocidal history, they did not have manuscripts to choose from, as Horst Künnemann, scholar for children’s literature and media noted as early as 1960: “Nicht erst in letzter Zeit, sondern seit Jahren ist darüber berechtigte Klage geführt worden, daß die Verfasser von Jugendbüchern der jüngsten Vergangenheit und unserer Zeit gegenüber eine auffällige Scheu zeigen” (437). The writers’ reservations were, furthermore, shared by the educators at the time (Gerber and Künnemann 32), thus calling into question what the facilitation of children’s and youth literature critical of more contemporary questions and issues would have even looked like� Weinmann’s notion of the children’s literary space as a “Spielraum” is also at the center of Hans-Heino Ewers’s assessment of West Germany’s post war literature� Es gewinnt eine Kinderliteratur die Oberhand, die die kindliche Erlebnisperspektive und Weltsicht in den Mittelpunkt rückt, die kindlichen Wünschen und Phantasien die Möglichkeit gewährt, sich auszuleben, die antiautoritär nicht in erster Linie dadurch ist, dass sie die Autorität der Erwachsenen in Frage stellt, sondern darin, dass sie bevormundungsfreie kindliche Spielräume entwirft�” (Ewers) Ewers’ “Spielräume” are quite literal spaces of play and games in Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein � They are the realm of football carefully crafted (“entwirft”) by the author Sammy Drechsel� Yet, the novel’s literary setting is not based on keen historical observations but founded on historical and cultural ellipses� Ernestine Schlant called these omissions in the context of German post-war literature “the language of silence.” Literature, she maintained, functions “as the seismograph of a people’s moral positions” and the words not printed can help us understand a society’s zeitgeist just as much as the ones that made it into the book. Literature “lays bare a people’s dreams and nightmares, its hopes and apprehensions, its moral positions and its failures� It reveals even where it is silent; its blind spots and absences speak a language stripped of conscious agendas” (3)� In this way, “Silence is not a semantic void, like any language, it is infused with narrative strategies that carry ideologies and reveal unstated assumptions� Silence is constituted by the absence of words but Revisiting a Children’s Classic 145 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 146 Oliver Knabe is therefore and simultaneously the presence of their absence” (6)� Revealing these silences in our literary narratives is crucial for constructive and necessary conversations about Germany’s past and our responsibilities as we are, once again, facing the rise of antisemitism in our midst� This holds especially true for those canonic works that have been consumed by Germany’s youngest readers for decades-like Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein , a work that has shaped how we conceive and imagine historical figures and historical spaces. To make these silences in Drechsel’s novel recognizable is the goal of this essay� With a special focus on the realm of NS mass media, this article will reveal the silenced Third Reich in this children’s book and address its significance to the contemporary moment� The language of silence that Schlant identified as a consistent element of German post-WWII literature often divulged the unconscious and spoke where the conscious minds of the writers had left gaps� Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein , however, is driven by a voice that seems to be quite aware of its own past� Immediately in the opening paragraphs, it becomes clear that the novel is preoccupied with the notion of time� The story begins in the middle of a math lesson where everyone is waiting for the main protagonist, Heini, to complete an assignment that his peers had already finished several minutes prior. Unbeknownst to everyone, he has been ignoring the teacher’s instructions altogether and, instead, calculating diligently and deep in thought the potential football standings for the upcoming match day in the local football championship� As Heini’s classmates become more and more restless and begin to worry for the short, black-haired boy in the last row, the narrator suddenly shifts the focus away from Heini to the person in charge of the class, Lehrer Peters. However, we do not witness the teacher scolding the boy-something the students seem to be expecting from him; instead, the storyline suddenly pauses� The tense atmosphere is momentarily suspended and through the narrator’s omniscient lens, we are moved back in time� Lehrer Peters erhob sich von seinem Pult. Zum Erstaunen der Schüler ging er aber nicht zu dem Nachzügler, sondern stellte sich an das Fenster, um, seinen Rücken den Schülern zugewandt, den Frühlingssonnenschein zu betrachten. Lehrer Peters hatte eine besondere Gewohnheit. Seit seinem letzten Urlaub in der Schweiz, dem Lande der Uhren, begann jede Unterrichtsstunde mit der gleichen Handlung� Sobald er an seinem Pult Platz genommen hatte, holte er seine Uhr aus der Westentasche, behielt sie einen Augenblick in der Hand, betrachtete sie liebevoll und legte sie vorsichtig, als sei sie aus zerbrechlichem Glas, auf den Tisch. Dann erst forderte er seine Schüler auf: “Setzen! ” (Drechsel 3—4) DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 147 Before the plot can unfold and before the reader even gets a chance to learn more about Heini, the narrator draws attention to the authority figure in the room, the teacher’s ritualized behavior, and his tender treatment of his beloved pocket watch� The Swiss item appears curious, not least because an entire page is dedicated to it� The text continues: Während des folgenden Unterrichts wanderten Lehrer Peters’ Blicke immer wieder von seinen Schülern auf die Uhr. Der Grad der Ungeduld, mit der er die Zeitspanne zwischen seinen Fragen und den Antworten seiner Schüler bemaß, hing von den Zeigern seiner Uhr ab� Manchmal setzte Peters neben den beiden großen Zeigern noch einen kleinen dritten in Bewegung� Das war dann, wenn es um Sekunden ging� In die moderne Konstruktion war nämlich eine Stoppuhr eingebaut� Wenn Peters wissen wollte, wieviel Zeit seine Schüler für eine Antwort benötigten, drückte er bei seiner Frage auf einen winzigen Knopf und der Zeiger der Stoppuhr setzte sich in Bewegung� Sobald das erste Wort aus dem Munde des Schülers kam, genügte ein abermaliger Druck, um den Zeiger der Stoppuhr zum Stillstand zu bringen� Mit einem Blick konnte Lehrer Peters die abgelaufene Zeit auf die Sekunde genau feststellen. (Drechsel 4) Peters’ relationship to his watch is described as affectionate (“liebevoll”) and the item itself as potentially fragile (“als sei sie aus zerbrechlichem Glas”)� Furthermore, his personal state, here particularly his level of (im)patience, is closely linked to the movement of the watch’s hands-the hands that the teacher eagerly commands� Peters’ symbolic linkage to time and his need to control the actions around him through his watch “auf die Sekunde genau” are less to be understood as authoritative behaviors of a 1930s educator but instead as a symbolic prelude to the ways in which Drechsel treats bygone times (“abgelaufene Zeit”) in his book. Like the watch, Drechsel’s depiction of the 1930s, his childhood past, is a “moderne Konstruktion,” a construct from his contemporary 1950s perspective that is strongly romanticized by the German post-war zeitgeist and rife with omissions, which grow out of the collective desire to forget Hitler’s Germany� 5 Not Heini, the protagonist, but his teacher is the main focal point in the opening pages as Peters becomes Drechsel’s stand-in� Both men govern their respective realms: Peters a classroom full of adolescents, Drechsel a literary world filled with and created for adolescents; and they both fixate on the same things. “Während des folgenden Unterrichts wanderten Lehrer Peters’ Blicke immer wieder von seinen Schülern auf die Uhr” (4). Locked in both men’s view are youth and time. Hence, read symbolically, the first paragraphs offer the reader two alter egos of Drechsel-an adult version in Peters, and his pubescent self in Heini� In this way, Peters’ confrontation with Heini moments later about his sluggish performance (“9 Minuten und 44 Sekunden� Und Herr Kamke ist 148 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 immer noch nicht fertig,” 4) mirrors the author’s personal ‘confrontation’ with his young self� And just like Peters, who is forgiving (“Meine Aufgabe lautete zwar ganz anders� Aber lassen wir das”, 6) and who eventually sympathizes with the boy despite his disobedience, Drechsel shows nothing but fondness for his young self in Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein � In Drechsel’s novel, a look at the past does not necessarily require the full picture, as a second interaction between Peters and his watch suggests. “[Lehrer Peters] nahm seine Uhr in die linke Hand und hielt sie in einem Abstand von ungefähr 30 Zentimetern vor seine Augen� Dann legte er die gekrümmten Finger seiner rechten Hand so vor sein rechtes Auge, daß er, das linke Auge gleichzeitig zukneifend, wie durch ein Fernrohr die Uhr betrachten konnte” (138)� The novel’s ambivalent relationship to the past becomes evident here, if we, once again, read this passage through the lens of the bygone-times-watch analogy and Peters as Drechsel’s stand-in� The moment the teacher focuses on the time, he closes his left eye tightly, only looking through his right� The line “das linke Auge gleichzeitig zukneifend” evokes the common German idiom ‘ein Auge zukneifen/ zudrücken’-generously ‘turning a blind eye’ to something-thus subtly acknowledging the forgiving and selective way in which time/ past is (re)viewed in this autobiographical work� Yet, quite antithetically, this passage recognizes the immediacy of recent historical events, too, hence countering the desire to omit and suppress� Events that might appear far away (“wie durch ein Fernrohr”) are still within reach (“ungefähr 30 Zentimeter”)� In the case of Drechsel’s childhood, it is less than two decades away, the Third Reich less than ten years� In this way, the novel subtly demonstrates an awareness for its own relationship to Germany’s most recent history despite its consistent refusal to depict it� This paradox expresses, one might argue, an inner struggle in Drechsel’s attempt to navigate his personal responsibility to remember with the desire to shield childhood memories� After all, through his work in political cabaret, Drechsel was known for his historical consciousness� As a prominent figure of political criticism in West Germany starting in in the mid-1950s, Drechsel’s work on stage rejected any form of historical glorification or deception� In the tradition of the public intellectual, his satire agitated “gegen alles Nationale, gegen alles, was Restaurationsbestrebungen hat, gegen alles, was mit dem Dritten Reich zusammenhängt,” ultimately displaying a persistent skepticism for any form of authority (Drechsel and Scheller)� Yet, the readers should be warned about the novel’s depiction of the 1930s� Despite the assurance that Drechsel’s adult stand-in possesses a good memory (“Lehrer Peters hatte ein so gutes Gedächtnis,” Drechsel 4), we are left with doubts about its authenticity, especially since Heini, Drechsel’s second alter ego, is known to exaggerate and omit. Later in the story, when the protagonist describes to his friends how he had almost single-handedly painted his family’s DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 149 apartment over the holidays, the reader is reminded that a good memory does not always go hand-in-hand with the truth� “Heini tat, als hätte er allein die Wohnung geweißt und angestrichen� Seinen Vater erwähnte er nur am Rande� Aber Plötz und Matze kannten ihren Heini viel zu gut, um nicht zu wissen, daß dies nicht stimmte. […] Sie waren jedoch großzügig und sahen sich nur augenzwinkernd an, statt zu widersprechen” (77)� Matze and Werner Plötz, Heini’s audience, do not challenge his version of the past� Instead, they accept their friend’s flawed account with a generous wink that signals to the reader to follow suit and treat the book with leniency� After all, Drechsel’s version of time is a construct that-if the reader applies too much critical pressure-will break like glass� Applying this pressure, is the next step in this essay� Drechsel’s language of silence is closely tied to the game of football� In Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein , it is not simply a sport played by eleven friends, as the title of the novel will have us believe� Instead, Drechsel’s book draws on the common-place notion of sport as a politics-free realm� The novel utilizes football as a force that is capable of muting the polity (and thus the historical background), leaving barely any traces for the young readers to orient themselves in time� Paradoxically, it is this silence of football that helps us to locate the voids left in the text: where there is football, there are silences. Specifically, the names that constitute the game in the text (leagues, players, clubs, stadiums, sport journalists) can serve as entry points for critical readers to reveal the missing histories and uncover the Third Reich that hides within the narrative� 6 As we follow these hints, we will come across players such as Schalke 04-star Fritz Szepan , a Gelsenkirchen player who won six German championships and one cup title for his club� To Heini’s best friend Matze, this player was an idol (“sein großes Ideal,” 41) whom he looked up to and whose name the boy playfully adopted for his own football persona� In Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein , Szepan is described as a leader (“Kapitän der deutschen Fußball-National-Mannschaft”) and genuine model athlete who engages with his fans in friendly ways (“lächelte freundschaftlich,” 102)� Behind the athlete, however, hides the political opportunist and NSDAP member Szepan whose relationship to the regime can be described as symbiotic� He willingly played along when the Nazis used his name during several elections and during their promotion of the Anschluss referendum in 1938. That same year, he benefited significantly from the Third Reich’s politics (Bajohr 110)� 7 Through the ‘Aryanization’ process-the seizure of all Jewish properties and businesses-Szepan came into possession of a textile store while its previous Jewish owners Julie Lichtmann and Sally Meyer were deported and ultimately killed in January 1942 (Bajohr 115)� As was the case for many Germans like Szepan, his involvement with the regime did not bear any conse- 150 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 quences. In the context of the post-war denazification proceedings, Szepan was ultimately exonerated in 1947 (Goch)� However, players did not have to seek personal enrichment through the regime to come into contact with the NS system within the realm of football� The coordinated Nazification ( Gleichschaltung ) of German society permeated all aspects of life� This included the nation’s sporting landscape, which had almost immediately been linked to the Nazis’ political organizations following Hitler’s rise to power. Through the Nazification process, organized football was ultimately changed in manifold ways, including the youth teams at the local club level� The most notable point of contact for young players with the regime was the Hitler Jugend , HJ (and its affiliate for ten-to-thirteen-year-olds, the Deutsche Jungvolk , DJ), which had considerable appeal for the majority of young footballers� By 1934-and thus two to three years before the book’s setting-more than 76% of all boys playing organized football in Germany were already part of this youth organization. This led to significant concerns among officials of the German Football Association (DFB) since they saw their young players’ growing involvement in non-football events take away from their time on the pitch (Havemann 187)� During the same year, policies were introduced that required a Hitler Youth membership for the admittance of children and adolescents to any sports club� This integration of the NS system into the nation’s football apparatus was completed by 1936 (187—88), thus around the time of Heini’s big final match. Together with Matze, he has been playing football for BSV 92 from the earliest age, while their friend and striker Gerd Hoffmann was scoring goals for Olympia 07 on the weekends. In Drechsel’s novel, the boy’s experience with club football is only tangentially addressed� We learn about Heini’s first goals and that Hoffmann’s proudest possession, a football, was a Christmas gift from Olympia� The pre-military social components (field and camping trips, tests of courage, evening marches) that were linked to German club life ( Vereinsleben ) through the HJ are omitted in Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein � Without a doubt, Drechsel’s systematic silencing of the Third Reich in his novel is a laborious narrative strategy, as it required the author to mute the cultural impact and signifiers of Germany’s Nazification on many levels in the text� Yet, the Reich is not only hidden linguistically, for instance, behind cleansed football terminology (“Berliner Fußball-Liga”; instead of Gauliga 8 Berlin-Brandenburg; 6) but also spatially when it comes to the most significant footballing site-the stadium� Berlin’s centrally located Poststadion , venue of multiple matches in the novel, is depicted as a space of virtuous and masterful athleticism and joyous celebrations� The infrastructural manifestations of German fascism that surrounded this space, however, are nowhere to be found DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 151 in the novel� While the capital’s outskirts-particularly Dahlem-are described in such great detail that we can follow the boy’s adventures effortlessly from street to street, this geographical precision conspicuously disappears as soon as we move into the city center and approach the stadium� A quick glance at the 1936 Olympia map of Berlin helps to explain the sudden lack of meticulous descriptions in areas close to the Poststadion � In order to enter the stadium grounds, the protagonist, his friends, and family had to pass repeatedly by parts of the Reich’s war apparatus-a vast military complex that was located next to the local penitentiary, the Strafanstalt Moabit � Starting in 1933, the latter was utilized predominantly to detain political opponents of the regime, including communists Ernst Thälmann or Georgi Dimitroff (“Justizvollzugsanstalt Moabit”)� Figure 1: Berlin’s Poststadion was framed by the barracks of the Nazis’ artillery and other military units� In the southeast of the stadium, spectators also had to pass by the Moabit penitentiary� Image courtesy of the Walter Havighurst Special Collections & University Archives, Miami University Libraries, Oxford OH. 152 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Figure 2: “Die große Jugendkundgebung im Poststadion Berlin am 1� Mai” reads the caption to this picture in the June 1936 issue of youth magazine Hilf Mit! This Nazi rally for Berlin’s youngest citizens highlights how closely football, NS culture, and adolescence were connected at the time that Heini and his “Team” were playing for the Berlin school championship� Image courtesy of the Walter Havighurst Special Collections & University Archives, Miami University Libraries, Oxford OH. Meanwhile, for Heini and his father, football is not spatially limited to the pitch or the stadium� Instead, their devotion to the game extends into the realm of mass media through which they passionately consume game reports and other related news within the private space of their family’s apartment� After Heini returns home from Berlin’s Poststadion where he had watched two local matches earlier that day, he and his father eagerly anticipate the radio broadcast that presents its listeners with a highlight show� Once “Mutti Kamke” has left the room, father and son relive the actions from that afternoon through the personable and pleasant voice (“sympatischen Stimme,” Drechsel 18) of reporter Rolf Wernicke, forgetting the world around them� It is up to the mother to bring them from their “Fußballschwärmerei” (20) back into the present� “Erst als die Mutter mit dem Tablett kam und den Tisch zum Abendbrot deckte, merkten die beiden, daß es auch noch etwas anderes auf der Welt gab als Fußball” (20)� Through the game, both father and son are hermetically sealed from the outside world, which is further emphasized by the mother’s request to close the windows while they are listening to their “komische Sportsendung” (18)� The game’s isolating impact on its consumers from the outside world, as described here by Drechsel, echoes Ödön von Horváth’s escapist description of football DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 153 in his 1937 novel Jugend ohne Gott ( Youth Without God )� The Austro-Hungarian writer, who was exiled by the Nazis and whose works were ultimately banned in the Third Reich, described the sport during 1930s Germany as a refuge for the masses� […] wenn der Verteidiger auf der Torlinie rettet, wenn einer unfair rempelt oder eine ritterliche Geste verübt, wenn der Schiedsrichter gut ist oder schwach, parteiisch oder parteilos, dann exisitert für den Zuschauer nichts auf der Welt, außer dem Fußball, ob die Sonne scheint, obs regnet oder schneit� Dann hat er alles vergessen� (Horváth 14) Unfair or honorable, partial or impartial, good or bad, sunshine or snow: in the realm of football, the extremes become irrelevant, and, in the case of the Kamke family, even imperceptible since the politics of National Socialism cannot seem to penetrate the private space� The mass medium that was intended to bring the Third Reich and its propaganda into the family home, the Volksempfänger (people’s receiver), is, in the context of Drechsel’s football broadcast, disguised behind a neutral name, “Radio�” The apparatus, that, according to NS Minister of Armaments and War Production Albert Speer, was meant to deprive 80 million people of their independent thought and “to subject them to the will of one” (Speer), has been stripped of its propagandistic purpose altogether� Furthermore, reporter Rolf Wernicke is reduced entirely to a sports persona, since he is only introduced to the reader through his football broadcast� However, Wernicke reported on a wide range of subjects� In addition to lending his voice to countless athletic events stretching from track and field and boxing competitions to ice hockey matches and bobsledding races, his professional portfolio started expanding from 1934 onward and included Nazi party conventions, official state visits, propaganda films (e.g. Im Kampf gegen den Weltfeind , 1939), and, in the later years of the Third Reich, war reports (Herzog 19—20)� 9 The border between sports reporting and NS propaganda was fluid as Wernicke’s biography exemplifies (Eggers 176). Yet, the novel separates the two realms carefully by omitting the latter� Through the wide range in broadcasting deployments, Wernicke ultimately became the voice of Hitler, the “Stimme des Führers” (Eggers 177), and likely the most recognizable radio personality of the national socialist regime� In light of the reporter’s role within the Nazi movement, the following lines describing “Papa Kamke’s” admiration for Wernicke gain in complexity as they broaden our image of the father beyond that of a passionate 1930s football consumer. “Das war überhaupt eine Besonderheit von Rolf Wernicke, daß die Art, wie er erzählte, im Zuhörer das Gefühl aufkommen ließ, er sei im Augenblick selbst dabei. Papa Kamke konnte sich dieser Wirkung nie entziehen, so oft er den bekannten Reporter auch hörte” (Drechsel 18—19)� By describing Wernicke’s voice as irresistible, 154 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 the novel quietly echoes the understanding of the NS movement as an overpowering temptation that had drawn millions and deprived them of their own autonomy� As the Kamke family enjoyed only Wernicke’s football coverage that afternoon (ending for the reader the moment the radio was turned off; “Er drehte das Radio ab,” 19), the reporter’s famous propaganda voice remained silent� Still, the line “so oft er den bekannten Reporter auch hörte” leaves the door open for a political “Papa Kamke,” who listens to Wernicke’s various other programs� The radio is not the only mass medium that informs Heini and his father about the world of football� The two are also passionate readers of sports weeklies, particularly the Berlin-based Fußball-Woche. When the Kamke household decides that their home is due for a make-over, Heini volunteers his help� But as he lacks the skills that are needed to paint a wall (“Du hast eben zwei linke Hände,” 75), never mind an entire apartment, the protagonist will ultimately just focus on securing the shaky ladder for “Papa Kamke,” all the while he is reading a football magazine� Football allows Heini to forget the world around him-much to the chagrin of his father (“Träum nicht,” 75) who has to remind his son about the initial promise to assist in the home renovation� However, once Heini begins to read the game reports out loud to his plodding yet attentive father, the atmosphere in the room changes� Time that seemed to drag on forever (“Wie lange müssen wir denn noch kleistern? ” 75) suddenly loses all significance as both ‘men’ are absorbed into the world of football once again� “Zwei Stunden später hatte er die Zeitung von vorn bis hinten gelesen” (76)� Heini is especially fond of E�W�-the chief editor of Fußball-Woche magazine� Introduced to the reader as a kind (“freundlich” 252; “wohlwollend,” 255) and joyful character (“schmunzelnd, “’Junge, Junge’, lachte E�W�,” 255), and as one of the greats in football journalism (“der bekannteste Fußballjournalist Berlins,” 76; “einer der größten deutschen Fußballfachleute,” 106), the sports writer-whose full name is Ernst Werner-is revered among Heini and his classmates� As the teller of many football tales, he captivates his audiences and makes time fly by (“Sie merkten gar nicht wie die Zeit verflog […] da wollten sie nicht glauben, daß inzwischen eine ganze Stunde vergangen war,” 252)� An article that Werner wrote about one of Heini’s matches takes pride of place on the boy’s bedroom wall, next to the autographs of players from Germany’s national team as well as reigning champions Schalke 04� And Werner is not only popular and in high demand among adolescent football fans� Fellow journalists and Berlin’s educators seek his advice and friendship� Moreover, Papa Kamke’s enthusiasm for E�W� almost borders on infatuation when he speaks of their personal encounter after the Berlin championship match: “Papa Kamke [erzählte] von seiner Begegnung mit Ernst Werner […] und [bestätigte] nun schon zum fünften Male […], was für ein reizender Mensch dieser berühmte Journalist sei und gar nicht eingebildet” (257)� Recognition from the football ex- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 155 pert E�W� is considered high praise (“Anerkennung aus berufenem Munde,” 106)� Werner’s words carry weight, and they represent a view on football that Heini shares (“Der hat übrigens dieselben Ansichten wie ich,” 77). How impactful the initials E�W� are in the Kamke household can be seen when Heini confronts his parents with his wish to forego the opportunity to work for an insurance company after graduating from school. After the final match, the team captain had approached the famous journalist about an apprenticeship at Fußball-Woche, ultimately convincing Werner to give him a chance� While the mother’s response is outright rejection and despair, the father laughs Heini’s idea off as a joke at first (“Das sind mal wieder die bekannten dummen Redensarten deines Sohnes,” 257)� However, the new career choice is suddenly given serious consideration and ultimately approved by “Papa Kamke,” once he learns that his son would work under the guidance of Ernst Werner himself� “[…] schließlich ist ja der E�W� immerhin ein Mann, den man achten muß� Und wenn der es mit unserem Heini wirklich versuchen will” (259)� The realm of football becomes a force that is capable of shifting career trajectories from one moment to the next� “Mutter Kamke’s” desperate plea, “Fußball ist nur ein Sport” (259), echoes as an ironic falsehood through the family’s living room� After all, the game has already altered her son’s future irrevocably� Just as in radio broadcasting, for sports journalists working in print media there remained no dividing lines between the athletic and the political realm during the Third Reich� In their attempt to control public opinion and prepare Germans for war and ultimately the annihilation of the Jewish people, the NS regime, in addition to utilizing radio (and film), heavily relied on the printing press for its propagandistic goals� Despite the rise of modern media, it remained one of the Nazis’ most important means for mass communication� Newspapers and magazines easily addressed the public need for (local) information and entertainment and were, from a pragmatic point of view, economically a feasible choice (Venema)� Yet, the regime’s exploitation of the journalistic trade was not only limited to regular news dailies and weeklies� Popular mass publications dedicated entirely to sports, such as Der Kicker , Reichssportblatt , and Boxsport , were part of the Nazis’ ideological campaign� In this context, Heini’s favorite writer and future mentor was not only one of many football journalists who had fallen in line after the Gleichschaltung of the sports media� Ernst Werner was, in fact, the vanguard within his profession when it came to promoting fascist ideologies. As early as 1928-five years prior to Hitler’s rise-he publicly agitated against decorated Austrian football coach Hugo Meisl� In the context of the heated debates about the professionalization of football, the head of the Austrian national team became the target of Werner’s scorn� At the center of his attack-Meisl’s Jewish background: 156 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Im Plenum ist Hugo Meisl, der Wiener Jude, mit der Geschmeidigkeit seiner Rasse und ihrem zersetzenden Sinn einer der größten Kartenmischer� Er und der deutsche Fußballführer Linnemann […] sind die stärksten Gegensätze, die man sich denken kann� Der eine ein Vertreter des krassen Geschäftsmachens mit Fußball, der andere ein Apostel des Amateurismus� (Cited from Havemann 161) Clichés and resentments against Jews that would soon inform official state policy under Hitler’s rule are already being promoted in this passage� Accordingly, it was the magazine Fußball-Woche under Werner’s stewardship that, out of all the football news outlets, embraced the new political environment the quickest (Eggers 168). Through ‘his’ magazine, Werner promoted NSDAP official Josef Klein who had joined the Schutzstaffel ( SS ) in 1932 and, in 1933, became the head of the West German Football Association ( Westdeutscher Spielverband, WSV )� In a May 1933 Fußball-Woche issue, Werner enthusiastically celebrated Klein’s promotion along with the National Socialist movement: Dr. Klein war immer ein glühender Idealist, er hat stets für seine Ideale gekämpft und darum ist ihm diese Genugtuung, die ihn auf den höchsten Posten im 330000 Mitglieder zählenden WSV stellte, zu gönnen� Der WSV aber ist um diesen ideal denkenden Menschen zu beneiden! Nicht jeder Landesverband kann einen solchen Mann präsentieren, der im Nationalsozialismus so tief wurzelt und gleichzeitig dem Sport so eng verbunden ist, in ihm so von der Pieke auf gedient hat� (Cited from Eggers 168—9) Once again-just as in the case of Rolf Wernicke-the novel detaches politics from 1930s sports when it mutes the anti-Semite Ernst Werner (“den Antisemiten Ernst Werner,” Eggers 179) in favor of the football authority E�W� Yet, by introducing the journalist as “einer der größten deutschen Fußballfachleute” (Drechsel 106)-one of the greatest German football experts-the text leaves a subtle but significant void from which a very quiet whisper poses the question about those unnamed other experts (“Fachleute”)� Werner’s public embrace of fascist ideologies helped to shape a movement (Eggers 178) that amplified his own voice, while he villainized and oppressed others at the same time� His elevated status in the realm of football during the 1930s and 1940s needs to be remembered therefore in conjunction with those writers who lost their livelihood due to anti-Jewish discrimination, such as Walther Bensemann, the founder of Der Kicker , and “father of sports journalism” Willy Meisl (brother of the aforementioned Hugo Meisl; Schiller 88)� Bensemann had to leave his editorial office and Germany behind for the safety of Switzerland in the spring of 1933, where he passed away the next year� Meisl, who had served as a sports writer for numerous newspapers and magazines, such as the Viennese Sport-Tagblatt and Bensemann’s Der Kicker , and who was later hired by Ullstein publishing DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 157 as their main sports editor, followed suit in early 1934 and went into English exile together with his wife (86)� 10 The football journalists that remained in their positions or filled the vacancies that were left by their exiled colleagues then made sure that Germany’s football records were cleansed of its Jewish athletes and their accomplishments (Eggers 166)� Despite their deep involvement with National Socialism, Rolf Wernicke’s and Ernst Werner’s legacies beyond the Third Reich remained intact, as Elf Freunde müsst ihr sein exemplifies through its favorable depiction of the two journalists. Wernicke continued to be a prominent voice in sports broadcasting until his death in 1953� Celebrated as a “Star-Reporter” by West-German news magazine Der Spiegel (“Keine Phrasen über Stimmung,” 30), he was deployed as a commentator to major athletic events such as the 1952 Winter Olympics in Oslo and the Summer Olympics in Helsinki that same year� His voice became his legacy: “ein rhetorisches Erbe, das auch nach 1945 in Sprache und Sprechweise der Rundfunkreporter deutlich zu vernehmen war” (Herzog 20)� Wernicke’s role in the Nazi regime neither posed an issue for his career during the post-war era nor tarnished his name posthumously� In the public memory of post-WWII Germany, he was remembered first and foremost through the cultural realm of sports. In the obituary for Wernicke, daily newspaper Die Zeit lamented his death as “ein großer Verlust für den Funk, der ihm stets die Berichterstattung über die wichtigsten Sportveranstaltungen übertrug” (“Wernicke spricht nicht mehr”). In a culture of collective silence and avoidance during the early years of the Federal Republic, ‘the Führer’s voice’ had quickly been forgotten (though the tone and diction very much persisted)� Only Wernicke’s sports persona (“Spezialist der Sportschilderung”) had survived and would be remembered in the decades to come (“Wernicke spricht nicht mehr”)� Ernst Werner, too, continued to practice his trade after the Nazi regime had collapsed, and he did so until 1978� Working as a chief editor ( Sport-Megaphon ) and freelance journalist, he reported from all FIFA World Cups between 1934 and 1974, and he covered more than 300 international football fixtures. When the Hamburger Abendblatt remembered Werner in a short death announcement in April 1984, it was, similar to Wernicke, the life of the football authority E�W� that was highlighted (in addition to the Order of Merit he received from the Federal Republic of Germany, Bundesverdienstkreuz; “ Trauer um Ernst Werner” 16)� As Jon Hughes reminds us, this type of selective amnesia in connection with the athletic world was a common feature of the early post-war years: “in the collective memory of Germans from this era, sport was one of the few aspects of life under National Socialism that tended to have mainly positive associations, with its political instrumentalization being overlooked or ignored” (260)� 11 158 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 With Elf Freunde müsst ihr sein , Drechsel built Wernicke and Werner a literary monument, and for most readers, the story about Heini Kamke would remain the only exposure to their names� Yet, to explain Drechsel’s one-sided depiction of these two journalists solely through the German disposition to romanticize Third Reich sports, would ignore the personal significance both men held for the author during his early years� Werner and Wernicke were valuable connections for Drechsel (who, ironically, was partly Jewish through his father’s side) and catalysts for his career in journalism during the 1940s. Like his literary alter-ego Heini, whose apprenticeship with Fußball-Woche can roughly be estimated to have begun in 1936, Drechsel would work as an assistant for Werner’s magazine, starting in 1942� In this context, he eventually met Wernicke, who, at the time, was the head of all NS sports radio programs ( Abteilung Sport des Großdeutschen Rundfunks ) and who helped to pave Drechsel’s way into football broadcasting� At the political level, the novel mutes these two men, whose voices were among the most audible in their respective fields. In his book, Drechsel reconceptualizes 1930s mass media by shifting its function away from its propagandistic purpose to a source of seemingly NS-free sports entertainment� Once this entertainment has concluded, the journalistic voices quickly fade out� The radio is switched off and the newspapers are-by “Mutter Kamke’s” request-repurposed: “Vergiß nicht, Heini, nachher noch Zeitungspapier in deine Schuhe zu stopfen� Sonst werden sie bis morgen früh nicht trocken” (Drechsel 20). Drechsel’s language of silence in Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein was in line with the post-war zeitgeist and its memory culture. The novel’s success reflects that. By the end of the 1950s, Thienemann had already released their fifth edition, only four years after the book’s debut� Parallel to the novel’s success, the author had managed to establish himself in the world of broadcasting, sports journalism, and political satire; and as Drechsel’s access to prominent members of the sports and entertainment industry grew, he received support from its stars� In 1963, for instance, Germany’s national team captain and FIFA World Champion Fritz Walter provided a short preface for the new Ravensburg edition of Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein ; a brief text that seems to hint at Drechsel’s very selective depiction of the past (“Eine Geschichte, die sich fast so zugetragen hat”) 12 , but that, overall, echoed the ahistorical quality of the novel: “Sammy Drechsel erzählt Euch auch von großen Mannschaften und bekannten Spielern aus einer Zeit, die Ihr noch nicht erlebt habt” (Walter)� From the world of political cabaret, the strongest ally was Drechsel’s longtime friend and colleague Dieter Hildebrandt with whom he founded the satirical revue Münchner Lach- und Schießgesellschaft. Not only would Hildebrandt eventually lend his voice to the novel’s audiobook, but he was also among DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 159 Drechsel’s first readers, even before the manuscript had gone to print. 13 During a 2012 interview, the late Hildebrandt praised the book repeatedly (“ein wunderbares Buch! ”) and acknowledged feelings of melancholy (“Wehmut”) whenever he thinks about Heini and his peers� It reminded him of “meine eigene Kindheit, eine Zeit, da Fußball für uns alles war. Wir beugten uns noch nicht über Telefone und kommunizierten mit unsichtbaren Freunden-wir waren ganz im Hier und Jetzt� Es war herrlich, einfach herrlich” (Hildebrandt)� Asked about the missing Third Reich in the novel, Hildebrandt responded that he found Drechsel’s choice to omit Hitler’s Germany to be conceivable� The lack of political context in the book, “[ist] ihm […] nicht vorzuwerfen […], finde ich. Es ist nur ein Beweis dafür, wie sehr ihn und uns alle der Fußball ausgefüllt hat” (Hildebrandt)� In an attempt to preserve his childhood memories, Hildebrandt embraces the notion that sport and particularly football can exist outside of the contemporary moment� Football was everything (“alles”) and it did not leave room in the “Hier und Jetzt” for any sense of critical consciousness� He retroactively shifts the lack of awareness of a generation onto the sport, or, in other words, the game becomes an exculpating narrative tool that shields anyone from engaging with the contemporary moment and its social issues and injustices� Yet, football has shown time and again that it can serve as a forum for critical political discussions� With its enormous reach, it brings together large parts of the population every week, thus generating a diverse realm of opinions and political expressions� Despite countless, never-fading voices calling for football to be a politics-free zone, the game has become an echo chamber for political discourses stretching from football’s environmental sustainability to gender inequality, from class and socio-economic issues to discussions on race, antisemitism, immigration, and inclusion� Political expression and activism can be found all over Germany’s football landscape, and they are carried by all parties involved� 14 What, then, can a classic children’s novel on football from the 1950s offer to future generations of readers that goes beyond its lessons on camaraderie, friendship, integrity, and fair play? What can it offer in this contemporary moment as we continue to navigate debates about discrimination? Revealing Drechsel’s language of silence in this article is a first step to highlight the opportunities that emerge from this book� What can initially be perceived as a fraught issue has the potential to be a catalyst for reflection and education. During a time when antisemitism is once again on the rise, Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein offers the chance to engage young readers in critical discussions on the harm that can come from silence and on the role remembrance plays and has played in Germany following the genocides committed by the Third Reich� Since the conflict between terror organization Hamas and the State of Israel escalated in 160 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 the fall of 2023, Germany has repeatedly been confronted with its antisemitic past� Not only did several cities and towns suddenly see a rise in the infamous swastika graffiti on public landmarks and house facades but the Third Reich practice of using the Star of David as a means to mark Jewish households has also resurfaced (Böhmer, Krappitz)� Jewish communities (including schools and synagogues) have had to reevaluate their security as threats against their members drastically increased (Landesregierung Nordrhein-Westfalen). In Berlin, the former political epicenter of the Shoah, Moses Mendelssohn high school students refused to attend their classes in fear of escalating antisemitic violence (Ederer)� Within this alarming backdrop, it is necessary that we critically reevaluate our understanding of the ethical responsibilities of football in all its forms, from the pitch in front of thousands of spectators to the hands of a child reading about their favorite childhood sports heroes before bedtime� Rather than convey that a person can be historically purged of their past through football, a fuller understanding of the novel and its contexts would, instead, send the message that there is no fantasy realm with the power to absolve an individual of their participation in a regime guilty of human rights violations� The things that are not said, the things that are left out are just as harmful as the things that remain� As society’s values and ethics shift, we reassess our perspectives on the childhood classics, demonstrated by the ongoing debates about cultural appropriation in Karl May’s Winnetou series or about racist and sexist depictions in the oeuvres of Enid Blyton (e�g� The Famous Five , German: Fünf Freunde ) and Astrid Lindgren ( Pippi Longstocking )� Questions about language in children’s books are at the fore, and this is a moment for publishers to reflect critically on the differences between the cultural milieu in which these children’s classics were initially written and our contemporary moment� Thienemann-Esslinger, the home publisher of Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein , has proven in recent years that they understand this charge� German classics like Otfried Preußler’s Die Kleine Hexe and Michael Ende’s Jim Knopf have been revised due to their racist and harmful language� Revisiting Drechsel’s Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein and its relationship to the Third Reich and making the historical contexts accessible for young readers in future publications (e�g�, a youth-friendly critical edition or a scholarly introduction geared toward students) can be the next step� Notes 1 This essay is dedicated to my son Leo who inspired me to write about his favorite book� I owe a particular debt of gratitude to my wife Kirsten for her support during the research and writing process� Finally, I thank Helga Flath and Dieter Trölsch for their assistance during my on-site research� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 161 2 The novel has also been published by Omnibus, Ravensburg, Arena, and Carlsen� 3 Record label Decca had adapted Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein for a 42-minute audio play in 1978� Hildebrandt recorded Drechsel’s text again in the early 2000s for an audiobook release; the total play time was over four hours� 4 Drechsel’s football novel follows Elf Jungens und ein Fußball (1947) by Hanns Vogts� Drechsel’s book echoes Vogts’ narrative in multiple ways� The main protagonist in Vogts’ novel was called Heini, it plays in a school setting during the 1930s, and, again, it is an educator who initially rejects the game of football (see also Bode 246)� 5 Time is here also linked to Switzerland-the watch’s place of manufacture� This is significant in two ways. Firstly, Switzerland is historically connected to political neutrality, which is in line with Drechsel’s avoidance of any political subject matter and could be understood as the author’s desire for a realm of guilt-free neutrality� Secondly, through the lens of 1955-the novel’s year of publication-Switzerland had, in a metaphoric sense, become the birthplace of a new Germany that has left the Third Reich behind� With West Germany’s miraculous 1954 World Cup victory in Bern over Hungary, a new source of pride for the nation had been uncovered� 6 Drechsel describes in some detail the season finale of Berliner Sport-Verein 1892 (BSV 92), which ultimately resulted in the club’s first regional championship title� This, together with BSV’s subsequent match against Schalke 04 at the group stage of the German championship, allows us to situate the story approximately in 1936� 7 On April 10, 1938, Szepan was quoted in the Völkischen Beobachter as follows: “Die Begeisterung der Fußballfreunde in den Stadien des Dritten Reiches zeugt von der Gesundheit und Kraft unseres Volkes� Ewig Dank dem Führer aller Deutschen, der uns die Zukunft sichert in Sport und Spiel. Ein begeistertes ‚Ja’ unserem Führer Adolf Hitler! ” Frank Bajohr points out that Szepan likely never wrote these lines himself and that they should not necessarily serve as proof for the Schalke star’s political convictions� However, they do underline the relationship between football stars and regime, one of mutual benefits (Bajohr 110). 8 The German term Gau has traditionally been used in connection with districts or regions� During the Third Reich, it described Germany’s administrative units ( Reichsgaue ) and was also used within organized sports, labelling the regional competitions: Gauliga Berlin-Brandenburg , Gauliga Bayern etc� 162 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 9 Wernicke was also involved in Leni Riefenstahl’s two-part Olympia film from 1938, thus demonstrating once more how Nazi ideology and propaganda were connected to the world of sports� 10 Erik Eggers estimated that approximately ten percent of journalists lost their jobs due to the anti-Jewish and anti-Communist discrimination by the Nazis (165). Specific data for sports writers has not yet been collected. 11 This distorted retroactive perception of NS sports can further be explained by the fact that glorified remembrance was reinforced by some West German sport officials who had previously held high positions in the Third Reich’s sport apparatus� In this context, Hans Joachim Teichler notes that former Nazis like Karl Ritter von Halt, Carl Diem, and Guido von Mengden had not only regained influential roles within West Germany’s sport organizations, but that they were also responsible for the earliest postwar publications about athletics in the Third Reich, all of which, Teichler argued, were whitewashed: “Erst Geschichte machen, dann beschönigen oder verfälschen-mehr kann man zu diesen apologetischen Arbeiten aus historischer Sicht nicht sagen” (18)� 12 Emphasis added by the author of this article� 13 In 2012, Hildebrandt stated that the original manuscript of Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein had featured a different tone. However, according to the cabaret artist, its initial brasher and meaner language (“schnoddriger und gemeiner”) was not just simply rejected by the editor but entirely disposed of� She allegedly threw the novel’s first version away, “damit Sammy endlich Ruhe gab” (Hildebrandt)� 14 While professional players use their celebrity status and social media platforms to address systemic racism within German society (e�g� Mesut Özil, Jérôme Boateng) or even take position publicly on the Israel-Gaza war (e�g� Bayern Munich’s Noussair Mazraoui), a coach like Christian Streich uses his pre-match press conference to warn about the Alternative für Deutschland ( AfD )� Political expression or even activism in the realm of football is not only limited to individuals� Bundesliga clubs and their fan scenes have supported or initiated projects related to refugees, LGBTQ rights, and environmental issues� Works Cited Bajohr, Frank� “Fritz Szepan� Fußball-Idol und Nutznießer des NS-Regimes�” Sportler im Jahrhundert der Lager. 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Der DFB zwischen Sport, Politik und Kommerz � Frankfurt: Campus, 2005� Herzog, Markwart, “Eigenwelt Fußball: Unterhaltung für die Massen.” Fußball zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus. Alltag-Medien-Künste-Stars � Ed� Markwart Herzog� Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008� 11—35� Hildebrandt, Dieter� “Etwas Kostbareres gibt es kaum” [Interview]� 11 Freunde, 9 April 2012� Web� https: / / www�11freunde�de/ welt-des-fussballs/ etwas-kostbareres-gibt-eskaum-a-6abab401-0004-0001-0000-000000578458/ 9 May 2024� Hughes, Jon� Max Schmeling and the Making of a National Hero in Twentieth-Century Germany � Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018� “Justizvollzugsanstalt Moabit�” Berlin�de� Berliner Justizvollzug, Web� https: / / www� berlin�de/ justizvollzug/ anstalten/ jva-moabit/ die-anstalt/ historie/ May 5 2024� 164 Oliver Knabe DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0008 “Keine Phrasen über Stimmung.” Der Spiegel , 6 February 1952� p� 30� Köster, Philipp. “Elf Freunde müsst ihr sein.” 11 Freunde, 21 April, 2005. 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Speer, Albert� “Final Statement Albert Speer�” Traces of War, July 2016� Web� https: / / www�tracesofwar�com/ articles/ 4573/ Final-statement-Albert-Speer�htm/ 5 May 2024� Teichler, Hans Joachim� “Zur Erinnerungskultur im deutschen Sport�” Historical Social Research 33�1 (2007): 13—23� Venema, Niklas. “Medien und Propaganda.” Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 20 January 2023� Web� https: / / www�bpb�de/ shop/ zeitschriften/ apuz/ deutschland-1933-2023/ 517475/ medien-und-propaganda-1933/ May 9 2024� von Horváth, Ödön� Jugend ohne Gott � 1994� Frankfurt: Suhrkamp 1994� Walter, Fritz. “Vorwort von Fritz Walter, dem Ehrenspielführer der Deutschen Nationalmannschaft�” Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein � Ravensburg: Otto Maier Verlag, 1963� [Vorwort]� Weinmann, Andrea� “Die westdeutsche Kinder- und Jugendliteratur in den 1960er- Jahren. Ein innovationsgeschichtlicher Rückblick.” kjl&m 14�2 (2014): 3—14� “Wernicke spricht nicht mehr�” Zeit Online , 15 Januar 1953. 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Illustrierte Deutsche Schülerzeitung � June 1936/ 9, p� 258� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Revisiting a Children’s Classic 165 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte Alex Holznienkemper University of New Hampshire Abstract: In order to better understand current efforts by German soccer fans to defend the game they love, this article sheds light on the deeper relevance of the broad history of association formation in Germany� German soccer culture stands out among the “Big 5” leagues of European soccer for more proactive engagement of club fans, but to date, there has been scarce consideration of how the long history of Vereine and their civic relevance figure in today’s public debates surrounding soccer culture. The value of Mitbestimmung , so central to fans’ fight for soccer today, has strong roots in the widespread formation of associations in the long 19 th century� Retracing these roots reveals that while these values are not unique to professional sports, it is in soccer that we see social engagement amid modern paradoxes crystallize in a glocal battle to maintain deeply held social values that reach beyond the playing field of one sport. Keywords: football, association, Verein , Mitbestimmung , glocalization, sports culture, 50-plus-1 rule, Bundesliga Given the predictability of the Bundesliga ’ s regular season champion in the last ten-plus years, one might expect fan enthusiasm and spectatorship-both in person and for broadcasts-to be in steady decline� 1 And yet, COVID-induced spectator limitations aside, fan enthusiasm in the German Bundesliga is arguably at an all-time high (Biermann 50—53)� Average stadium attendance in the Bundesliga is close to its highest ever, while it is at its all-time high in Bundesliga 2 (“Zuschauerzahlen”)� German soccer seems as popular as ever, even if-or maybe in part because-the globalization of the sport and its increasingly corporatized management structures cause some fans to proclaim more authenticity in lower tier divisions. As successful teams like F.C. Bayern München and Borussia Dortmund amass ever greater international fan bases, some balk at 166 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 their brand of international tours and the spending of steep transfer sums to lure star players from other teams� But to date, any proclaimed fan exodus to a more romanticized lower tier of soccer competition seems limited compared to the steady increase in popularity of German soccer writ large� What accounts, then, for the persistent popularity of soccer in modernity, and in Germany in particular? What defines German soccer fandom over and against that of other national soccer leagues, and what kind of broader identity arises in soccer fandom-not just from a given team, but from soccer team fandom in general? 2 In what follows, I propose that German soccer team fandom builds on and expands an identity defined by shared social practices, namely the practices of Mitbestimmung , Teilhabe and the navigation of Spielräume broadly-conceived� These social practices are defining ideals that endow soccer fandom with a sense of collective identity oriented towards social goods that reach beyond the soccer pitch, stadium, living room couch, and even beyond identification with a given team� The navigation of Spielräume takes on two immediate senses of collective action; for one, in the context of the literal playing field of the soccer pitch, and secondly, as a dedicated member of a club ( Mitglied of a given Verein 3 )� What is more, beyond even these delimited realms that entail their own particular sets of social norms and practices, the figure of a Spielraum applies to much more than just the realm of sports� Both the collective practice of soccer on the pitch and social practice of Mitbestimmung in soccer associations figure more broadly as practice for navigation of a modern social world marked by a rupture in time (Koselleck, “Erfahrungsraum und Erwartungshorizont” 23), a Spielraum cracked open by modernity with dizzying promises of freedom, self-realization and political empowerment� One defining institution that has ironically been overlooked in the development of German soccer culture is the eingetragener Verein (e. V.) -which is simply the registered club or association and the organizational legal form adopted by most soccer or sports clubs in Germany� 4 The current soccer culture war over the soul of the game, arguably most successfully fought for in Germany, is also a fight for the kind of organization and institution that only predates soccer by about a century. Thus, while fans voice their frustration with efforts such as the UEFA Super League or oppose corporate influence from companies like Red Bull, their resistance is not merely in defense of soccer’s supposed soul, but by extension in defense of the ideals and norms that have guided the founding of countless kinds of Vereine since the late 18 th century� In German soccer in particular, fans vociferously combat the commercial imperatives usurping soccer club structures that have long-standing, if genealogically complex origins in a traditional grassroots Verein � While league regulations-which obviously impact the operation and structure of Vereine -have garnered significant at- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 tention over the last two-plus decades, analyses seem to take the institution of the Verein itself for granted. The fight for soccer’s soul is also a collective fight for the eingetragener Verein as a particular institution that grants fans and citizens the possibility to pursue the values of participation and agency in a society marked by various false promises of those self-same values� This common struggle against what we might call the colonization of the soccer lifeworld 5 by corporate self-interest imbues soccer fans of various club affinities-even of conflicting political leanings-with a shared identity in defending a cultural realm in which Spielraum navigation is learned and practiced at a tangible level� We are dealing with two levels of identity, then: the more immediate identification with a local Verein , often out of geographical proximity or family tradition, and the higher-level shared identification with other active members in (soccer) associations� 6 In what follows, I will lay out a theoretical framing of the history of German soccer and its respective Vereine as institutions carving out distinct cultural spheres of participation, reflect on the emergence of more narrowly conceived soccer Vereine within this more general context of Vereinsgeschichte , and offer a case study of the evolution of current day F�C� St� Pauli e� V� as emblematic of both the continuities and breaks within the evolution of Fuβballvereine. My hope is that this study highlights a rich connection between the early modern emergence of Vereine in general in Germany and the current debates surrounding regulations like the “50-plus-1 rule”� Across all variations of Vereine , political leanings of fans, economic impulses, and other historical contingencies, we can distill a common set of ideals among today’s soccer fans that are also widely shared by citizens of Western modern social orders� In secular modernity’s tension between contingent social order and the promise of freedom and Mitbestimmung , German soccer Vereine have managed to a remarkable degree to become “glocal” 7 institutions that offer fans a sense of having a say in a unique organization with a global impact� Making greater sense of current German soccer culture can hardly unfold without a look back at the longer history of Vereine , the main legal entity by which soccer play and practice is organized in Germany� Though soccer’s popularity and organization has changed in many ways over the last 150-plus years, current debates surrounding soccer in Germany show remarkable aspirational continuity with the more general phenomenon of Vereinfounding in early modernity. Arguably, one of the defining features of Western modernity concerns the transition in understanding of social order in its political-legal organization� The combination of various factors-rise of the scientific method, substantive challenges to entrenched religious hierarchies, the spread of universities, as well Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 167 168 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 as the drastic acceleration of technological and industrial innovation-proved too strong of a challenge to previous legitimation mechanisms of social order� Where the delineation of distinct social estates and classes was long viewed as divinely ordained, secular modernity opens up more fluid and permeable social orders, all with the goal of enacting legitimization mechanisms from below� This complex web of developments in Europe is captured in the idea of the Denaturalisierung des Sozialen by Christoph Möllers� “Politik entzieht soziale Vergemeinschaftung den vermeintlichen Notwendigkeiten, die sich aus vorgeblich natürlichen Eigenschaften einer Bevölkerung, aus Geografie, Tradition oder Religion ergeben sollen, aber auch aus Gewohnheiten, die als selbstverständlich gelten” (Möllers 68)� With this idea of “denaturalizing the social” as part of the process of liberalizing political orders in secular modernity, Möllers captures the degree to which Europe’s prevailing social order is broken open to new possibilities for an entire population hitherto limited in both their social and geographical mobility� This upheaval of previous order, of course, entailed various new forms of collectivity, of which one of the most popular in Germany was the Verein � Particularly in economic terms, the extension of more rights to broader swaths of a given citizenry, Vereine figured prominently as concomitant forms of collectivization that allowed citizens to self-organize and collectively navigate new social spaces. “Die Assoziation als die der bürgerlichen Erwerbs- und Konkurrenzgesellschaft entsprechende Gesellungsform löst den Menschen aus der Naturabhängigkeit und schafft die Möglichkeiten zu schier unbegrenzter Selbstentfaltung” (Hardtwig, “Verein” 811)� In the transition from divine natural law to positive law as enacted by a growing citizenry, modern Western Europe not only sought to change the social order, but to reinvent the very ways in which social order is imagined� As a result, a number of paradoxes or tensions arose that continue to shape modern citizens’ self-understanding within that social order� It is within this greater context of paradigmatic upheaval that the emergence of Vereine provides a starting point for understanding ongoing struggles and debates surrounding German soccer culture� Of course, the kinds of Vereine that emerged in European society over the years vary widely in kind and longevity� What makes modern soccer Vereine particularly illustrative of these long developments is the fact that they are some of the most hotly contested kinds of associations in our current day and age� Where many other kinds of Vereine might remain fairly invisible to the public at large (such as Vereine for fishing, singing, hiking, as well as smaller Fördervereine that engage in non-profit local philanthropy), the struggle for Mitbestimmung in soccer reaches a very wide audience� What many German clubs have done on the local and national level, many other countries’ fans echoed when UEFA tried to carry out its plan for establishing the UEFA Super League in 2021 (Smith). DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 169 Before expounding on the long history of Vereine , I would first like to draw attention to some of the core concepts and tensions that guide the formation of various associations in early modernity� The emergence of the eingetragener Verein is emblematic of Germany’s late modernization and nationalization� The bumpy road to national unity in 1871 is preceded by manifold forces and counterforces both inspired by and in response to the prospect of revolution led by neighboring France� While the most immediate fights for political power took place in the form of toppling royalty in their estates or making grand proclamations as representative assemblies, from early on associations were formed to engage in the nurturing of collective action towards various desired ends� At their core, early associations sought to create spaces for individual citizens to coalesce around shared goals and identities, often with a long-term approach to bringing about social change (Hardtwig, “Verein” 810)� What crystallizes in the development of and engagement in Vereine is the (inter)personal grappling with a number of dualistic tensions in Western modernity, particularly in the liminal space between public and private selves� That is, Verein involvement becomes one of the premier vehicles of personal and collective identity formation, especially from the 19 th century onward (Nipperdey 10—11)� Where identity formation in the 21 st century frequently takes on the form of consumer choices and labeling, identity formation in the 19 th and 20 th centuries very much revolved around the formation of collectives that legally defined themselves by shared assent to membership and reference to common goals and virtues� As Otto Dann highlights in his investigation into the origins of political Vereine in Germany, it is not so much that these collectives were themselves new in early modernity� After all, the Middle Ages were also marked by various forms of collectivization, such as in “Coniurationes, Einigungen, Bünde. […] Der Verein als Rechtsform gesellschaftlicher Kooperation ist kein Spezifikum der Neuzeit” (Dann 198). What is new in the modern form of Vereine -for which there was plenty of terminological ambiguity early on-is the emphasis on voluntary assent and principal openness to membership in a given Verein . This points towards our first of four modern tensions or dialectical relationships that present new existential challenges for large portions of a growing modern citizenry� In this case, the tension arises between the principally universal appeal of Vereine and their necessary restriction to those who share certain values that define a Verein. Let us call this the inclusive-exclusive tension� Vereine are founded with a principal openness to any person becoming a member, and yet this universal appeal also rests on voluntary consent to an association’s founding principles and goals� By virtue of not identifying with an association’s ideals and principles, one remains an outsider to said group� 170 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Other tensions that materialize for modern citizens are between the political promise of freedom and self-actualization and the need for restraints on personal freedoms for the greater social good (freedom-restraint tension); the tension between an increasing demand for large-scale representation, i�e� state formation and the desire for self-governance or at least political legitimation from below (state-self-governance paradox); and, as I have argued elsewhere in the context of soccer fascination, the tension between our perception of contingency and necessity (Holznienkemper) in social order (contingency-necessity tension)� What these highlighted tensions share is a dynamic of simultaneous expansion and contraction around evolving social norms� As secular modernity breaks open constraints held in place by old social orders, the exploration and probing of new social norms by which to (self-)organize society, on the one hand, is expansive and seeks to extend who has a say in shaping society, and on the other hand it necessarily redefines new limitations on who helps shape new norms� While debates and disputes surrounding soccer culture take shape as a defense of soccer as its own good that is to be protected from outside normative influence (often understood as market imperatives), the passionate defense of the sport is not about soccer in and of itself but rather about the social practice surrounding soccer-the kind of participation and experience it entails for a wide audience and fan base� Much of today’s debate surrounding soccer concerns the defense and implementation of the so-called 50-plus-1 rule which seeks to limit the influence outside investors can have on a soccer Verein � In exploring the ways in which the 50-plus-1 rule limits certain otherwise guaranteed freedoms and rights in German and European law, Marie Kronberg highlights the Verrechtlichung of soccer, its juridification, as the flipside to its accelerated commercialization since especially the 1990s (Kronberg 270)� With teams’ increasing demand for means of financial liquidity to compete internationally, the permission of clubs to branch off for-profit professional management entities from their non-profit Mutterverein has encountered increasing criticism from association members and soccer fans (Bauers and Hovemann 156)� It is towards this end that the 50-plus-1 rule was then enshrined in the charter of the Deutscher Fußball-Bund , so as to ensure that traditional associations would not fall prey to the whims of investors treating an association’s soccer team chiefly as an investment tool. The goal is to protect the game itself from shortterm market imperatives usurping long-term sportive goals and developments� This Verrechtlichung in the context of commercialization embodies the more persistent scope of Vereine in trying to codify Handlungsspielräume in a broad sense, dating back to the late 18 th and early 19 th centuries� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 171 The grassroots efforts of founding Vereine are often overlooked, and yet they represent one of the most attractive means by which modern citizens try to navigate the underlying tension between freedom and restraint that has been unleashed as a shared social task in modernity� As individuals ponder the promise of increased freedom, they almost simultaneously realize that meaningful freedom can only be achieved in unison with others� What Vereine often pursue is the creation of Spielräume , a term that immediately calls to mind the literal playing field of soccer, but which functions metaphorically for political action as well� In his work on social norms and modern liberalism, Christoph Möllers highlights this tension between individual and collective organization� Auch körperlose Einheiten lassen sich als Akteure verstehen: Vereine, Gemeinden, Unternehmen, Staaten� Sich als neues handelndes Subjekt organisieren zu können ist eine wichtige politische Option� […] Doch ist der Freiheitsgehalt organisierten Handelns ungewiss, und diese Ungewissheit ist zentrales Thema des Liberalismus: Inwieweit erweitere »ich« meine Freiheit um den Preis, mich in eine Organisation einzugliedern? […] Organisiertheit lässt sich nicht auf Unterworfenheit unter eine Hierarchie reduzieren, sondern stiftet Möglichkeiten� (Möllers 104—105) In the rupture of modernity, individuals are propelled into the uncertainty Möllers describes here� As a modern citizen, on the one hand, I am liberated from a previously rigid social order to pursue my self-realization� On the other hand, I am left to navigate a realm of possibilities that can be overwhelming� In denaturalizing the previously held social world, the modern citizen lives in the tension of freedom and necessity� Unmasking the contingency of social norms and order is both liberation and burden, and grappling with contingency becomes one of the tasks of modern citizens� In an essay critiquing historicism as espoused by thinkers such as Leibniz, Hegel and Marx, Reinhart Koselleck draws attention to the risky nature of trying to overcome contingency, a phenomenon Koselleck diagnoses as all too prevalent in modernity� 8 On this reading, historicism goes too far in explaining away contingent historical phenomena as-almost naturalistically-necessary, in trying to turn the discipline of history into a natural science� In ways that call to mind Adorno and Horkheimer’s unmasking of the dialectics of Enlightenment, Koselleck traces how modernity tries to liberate itself from the unpredictability of contingency by virtue of ever-more astute observations of causality� And yet, while causation in nature can be observed with increasing precision, causal explanations of the social world-increasingly shaped by human free will-come up against hard limits� For Koselleck, Enlightenment and Idealism overextend themselves in trying to explain away contingency� 172 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 [G]erade das Ausräumen jeder Zufälligkeit [stellt] zu hohe Konsistenzansprüche, und zwar gerade deshalb, weil im Horizont geschichtlicher Einmaligkeit durch die Beseitigung jeden Zufalls die Zufälligkeit verabsolutiert wird� Was im Raum der vorhistorischen Geschichtsauffassung von Fortuna geleistet wurde, das wird in der Moderne zur Ideologie, die in dem Maβ zu immer neuen Manipulationen nötigt, als sie im Gewande unverrückbarer Gesetzlichkeit auftritt. (Koselleck, “Vergangene Zukunft” 175) The history of Vereine is one of navigating contingency through juridification, forming personal and collective identities in the face of novel and intimidating Handlungsspielräume opened up by the radical rethinking of social order in 18 th and 19 th century Europe� Though soccer Vereine only started developing in the latter 19 th century, their history in particular encapsulates some of the common themes in the general history of associations in Germany, and their modern fight for the soul of soccer brings to the fore many of the values proclaimed in political upheavals throughout Europe centuries ago� It is to this broader development that we now turn before exploring the developments in one Verein in particular� The history of soccer Vereine in Germany is a story of Verrechtlichung , i�e� juridification (Streinz 1), as well as one of specialization with an ironically universal reach. While narratives of modernity tend to focus heavily on the fight for and curtailments on individual and personal rights since the French Revolution, the realm of Vereinsrecht , i�e� association and club law, is often overlooked� Nevertheless, this realm of law, governing the collective right to assemble and form associations, is central to various social movements of the last two centuries� In his analysis of European law impacting soccer and Vereine in the 1990s, Rudolf Streinz summarizes the legal status of associations in the context of changing EU law� “Freilich gehört zu einer freiheitlichen Rechtsordnung auch die Wahrung und Beachtung von Freiräumen der Bürger und der von ihnen geschaffenen privaten Organisationen, auch der Sportverbände” (Streinz 96). The debate that currently brings centuries of legal development surrounding associations into focus concerns the drafting and implementation of the 50-plus- 1 rule after German soccer Vereine were allowed to outsource the management of their professional soccer teams to profit-seeking entities in 1998 (Bauers and Hovemann 156, Kronberg 270)� Looking broadly at the development of modern associations to this day, the particular case of German soccer Vereine entails a move from increased specialization of a given club’s cultural focus, which was typical for its time, to a cultural appeal of soccer so all-encompassing that it entails transnational legal and economic adaptation� The intermittent development towards specialization DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 173 might initially strike us as surprising in light of early associations’ sweeping ideals and goals� Thomas Nipperdey highlights the degree to which modern associations evolved from explicitly broadly defined groups to ones of increasing specialization in the 19 th century� The associations of broad appeal in the late 18 th and early 19 th centuries highlighted the virtue of Bildung with lofty goals of bettering mankind� “Die Vereinigung sollte ein Gegengewicht gegen die Spezialisierung des Menschen, der er in der Arbeitswelt unterliegt, darstellen� […] Der Einseitigkeit der Ausbildung sollte durch die Universalität der Bildung begegnet werden” (Nipperdey 24). Later on, starting after 1815, we observe an increasing specialization that runs parallel with explosive growth in the founding of Vereine . It is thus that we find ever more kinds of Vereine that take on more particular areas of focus, especially in the realm of culture� “Im 19� Jahrhundert wird das Leben in und mit der Kultur zu einer eigenen ‘Provinz’ des Lebens neben den Provinzen Arbeit und Politik” (Nipperdey 27)� In this period, we encounter one of the most important kinds of Vereine booming, namely the Turnverein , which later becomes the nexus of soccer and other sports clubs� As current debates surrounding soccer culminate in the defense of or reform proposals for a more effective implementation of the 50-plus-1 rule, what is at stake is not merely a purported kind of soccer, but defending the eingetragener Verein itself from imposed, non-intrinsic norms� Plenty of small-scale Vereine are able to continue doing business as usual, which is grassroots community-building on a local level, even if often tied to national governing bodies for broader networking and standardization� But as soccer has become a global business juggernaut since the 1970s and especially the 1990s, the ability of locally grounded Fuβball-Vereine to manage their global fan appeal and capital flows within conventional organizational parameters has been put to the test, and thus the laws that govern the eingetragener Verein have been revisited� Soccer Vereine may well be the most unique kind of Vereine in Germany in terms of their combination of a highly specialized cultural focus and their simultaneously broad public presence� Within German soccer Vereine , this unique combination of specialization and broad global appeal touches on the four tensions of modernity mentioned previously� From its early days, the Verein has been thought of and instituted as a liminal space that provides a Handlungsspielraum for modern citizens� With regards to the state, the Verein rests on both legal recognition and protection by the state and an element of withdrawal from and by the state� The establishment of a Verein entails its recognition as a legal person, but beyond that, the administrative execution of a Verein is largely autonomous from state intervention, protecting the hard-fought gains of the rights of assembly in the 19 th century� This dialectic between self-governance and legal recognition stands in as the concrete form of the more abstract tension 174 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 between desired freedom and the need for social order and coordination� As far as the inclusive-exclusive dialectic is concerned, the basic tension that lies at the heart of any Verein of general appeal and voluntary ascent to particular rules is magnified in the global reach of contemporary soccer Vereine � The local grounding of a club like FC Schalke 04 in the mid-size city of Gelsenkirchen stands in contrast to the global reach it has in successful seasons in Bundesliga 1 � And yet, its identity as a smaller city, working-class club is part of what appeals to Schalke fans all over the world� Especially if they are dues-paying members of the Verein , they literally have a say on how the club operates� All of this points to the more basic experience that persists in modernity-the disconnect between a new awareness of contingency in light of the “denaturalization of the social” (Möllers 68) and the difficulty of actually altering the social order� Ironically, the deconstruction of what was previously held to be necessary as contingent has the effect of making the contingency seem natural and overwhelming� Where a social order previously understood as natural becomes reconceived as contingent and thus malleable, the promise of being able to change the contingent social order for the better is rarely met, resulting in frustration about the persistence of imposed social order, in turn perceived as natural or inevitable. If part of modernity is defined by the unveiling of much of our world as more contingent than hitherto understood, then the task of the modern citizen is to scope out realms in which that contingency can begin to be tamed or channeled in one direction or another� Vereine carve out realms of Mitbestimmung , where collective action can be discerned and coordinated to reach partial victories in managing the contingent social order� Mitbestimmung is most decidedly not limited to the realm of soccer but arises as a general ideal of self-organization in Vereine of all kinds, and it has been rather well-established as a guiding principle in German politics and economics since Bismarck� It is not the first time there has been a struggle to defend Vereine in Germany� In the drawn-out period of nationalization and revolutionary zeal in German lands, the fight was for legal recognition of Vereine in the first place. Initial founding of associations took on more of a political nature than we might think of in the context of sporting clubs today, making the 19 th century one marked by waves of recognition and reactionary suppression of various kinds of associations� Especially in France, citizens often initially assembled in a more secretive manner than the publicly appealing associations that gained traction in the latter half of the 19 th century in Germany (Dann 224—225)� As with nationalization efforts, so too Germany’s boom in association founding takes off later than in neighboring countries. Efforts towards nationalization became increasingly organized following Napoleon’s defeat of Prussia in 1806� Collective political mobilization was sweeping, drawing associations from more do- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 175 mestic spheres (reading circles, e�g�) into the political public sphere� Responses to waves of Vereinformation varied greatly by region, but for most of the 19 th century, Austro-Hungarian and Prussian responses generally set the tone of animosity and distrust between entrenched aristocracies and their nationally and democratically minded citizenries� The Hambacher Fest in 1832, largely driven by the Deutscher Preβ- und Vaterlandsverein in demand of national unification, freedom of the press, and democratic legitimation from below, effectively led to a prohibition on political associations (Düding 144), prompting a dynamic that marks the German Vereinswesen to this day-the purported apolitical nature of Vereine � In response to the repression by Prussia and other states, associations that had explicitly political aims had to find ways to present themselves as apolitical� This left two main options for politically minded associations; to resort to the form of secret societies more familiar in the 18 th century, or to found public associations under the pretense of political neutrality� For Vereine that were not political in the first place, the state’s particular repression of patriotically minded associations meant little, and so it is that we can speak of a ‘time of Vereine ’ at mid-century� Everything from Vereine for friendship, reading, agriculture and music to philanthropy, care for the poor, art, and business could be found in the 1800s (Nipperdey 2—4)� The Frankfurter Nationalversammlung enshrined the general right to found Vereine in 1849, though individual states still made attempts to reign in political associations (Hardtwig, “Verein” 823)� Though we do not see the rise of soccer Vereine at the height of this general expansion of associations, they indeed become more commonplace especially in the early 20 th century. As mainstream films such as Der ganz groβe Traum ( Lessons of a Dream, 2011) have helped to show, soccer’s initial growth in popularity encountered resistance from more established sporting activities, especially Turnen , the Germans’ favorite pastime by far in the 19 th century� Turnen -gymnastics-had become a rallying cry of German national self-understanding in the 1800s, often embedded within militarism and the vilification of neighboring France. The influence of Friedrich Ludwig Jahn ( Turnvater Jahn) on the establishment of Turnen as the German national pastime as well as its concomitant founding of countless Turnvereine cannot be overstated in its ultimate effect on German nationalization. His widely read publications on the formative role of Turnen in nurturing a sense of a German Volk played an outsize role in bringing together a budding bourgeoisie with educational institutions and nationally minded political movements (Düding 36—42). Many of the established team names still reveal that it was within Turnvereine that soccer enthusiasm initially took root, e.g TSG Hoffenheim, VfL Bochum and Wolfsburg, TSV 1860 München, even if it was met with suspicion. For many teams, the friction between Turnen and soccer resulted in the exodus of soccer players who would 176 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 then found the many “FCs” that adorn countless soccer clubs’ names to this day, e�g� 1� FC Köln, FC Schalke 04, FC St� Pauli, and the team so many German soccer fans have a love-hate relationship with, FC Bayern München. The founding of the Deutscher Fuβball-Bund (the German Soccer Federation) in 1900 played its part in fostering a manifold increase in soccer club founding, leading to an eleven-fold increase in the number of soccer associations between 1904 and 1914, and a twenty-fold increase in individual members� And yet, it still paled in comparison to membership in the Deutsche Turnerschaft , the main umbrella organization for gymnastics (Eisenberg 183—184)� Firmly established and increasing in popularity by the end of World War II, soccer in Germany was able to maintain rather consistent organizational patterns well into the 1960s� As with its general growth in Germany, so too did German soccer lag behind England in terms of professionalization� Whereas efforts towards professionalization of soccer-the outright paying of players for matches, compensating for missed work, luring players away from other teams-took root in the late 1800s in England (Goldblatt 45—49, 218), partial player compensation was only permitted in Germany starting in 1949, and it was limited to 320 DM per month (Nagel and Pahl 126, Zeyringer 148)� As we will look at more closely in the case of FC St� Pauli, clubs were able to manage their financial matters through membership dues and ticket sales revenues. That begins to dramatically change in the 1970s, urging the rethinking of financial operations for a pastime with growing national and international reach� While no two Vereine share the same history, most soccer Vereine in Germany-even the most successful teams-trace their roots to a rather limited, local founding� We can picture this as a fairly idealized, potentially romanticized moment in which a group of friends or co-workers decide to establish a dedicated club to foster engagement with a leisure time passion for the community at large, say in the latter quarter of the 19 th century� This would be the case for any kind of Verein , whether a patriotic one, a singing club, an agricultural club, or research network� Said founders would agree upon shared values and visions, rules for membership and its revocation, manners of dues-collecting, and many more minutiae, laying out such details in a Vereinssatzung , a club charter� As soccer kept growing in popularity in Germany, from the Industrial Revolution through the World Wars and beyond, the business of soccer-especially as it went global with the European and global organizational structures UEFA and FIFA-became an essential part of the Vereine , for better or worse� For many local clubs at the amateur level, the structure of the romanticized local collective can largely be maintained to this day� But for professional teams in the top flights of league play in Germany, sportive success hinges in part on increasing capital flows. In order to facilitate capital influx, almost all teams have at least DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 177 been tempted to create an additional legal entity unrestrained by the non-profit principles of an eingetragener Verein � With the notable exception of a few teams in the Bundesliga (RB Leipzig, Bayer 04 Leverkusen, and VfL Wolfsburg), most successful clubs in the top two flights of league play have roots in the late 19 th and early 20 th century� Whether initially formed as an outright Fuβball-Club or as part of a larger Turnverein , top-tier clubs have a long history as a local association that was founded with the rather narrow mission of organizing and supporting the game of soccer� Of the aforementioned three clubs that pose exceptions to this rule, RB Leipzig stands out as the most untraditional club, infamous for its top-down influx of corporate money that spurred its accelerated rise from amateur levels to participation in the highest level of international competition, the UEFA Champions League. Leverkusen and Wolfsburg figure as remnants of kinds of clubs that used to be more common, namely factory teams, often founded during industrialization phases in the early 20 th century, but also in the GDR� When we see highly organized fan blocks raising slogans during game broadcasts, the sentiments expressed usually stem from fan bases defending the more traditional form of soccer Vereine , namely the so-called eingetragener Verein (hence, the abbreviation “e�V�” that is technically part of each club’s legal name, found in each team’s charter)� At the writing of this article, German fans can claim victory in expressing their frustrations in response to recent efforts by the Deutsche Fuβball Liga (the organizing body of the top two flights of the Bundesliga ) to seek increased capital flows in the form of investing partnerships (“DFL lässt Pläne für Investoren-Einstieg fallen”). After weeks of coordinated protest efforts that resulted in long delays of games, the DFL backed out of negotiations with investors� 9 As soccer Vereine find themselves at the nexus of local civic engagement and global business, club membership appears as engaged as ever in shaping how their Verein is operated and what values it stands for� What makes this glocal tightrope walk unique is the fact that German soccer Vereine seem to be some of the very few-if not only-global institutions capable of bridging what has been called a legitimacy deficit in other contexts. 10 As local sites of Mitbestimmung that provide members a sense of agency, soccer Vereine assume a unique position in navigating modernity’s tensions while trying to salvage said agency in protected Handlungsspielräume � While the ideal of Mitbestimmung is constantly invoked by fan displays in stadiums, as well as in protest actions, it is so frequently invoked precisely because it is perceived to be under attack from outside (corporate) forces� Thus, it cannot be claimed that Mitbestimmung is simply a given in top-tier German soccer clubs. Rather, the fight for it shows that it 178 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 stands on shaky ground and merits efforts to defend this ideal that is so central to Vereine in general� While German soccer manages to enable fan Mitbestimmung to a greater degree than other Big 5 soccer leagues, even within Germany we can see a plurality of ways in which Mitbestimmung is either undermined or, in turn, pursued in creative new ways� Most clubs in the Bundesliga now have some form of hybrid organizational structure in which the professional soccer club is managed separately from the mother Verein � With the two prominent exceptions of VfL Wolfsburg and Bayer 04 Leverkusen, all other top clubs arose out of a traditional eingetragener Verein � But with the global commercialization of the sport in the 1990s, most clubs have come to opt for an organizational structure that blends corporate management forms with partial say for the traditional mother Verein � One club in particular stands out for finding its home in a sort of liminal space between traditional Verein and global success, often knocking on the door of top-flight promotion but remaining in Bundesliga 2 , nevertheless establishing an enormous global fan base: FC St� Pauli 1910 e� V�� While its identity is rather unique, the roots and evolution of the club are representative of how soccer clubs have generally developed, changed, and maintained some core identity over the last century� Known as a Kultclub with a cult following marked by leftist political sympathies and community engagement beyond the sport of soccer, St� Pauli has certainly not been immune to other prevailing political ideologies and financial tensions since its quasi-official founding in 1910. Arising within the pre-existing Turnverein St. Pauli und vor dem Dammthore , founded in 1860, the frictions typical of the late 1800s also arose between the traditional gymnasts of the Verein and those who were drawn to the exciting new game of soccer� Though its founding year is most prominently listed as 1910, it is not until 1924 that the Fuβballverein has its true, separate founding� 11 In its first five decades of existence, St. Pauli’s Turnverein is marked by typical developments and ideals for its time� Its earliest charter highlights the more holistic ideals of self-governance and the goal of nurturing “geistliche und sittliche Bildung” and physical strength ( Gesetze und Turnordnung 3)� Emblematic of the turn from earlier secret societies to explicitly public-facing Vereine , the team’s 1860 charter welcomes “alle Freunde des Turnens” (3) to become members of the club� At the same time, the necessity of limitations and rules becomes apparent in its founding document, some of which concern members’ behavior in public and the damage it might cause to the reputation of the club� The main offenses outlined in this early charter concerned unpaid dues and “unwürdiges Betragen in der Öffentlichkeit,” the latter of which highlights its early members’ keen awareness of the public role such a Verein takes on� Though technically apolitical, the club’s charter also draws on another topic that will become hotly DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 179 contested in the political redefinition of modern Germany, namely the role of representation in the public sphere� At this time, more than a decade after the failed revolution of 1848, the growing bourgeoisie and citizenry is still very much at odds with and failing to topple the embedded aristocracy that still shapes German lands� And while political parties only become more established-both institutionally and as a term distinct from Vereine 12 -in the 1860s, Vereine of all sorts had begun practicing representation on a small scale, but assuming ever greater public relevance� With the club’s updated name and charter in 1903, we see the additional element of patriotic ideals codified in the team’s charter. The ideals of physical Bildung were now supplemented with nurturing a “vaterländischen Sinn” among the club’s gymnasts (Satzungen des Hamburg-St� Pauli Turnvereins 3)� While patriotic and nationalist sentiment had long been driving factors in gymnastics clubs before this time, it is worth noting the shift in rhetoric encountered in these founding documents� After broadly conceived Vereine of the first half of the 19 th century encountered fierce political repression, they distanced themselves from outright political activity� Nationalism initially driven by liberalizing tendencies to overthrow aristocratic and undemocratic structures becomes muted, only to return as part of the new status quo after national unification in 1871. As Krüger (423) notes in his study of the gymnastics movement in the period of forming the German Reich, Turnvereine officially maintained apolitical identities in their founding documents, and yet they simultaneously assimilated to the ruling military class’s social norms� 13 Though this may come across as political opportunism, it is still in line with the underlying motivations for national unification across politically splintered German-speaking lands throughout the 19 th century� And so, the Hamburg-St. Pauli Turnverein of 1903 took part in the maneuvering of its identity in a way that was typical of its time� It perpetuated the growing national pride of the period while explicitly distancing itself from “politische Parteibestrebungen,” doing so by virtue of including in its founding documents the basic law of the national umbrella organization for gymnastics, the Deutsche Turnerschaft (Satzungen des Hamburg-St� Pauli Turnvereins 36—40)� While it was the nationalist ambitions that were deemed political and prompted political retaliation earlier in the century, once nationalization has been achieved, Vereine were able to glance over nationalist sentiment as an apolitical matter� At this point in time, Turnen was still without a doubt the Germans’ national sport and the impact of its organization in Vereine and umbrella organizations on nationalization efforts in the 19 th century is hard to underestimate� 14 Gymnastics continued to set the tone for physical activity in German Vereine in the early 1900s, but soccer continued to gain ground while rubbing against 180 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 the establishment� In an era marked by vigorous national pride across Europe, soccer faced resistance in Germany, especially since it hailed from global rival England� Nevertheless, people voted with their feet and soccer’s popularity was soon undeniable� Within German Turnvereine , other kinds of ballsports were played, and for a time, soccer competed with other, supposedly ‘more German’ sports, such as Faustball, Schlagball , or Schleuderball (Nagel and Pahl 28)� Here, too, St� Pauli did not buck the trend, but developed along similar lines as other Turnvereine at the time� Those clubs often created game divisions in which gymnasts could also engage in team sports in addition to their choreographed gymnastics routines� Whereas gymnastics had been well organized at a national level since around 1848, 15 soccer largely operated at the regional level at the turn of the century, with smaller leagues scattered throughout Germany� National championships began in 1903, shortly after the founding of soccer’s umbrella organization, the Deutscher Fuβball-Bund , but Germany did not see national league play until the founding of the Bundesliga in 1963� For this first stretch of St. Pauli’s existence as a soccer club, we can summarily say that its makeup and development was representative for its time� The club emerged out of a pre-existing Turnverein where the appearance of soccer in Germany was met with both excitement and resistance� Soccer grew in popularity and local league play begins nurturing rivalries with similarly situated clubs, such as the Hamburger Sportverein and Holstein Kiel , two teams with whom St� Pauli is competing for first place in Bundesliga 2 at the writing of this article� Ultimately, soccer took over the role as national pastime in Germany, particularly after the end of World War I, at which point the sport had even been adopted by the military� The period of National Socialism marks a large rupture in Germany’s emerging tradition of Vereine , affecting soccer Vereine as much as any other kind of Verein. Within a year of Hitler’s seizing of power, the democratic practices carried out in Vereine big and small make way for the Führerprinzip , meaning that heads of Vereine were no longer elected by members, as had been standard practice, but rather that a single leader was understood to be consented to (Nagel and Pahl 70)� This single leader, in turn, was always exposed to the arbitrary whims of local NSDAP leaders. On this front, St. Pauli’s popular “Kein Fuβball den Faschisten” jerseys do not seem to line up with the club’s history during the Nazi period� Aside from minor formalities in which clubs could hesitate to comply with Nazi policy, St� Pauli fell in line with party demands� 16 League play largely continued during the war, though with obvious impact on teams’ abilities to keep their starting eleven intact� In the immediate postwar period, St� Pauli managed to strike gold in terms of sporting success, in part due to DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 181 one player’s ties to the talented pool of players from Dresdner SC (Nagel and Pahl 92)� Leading all the way to the 1960s, the basic organizational and financial structure of FC St� Pauli remained remarkably simple, as did the structures of most soccer teams at the time� The club was made up of dues-paying members, and with stadiums drawing increasingly large crowds, teams were able to count on revenue from ticket sales to pad a Verein’s bottom line� Up until the formation of the Bundesliga in 1963, and in rather stark contrast to much earlier debates and developments in England, 17 German soccer was still organized largely as an amateur sport, even if clubs were allowed to pay players up to 320 DM per month starting in 1949� 18 While not an insignificant sum at the time, such pay was conceived of as compensation for missed income from work� It obviously pales in comparison to the salaries of professionals today� But even in postwar Germany, soccer remained an amateur sport for nearly two decades� With such paltry sums of money, a Verein’s finances remained correspondingly humble and did not require great arithmetic prowess� The period from the 1960s to 1980s is marked by one of countless close calls for St� Pauli, frequently on the verge of great success, then stumbling before the proverbial finish line, whether in league or cup play. It also marks the period in which the club’s distinct modern identity as cult club took real root in light of commercial cross-pressures that arose from soccer’s continuous rise in global popularity and financial growth. With the death of long-time president Wilhelm Koch and the election of Ernst Schacht, a new era of presidential leadership began in 1970� Schacht was a wealthy banker from Hamburg, someone able to help the club financially-not only with his experience in banking, but with occasional investments of his own private wealth to keep the club afloat (Nagel and Pahl 196-217)� With the increase in salaries for players and rising travel expenses as a result of professionalization and national league play that began in the 1960s, operating budgets in German soccer began to balloon, and so did soccer’s popularity and its ability to bring in more revenue� Gone were the days in which membership dues and ticket sales sufficed to cover a professional club’s expenses� Advertising was not completely new to clubs like St� Pauli at the time but had actually begun in their 20-year Festschrift in 1930� With the advent of selling ad space on jerseys in 1973 by Eintracht Braunschweig, the floodgates of advertising on billboards, scoreboards, and in publications were opened� To this day, St. Pauli fights to maintain some level of restraint when it comes to the overstimulation brought on by advertising� Most impressively, the club refuses to sell the naming rights to its most recent stadium, a practice that has become so established that it is second nature in professional soccer, as fans often still 182 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 call the stadium by its traditional name, ignoring the corporate branding of a stadium� So far, the Millerntor stadium is still simply the Millerntor. 19 When we think of the history of soccer Vereine as a history of Verrechtlichung , this becomes particularly apparent in the increasing complexity encountered in ways that professional teams organize their management and in the corresponding increase in length of associations’ charters� For FC St� Pauli, 1979 marks a watershed year in terms of financial management. While the team finished sixth in Bundesliga 2 , the Deutscher Fuβball-Bund withheld the necessary license for St. Pauli to keep playing in the league, citing financial insolvency of the club. The combination of historically low game attendance and financial reliance on last-minute bailouts by single investors was deemed unsustainable by the DFB , pushing St� Pauli into the amateur ranks of the Regionalliga � 20 As a professional club with a strong local grounding, St� Pauli at this time was navigating its way in the emerging world of European professional soccer� While local businessmen were able to enhance the club’s financial standing at first, by the end of the 1970s, they seemed to be reaching their own limits� The need arose to find sustainable funding models that do not fall apart from decreased ticket sales alone� One measure taken by St� Pauli that fed into the complex Verrechtlichung of traditional Vereine is the founding of a Förderverein , a non-profit financial supporters’ club that circumnavigated restrictions placed on the club by the German Finanzamt � The Förderverein allowed a handful of generous donors to provide zero-interest loans to St� Pauli in order to lure in quality players (and thus more fans to the stadium) during fairly desperate times for the club� Though certainly a stop-gap measure at the time, the club now more formally nurtures strong ties to a similar group, the Abteilung Fördernde Mitglieder , codifying a specific role for it within the club’s current charter. Where the Förderverein of the early 1980s raised money as part of a complex funding mechanism for player recruitment, the modern AFM , founded in 1999, supports youth development and efforts of inclusion and equity ( Abteilungsordnung der AFM 2). Its specific inclusion in the club’s charter again highlights the increasing Verrechtlichung of modern Vereine ( Satzung - FC St. Pauli von 1910 e.V. 27—28) . Though modern club charters are still impressive in their relative brevity, they are nevertheless a far cry from the early charters of many clubs’ gymnastics club predecessors� Where the 1860 charter of the Turnverein in St. Pauli und vor dem Dammthore runs a mere thirteen pages and outlines minute details of gymnastics meets and practices, the 2022 charter of FC St� Pauli is a good thirty pages long and reads increasingly as a legalistic document that spells out the club’s complex inner workings� St. Pauli’s ability to balance the financialization of professional soccer with grassroots fan support is a constant work in progress, and it is what arguably DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 183 draws even a strong international following, which is quite rare for a club that usually plays in the second tier of German soccer� Sportive success is not possible without a sustainably high level of revenue, and yet it is often what soccer fans dream of� St� Pauli’s current stability stems in part from the time period following the dismal phase of fiscal insolvency. To a certain degree, St. Pauli’s general stability also owes to its unique identity as a particularly leftist club engaged in social justice efforts. St. Pauli logos and merchandise stand in for much more than mere sportive support for their men’s soccer team� While there can be no roadmap to similar success, a number of factors both local and global came together in the 1980s that allowed St� Pauli to carve out a distinct culture and identity that persists to this day� Consistent local involvement in its part of town helped nurture a sustainable local fan base that also became both politically vocal and welcoming in the 1980s and 1990s. Despite its truly dismal financial situation and inability to find creditors in the early 1980s, a mix of some sportive success and some sportive slip-ups by its local rival Hamburger Sport-Verein nudged some fans to test their allegiance to HSV� Flare-ups of neo-Nazi rhetoric and violence at HSV games contributed their part to the same dynamic� Not least of all, the changing media landscape (increasing coverage on cable TV) also thrives more on the narratives of the ‘crazy’ team from the notorious part of town in Hamburg. Volker Ippig plays a particularly fitting role in the late 1980s. Having worked in developmental aid in Latin America and himself a participant in the local squatting scene in the 1980s, it is all too fitting that the St. Pauli goalkeeper co-authored what is widely considered to be the first anti-racist manifesto by a team and its fans� 21 St� Pauli certainly enjoys a unique identity and appeal today, and yet, the legalistic framework within which it operates is common to almost all German soccer clubs, at least in their origins� Thus, while St� Pauli stands out as a club with relative sporting success coupled with a level of fan engagement that is notably not business as usual, other fan bases could strive for a similar culture of Mitbestimmung in their clubs. It is the corporate influence on the most successful clubs that appear as the greatest threat to such cultures of engagement� What makes St� Pauli so hard for other fans to hate is the fact that the club seems to find a unique balance between its expectations for sportive success and the desire for a purportedly pure game that does not fall prey to profit-making imperatives� The underlying values that guide St� Pauli’s balancing act are indeed shared by almost all other teams’ fans� The club embodies love of the sport that also infuses the surrounding community (both more literally in St� Pauli itself as well as the virtual global community of fans) with joy and support� Having developed out of an initial process of specialization in the 1800s, from Vereine with broadly idealistic goals regarding character formation to 184 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Turnvereine and then to Fuβballvereine , modern professional soccer Vereine occupy a unique space in which fans can live out the modern tensions between self-governance and legal protection by a state (or, increasingly, a union of states), between individual freedom and collective restraint, between inclusivity and exclusivity, and ultimately between contingency and necessity� All of these tensions in turn thrive on the desire to bridge the local and the global, to be grounded in something in one’s own neighborhood that has a global impact� Scarcely a club seems to strike this balance as well as St� Pauli currently does, all the while offering fans a strong sense of Mitbestimmung and Teilhabe , of having a say in how things operate� Just as the ultimately contingent rules of a given game or sport define the actual Spielfeld or Spielraum , the legal form in which associations and clubs organize themselves comes to create Handlungsspielräume in which fans and club members learn to operate, learn to find their voice, and find actions that express their wills. As one of only two leagues among Europe’s “Big 5” whose club governance structure is still largely driven by club members (Sanchez et al� 358), Germany’s soccer clubs uniquely combine ideals of self-governance and collective organization within contingent political-legal structures� Over and against the media-inspired identification with the German national soccer teams, the fandom we encounter surrounding traditional soccer Vereine fosters a richer identity of citizenship and participation� Whereas national team fandom ebbs and flows with biannual tournament hype, fan identification with a club is more consistently wedded to the practice of civic engagement in a seemingly trivial yet practical sense� It fosters Mitbestimmung and Teilhabe for individual members and fans that come together and shape the culture of a given team� In this basic form, as the culture surrounding a leisure time activity that also draws in stupendous amounts of revenue, fan culture is largely apolitical, but it puts into practice the modern task of navigating the Handlungsspielräume of public, political, and economic life� In the face of daunting contingency and dizzying opportunities for growth and self-realization, German soccer Vereine uniquely provide a space in which fans feel an otherwise rare sense of shaping something larger than themselves� In this way, it may very well be a modern form of religion, but less in a sense of idolizing and worship than as a civic religion delimiting earthly parameters for contingently chosen values and norms� The question arises as to just how Mitbestimmung is shaped for and by club supporters of German teams, and this takes many shapes� Traditionally, it is conceived as dues-paying members having a vote on the election of leadership at annual members’ conventions� However, given the current transformation of club management structures, for most top-flight clubs, this direct say is be- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 185 ing undermined as teams piece together corporate governance structures with traditional club structures, often turning membership into a commodified sense of belonging with no actual say in who runs the club� Thus, a member of FC Bayern München, for example, may call themselves a member, but have no say on managerial decision-making� Members of FC Schalke 04, by contrast, have a vote at their annual members’ meeting, where the board of directors might be elected or amendments to the club charter are voted on� 22 While German soccer clubs lead the way in maintaining a culture of Mitbestimmung , the managerial financial pressure continues to chip away at it as global capital flows necessary for international success are much more highly concentrated than traditional membership dues and ticket sale revenues� Many fans fight to defend this ideal within clubs but in order to find other ways of having a say in team and stadium culture, many fan bases have taken to the founding of another kind of Verein , namely Fanprojekte (Fritz)� These associations are created as an intermediary between fan groups and the club, often coordinating policies and events in the team’s stadium, for example� Many Fanprojekte also engage in outreach efforts in their locality, offering after-school and community-building programming. The fight for Mitbestimmung thus hinges on understandings of how exactly a sense of meaningful Mitbestimmung is achieved-whether it is primarily through traditional club membership and voting privileges, through financial support of the team and corporate sponsorship, through grassroots engagement in Fanprojekte , or the founding of yet other forms of collectives that dedicate themselves to nurturing particular values and ideals carried out in the community or the stadium (Doidge et al� 165)� By its nature of being contained within contingent limits on both the literal and symbolic playing field, all kinds of political, subcultural, or even hegemonic norms can easily find their way into any Verein’s particular culture� While St� Pauli might currently be a trailblazer in terms of inspiring a culture of committing to inclusive values, we just as often encounter masculine violence in soccer fan cultures around the world� 23 The kind of identity fostered by fandom and membership in a soccer Verein is largely not one that is defined in a political or identitarian sense, as clearly belonging to an in-group or out-group, but rather an identity of putting into practice the navigation of modernity’s tensions� It concerns the practical ability to exist within the tensions of modernity: to both include and demarcate; to embrace contingency and endure necessity; to self-govern and acknowledge higher earthly forces; to strive for self-realization and come up against its social limits� 186 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Notes 1 In the 2023-24 season, FC Bayern München’s eleven-year reign as champion came to an end as Bayer 04 Leverkusen secured the title for the first time. 2 I should note from the outset that this project is strictly focused on the fandom as carried out by fans of club teams, not the German national team� This is for the rather simple reason that fandom as exhibited by club fans is immensely more consistent and involved over time� Arguably, the German national team itself garners the largest single pool of fans, but the national team has no formal tie-in to the fans, unlike club teams� The euphoria for the national team peaks every two years for a major tournament, but the national team does not have shared governance structures, membership, or even a clearly defined ‘home’. For more on national team identification, see Zambon (119—143)� 3 Throughout this essay, I end up switching back and forth between the German term Verein and the English term “association”� Implicit in my word choice is whether I am speaking more narrowly about German associations or associations more broadly� 4 See, for example, Dann (229) on the lacuna in historical research on the broad development of Vereine , especially leading up to German unification in 1871� 5 This idea is taken from Jürgen Habermas, who in turn picks up on Marx’ analysis of capitalist modernity. Habermas is chiefly concerned with the ways in which economic imperatives usurp deeply seated norms that guide communicative action, which he equates with the lifeworld, the background realm of often implicitly agreed-upon norms that make effective communication possible in the first place. See Habermas ( Theorie des kommunikativen Handelns , Bd� 2, 17—295)� 6 Obviously, these two do not always go hand in hand� The active fan and member involvement focused on in this piece is reserved for actual dues-paying members of clubs who prioritize participating in annual meetings and elections� 7 As outlined by Roland Robertson since the 1990s, glocalization describes the two-fold movement by which some cultural phenomena become both more homogenized in the process of Western-dominated globalization and simultaneously maintain or strengthen some local particularity� It is my contention that German soccer is a cultural product that is uniquely positioned within this two-fold movement of globalization and particularization, and that this unique dynamic is also a national one that we can observe in particular lucidity in Germany� See, for example, Robertson (7—8)� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte 187 8 As a historian, Koselleck is primarily invested in identifying problematic tendencies within prevalent theories of historiography, but we can understand this critique as applicable to almost any progressivist understanding of history� On Koselleck’s account, the very notion of historical progress emerges in modernity in the first place. 9 Some of the specific complaints brought up by fans concern (1) the general shift towards profit-orientation at the expense of local custom and tradition entailed by a culture of greater capital investment, (2) the pressure to disperse game times (for greater TV reach) not conducive to fans’ work schedules, (3) the sweeping culture of advertising and naming rights that ignore local customs (especially with regard to stadium naming rights)� 10 This term is most often invoked in the context of European Union politics and describes the degree to which the European Union struggles to convince the various member states’ citizens of the overlapping democratic legitimacy of its institutions. This deficit is often already felt at the national level but increases at the multinational level� See Habermas ( Ach, Europa )� 11 The year 1910 is most frequently invoked, as this was the year in which the soccer players within the larger Turnverein created a committee dedicated to soccer� The goal of forming this subcommittee was to gain acceptance into the local league in order to play in more competitive matches with other soccer teams� See Nagel and Pahl (39—42)� The request for admittance to the Norddeutscher Fuβball-Verband was initially rejected, as the league required application by a larger Spielabteilung , not just a subcommittee of the Verein � The Hamburg-St� Pauli Turnverein indeed followed suit, had their entire games division apply for admittance to the league, and it was thus that the precursor to today’s FC St. Pauli partook in its first league games. The final split from the Turnverein followed in 1924, when the Deutsche Turnerschaft , Germany’s umbrella gymnastics organization, sought to purify itself of the game of soccer and forbade its member in playing in games and sports� This almost certainly accelerated soccer’s ascendancy in popularity, granting gymnastics an ever-shrinking backseat in national popularity� 12 On the growing differentiation of political parties from political Vereine , see Hardtwig (“Verein” 812)� Concerning representation, see Nipperdey (5—7)� 13 “Die sich aus bürgerlichen Mittel- und Unterschichten rekrutierenden Turner und Turnvereine, die vor 1848 die politische Seite der Turn- und Nationalbewegung akzentuiert hatten, distanzierten sich seit dem Reichsgründungsjahrzehnt von der ‘Politik’ und versuchten das ‘Turnen’ als Inhalt und Begriff einer breiten, nationalen Volkskultur des Körpers und der Bewegung 188 Alex Holznienkemper DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0009 zu institutionalisieren. […]. [Es] vollzog sich eine Assimilation des Bürgertums an den Verhaltenskodex des preuβischen Militäradels” (Krüger 423). 14 For greater detail on the history of Turnvereine and nationalization, see Krüger as well as Düding (301—312). 15 Early on, there were two competing entities, the Deutscher Turnerbund and the Demokratischer Turnerbund , both founded around the time of the 1848 Revolution� About twenty years later, the Deutsche Turnerschaft was founded and set the tone for many years to come (Düding 305—308). 16 For example, St� Pauli did not immediately exclude Jews from club membership� Certain other teams, notoriously in southern Germany, were more proactive in pushing the nationalist agenda within their clubs� See Nagel and Pahl (70) as well as Viñas and Parra (35—46)� 17 In England, debates around amateurism and professionalization were already in full force in the late 1800s� Germany lags behind in this development by an astonishing fifty-plus years. For a more detailed discussion, see Zeyringer (145—154)� 18 This is when the DFB implemented the Vertragsspielerstatut (Nagel and Pahl 126)� 19 On these various advertising fronts, see the larger history spelled out in Nagel and Pahl (54—56, 210, 380—381)� 20 For an overview of the ups and downs of the 1970s, both in terms of sportive success and financial mismanagement, see Nagel and Pahl (196—216). 21 This was in response to racist remarks uttered by St� Pauli’s own fans against Nürnberg’s player Souleyman Sane at the beginning of the 1989/ 90 season (Nagel and Pahl 278)� 22 For a systematic analysis of ways in which Mitbestimmung materializes, see Bauers et al� (“Partizipation”)� 23 Whether or not such violence emanates from dues-paying, engaged members, is another question and would be an interesting path of inquiry� But regardless of pertinent data, the phenomenon of football as a mass gathering still seems to draw such destructive tendencies in addition to whatever constructive social cohesion it might foster� Works Cited Abteilungsordnung der Abteilung Fördernde Mitglieder (AFM) im FC St. Pauli von 1910 e.V. 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Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media Sabine Waas College of William & Mary Abstract: Starting in the 1970s, West German athletes were not only competing on the field but also off the field for television commercials, advertisement space, newspaper articles, and lucrative endorsement deals� New consumption patterns and changes in television audiences made it possible for athletes like Franz Beckenbauer to achieve celebrity status in Germany� Beckenbauer and his life achievements paved the way for subsequent soccer generations such as 2014 FIFA World Cup winners Lukas Podolski and Jérôme Boateng� These soccer players, who have a Migrationshintergrund , have gained attention in tabloids, social media, music, and fan forums, elevating them to celebrities� Changes in consumer culture, commercialization of soccer, and technological advancement make a compelling case for re-examining the role of media in constructing and perpetuating German soccer celebrities in the 21 st century� This article examines the depiction of Jérôme Boateng, the first Afro-German World Cup champion, in Germany’s leading sports media ( Das aktuelle Sportstudio, 11 Freunde , and Kicker ), and in Michael Horeni’s 2012 biography of Boateng, Die Brüder Boateng � Keywords: celebrity, soccer, football, Migrationshintergrund , sports media, representation As the most popular sport in Germany, soccer has become part of the collective self-understanding of the nation, as exemplified by the media dubbed events ‘Das Wunder von Bern’ (West Germany’s first FIFA World Cup Championship in 1954), and ‘Das Sommermärchen’ (the fairytale-like rise of the German national team at the 2006 World Cup in Germany)� Soccer’s role in Germany has changed throughout the years, from being a working-class pastime in the Weimar Republic to becoming part of the entertainment industry in West Germany in the 1960s and continuing to be so to this day� 1 Whereas the 1954 iteration of 192 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 the West German national team “expressed a collective identity as 11 friends” (Kaelberer 281), the 1974 squad consisted of star players like Franz Beckenbauer and Günter Netzer, who introduced the era of the sports celebrity in West Germany� Beckenbauer and other players of the 1974 West German soccer team earned the right to be compensated for their participation in the 1974 World Cup in West Germany (Schiller 215)� 2 With the help of his business manager Robert Schwan, Beckenbauer landed numerous endorsement deals and became the “first fully ‘marketized’ German athlete and set the stage for other German top athletes” (Schiller 209)� Not just soccer fans were interested in Beckenbauer anymore� Tabloid readers tried to keep up with Beckenbauer’s celebrity lifestyle, including his three marriages, celebrity friends (e�g�, Henry Kissinger and Andy Warhol), appearances at high society events such as the Vienna Opera Ball, Bayreuth Festival, and Metropolitan Opera in Europe and in the United States� 3 Beckenbauer, who died in January 2024, and his life achievements paved the way for subsequent soccer generations such as 2014 FIFA World Cup winners Lukas Podolski, Jérôme Boateng, and Mesut Özil. 4 This generation, however, adds two new layers to soccer celebrities� Podolski, Boateng, and Özil are considered players “ mit Migrationshintergrund ” (with a migration background), a term referring to people (a) who did not acquire German citizenship at birth or (b) whose parents did not acquire German citizenship at birth (“Personen mit Migrationshintergrund”)� 5 Starting in 2006, Germany’s national team has become more multicultural, which is reflected in the most recent German national team’s squad� 6 As UEFA EURO 2024 was approaching, head coach Julian Nagelsmann fielded nine players mit Migrationshintergrund (including four players with African descent) for the friendly matches against France and the Netherlands in the spring of 2024� 7 This new and diverse soccer generation not only surround themselves with a team of specialists, such as agents and managers, who help them with personal and business matters, but also produce their own content through “ presentational media ” (Marshall “Persona Studies” 157)� This represents a crucial shift from early celebrity coverage, which almost solely relied on “ representational media” (Marshall “Persona Studies” 157), such as film, television, radio, magazines, newspapers, and books� Soccer players are not only spokespeople for various consumer goods but also market themselves as entrepreneurs, philanthropists, designers, musicians, writers, friends of heads of state, and role models for fans� In a capitalist society, “celebrities [function] as both products (the preponderance of celebrity-driven media and commodities) and processes (the pre-eminence of celebrity endorsement)” (Andrews and Jackson 4)� These changes in consumer culture, commercialization of soccer, and technological advancement make a compelling case for re-examining the role of media Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 193 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 in constructing and perpetuating German soccer celebrities in the 21 st century� This article examines the depiction of Jérôme Boateng, the first Afro-German World Cup champion, in Germany’s leading sports magazines ( 11 Freunde and Kicker ), in the sports television show Das aktuelle Sportstudio , and in sport journalist Michael Horeni’s 2012 biography of Boateng, Die Brüder Boateng: Eine deutsche Familiengeschichte ( The Boateng Brothers: A German Family History )� One can become a celebrity in three ways: ascription, achievement, and attribution (Rojek 17)� The “traditional” celebrities follow the logic of lineage (such as royals), whereas achieved celebrities accomplish their status through “perceived accomplishments” (Rojek 18)� Those individuals usually distinguish themselves from others by exceptional talent or skill, such as athletes or actors� If cultural intermediaries like the mass media consider someone ordinary “noteworthy or exceptional,” (Rojek 18) this individual is considered an attributed celebrity. The following question arises: What is the difference between a celebrity and a sports celebrity? To answer this, an engagement with Richard Dyer’s (1979, 1986) analysis of a film star’s function is required. Dyer points to the interplay between the stars’ image as represented through film performances, and as publicized via various media texts, such as fan clubs and promotional material, through which the stars’ “constructed personages” (Dyer Stars 90) become formed in the minds of the consuming audience� Athletes, according to David L. Andrews and Steven J. Jackson, must first demonstrate “performative excellence” (8) to achieve and maintain celebrity status� Therefore, their celebrity status is considered more authentic than others� It is also easier for athletes to become a celebrity due to their “heightened presence and affection within popular consciousness” (Andrews and Jackson 8). David L. Andrews and Bryan Clift apply the filmic differentiation between performers, actors, and stars to the soccer world� The so-called “labourers,” (Andrews and Clift 202) who are equivalent to the performers in the filmic sense, have limited soccer abilities, and attain almost no recognition. A significant level of talent is ascribed to actors and their soccer counterparts, the “players,” who are recognized as key contributors to their respective teams by people within and outside the soccer industry (Andrews and Clift 202)� 8 “Stars” are individual players who stand out, usually play more offensively (normally forwards), and their excellence is “routinely capitalized upon, within the extra-football world, whereby the individual becomes celebritized” (Andrews and Clift 202)� 9 Boateng’s case seems to be the exception to the norm, since he became a celebrity inside (as a defensive player) 10 and outside of the soccer world (brand ambassador for Nike, focal point in gossip magazines, entrepreneur)� Sports celebrity culture has not only separated itself from other cultural areas but has also changed dramatically since the 1960s� Relationships between 194 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 sports celebrities and others were relatively infrequent in the 1950s� 11 Nowadays, relationships between celebrities from different cultural areas seem to be more common, e�g�, David and Victoria Beckham, singer Taylor Swift and Travis Kelce, and model Kate Upton and Justin Verlander� Due to the extension of the sports sphere into other cultural sectors, celebrities now have two options for media coverage, through sports media and the boulevard press� 12 Sports celebrity coverage offers multiple staging opportunities, opens the door to more fans, and depicts the celebrities in a positive light (Bertling 339—40)� In Germany, the nationwide newspaper Bild contributed to celebrity coverage as early as the 1950s but has made it its main emphasis, together with sports, since the 1960s� 13 Being the best-selling European newspaper, it enjoys a high reputation for its sports coverage, but it is also notorious for its gossip, inflammatory language, and sensationalism� The coverage of soccer games changed from printing press and radio to television in 1958, which added to the nationwide popularity of soccer� Television contributed to the prevalence of sports between 1960 and 1980, but television also changed it, making various sports “commodified global spectacles, producing huge audiences and massive new sources of income” (Whannel 206)� The first public television broadcaster ARD and the Deutscher Fußball-Bund (German Football Association; hereafter DFB) signed a contract, allowing ARD to broadcast one club game and two games in total per month (albeit not on a Sunday)� 14 With the introduction of the dual broadcasting system, private broadcasters were competing with public ones over soccer match broadcasting rights� 15 Within the past twenty years, commercialization, professionalization, and globalization have changed the landscape of sports and have contributed to cross-media marketing of associations, institutions, clubs, and soccer celebrities� However, celebrities or their publicists can also present themselves as they wish due to the emergence of social media� Thereby, they produce three forms of self-presentation: the public, public private, and transgressive intimate self� The “public self ” is “the official version” (Marshall “The Promotion” 44) of the celebrity, including semi-official Facebook pages, which share film release dates or event schedules� Publicists are usually in charge of maintaining “the public persona as a valued cultural commodity” (Marshall “The Promotion” 44) of high-profile celebrities. To counter this impersonal image, celebrities tend to use X, formerly Twitter, to present their “public private self ” (Marshall “The Promotion” 44)� X is a platform that enables celebrities to respond immediately and in short texts� However, engaging with the public on a more personal level can also be problematic for celebrities when they are motivated by emotions� This “transgressive intimate self ” (Marshall “The Promotion” 45) can offer new insights into the ‘authentic’ individual celebrity� 16 Social media is one of the Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 195 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 most important tools for promoting personal and sponsor brands as well as for forming a consumer relationship (Filo et al� 167)� To determine the intertextual assembly of German sports media representation, this article focuses on Boateng’s depictions in Horeni’s Die Brüder Boateng: Eine deutsche Familiengeschichte , in prominent German sports magazines ( 11 Freunde and Kicker ), and in the sports television show Das aktuelle Sportstudio � The latter has aired late on Saturday evenings at the German public-service broadcaster ZDF since August 24, 1963� Even though the sports show Sportschau , airing on the public broadcaster ARD , has been broadcasting soccer games since 1961, Das aktuelle Sportstudio was the first German show to connect sports with entertainment elements such as the famous Torwandschießen � 17 It invites major sports stars for in-depth interviews and covers main events from all different sports, but most importantly the Bundesliga � Sports magazine Kicker was founded in 1920 by German soccer pioneer Walther Bensemann� It is published twice per week and primarily focuses on soccer� 11 Freunde was founded in 2000 by Reinaldo Coddou H� and Philipp Köster� It appears monthly and focuses mostly on German and international soccer culture� 18 Jérôme Boateng is one of the most popular sportive representatives of the Afro-German 19 population, a term referring to citizens or residents of Germany with Sub-Saharan African roots� Boateng’s father, Prince Boateng, came from Ghana to Berlin on a university scholarship in the early 1980s but ended up working construction and later DJ’ing to provide for his first wife and his sons, George and Kevin-Prince� Jérôme was born during Prince Boateng’s second marriage in West-Berlin in 1988 and grew up in the middle-class district Charlottenburg� Jérôme could have played for Ghana, like his half-brother Kevin-Prince did, but instead chose to play for Germany, winning the 2009 UEFA U-21 EURO as well as the 2014 World Cup� 20 In March 2019, the then-German national coach Joachim Löw announced a change in the national team, which included a dismissal of Boateng for upcoming international matches� Jérôme began his soccer career with the Berlin-based club Hertha BSC in 2007, just like his half-brother Kevin-Prince� In the summer of the same year, Jérôme transferred to Hamburger SV (HSV)� After three years, he tried his luck at the English team Manchester City FC, but after one season, moved back to Germany where he played for FC Bayern München for ten years. After a twoyear-stint at the French club Olympique Lyon, he has been playing for Italian club U�S� Salernitana 1919 since 2024� His club accomplishments include the “Triple: ” winning the Bundesliga , the German Cup, and the Champion League with FC Bayern München in 2013 and 2020. Boateng achieved his celebrity status rather late with his transfer to FC Bayern München. He first demonstrated his “performative excellence” (Andrews 196 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 and Jackson 8) with his club and later with the national team, but he has mostly maintained celebrity status through his life outside of soccer� Germany’s most prominent sports television show, Das aktuelle Sportstudio , has capitalized on Boateng’s interests outside of soccer (especially music and fashion), inviting him to appear twice, in 2010 and 2016� Both Boateng episodes are hosted by Kathrin Müller-Hohenstein, who has presented Das aktuelle Sportstudio since January 28, 2006, alternating with Sven Voss and Jochen Breyer� Das aktuelle Sportstudio favored a narrative that emphasizes Boateng’s passion for fashion and his unique family history to underscore his rags-to-riches story� The 2010 episode shows Boateng as a naïve, young 21-year-old who is at the beginning of his career� Das aktuelle Sportstudio tried to increase the news value of this Boateng episode by emphasizing his Ghanaian roots and fashion sense� 21 During the 2010 episode a video about Boateng is shown, in which he is practicing soccer wearing a blue outfit, accompanied by the following remark: “The man [Boateng] simply attracts attention, stands out from the crowd, sometimes in terms of color�” (00: 34: 53)� 22 One could say that the commentator makes a statement about his clothing style, since he stands out from the other HSV players who all wear black during practice� However, the sentence could also hint at Boateng’s Ghanaian roots and skin color� The commentator uses the racial reference as a segue to discuss Boateng’s internet presence, revealing scenes from Boateng’s website accompanied by Pharrell Williams’s debut solo single “Frontin�’” Pharrell, together with US rapper Jay-Z, sings about putting up a façade to impress peers, similar to what Boateng is doing. Host Müller-Hohenstein draws attention to his fashion sense and love for rap and hip hop� 23 Hip hop music has contributed to negative stereotypes about Black men being gang-affiliated, violent, misogynistic, and hypersexualized� 24 As John M� Hoberman wrote, in recent years, the “athlete, the gangster rapper, and the criminal [were merged] into a single black male persona that the sports industry, the music industry, and the advertising industry have made into the predominant image of black masculinity” (xviii)� In Boateng’s case, he markets himself as a hip hop loving celebrity athlete with ties to the cosmopolitan city Berlin� His ties to Berlin are emphasized through Boateng’s Migrationshintergrund as well as his family’s history� His half-brother Kevin-Prince, who also grew up in Berlin, would most likely play against Boateng in the 2010 World Cup in South Africa� 25 Müller-Hohenstein emphasizes the novelty of this possible match by pointing out that Boateng’s father would be the first man to have two sons playing against each other in a World Cup game (Kevin-Prince for Ghana and Jérôme for Germany)� Boateng’s uniqueness is further stressed in a video clip shown in Das aktuelle Sportstudio , highlighting two sides of Boateng: elegant celebrity and work- Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 197 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 ing-class athlete� In a tuxedo with an untied bow tie and a background of the famous Berlin TV tower, a burning car, and a soccer ball, stands Boateng as the German version of the fictional character James Bond, an action hero who tries to save Berlin� In the middle of the picture is the title “Danger Zone” with the tagline “Faster! More Dangerous! Braver! The toughest Boateng ever! ” 26 The Boateng presented on the website is only marginally associated with soccer, however, the James-Bond-like poster ties him to elegance, speed, glamour, danger, and his hometown Berlin� In order to simultaneously gain the attention of the working-class target audience, Boateng presents himself in another film-poster-like-photo as a Muhammad Ali or Rocky Balboa type, overcoming the hard life in Berlin to become an international soccer player� 27 In this poster, Boateng wears a blue hoodie and black beanie� The poster’s title reads: “Homeland-from Charlottenburg into the World” with the tagline “Born in Berlin� Roots in Ghana�” 28 Berlin and Ghana are written in bold yellow, just like the title of the film “Heimat.” The tagline continues with “He will never forget his neighborhood�” 29 After the supporting role credits, the pseudo-film poster ends with “Berlinale Publikumspreis 2009.” The Publikumspreis is an audience award, thereby displaying Boateng’s popularity among the German audience� This clash between the elegant, yet aggressive, James Bond and the working-class Rocky Balboa exemplifies the two sides of Boateng that appear to constantly be in conflict (from childhood until his adult life)� Both Daniel Craig’s James Bond and Rocky Balboa have working-class roots� 30 In contrast, Boateng comes from a middle-class family, but grew up with half-brothers from a working-class district in Berlin� Despite his attempt to reposition himself as working-class, Boateng continues to embody middle-class and upper-class characteristics including his above-average personal income, cosmopolitan attitude, and multiple career prospects� As it turns out, the James-Bond-like and Rocky-Balboa-like posters are part of Boateng’s own website, which is quite unusual for such a young player in his early career stage. Müller-Hohenstein questions Boateng about his new marketing strategy seemingly not stemming from any scandals surrounding him� Boateng admits that he wanted to move away from the “bad boy” image not due to scandals but because the media had supposedly labeled him a “ghetto kid” (00: 40: 00)� Here, Boateng exposes the German media’s negative and misconstrued portrayal of people mit Migrationshintergrund growing up in Berlin� Furthermore, Boateng points out his fans as reasons for his web presence, thereby presenting his fans (and the media) with his “public private self ” (Marshall “The Promotion” 44)� His website can be seen as the starting point for Boateng’s new marketing strategy with “presentational media” (Marshall “Persona Studies” 157)� 198 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 In 2016, Müller-Hohenstein invited Boateng again to Das aktuelle Sportstudio � At the time, Boateng had signed with Jay-Z’s Roc Nation Sports agency, started his own magazine, worked as an eyewear designer, and attended numerous high society events such as the Berlinale� 31 Das aktuelle Sportstudio sensationalizes this episode by repeatedly labeling Boateng a World champion, fashion icon, and sneaker collector (mainly Nike)� This 2016 version of Boateng compared to that of six years prior is confident, more outgoing, funny, conversational, and seems to be an international celebrity (00: 00: 40-00: 02: 15)� An intro video shows the soccer player’s path to success from Jérôme to Boateng, reminiscent of the transition from teenager to adult (00: 34: 05-00: 36: 27)� The 2016 episode implies that Boateng’s sporting performance is no longer contingent on maintaining his celebrity status, as required by sports scholars David L. Andrews and Steven J� Jackson (8)� A video introducing Boateng as “a soccer player with style or a styler who can play soccer” 32 (00: 55: 25-00: 57: 03) questions Boateng’s status as a sports celebrity and offers the possibility of him being a celebrity who designs eyewear, plays soccer, and owns a magazine� Das aktuelle Sportstudio ties his activities outside of soccer to his celebrity status, as the New York City footage demonstrates� The camera shows Boateng in a white tank top, sunglasses, white and black baseball cap, gold necklace, watch, Army shorts, and white sneakers in Times Square� The reason for Boateng’s visit to New York City is to meet Jay-Z’s agency, making Boateng the first soccer player ever to promote Jay-Z’s agency internationally� Boateng is not only a soccer player or celebrity, but is trying to establish the brand Boateng internationally, as the black and white footage of a 2015 photo shoot by Berlin star designer Patrick Hellmann suggests� The medium shot is accompanied by the commentator’s words “from a shy Berlin boy to an internationally operating brand�” 33 The extent of his travels makes the international success and marketing of Boateng a compelling case for thinking about the transnational development of sports celebrities in the 21st century� The photo shoot footage paints Boateng not only as a global soccer celebrity, but also suggests that Boateng engages in both dominant male stereotypes and alternative forms of masculinity (Burstyn 45)� While sports in the 19 th century emerged “as an institution of social fatherhood to provide training in manly pursuits-war, commerce, and government,” (Burstyn 45) sexual anxieties (femininity and homosexuality) created the hypermasculine athlete in early 20 th century sports culture� Hypermasculinity is “an exaggerated ideal of manhood linked mythically and practically to the role of the warrior” (Burstyn 4)� Sociologist Eric Anderson argues that “[h]omophobia made hyper-masculinity compulsory for boys, and it made the expression of femininity among boys taboo” (7)� 34 According to Anderson, multiple masculinities develop throughout someone’s life (9)� The focus on traditional masculinity changed, as the emer- Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 199 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 gence of metro sexuality signifies. First introduced by journalist Mark Simpson in 1994, the term describes heterosexual men who mostly pay attention to their looks (highlighting their vanity and narcissism through consumer products), live in the city, have a high income, and like to take care of themselves (Coad The Metrosexual 19)� Simpson revived the discussion about metro sexuality in 2002 and started to link it to sports culture. Soccer offers “the most visible manifestations of the metrosexual movement,” (Coad “Euro” 126) linking metro sexuality with a lifestyle, not a sexual orientation� Soccer player David Beckham is the “ʻposter-boy’ for metrosexuality” (Clayton and Harris 135) in soccer due to his marriage to former Spice Girls band member Victoria Beckham and “his ever-changing hairstyle and his courageous fashion choices” (Clayton and Harris 135)� 35 Boateng exemplifies the metrosexual lifestyle as well, by paying attention to his appearance, living in big cities (e.g., Berlin, Munich, Lyon), and earning a high income� The black and white photo shoot footage of Boateng in Das aktuelle Sportstudio can be interpreted through various binary oppositions: Black/ white, masculine/ feminine, and German/ foreigner� The photo shoot affirms the possibility of being a Black, German soccer player who loves fashion. The traditional masculine characteristics (toughness, soccer talent, powerful celebrity) are contrasted with his more traditionally feminine qualities, such as dressing well and serving as a styling expert during the show� Host Kathrin Müller-Hohenstein notices Boateng’s talent for style and asks him to guess the name of famous athletes only by looking at their clothes and to evaluate their outfits (00: 58: 00-01: 02: 40). 36 Das aktuelle Sportstudio seems like the perfect medium to promote Boateng not as a soccer player but as a celebrity who plans for his time after soccer, when he transitions to being a designer, fashion model, and style expert� By sensationalizing young Boateng and relegating him in 2016 to a styling expert, the German sports television show Das aktuelle Sportstudio exposes its dependence on celebrity culture visually and content-wise� While Das aktuelle Sportstudio exposes its boulevard-press-like coverage of Boateng, the sports magazines Kicker and 11 Freunde mostly cover Boateng in the sportive context, as seen in the discourse surrounding his dismissal from the national team. Then-German national coach, Joachim Löw, decided not to nominate 2014 World Cup winners Thomas Müller, Mats Hummels, and Boateng for the national team in March 2019. This decision was influenced by the poor performance of the German team during the 2018 World Cup. According to Löw, 2019 should mark a new beginning for Germany with young players (Veth)� Boateng is portrayed in Kicker as an “oldie,” whose time has come to retire� 37 This is contrary to the opinion of 11 Freunde editor Tobias Ahrens, who does not agree with Löw’s decision to dismiss the trio, describing it as a panicked step and pointing out Löw’s radical change of attitude. While the readers’ section as well 200 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 as Kicker journalists agree with Boateng’s dismissal, they criticize the timing, manner, and finality of Löw’s decision, calling it a forced goodbye (“Zwangsverabschiedung”) and withdrawal from service (“Ausmusterung”) (Dersch et al� 2)� The militaristic language goes hand-in-hand with the reputation of sporting events in the twentieth century as being “a preparation for military combat and war” (Schiller 2017)� 11 Freunde editor Tobias Ahrens follows the militaristic language pattern by labeling his article “The last service” (“Der letzte Dienst”), however, the overall tone of his article is more favorable towards Hummels, Boateng, and Müller and their accomplishments. While Ahrens describes them as a good investment and deserving national players, Kicker paints them as forced retirees whose masculinities are called into question (“Der Rauswurf und die Reaktionen” 30−1). No reactions from Hummels or Boateng are cited in any Kicker issue. On May 19, 2021, Löw called back Hummels and Müller for the UEFA EURO 2020� Boateng, however, was never invited back� Another rather unexpected news headline made Boateng two months after Das aktuelle Sportstudio in 2016, when he became the target of a verbal rightwing attack from co-leader of the populist party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany; hereafter AfD)� In 2016, Alexander Gauland remarked that Germans do not want someone like Boateng as a neighbor� Whether Gauland was referring to Boateng’s skin color, his Migrationshintergrund , or both is not clear� In the aftermath of this comment, Gauland attacked reporters for quoting him without his approval and accused them of publishing information from an off-the-record conversation. The reporters denied this charge. Gauland’s remark earned him criticism, not just from politicians from the left, sports officials, and other players, but also from his colleagues in the AfD. 38 While the coverage in mass media was extensive, the sports media mainly ignored the incident ( Kicker ) or capitalized on the incident with funny photo galleries ( 11 Freunde )� 11 Freunde published a photo gallery, titled “Wild Germany,” warning AfD members and voters that there are other famous national players posing as neighbors in Germany, such as Mesut Özil, Thomas Müller, Lukas Podolski, and Antonio Rüdiger. The soccer magazine even went so far as to use the neighbor reference in their headline for a German national team game report two weeks after the incident� “Hallo Nachbarn” showcases a photo gallery of numerous Boateng memes, celebrating his brilliant and acrobatic goal line save against Ukraine during the UEFA EURO 2016� In a similar vein, Kicker tried to capitalize on the scandal by using Boateng with a German flag in the background on its June 2 cover, despite the issue only containing one interview with Boateng and paying minimal attention to the Gauland statement� On the cover, there are three Boateng quotations with one indirectly addressing Gauland saying, “I treat every neighbor the same” Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 201 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 (“Boateng: Der Weltmeister im Interview”)� 39 In the beginning of the interview, from which the previous quote stems, chief Kicker journalist Oliver Hartmann states that Boateng asked him to keep any discussion of the Gauland quote to a minimum, since at that point it had been subject of discussion for four days� Hartmann only inquires about Gauland in his last question when he asks Boateng if he would rather have Alexander Gauland or his national teammate Antonio Rüdiger as a neighbor (Boateng 5). Rüdiger, just like Boateng, was born in Berlin and has a German father of African descent� Boateng tells the reporter that he treats every neighbor the same, whether Rüdiger or Gauland. The incongruence of Kicker to have Boateng on its cover but only briefly mentioning the Gauland incident shows how a sports magazine can still capitalize on an unexpected conflict that has nothing to do with sports. Such publications also profit from the audience’s assumptions that Boateng will for the first time publicly respond to Gauland’s remarks� There are two major implications inherent in this kind of framework� On the one hand, representing people mit Migrationshintergrund as passive fits into the bigger picture of depicting migrants. According to Daniel Müller’s survey article, German media paints skilled foreign workers in a less negative light than other male migrants, and athletes even positively (100—2)� Celebrity migrants are portrayed as successful because they are integrated, and their success proves their integration (Zambon 218)� On the other hand, Kicker’s Boateng coverage follows similar negative patterns of news reporting as national media, namely treating migrants as objects instead of subjects (even though Boateng is not a migrant)� 40 Although victimization is the dominant representation of migrant women in German national daily newspapers (Lünenborg et al. 105), 41 the clear distinction between aggressor and victim in the Boateng news coverage creates an “us versus them” pattern of dealing with far-right rhetoric� In both incidents (Gauland and the dismissal from the national team), Boateng disengages from the dialogues, which enables the media to paint him as a victim without a voice� This may be due to the nature of the incidents: Boateng was not required to react to his dismissal from the national team or to Gauland’s remarks and therefore he chose to stay quiet and not engage in this dialogue, even though the media and Boateng’s fans would have welcomed a comment� The only other time Kicker reports on the Gauland incident is when journalist Sebastian Wolff trivializes Gauland’s remark as a derailment (“Entgleisung”), 42 marking the incident as emotional rather than political. Wolff also mistakenly attributes the neighbor quote to Andreas instead of Alexander Gauland (37)� 11 Freunde writer Dirk Gieselmann tries to emotionalize the incident by insulting Gauland as a racist (“in unverhohlen rassistischer Manier”) and moral panic generator (“Moral-Panic-Erzeuger”)� While Gieselmann compliments Boateng’s 202 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 elegance and his spectacular save in the Ukraine match, he admonishes people to not keep Gauland’s name in the news by hashtags like #nachbarboateng� This is ironic, considering 11 Freunde capitalizes on exactly this� Two out of the three articles about the Gauland incident refer to Gauland’s neighbor quote (“Genug der Nachbarschaftshilfe! ” and “Hallo Nachbarn”)� It seems that Kicker and 11 Freunde , despite being sports magazines, do not shy away from using scandals (political, professional, personal life) to increase their circulation� As a celebrity, Boateng has also frequently made headlines in gossip magazines regarding his alleged infidelities (his affair with model Gina-Lisa Lohfink), legal issues with the mother of his twin daughters Sherin Senler, and the suicide of his ex-girlfriend Kasia Lenhardt. In September 2021, a Munich court found Boateng guilty of assaulting Senler in 2018 and he was ordered to pay €1�8 million, later reduced to 1�2 million� 43 Kicker and 11 Freunde seize the opportunity and cover this sensational news story, that has very little to do with sports, as well (“Vorsätzliche Körperverletzung”; Dinkelaker)� It seems that the news factors such as negativity, unexpectedness, references to elite people, and personification, on and off the field, have gained a greater foothold in the sports media sector examined here� Despite being first and foremost a sports journalist, Michael Horeni writes his Boateng biography as a human-interest story that is more about the analysis of German society and discrimination than soccer� Horeni conducted lengthy interviews with Jérôme, his father Prince, his mother Martina, his half-brother George, former youth coaches, professional soccer coaches, former teachers, and Christina, the mother of his half-brothers� 44 Jérôme’s half-brother Kevin-Prince consented to the publication of only a limited amount of information about himself� While there is no academic scholarship on Horeni’s biography about the Boateng brothers, reviews in Germany’s leading national and regional newspapers mostly praise Horeni’s work� The national newspaper Die Welt labels Die Brüder Boateng the “greatest material for a novel” that German sport has to offer (Kämmerlings). According to Süddeutsche Zeitung’s Alex Rühle, the weakness of the biography is Horeni’s unqualified psychological diagnosis of Kevin-Prince, with whom Horeni met only once for one hour� Therefore, the regional newspaper Der Tagesspiegel rightly describes the work as a mix of psychological study, soccer biography, and society portrait (Bartels)� Horeni’s biography favors a rags-to-riches narrative that emphasizes Jérôme’s class affiliation and Migrationshintergrund to underscore the uniqueness of this soccer celebrity� Horeni focuses on the diversity of Berlin society and two of its main districts: Wedding and Charlottenburg� He connects Kevin-Prince and George to the working-class district Wedding, a social hotspot with an above-average proportion of people mit Migrationshintergrund , and Jérôme to the middle-class Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 203 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 neighborhood Charlottenburg, a wealthier area in Berlin that is strongly family-oriented� This narrative of the working-class bad boys and the middle-class “good” boy echoes a duality (working-class versus middle-class) that Jérôme also adapted early in his life� While Horeni associates George and Kevin-Prince with toughness (18), Jérôme is tied to more feminine characteristics, such as gentleness, quietness, and softness� According to Jérôme himself, he went home and cried if he encountered too much roughness in Wedding (Horeni 18)� Horeni argues that middle-class, quiet, fragile Jérôme had to become more like his role model Kevin-Prince in order to be accepted by his half-brothers and the residents in Wedding� This decision made him the defensive player he is today and explains his marketing strategy later in his life (which emphasizes his working-classness rather than middle-class upbringing)� Securing affirmation from his family proved easier than being accepted by German society because Kevin-Prince and Jérôme experienced discrimination based on their skin color, most notably during soccer matches in former East Germany, including East Berlin and Leipzig (Horeni 101—2). Since the 1980s, xenophobic and racist slogans and symbols in soccer stadiums have been on the rise. After the reunification of West and East Germany in 1990, racially motivated violence against migrants increased dramatically, including discrimination among soccer fans� 45 The landscape has since changed after the establishment of antiracist fan initiatives such as Fans against Racism in Europe (FARE) and the introduction of the so-called “Ultras” in soccer culture� 46 For Ultras, as opposed to hooligans whose primary interest is violence, the main objective is to show their support in the stadium (wearing the teams’ colors, singing chants, perform choreography, etc�) but also to criticize club leadership and engage in illegal pyrotechnics� 47 People mit Migrationshintergrund have experienced discrimination due to their ethnic roots as studies show� For example, in soccer, players mit Migrationshintergrund are provoked and discriminated more often than other players (Blaschke)� Sometimes they are even punished more severely in sports courts than others (Blaschke). Rainer Geißler identifies the ethnic origin of employees as a key factor in the selection process of some companies (“Migration und Integration”). While Germany needs workers to fill many empty positions as craftsmen, caregivers, logistics experts, and academics in order to compete economically, especially young people with a Turkish and/ or Arab background experience difficulties in the job market, in the school system, and in advancing in their careers� 48 To further address the issues of discrimination, the first comprehensive study that deals with perspectives and experiences of Black, African, and Afro-diasporic people in Germany was conducted under the name “Afrozenus�” In the 2021 survey, almost 6,000 people out of a total of one million people of African origin, who are estimated to live in Germany, participated� 204 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 The survey attested that racism is widespread in Germany, whether it is at school, at university, or in the police academy (“‘#Afrozensus’”)� The discrimination and disadvantages that the African or diasporic population face in daily life and soccer align with findings for people mit Migrationshintergrund in general� Horeni and others continue to racialize players mit Migrationshintergrund � In Horeni’s eyes, citizenship by descent ( ius sanguinis ) 49 qualifies soccer players like Lukas Podolski, who was born in Poland to grandparents who had German citizenship prior to World War II, be classified together with other “ethnic” German players (like Beckenbauer) who were born in (West) Germany (58—9)� In contrast, Jérôme, who has a German mother and was born in West Germany, has to fight to be accepted as a German due to his Ghanaian roots. Horeni includes a direct quotation from Jérôme in the biography, highlighting the daily struggles of players mit Migrationshintergrund : “When you play for Germany […] and everything goes perfectly, then people say: ‘Those are Germans� They have a lot of Germanness in them�’ But if something bad happens, […] [t]hen nothing is German anymore” (33)� 50 A similar accusation was made by former soccer player Mesut Özil in his resignation statement from the German national team in 2018, saying, “When we win, I am German� When we lose, I am an immigrant” ( Jones)� Ben Carrington sees this paradox also in Black British athletes who represent England and are at the same time victimized for it (108)� These examples indicate citizenship cannot only be classified as formal (government-granted), but also moral (societally-granted) 51 and circumstantial, shifting with the tides of the team’s success� To adapt to the lack of full acceptance, people mit Migrationshintergrund identify in different ways. George Boateng, for example, sees himself as neither German nor Ghanaian, but rather as a Berliner (a person from Berlin)� The exclusionary effect of the statistical term “ Migrationshintergrund ” separates parts of Germany’s population from the cultural mainstream� As a result, people mit Migrationshintergrund self-identify regionally (e�g�, George) or in Jérôme’s case as a transnational celebrity with ties in Berlin, Ghana, and the United States� 52 This case study shows that entertainment and business industry have been integral parts within the world of soccer, which is reflected in how the German sports media operates and covers news stories� Soccer’s media presence has increased due the privatization of German television in 1987, changing consumption patterns (increasing leisure sector, expanding consumerism, etc�), and new forms of presenting and staging soccer events (focusing on entertainment and show elements)� This is especially visible in the sports television show Das aktuelle Sportstudio (structure and content) and also manifests itself in the news story selections of 11 Freunde and Kicker. Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 205 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 Commercialization, professionalization, gender role liberalization, and technological changes have contributed to a new definition of what it means to be an athlete and sports celebrity in the 21 st century� Establishing your own businesses, creating foundations, and writing books seems to be the norm rather than the exception nowadays� Players cater to the expectations of male and female fans but also must comply with the expectations of sponsors (team and personal)� While (hyper)masculine traits are still regarded as the epitome of athleticism, discussions of gender and sexuality in society have changed the landscape of soccer celebrity culture, making it acceptable to engage in activities considered more feminine (e�g�, following fashion trends and working as a male styling expert)� Boateng’s media portrayal seems to fit into the bigger picture of sports celebrities like David Beckham� People can connect with the multifaceted Beckham due to his family, soccer, fashion, and financial achievements. Boateng seems to attain similar fame through relationships with models (e�g�, Kasia Lenhardt, Gina-Lisa Lohfink), associations with prestigious soccer clubs (e.g., Manchester City, FC Bayern München), and deals with multinational sponsors (e�g�, Nike)� However, Boateng’s rise is told as a rags-to-riches story from the perspective of a working-class man mit Migrationshintergrund instead of focusing on his middle-class upbringing� Both his rejection by his brothers (transition to working-class traits) and later by German society and media (racism) made Boateng transform from “ghetto kid” to the working-class trendsetter and nowadays “bad boy�” As a result, he can engage with the clothing style of working-class men from an entirely different position. It is Boateng’s ability to utilize his class affiliation and his attempts to turn it into cultural capital that arguably renders his supposedly working classness desirable� Boateng as a brand sells because he is constructed and represented with traditional (toughness, working-class) and non-traditional (fashion sense, quietness) elements of masculinity� However, soccer has become irrelevant for Boateng’s celebrity status� As soon as a player’s brand is established and recognized by the media, the athlete’s status is not dependent on soccer anymore; however, to achieve this, excellent performance on the soccer field as well as a good marketing strategy off the pitch are necessary� Boateng’s case shows how identity markers such as race, ethnicity, nationality, sexuality, and class can be used in favor or against the player to establish them as a German (sports) celebrity� 206 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 Notes 1 Television shows such as Das aktuelle Sportstudio , among others, helped soccer’s rise to mainstream culture� 2 Bonuses were paid before 1974, but nothing was ever expected� West German soccer functionaries reluctantly agreed to a 60,000 DM (German mark) bonus for winning the title, which they had to pay after West Germany’s 1974 World Cup victory. German mark was the official currency of West Germany from 1948 to 1990 (60,000 DM would be ~$32,000 nowadays)� 3 Brazilian forward and soccer legend Pelé helped to ignite a soccer boom in the United States in the 1970s that opened the doors for European top players in the Major League Soccer (MLS). Players such as Beckenbauer, Giorgio Chinaglia, and Carlos Alberto came to US soccer clubs like New York Cosmos to play for the remainder of their soccer careers� For his involvement and influence, Pelé was named the Honorary President of the New York Cosmos in 2010� 4 Podolski was born in Poland but emigrated to West Germany in 1987� He is considered an Aussiedler , because Podolski’s paternal grandparents had German citizenship prior to World War II� Özil was born in Gelsenkirchen� His grandfather came to West Germany as a Turkish guest worker� 5 As there is no adequate English translation for ‘ mit Migrationshintergrund ,’ I will use the German term� In 2005, the statistical term “ mit Migrationshintergrund ” was introduced for the annual census of one percent of German households� It was discovered that almost sixteen million Germans have a Migrationshintergrund . The current definition reads as follows: “Zur Bevölkerung mit Migrationshintergrund zählen alle Personen, die die deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit nicht durch Geburt besitzen oder die mindestens ein Elternteil haben, auf das dies zutrifft” (“Personen mit Migrationshintergrund”)� 6 Among the World Cup champions of 1954 were three people who were not born in West Germany: Jupp Posipal (Rumania), Fritz Laband (Poland), and Richard Herrmann (Poland)� But it took the national team twenty more years to let the first non-white player, Erwin Kostedde, start for the Federal Republic� He was followed by Jimmy Hartwig in 1979� Both were children of American GIs and German mothers� 7 Antonio Rüdiger, Jonathan Tah, İlkay Gündoğan, Jamal Musiala, Benjamin Henrichs, Waldemar Anton, Bernd Leno, Marc-André ter Stegen, and Deniz Undav� 8 This could be players like defender Niklas Süle (Borussia Dortmund), who has been nominated for the German national team since 2016� Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 207 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 9 Andrews and Clift use “stars” as a synonym for “celebrity” in this case� Cristiano Ronaldo would be a good example� 10 In 2016, he was voted “Footballer of the Year” in Germany� This award is determined by a poll of German soccer journalists and the sports magazine Kicker � 11 Joe DiMaggio and Marilyn Monroe in the United States were one of the exceptions to the rule� 12 While women tend to engage with celebrity coverage, sports coverage is targeted at men (Bertling 335)� 13 The boulevard media outlet was created in 1952 and its chief editor Peter Boenisch made the change from political to celebrity and sports coverage� It is equivalent to the British “The Sun�” 14 Just how influential national broadcast rights are for sports was demonstrated by the American Basketball Association (ABA)� Founded in 1967, the ABA was extremely popular with fans but struggled financially due to bad business decisions, such as no copyright for the popular, red-white-blue ball, and a lack of television contracts� The National Basketball Association (NBA) finally agreed to a merger in 1976 and picked four out of seven teams (Denver Nuggets, the Indiana Pacers, the New York (later Brooklyn) Nets, and the San Antonio Spurs) to join the league� 15 Paying forty million DM in 1989, the private broadcaster RTL plus bought the exclusive rights to air Germany’s top soccer league, the Bundesliga , during the 1988/ 1989 season� From then on, the rights switched back and forth between private and public broadcasters� This was only possible, because the Bundesverfassungsgericht (Federal Constitutional Court) allowed public and private broadcasters to co-exist since 1987� 16 An example for this kind of self would be Elizabeth Taylor’s tweet in response to Michael Jackson’s death, expressing her grief and close relationship� 17 At the end of the show, the invited guest(s) and a person from the audience (who is pre-selected by Das aktuelle Sportstudio for their ability to score a goal or other football skills) are competing against each other at a goal target practice wall� If the challenger wins, the person receives a voucher for the sports company Decathlon� 18 It is equivalent to the British soccer magazine “When Saturday Comes�” 19 Writers May Ayim et al� decided on the term “Afro-German” with the help of African American activist Audre Lorde. In the mid-1980s, texts by Black German writers such as May Ayim and Kartharina Oguntoye, began to emerge in West Germany� E�g�, Farbe bekennen: Afro-deutsche Frauen auf den Spuren ihrer Geschichte (1986)� 208 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 20 Kevin-Prince played for Ghana from 2010 until 2014, after going through all German national youth levels� 21 In 1965, Johan Galtung and Mari Holmboe Ruge defined a taxonomy of twelve news factors that they regard as determining the selection of news: frequency (when an event follows or fits the publication cycle); threshold (greater intensity is better); unambiguity; meaningfulness (relevance and cultural proximity); consonance (predictability of the newsworthiness of the event); unexpectedness (or rare event); continuity; composition (selection of an event based on the format or content of a newspaper/ broadcast); reference to elite nations; reference to elite people; reference to persons (personification); and reference to something negative (65—71). 22 “Der Mann fällt eben auf, ragt aus der Masse auch gern mal farblich�” 23 In 2018, Boateng, alias “Notorious JB” (a reference to the late rapper The Notorious B�I�G), gives free space to his creativity in a rap video with English actor and comedian Jack Whitehall� It is part of an unscripted comedy series that sees Whitehall take some of the biggest names in soccer out of their comfort zones (Whitehall)� 24 For more information, see, e�g�: Oware; Stephens and Few� 25 Germany actually played and won against Ghana 1-0 in the 2010 World Cup� 26 “Schneller! Gefährlicher! Mutiger! Der härteste Boateng, den es je gab! ” 27 Muhammad Ali is one of the greatest heavyweight boxers of all time� Rocky Balboa is a fictional character, portrayed by Sylvester Stallone in the Rocky film series. Rocky Balboa comes from a working class Italian American family in Philadelphia. Starting out as a club fighter for a local loan shark, Balboa became a professional boxer� 28 “Jérôme Boateng in: Heimat - Von Charlottenburg in die Welt�” “Geboren in Berlin� Die Wurzeln in Ghana�” 29 “Er wird sein Viertel nie vergessen�” 30 Daniel Craig portrayed the James Bond character on the film screen during that time� 31 The Berlinale is one of the biggest European film festivals, together with the Venice Film Festival and Cannes Film Festival� 32 “Ein Fußballer mit Style oder ein Styler, der auch Fußballspielen kann�” 33 “Vom schüchternen Berliner Jungen zur international agierenden Marke.” 34 Persisting homophobia in the 1980s and 1990s (in part due to the AIDS crisis) gave academics the opportunity to study the relationship between masculinity and sports, with a focus on homophobia (e�g�, Plummer)� Even though the public discourse surrounding the first coming-out of a homosexual German soccer player, Thomas Hitzlsperger, was positive, homosexual- Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media 209 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 ity is still not normalized in professional German soccer� Hitzlsperger came out as homosexual in 2014 after he retired from German soccer� 35 Ellis Cashmore and Andrew Parker argue that Beckham signifies the “ʻnew-lad’/ ʻdad-lad’ (soccer hero, fashionable father, conspicuous consumer— some would argue, all round, cosmetically conscientious ʻmetrosexual’) while still demonstrating vestiges of ʻold industrial man’ (loyal, dedicated, stoic, breadwinning)” (225)� 36 Among those celebrities who Boateng evaluated are former Borussia Dortmund player Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang, former basketball player Dirk Nowitzki, former Formula One driver Sebastian Vettel, former teammates David Alaba and Thomas Müller, and soccer icon David Beckham. 37 Reporter Hartmann summarizes his performance as only sporadically world champion-like, even though he helped to shape a decade of international matches (2)� See also “Reaktionen” and Holzschuh� 38 The Gauland statement received considerable mass media attention and served as a point of departure for various debates surrounding right-wing criticism of German players mit Migrationshintergrund � E�g�, Weiland; “Mit Boateng-Trikot gegen Gauland�” 39 “Ich behandle jeden Nachbarn gleich�” 40 Sociologist Rainer Geißler has extensively analyzed the depiction of migrants in German media� They are displayed as criminals and terrorists, burdens for the state, and as “problem groups�” He further points out the predominantly one-sided negative view of Muslims and Islam in the tabloid Bild and the news magazine Der Spiegel , similar to the Time magazine in the United States (Geißler “Mediale Integration” 11—12)� 41 This representation of migrant women depends not only on the newspaper but also on the department, topic, and time of reporting� Gender relations, sexist practices, and sexual violence feature prominently in assessing Germany’s migrant population and in particular male Muslims and people from Turkey (Wigger 266)� 42 It can also be translated as a faux pas or slip of the tongue� 43 In 2023, Boateng won the appeal, resulting in a new trial (starting in June 2024)� 44 Horeni works for the German national newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ)� 45 This negative attitude towards migrants and foreigners decreased between 2002 and 2012 in Western Germany but increased in Eastern Germany, according to a study by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (Geißler “Migration und Integration”)� 46 The term and movement originated in 1960s Italy, but it has been used worldwide to describe predominantly organized fans of association soccer 210 Sabine Waas DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0010 teams. These fanatic supporters, who have a tendency to use flares, banners, and chants to create an intimidating atmosphere for the opposing team in a stadium, distanced themselves from the violent and racist incidents in the 1990s (Sommerey 53)� 47 The first German Ultra group, “Fortuna Eagles” was founded in 1986 and in support of the soccer team Fortuna Köln (Sommerey 61)� In 1993, fans, fan clubs, and magazines formed the first anti-racism organization in Germany, called Bündnis Aktiver Fußballfans (BAFF), which is part of the FARE network� The relationship between hooligans and Ultras has been a strained and culminated in hooligan attacks in 2007 (Bremen) and 2008 (Essen) (Brunssen and Claus 159)� 48 Twice as many people mit Migrationshintergrund are unemployed (compared to Germans without Migrationshintergrund )� Twenty-six percent of the Turkish population has no high school diploma and forty-five percent has the Hauptschulabschluss , the lowest education degree in Germany (Noll and Weick 3)� 49 The 1913 Reichs- und Staatsangehörigkeitsgesetz (citizenship law) took the father’s nationality as the deciding factor for determining the child’s citizenship. Only from 1975 onward could the mother influence the child’s German nationality� It took the German government until the year 2000 to revise German citizenship law� The territorial principle ( ius soli ) allows children, who were born in Germany to non-German parents, to acquire German citizenship under the condition that at least one of the non-German parents had resided legally for a minimum of eight years in Germany (Diez and Squire 568)� 50 “Wenn du für Deutschland spielst […] und alles läuft positiv, dann sagt man: ‘Das sind Deutsche� Die haben viel Deutsches�’ Aber wenn etwas Schlechtes passiert […] [d]as ist dann alles nicht mehr deutsch�” 51 Using the Netherlands as a case study, Willem Schinkel looks at access to citizenship among migrants and presents citizenship as a chance for migrants to choose to belong to Dutch society (moral citizenship)� According to Schinkel, citizenship is tied to people adhering to practices of the dominant culture and becoming an “active citizen�” In addition, people who want to become or already are formal citizens must show their loyalty to be considered a “good citizen�” The chance for migrants to show their loyalty involved in moral citizenship is the ultimate goal for immigrants (17—22)� 52 The concept of transmigrants goes back to Glick Schiller and Szanton Blanc, who define them as individuals who have “multiple relations-organizational, religious, and political-that span borders� Transmigrants take actions, make decisions, and feel concerns, and develop identities within social networks that connect them to two or more societies simultaneously” (Schiller et al� 1—2)� Celebrity and Athlete? 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Whannel, Garry� “Television and the Transformation of Sport�” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 625�1 (2009): 205—18� Whitehall, Jack. “ʻMannschaft’ Music Video ft. Jérôme Boateng | Jack Whitehall: Training Days�” YouTube, 25 May 2018� Web� https: / / www�youtube�com/ watch? v=YFHlo- GyLjYQ/ 15 May 2024. Wigger, Iris� “Anti-Muslim Racism and the Racialisation of Sexual Violence: ‘Intersectional Stereotyping’ in Mass Media Representations of Male Muslim Migrants in Germany�” Culture and Religion 20�3 (2019): 248—71� “Wild Germany�” 11 Freunde, 30 May 2016� Web� https: / / www�11freunde�de/ international/ premier-league/ wild-germany-a-32cd7dc4-0004-0001-0000-000000318954/ 31 March 2024� Wolff, Sebastian. “Kicker-Kulisse.” Kicker 30 May 2016: 37� Zambon, Kate. “Celebrity Migrants and the Racialized Logic of Integration in Germany�” Popular Communication 19�3 (2021): 207—21� Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Difference 2 1 5 DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Difference Kate Zambon University of New Hampshire Abstract: Sport-and particularly football-is commonly seen as a technology for targeting “at-risk” populations and cultivating happy multicultural communities� Using discourse theoretical analysis, this study explores the intersection of race and gender in the public relations materials for the annual Integration Prize awarded by the German Football Association (DFB) and Mercedes-Benz. In the prize texts, the national sport transcends difference to transform racialized populations, symbolizing the virtues of the national ethos. The prize narratives involve the transformation of disaffected and thus risky populations into happy, liberated, and productive multicultural assets to the national project� The overarching pedagogy focuses on self-discipline, social competency, and hard work� However, they diverge on crucial points across gender� The corpus singles out boys for deviant behaviors like aggression and criminality� Meanwhile, it targets girls for liberation from traditional patriarchal cultures that presumably dominate Muslim communities� Analysis shows that football integration discourse ignores both structural inequality-economic and ethnic-and the patriarchal gender norms that suffuse majority German football culture. Keywords: Germany, youth, affect theory, race, gender, discourse analysis, sport, football, soccer, immigration, multiculturalism, sport for development In the decades following the introduction of birthright citizenship in Germany in 2000, policymakers and public institutions turned their attention from “segregationist” approaches to immigration to embrace new “integrationist” approaches (see Süssmuth). As the focus of German migration policy shifted from repatriation to management and regulation, sports, and above all football, emerged as a primary locus of integration discourse and, relatedly, German national identity construction� This study explores the intersection of discourses 216 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 of race and gender in the public relations materials for the annual Integration Prize awarded by the German Football Association (DFB) and Mercedes-Benz from 2007 to 2017� Politicians and DFB leaders joined together to promote football as the “engine of integration,” celebrating elite athletes of color for embodying “lived integration” ( gelebte Integration )� Certainly, sports participation-like other types of civic and community engagement-can make concrete impacts on the wellbeing of young people and adults, including those from ethnically, religiously, and economically marginalized groups� However, when mobilized as part of corporate and political communication, narratives of sport integration targeting young people also construct the national self through and against its “others�” Contrary to mythologies of sport integration, Spaaij and colleagues find in their review of the research on sport for social inclusion that “the gender, racial and national hierarchies that sport is embedded within interact to largely prevent sport from being a site for social mobility” (400)� However, rather than addressing the complex question of the direct impacts of sport on social inequality, the focus of the present study is on the symbolic discursive function of sport integration in national “mythologies” (Barthes)� The stories of “successful integration” selected for the Integration Prize imagine football as a technology for transforming supposedly dysfunctional multi-ethnic spaces and populations into optimized cosmopolitan communities. They affirm the legitimacy of values and norms that are framed as German, and more broadly Western, as optimal for collective life while celebrating productive and consumable forms of difference. After the implementation of limited birthright citizenship at the turn of this millennium, integration exploded in Germany as a new cottage industry� It was incorporated into corporate social responsibility and social marketing campaigns, the missions of non-profit organizations, and awards programs ranging from local communities up to the federal government and even the glitzy Bambi media awards� These programs align with the framework established in the federal government’s 2007 National Integration Plan� The plan emphasized sport in its strategy for addressing the perceived “integration deficits” of a significant proportion of people with a so-called “migration background”-an umbrella term that conflates immigrants and people with transnational traces in their appearance or names who are often called “migrants,” but who were in fact born and raised in Germany-all of whom are differentiated from the unmarked category of “Germans,” who are implicitly coded as white, Christian, and native-born� As Alyosxa Tudor argues, the ascription of migration to certain groups-a process Tudor calls “migrantisation” (30)-also entails a wide range of power relations, overlapping with racism when the target populations are also marked as “non-European�” DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Football integration targets all migrantized groups, from immigrant Russian “ Spätaussiedler” 1 to third-generation native-born Turkish-Germans� However, it does not target all migrantized groups equally� By rendering Muslims and Germans of color as the primary targets of integration, discourses of football integration demonstrate distinctions between migrantization, which relates to all people seen as migrants, and racialization, which marks Muslims and people of color as permanently foreign� Football integration discourses overwhelmingly invest in the positive affective project of creating “happy multiculturalism” (Ahmed, “Multiculturalism and the Promise of Happiness”)� However, they do so by constructing groups of “perpetual migrants”-particularly those associated with Turkish and Muslim cultures-as a problem to be solved� This article explores the gendered and racialized discourses of sport integration in the DFB’s Integration Prize as part of its corporate partnership with Mercedes-Benz� Using discourse theoretical analysis (Carpentier and De Cleen) and computer-assisted inductive coding, I analyzed publicity materials produced for the awards from 2008 to 2014 2 along with the DFB’s “Integration Policy” (2008), Integration A-Z reference book (2011) written by experts and academics, and “Integration Handbook” (2013)� The prize brochures were the primary focus of the analysis� These public relations booklets written and published by the DFB include statements from politicians, and representatives from Mercedes-Benz and the DFB, along with interviews and articles featuring the year’s prize recipients� They also include advertisements for Mercedes-Benz and promotion of the men’s national football team� The highly remunerated prizes were divided in three categories: schools, clubs, and municipal and independent providers� The prize brochures produced by the DFB’s public relations team profile the firstthrough third-place winners in each category� The core jury of nine included DFB functionaries, and representatives from Daimler AG and the federal government. DFB ‘integration officers’ from the 21 regional associations weighed in on the final selection. The Integration Prize demonstrates the political establishment’s investment in football as a tool for targeting minoritized populations, as indicated by the active participation of federal politicians, including chancellor Angela Merkel’s participation as guest of honor in the 2012 award gala in Berlin� To better contextualize the gendered and racialized discourses of football integration, we must first explore the symbolic function of sports for national identity construction and the role that gender plays in this constellation� Then we must understand how football is gendered in the context of the majority German public to Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 217 218 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 identify the ways that racialized discourses of sport integration complement or contradict those norms� Not all sports are equal in their symbolic potency. With the massification of sport over the course of the nineteenth century and its mediatization in the twentieth, the emergence of a “national sport” or “national pastime” became a nearly universal feature of modern national mythologies� As sociologist Joseph Maguire has shown, which sport holds the strongest national significance in any country is a contested question that shifts over time and with the advances of globalization, sports from imperial centers are frequently reterritorialized and indigenized to become the national symbols of others� The English game of football is the most spectacular example of this phenomenon, which spread across the European continent and the globe starting in the late nineteenth century to become the most popular national sport in most of the world. This diffusion demonstrated both the cultural power of European empires and the local agency in grassroots adaptations of transnational sporting and leisure practices (Brown; Collins; Dubois; Murray). Although the British imagined the global diffusion of their sport practices as a means of spreading British notions of civilization, the most successful aspect of their export was “the social technology of sport […] as a language for defining nationhood” (Dyreson 102), effectively globalizing modern nationalism� In the formation of modern nations, sport has long played an outsized role in forming distinctions between and within societies, delineating class boundaries and constructing their gendered norms and ideals (Hobsbawm, “Mass-Producing Traditions: Europe, 1870-1914”)� In scholarship on national identity and the cultural politics of sport, there is a persistent pattern establishing the most symbolically powerful national sporting domains as a “male preserve” (Maguire 411). This point appears so self-evident that it is often mentioned off-hand, as in Hobsbawm’s seminal assessment of sport’s role in the twentieth century rise of mass mediated nationalism: What has made sport so uniquely effective a medium for inculcating national feelings, at all events for males, is the ease with which even the least political or public individuals can identify with the nation as symbolized by young persons excelling at what practically every man wants, or at one time in life has wanted, to be good at� The imagined community of millions seems more real as a team of eleven named people� The individual, even the one who only cheers, becomes a symbol of his nation himself� (Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 143) With his reference to the eleven men on the national football pitch, Hobsbawm emphasizes the place of men’s football at the top of the national symbolic hier- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 219 archy� And while women have actively engaged with football-as both players and spectators-since its earliest days (Collins), in so-called “football nations” (Dawson et al�) their participation has primarily been discursively framed in support of masculinist mythologies (Emonds), “for the practices of nationhood and national identity are also the expression of male identity” (Maguire 411)� This observation helps explain the stark differences in the gendered associations of football in contexts where it is popularly conceived as a “national sport,” as compared to those-such as the United States-where other sports reign supreme in national sporting mythologies� As Markovits argues, “while American women entered a field that was largely empty of men, mainly because the sport itself was culturally marginal, European women had to work their way into a field dominated by men” (7). In amateur football in the U.S., participation rates across genders are approximately equal, and football has traditionally been considered a sport that is equally appropriate across the hegemonic gender binary 3 (Knoppers and Anthonissen; Markovits and Hellerman)� While the US women’s national team (USWNT) enjoys much greater success and recognition than the mediocre men’s team, disparities in their pay and working conditions show that while women may become international sports heroes representing the nation, they are still subject to the masculinist hegemony of sports institutions and media (Cintron et al�; McConnell et al�)� The early exit of the two-time defending champion USWNT from the 2023 World Cup was celebrated by the American right (for example by Breitbart's Dylan Gwinn), particularly since the USWNT openly advocated for equal pay and anti-racist causes� This demonstrates that although football may not be a male domain everywhere, whoever adopts the mantle of national sports hero and challenges the “white supremacist capitalist patriarchy” (118), in the immortal words of bell hooks, does so at their peril� In Germany, elite women footballers have not yet dented the masculinist hegemony of the national sporting imaginary, despite being second only to the Americans in their accumulation of World Cup titles and Olympic medals� While men’s football became a keystone of postwar national mythology in West Germany, German women were banned from organized football by the German Football Association until 1970� During most of the twentieth century, football was an exclusively masculine domain in Germany and across Europe (Pfister; Pfister et al.; Marschik). Even after the official ban on participation was lifted, institutional and cultural norms continued to support gender disparities in visibility and material resources� Ingrained inequalities do not simply evaporate after the end of a formal ban, as evidenced by the egregious, DFB-sanctioned sexualization of the German women’s team during the German-hosted 2011 World Cup (Markovits)� European Women’s football programs are increasingly competitive at the elite level, as was evident in the 2023 FIFA World Cup� How- 220 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 ever, amateur participation rates skew heavily in favor of men� In 2016, girl’s and women’s teams made up only 7�7% of football clubs in Germany ( Mitglieder-Statistik 2016 )� Until very recently, the extreme gender disparity in football participation nationwide did not warrant serious concern on the DFB website� In 2022, the DFB shifted its approach to women’s and girls’ football, unveiling a new initiative to address the long-standing gender inequalities at every level of the sport. The DFB homepage reflects this new approach, with photos and features of women’s teams appearing alongside the men on the front page, no longer ignored or segregated. This concern offers hope for change but is also long overdue, since between 2010 and 2022, the number of amateur girls teams dropped by nearly half ( Frauen Im Fußball FF27 )� The gender disparities in European women’s football are also attracting unprecedented attention in scholarship. Building on the foundational work of scholars like Gertrud Pfister and Matthias Marschik, recent scholarship has explored football as a privileged locus of constructing gender and sexuality in Germany and Europe (Sobiech and Gentile; Hofmann and Krüger; Hüser; Keller; Bangor; Faust). The intersection of gender and race in the cultural and national politics of European football remains underexplored� In stark contrast to this longstanding neglect of women’s football generally, sport integration discourse in the government and DFB texts analyzed below frame girls’ participation as a central problem with broader social implications, both as a reflection of and as a technology to change the presumed patriarchal norms of immigrant communities� The key to sport as a technology of identity formation and reform is its affective function� As Ismer argues, through its capacity to evoke collective emotions, sport is one of the most effective ways of moving the nation “from the head (imagined community) to the heart (loved nation)” (549)� In terms of cultural representation, sport offers a repertoire of stories with affective transformation as the central plot� For the normative national majority, international football spectacle forges community through the “collective effervescence” (Durkheim) of simultaneous spectatorship and the attachment to collective memories of past victories (Anderson; Emonds; Ismer)� The other side of the coin in this self-affirming football mythology is the discourse targeting Germany’s internal ‘others�’ When targeting internal others, the focus shifts to all the things sports and football can do, largely by attracting young people through their passions� The framing of sport as an attractive agent of social transformation drives the titles of sport integration projects. Program names like “Start-Sport überspringt kulturelle Hürden,” “Fußball ist das Tor zum Lernen,” “Integration von Mädchen durch Sport,” and “Gol-Fußball verbindet” 4 set up football as a natural force of DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 221 social transformation. Likewise, celebratory proclamations of functionaries of football, politics, and civil society frame football as the active subject, such as: Der Fußball erreicht Jungen und Mädchen verschiedener ethnischer und sozialer Herkunft� 5 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 3) Fußball fördert soziale Kompetenzen und vermittelt Werte wie Teamgeist und Verlässlichkeit� 6 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 9) Fußball lehrt wichtige Werte und stärkt Charakter� 7 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 11) [Fußball] ist Sprachschule und Medium für den Transport von wichtigen Werten. 8 ( 2012 Integrationspreis 20) The stories of sport integration told through the DFB Integration Prize texts and the National Integration Plan are not heroic epics where the (male) audience sees idealized versions of themselves reflected in elite athletes in the national colors� Instead, the hero of these sport integration stories is the national sport itself, which transcends ethnic difference to transform racialized populations, symbolizing the values and virtues of the national ethos� As the following textual analysis will show, the types of transformation idealized in these stories encapsulate how “unintegrated” boys and girls, men and women are differentially imagined within what Pitter and Andrews call the “social problems industry” (86)� The stories of football integration in the prize texts revolve around the affective transformation of disaffected, repressed, mistrustful and thus risky populations into grateful, happy, liberated, and productive multicultural assets to the national project� The narratives of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize imagine a variety of subjects, which can be traced in the types of descriptors used to delineate the targets of integration and how they fit into society at large. The football programs highlighted by the prize focus overwhelmingly on young people and their families� The most frequently mentioned subject in the corpus-and sixth overall in word frequency-is Mädchen 9 (215) followed by a variety of subject terms modified by the term Migrationshintergrund 10 (155)� For comparison, together Jungen and Jungs 11 were only mentioned eighty-seven times� This disparity in explicit mentions of gender was even greater when referring to adults (69 to 25 favoring the mention of women versus men)� The focus on families is also evident in the word frequencies, with a strong emphasis on Eltern 12 (92) and other familial terms. Reflecting the status of football integration as a nation-building project, other top descriptors in the corpus were variations of “ deutsch *” (180) 13 and Deutschland (88)� As described in the publicity materials celebrating the honorees, selected programs target families as the first locus of social reproduction within a highly 222 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 gendered framework� The pedagogy applied to girls and boys share many of the same goals-foremost among them, the cultivation of self-discipline, social competency, and a strong work ethic� However, they diverge on crucial points. The corpus singles out boys for reform of deviant behaviors like violence and criminality. Meanwhile, stories in the prize profiles target women and girls for special care-including their liberation from the traditional patriarchal culture that the corpus presumes dominate minority communities� In both cases, analysis will show that integration projects situate social problems within immigrant communities, while downplaying structural inequality-both economic and ethnic-and leaving in place the patriarchal gender norms that suffuse majority German football culture� As the word frequency data show, girls and women receive special attention in the DFB Integration Prize discourse� This was particularly true in the early years of the prize, which coincided with an explosion of government-led activity that firmly established the integration sector as a major arena of public-private partnership. The first year of the prize coincided with the publication of the federal government’s National Integration Plan in 2007. DFB officials were actively involved in annual integration summits ( Integrationsgipfel) starting in 2006 and in drafting the 2007 plan� Analyzing the DFB’s integration discourse in connection with the National Integration Plan shows the overlap between official government conceptions of integration and those of major cultural institutions like the DFB� In fact, according to the DFB, their “integration concept,” commissioned in 2008, was included in a subsequent version of the National Integration Plan ( Fußball Für Alle ) in which sport occupies a privileged place� Meanwhile, the gender and ethnic frameworks of the Integration Plan permeate the DFB’s Integration Prize texts� The National Integration Plan identifies ten thematic priorities, including educational offerings, engaging local communities and civil society groups, and the mandate “ Vielfalt nutzen ” 14 in the media sector� This list of ten themes also includes Integration durch Sport , 15 where sport is hailed as an “ Integrationsmotor. ” Sport-and particularly football-is seen as a technology that can be used to target the other areas, not the least of which is the fourth thematic field: „ Lebenssituation von Frauen und Mädchen verbessern, Gleichberechtigung verwirklichen �” 16 If sport is a material and symbolic technology for solving social problems, the discourse of the plan and the prize show us what kind of “problems” immigrants and their descendants are imagined to be� 17 In the National Integration Plan, “migrant” women and girls represent both an unexploited resource and an exploited population that represents the violence of patriarchal traditional societies� Following common tropes in discourses about Muslim women in Europe (see Chin; Korteweg and Yurdakul), the plan DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 223 emphasizes fighting gender-based violence, discrimination, and forced marriage within immigrant communities� The discussion in the plan acknowledges that there was disagreement and concern among “ Migrantinnen ” (presumably, the transnational female working group participants) about fueling ubiquitous stereotypes through a disproportionate focus on Muslim women as victims of Muslim men (see Celik)� Indeed, the plan mentions “forced marriage” forty-four times, while only mentioning the word “racism” twice� 18 It also ignores gender inequities as a broader problem in Germany� The sections of the plan that focus on gender-based violence fail to look beyond immigrant cultures as the source of the problem� In the absence of discussions about the ways racism and discrimination exacerbate gender-based violence (Rice et al�; Forster et al�; Dingoyan et al�) and the problems of misogyny and gender inequities across Germany and the West (Krimmer and Simpson), the plan inadvertently mirrors the trope that Spivak summarizes with the sentence: “white men are saving brown women from brown men” (296)� Turning the colonial gaze inward on domestic transnational spaces, the plan fortifies “imperialism’s image as the establisher of the good society […] marked by the espousal of the woman as object of protection from her own kind” (Spivak 299)� This process constitutes the “Other of Europe as Self ” (Spivak 281), emphasizing the egalitarianism of normative German society� The plan underscores the binary through narratives of transformation, stating approvingly that many “well-integrated migrant women” in the second and third generation “orientieren sich mehr an modernen, partnerschaftlichen Rollenleitbildern als an tradierten, patriarchalisch geprägten” 19 ( Der Nationale Integrationsplan 89)� In this “clash of civilizations” narrative (Said) pitting superior “modern” Western social models against “traditional,” implicitly Muslim ones, women are imagined as both the site where the despotic masculinity of “migrant” men is enacted and the potential key to its undoing� A central part of this undoing rests on the female body as a site of literal and figurative reproduction, emphasizing the function of women in transmitting the values and norms of integration in their role as mothers� As the National Integration Plan states, Migrantinnen kommt in ihrer Rolle als Mütter eine Schlüsselstellung für die Integration der nächsten Generation zu� Viele Mädchen mit Migrationshintergrund erbringen gute Leistungen in der Schule und beherrschen die deutsche Sprache. Trotzdem fehlt ihnen oftmals die Möglichkeit, ihre Potenziale nutzbringend einzusetzen� 20 ( Der Nationale Integrationsplan 18) The Integration Plan and the Integration Prize narratives portray women as a crucial source of untapped human capital� This focus on girls as potential future 224 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 mothers also reflects the drive of biopolitics to push regulatory, economic logics into every domain of human life (Lemke; Foucault, The Birth of Biopolitics )� Integration programs focus heavily on empowering girls, partly to recover female productivity “lost” to traditional family structures and partly to prepare them to pass integrationist values down to their future children� The discourses of the Integration Plan form the backdrop for the stories of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize� The conception of football as an ideal technology for the transformation of patriarchal norms is exemplified in a statement by the founder of the project, Social Integration of Girls through Football, which was replicated nationwide� Founder, Dr� Ulf Gebken explains that “Fußball kann ein Hebel der Emanzipation sein� Der ältere Bruder oder der Vater sehen die Schwester oder Tochter in einem ganz anderen Umfeld� Das Rollenverhalten verändert sich” 21 ( 2011 Integrationspreis 18)� This statement frames male family members as a barrier to girls’ freedom-one that can be dismantled through the power of football to alter the feelings and conceptual frameworks of family spectators� This echoes the language of the National Integration Plan, which states: Die Integration der Migrantinnen wird nicht zuletzt beeinflusst durch die Erwartungen und Haltungen ihrer Väter, Männer und Brüder. Bei Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der Partizipation von Migrantinnen ist daher eine Veränderung des Rollenverständnisses und -verhaltens der Männer in vielen Fällen Voraussetzung gelingender Integration und Partizipation der Migrantinnen� ( Der Nationale Integrationsplan 97) Men and boys are framed as an obstacle preventing girls’ participation in public life, and girls’ football is conceptualized not only as a form of public participation for girls, but a technology for enlightening men and boys who cheer on their sisters and daughters� In hegemonic sports culture, football is a fundamentally masculine pastime, while in the context of sport integration it is a “lever” for emancipating (Muslim) girls and combatting gender inequalities in immigrant families� The concern with gender in integration discourse segregates the actual and perceived gender inequalities in Muslim immigrant communities from those of the majority society� The contradictions between the masculine normativity of football generally and the investment in football as a technology for empowering and liberating racialized girls appears throughout the corpus� We are frequently told how much girls love playing football, alongside reminders that football is a naturally male domain� Girls’ interest in the game is frequently observed with surprise and incredulity� As one prize winner stated, “Wir haben-durchaus mit Erstaunen-bemerkt, dass in den Pausenhöfen auch die Mädchen gern und gut DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 225 Fußball spielen” 22 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 8)� However, this realization of girls’ interest in football in the context of integration programs does not spur reflection on the problematic gendered assumptions about football in majority society� Instead, presumptions about gender inequalities in minority communities shape assumptions about girls’ participation� As another program organizer, Hans-Jürgen Daum, stated, Ich war sehr skeptisch am Anfang. Mädchen aus marokkanischen oder türkischen Familien und Fußball spielen? Das konnte ich mir nicht so richtig vorstellen� Heute erlebe ich bei Turnieren den Enthusiasmus, mit dem die Väter ihre Töchter anfeuern� Der Fußball hat dazu beigetragen, dass sich die Kulturen annähern� 23 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 19) The failure of imagination described in this statement relates to the intersection of gendered and culturally coded national categories� It is not girls from Russian or Polish families playing football that challenge Daum’s imagination� This statement only makes sense in relation to two spurious underlying presumptions� On the one hand, that homogeneous patriarchal traditionalism generally characterizes Muslim families and, on the other, that normative white German culture universally supports gender equality� Daum’s inability to imagine Muslim girls playing football was tied to the assumption that their fathers-who turned out to be enthusiastic fans-would resist their daughters’ participation� When he was proven wrong, however, he does not question his initial assumptions about these presumably Muslim families� Instead, he credits the football with transforming their culture, causing them to converge with putatively egalitarian German values-ignoring the overwhelmingly patriarchal norms in German football culture� In this discourse, football’s affective power functions at multiple levels. In her analysis of popular narratives of football integration in the British context, Sara Ahmed writes that “the world of football promises freedom, allowing you not only to be happy but to become a happy object, by bringing happiness to others, who cheer as you score” ( The Promise of Happiness 135)� As in Daum’s account above, girls’ participation in football turns them into happy objects with the ability to transform their male family members and affectively align them with an idealized majority culture� For the migrant to be recognized as a citizen, they must fulfill a “happiness duty,” where “happiness involves being ‘redirected,’ or turned around […] toward the norms, values and practices” (128) of the nation and contributing to the happy story the nation can tell about itself� This redirection in Integration Prize stories is not only targeted against presumptions of patriarchal traditionalism, but also to remedy two kinds of problems relating to trust ( Vertrauen )-that of immigrants’ collective Misstrauen 226 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 of majority German society and insufficient individual self-confidence ( Selbstvertrauen )� In both cases, the corpus overwhelmingly associates these issues with girls and women. Trust is also a question of affect, a form of feeling that resists articulation but flows from pre-existing conceptions about the relations between self and others� These conceptions spring in large part from collective memory and discourses produced by collective representation in the media� While the problem of trust appears throughout the prize narratives, only the DFB’s 168-page reference guide, Integration A-Z seriously considers sources of mistrust beyond cultural difference itself. In contrast to the prize narratives, which were written by public relations professionals, Integration A-Z was compiled by experts and scholars and incorporates a more complex and informed perspective� Regarding the question of trust, one section explains how histories of racist violence generate bad collective feeling, writing that “Fremdenfeindliche Gewalt, wie die tödlichen Übergriffe in Rostock, Hoyerswerda, Solingen oder Mölln Anfang der 1990er Jahre haben das Vertrauen vieler Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund in ihre Sicherheit in Deutschland erschüttert” 24 (Hink 64)� Another section states that feelings of alienation ( Fremdheit ) and discrimination ( Benachteiligung ) generate a “climate of mistrust” (31)� These sections recognize historical and structural problems in German society as a foundational cause of mistrust among racialized communities� These discussions are an exception in the DFB’s football integration materials that also show that a contextually informed approach is possible� Discussions of trust in the Integration Prize corpus broadly ignore structural issues and implicitly or explicitly locate the problem of mistrust in cultural difference, primarily Muslim familyand gender norms. They cast trust as necessary to release girls from the gendered restrictions of family custom and frame playing football as a tool to undo mistrust of migrantized families towards German society� A typical example is a guide to girls’ football integration that advises that “ein Training nur für Mädchen hilft dabei, das Vertrauen der Eltern, deren Unterstützung entscheidend ist, zu gewinnen und die Mädchen langsam an den Fussball heranzuführen” 25 (“Integration von Mädchen durch Fussball”)� The trust of families is not merely an ideal, it is described as “the alpha and the omega of success” ( 2010 Integrationspreis 18), a task that requires “eine intensive Überzeugungs- und Vertrauensarbeit gegenüber den Eltern […], um gerade die muslimischen Spielerinnen für den Verein zu gewinnen” 26 (Hink 87)� Here, establishing feelings of trust facilitates the conversion of families whose traditional values purportedly separate them from German society� These interventions are framed as not just effortful, but potentially risky. Clubs and coaches are advised that they “sollten um Vertrauen werben, um innerfamiliären Spannungen oder Identitätskonflikten, die durch die Sport- oder DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 227 Fußballbegeisterung der Töchter entstehen können, vorzubeugen” 27 (Hink 77)� Trust is a core part of the celebratory story of accomplishment and transformation of football integration, but it is also always pointing at its absence in the status quo ante � Having a trusted contact for parents in the club is of inestimable importance, wo Mädchen mit Migrationshintergrund - vor allem Muslime - Fußball spielen wollen, bei den Eltern aber zunächst Ressentiments vorherrschen. “Wir schaffen es dann, gegen traditionelle Rollenbilder anzugehen”, sagt [der Trainer] Heitmann nicht ohne Stolz� So werde bewiesen: “Fußball ist eben nicht nur Jungensache, auch Mädchen haben Erfolge�” 28 ( 2009 Integrationspreis 9) Here, the bad feelings springing from traditional culture in migrant families represent the primary obstacle to girls’ participation in football, and are thus a barrier on their road to happiness and freedom through contact with an egalitarian majority society� When talking about girls’ football, mistrust is exclusively attributed to patriarchal Muslim gender norms� At the same time, building trust through and for girls’ football is a means of overcoming and “unsticking” (Ahmed, The Promise of Happiness 138) migrants from the unhappy “climate of mistrust” generated by what is left unspoken in the prize discourse: persistent social and economic inequality and recent histories of racist violence� There is a tension in the prize texts between statements suggesting that arduous interventions are necessary to involve transnational girls in football and concrete statements and facts showing the strength of their participation when given the opportunity� As in many of the statements above, football integration narratives emphasize the extra care, special handling, and coaxing necessary to enable girls’ participation� Combined with the statements of surprise and incredulity about (Muslim) girls’ interest and ability in playing football, this reinforces the impression that girls playing football is unusual and Muslim girls playing is near unimaginable� In addition, the emphasis on involving more women as coaches and club leaders is framed primarily as an accommodation of traditional culture, rather than an indication of a broader problem in German football of the underrepresentation of women in leadership roles� However, peppered throughout the prize stories are comments and details that undercut the narratives of strenuous effort. In many of the examples where schools and clubs opted for conscious inclusion of girls’ football, the girls made up a substantial proportion of participants-often up to half� In one football program where transnational students made up half of the school population, “gerade Mädchen aus ausländischen und Migranten-Familien begeistern sich für das Sportangebot, sie stellen achtzig Prozent der Teilnehmer” 29 ( 2011 Integrationspreis 18)� This story was accompanied by a photo of a girls’ team wear- 228 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 ing medals, alongside their male coach, showing that these results are possible even without exclusively female coaching� In a more direct challenge to the discourse of arduous intervention, Nejbir Acar, a girls’ team leader at another featured club, put it bluntly, “So schwer ist das alles gar nicht” 30 ( 2010 Integrationspreis 13)� While discussions of girls’ football integration predominated in the first several years of the prize, over time the focus shifted more towards issues associated with young men and boys� These discussions are propelled by cheerful celebrations of the ways that the joy of football overcomes cultural obstacles to entice young people to develop pro-social values and job-market-friendly discipline and focus� Again, however, we can see that the celebration of transformation also emphasizes the problems requiring remediation� In the gendered imaginary of unintegrated “problem migrants,” the struggles women and girls face are connected to racialized conceptions of unruly and even dangerous young men� When recently elected chancellor Angela Merkel visited the DFB headquarters in Frankfurt in 2006, she declared that “Der Fußball zeichnet sich dadurch aus, Menschen ganz unterschiedlicher Herkunft zusammenzubringen� Der DFB hat bisher auch viel getan, um gewalttätige Jugendliche zu integrieren” 31 (“Bundeskanzlerin und DOSB-Präsident danken DFB für Integrations-Engagement”)� Here, football intervenes to break down the barriers of feared “parallel societies,” transforming dangerous difference into happy multiculturalism. Beneath the celebratory narratives of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize runs a deficit narrative that grew more evident over the years, as the disproportionate focus on emancipating girls early on shifted implicitly or explicitly towards young men and boys� In the stories publicized by the prize, young male footballers are either normalized by neglecting to mention gender explicitly when discussing boys’ teams or stigmatized by making them the focus of programs targeting social deviance in neighborhoods classified as ‘social combustion points’ ( soziale Brennpunkte )� There are many examples in the prize corpus of programs targeting the violence, potential and actual criminality, and disaffection of young (Muslim) men. One of the clearest examples among awardees is the celebrated Midnight Sports football program in Berlin, which exemplifies the type of racialized masculine gendering that crops up across the corpus� The discussion of the Berlin program echoes the racial and neoliberal politics of the homeland of Midnight Sports programs, the United States� In his analysis of Midnight Basketball programs starting in the late 1980s, Douglas Hartmann writes that “racial ideologies and indeed racism itself are not only the result of prejudice, bias, fear, subjugation and surveillance […], but also constructed in DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 229 and through images that would otherwise appear to be productive, pleasurable or even progressive” (1013)� Hartmann found that while participants enjoyed Midnight Basketball, in the realms of public discourse and symbolic politics they also contributed to harmful anti-Black stereotypes and became part of neoliberal projects to privatize social services and enact more punitive approaches to social problems� This kind of symbolic politics also appears in the Berlin iteration of Midnight Sports, founded in 2007� The program mobilized the celebrity of its sponsor, national team player Jérôme Boateng, in a narrative of reforming urban minority youth through football to “defend a Berlin neighborhood teetering on the brink�” This story and its famous sponsor attracted national attention, winning both the DFB Mercedes-Benz prize and the Bambi award in the category “Integration” in 2013� The program’s founder Ismail Öner, a trained social worker of Turkish heritage, described his motivation for starting the project: Die Polizei deklarierte die Heerstraße Nord in Spandau 2007 als kriminalitätsbelasteten Ort� Eine Gruppe von etwa 30 Jugendlichen, die meisten mit einem Migrationshintergrund, legten praktisch den Stadtteil lahm. Für mich stand fest: Jetzt muss etwas passieren� Der Mitternachtssport war das Ergebnis eines von mir organisierten Gesprächs zwischen Polizei und Jugendlichen� Am 8� Dezember 2007 haben wir dann die Halle das erste Mal aufgeschlossen. Der Effekt war umwerfend. Die Kategorisierung als kriminalitätsbelasteter Ort konnte bald aufgehoben werden� 32 ( 2013 Integrationspreis 22) This story epitomizes the transformative narrative of sports, which, by reforming dangerous young people, defends and restores the communal social body to health� The category of a “criminally burdened place” is a local legal classification of space that the police may assign, which lowers requirements of reasonable suspicion to justify police intervention� Cities and states across Germany have similar policies placing “dangerous zones” under a “state of exception” (Agamben), enabling increased surveillance and policing. Local police have broad authority to designate these spaces of exception, and the limited research available on these policies suggests that designation is based as much or more on a space’s demographic features than on actual risk of violence (Belina and Wehrheim; Ullrich and Tullney)� Öner draws on this category to justify the claim that these mostly migrantized youths represented a threat to life in the neighborhood and to link his intervention to the neutralization of that threat� Midnight Sports uses the good feeling of organized sports to transform threatening young men into useful individuals through a variety of disciplinary techniques that coincide with the requirements of football� In Discipline and Punish , Foucault outlines discipline as a modern technology aimed at increasing the usefulness of individuals in the most efficient possible manner. Discipline 230 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 seeks to produce “subjected and practiced” bodies, increasing the forces of the body in terms of utility while decreasing the political force of the body through obedience (Foucault, Discipline and Punish 138)� This process involves enclosure and partitioning, which in this case is the removal of young men from the public spaces of the streets to the controlled space of the gym and the indoor football field where each player knows his place and his function within that space. By its very definition as a practice, sport produces “docile bodies” (135), which is Foucault’s term for the disciplined body that represents maximum utility and minimal cost� Beyond the direct practices of the game, sports open the possibility for further interventions as the leader of Midnight Sports explains� DFB : Und die Baseballschläger mussten vor der Halle abgegeben werden? 33 Ismail Öner: Man sollte nicht übertreiben, so schlimm war es auch nicht. Wir haben Begegnung geschaffen. Beim ersten Turnier spielten Polizisten gegen Jugendliche, die sich sonst nur bei Einsätzen begegnet sind� Die Jugendlichen kommen zu uns in die Halle und bringen alle ihre Sorgen und Nöte mit� Dann beginnt die sozialpädagogische Arbeit. Wir schaffen Netzwerke aus Schule, Elternhaus, Fußballverein, Jugendamt und anderen Personen und Institutionen rund um den Jugendlichen� Oft sind es Schieflagen. Die Versetzung ist gefährdet, es droht ein Schulverweis, ein Junge findet keinen Praktikumsplatz, der andere hat eine richterliche Weisung� Manchmal ist’s auch einfach Liebeskummer. 34 ( 2013 Integrationspreis 22) Here, the DFB interviewer picks up on the description of delinquency that Öner introduced in his previous statement by suggesting, half in jest, that these young men needed to be disarmed before participating� Öner initially pushes back against what he classifies as an overstatement of their deviance. He then continues to outline the depth and breadth of interventions necessary to reform these young men and make them productive� Foucault writes that disciplinary space aims to “establish presences and absences, to know where and how to locate individuals, to set up useful communications, to interrupt others, to be able at each moment to supervise the conduct of each individual, to assess it, to judge it, to calculate its qualities or merits” ( Security, Territory, Population 143)� The practice of football itself fulfills these aims, but Öner’s statement shows that, above all, it generates the enticement to enter the nexus in a network of other disciplinary spaces� His statement above concludes with an inventory of transgressions against the standards and norms of schools, the job market, and the legal system� Öner tempers this description of deviance by adding an example of the ‘normal’ travails of youth learning to navigate amorous relationships� There is a tension in the DFB corpus between the masculine normativity of football and the gendered imperatives of integration discourse, which demand the inclusion and empowerment of women� While the above interview em- DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 231 phasizes that Midnight Sports welcomes all national backgrounds, “including Germans,” Öner expresses discomfort with female participants, explaining that he is unable to relate to the problems of girls: “Wenn Mädchen in die Halle kommen, dürfen sie mitspielen. Aber ich weiß auch, was ich kann und was nicht� Pädagogik spielt eine große Rolle� Und mir fehlt die Fähigkeit und das Einfühlungsvermögen, die Probleme von 14-jährigen Mädchen zu verstehen. Da müssen andere Kolleginnen ran” 35 ( 2013 Integrationspreis 23)� This echoes the commonly repeated position in the corpus that female coaches and mentors are necessary to properly guide and relate to girl players� Before this question, the last of the interview, the neutral term “youths” ( Jugendliche ) is generally used for the participants� Once Öner refers to “our boys” ( unsere Jungs ), but until the last question gender remains otherwise unspecified and, consequently, is presumed to be male. This reflects the default of masculinity in football culture broadly, while the interviewer’s question about whether girls are included underscores the special place of girls as a target in football integration discourse� The peak of sport integration enthusiasm may now be behind us� In 2018, the DFB quietly ended the Integration Prize after its partnership with Mercedes-Benz ended� A year later, they published a brief “revised integration concept” ( Fußball Für Alle 1), which shifted focus from targeting migrantized groups for reform towards equity and inclusion� Understanding the problems with sport integration discourse is crucial to avoid re-entrenching inequities through programs intended to combat them� Football integration claims to address the problem of ‘migrant’ and especially Muslim populations� It does so by transforming them from a source of unhappiness-to Muslim girls oppressed by traditional patriarchy and to the white German population at risk of being affected by Muslim male violence, disorder, and economic failure-into a symbol of happy diversity through interaction with the majority population� In Angela Merkel’s infamous declaration of multiculturalism as a complete failure in the wake of the Sarrazin debate in 2010, her retelling of German postwar histories of labor migration is an unhappy story of the naïveté of native Germans whose belief that they would soon be rid of their foreign “guests” lulled them into complacency� Wir sind ein Land, das im Übrigen Anfang der sechziger Jahre die Gastarbeiter nach Deutschland geholt hat, und jetzt leben sie bei uns� Wir haben uns eine Weile lang in die Tasche gelogen� Wir haben gesagt, die werden schon nicht bleiben� Irgendwann werden sie weg sein. Das ist nicht die Realität, und natürlich war der Ansatz zu sagen, jetzt machen wir hier mal Multikulti und leben so nebeneinander her und freuen uns übereinander � Dieser Ansatz ist gescheitert, absolut gescheitert! 36 ( Angela Merkel - Multikulti Ist Gescheitert, Absolut Gescheitert! , emphasis added) 232 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Merkel’s emphatic use of firstand third-person plural pronouns creates a stark divide in this speech between the legitimate nationals who define the country and the guests who overstayed their welcome and are now a problem to be dealt with� When Merkel mocks as an absurd failure the idea that “we” (normatively white Christian Germans) and “they” (Turkish Gastarbeiter and their descendants) could just “do multiculturalism and live beside each other and be happy about each other,” she affirms that for diversity to be happy requires interventions to “redirect” and “turn around” the targets of integration� Through participation in Germany’s most symbolically potent national game, football integration promises to be a technology that transforms (through) affect to solve Germany’s “problem migrants�” The fantasy of football is that it can take us ‘out of our ethnicity’� So we could say that diversity becomes happy when it involves loyalty to what has already been given as a national ideal� Happiness is promised in return for loyalty to the nation, where loyalty is expressed as ‘giving’ diversity to the nation through playing its game� (Ahmed, “The Politics of Good Feeling” 2) This fantasy operates differently across lines of gender. The presumption of patriarchal dominance in traditional “migrant” cultures calls for disciplinary solutions to change the behavior of potentially dangerous or unproductive men and boys and affective interventions to change the norms that prevent women and girls from reaching their full social and economic capacity� Football integration tells us that the primary barrier to Muslim girls’ participation is their families, whose cultural tendencies toward sexism and mistrust of majority German society rob girls of their opportunity to play� Recognition of the masculinist norms in majority German football culture is nowhere to be found� These stories are not, however, negative on their face� They focus on the happy outcomes made possible by football participation and maintain the celebratory valence appropriate for a public prize� This also depends on separating causes of mistrust and bad feelings from the unhappy object of racism-past and present� Racism, right-wing extremism, and xenophobia appear only in isolated entries in the DFB Integration A- Z reference guide or in discussions of clubs who overcome unexpected, individual incidents of racism by white German fans and club members� 37 Together, the stories of the DFB and Mercedes-Benz Integration Prize support the narrative of a productive modern Germany where diversity can be a happy object of national celebration, so long as it is well-managed� DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 233 Notes 1 A group of immigrants categorized as ethnic German “resettlers”-people with traceable German heritage from Central and Eastern Europe who have special access to German citizenship� Aussiedler and Spätaussiedler are distinguished by whether they immigrated before or after 1992, respectively� 2 2014 was the final year when dedicated prize brochures with extended features were made available� In following years, stories about the prize appeared as posts on the DFB website� 3 While football does not hold a gendered valence in binary frameworks of gender in the United States, it remains potent in reactionary cultural battles opposing trans women’s and girls’ participation in athletics, nominally to preserve fairness in women’s sports but which functionally subordinate transand cis-gender women and maintain sport as a privileged masculine domain (Burke)� 4 “Start-Sport overcomes cultural hurdles,” “Football is the gateway to learning,” “Integration of girls through Sport” and “Goal-Football unites” 5 “Football reaches boys and girls from diverse ethnic and social backgrounds�” 6 “Football fosters social competencies and conveys values like team spirit and dependability�” 7 “Football teaches important values and builds character�” 8 “Football is a language school and a medium for transporting important values�” 9 Girl(s) 10 Migration background 11 Boy(s) 12 Parents 13 From the 180 uses of variations of the word “German,” 42 were part of mentions of the Deutscher Fußball Bund� Of these 180 uses, the noun Deutsch , referring to the German language, appeared 30 times� 14 “Take advantage of diversity” 15 “Integration through sport” 16 “Improving the living situation of women and girls, achieving equality” 17 This type of approach to racialized difference and the racialized “other” recalls W�E�B� Du Bois’s question, "How does it feel to be a problem? ” in his seminal 1897 essay, the “Strivings of the Negro People�” 18 “Xenophobia” (9) and other terms like “intolerance” (1) and “discrimination” (7) are likewise rare in the 200-page text� 234 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 19 Many “well-integrated migrant women” in the second and third generation “orient themselves more towards modern partnership-based role models than traditional, patriarchal ones�” 20 “In their role as mothers, female migrants have a key place in the integration of the next generation� Many girls with migration backgrounds achieve good results in school and master the German language� Nevertheless, they often lack the opportunity to put their potential to profitable use.” 21 “Football can be a lever of emancipation� The older brother or father see the sister or daughter in a completely different setting. It changes the role behavior�” 22 “We noticed-with total astonishment-that the girls also liked to play football during recess and they were good at it�” 23 “I was very skeptical at the beginning� Girls from Moroccan or Turkish families playing football? I couldn’t really imagine that� Today I see the enthusiasm of fathers cheering on their daughters� Football has contributed to a convergence of cultures�” 24 “Xenophobic violence, as in the deadly attacks in Rostock, Hoywerswerda, Solingen oder Mölln at the beginning of the 1990s, have shaken the trust of many people with an immigration background in their security in Germany�” 25 “A training session for girls-only helps to earn the trust of parents, whose support is crucial, and to slowly acquaint the girls with football�” 26 It requires “intensive persuasion and trust-building work with parents, particularly to gain Muslim girls as club players�” 27 They “should seek trust in order to prevent intra-family tensions or identity conflicts that can arise due to their daughters’ enthusiasm for sports or football�” 28 “[…] when girls with a migration background - especially Muslims - want to play football, but initially there is resentment among their parents� “We ultimately manage to go against traditional role models,” says [coach] Heitmann, not without pride� This proves: “Football is not just for boys� Girls also have success�” 29 “Girls from foreign and migrant families in particular are enthusiastic about the sports on offer; they make up eighty percent of the participants.” 30 “It’s all really not that difficult.” 31 “Football excels at bringing people from very different backgrounds together� The DFB has also done a lot to integrate violent young people�” 32 “The police designated the Heer Street in North Spandau a criminally burdened place� A group of about 30 young people, mostly with a migration background, had practically crippled the neighborhood� For me, it was clear: DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls 235 something had to change now� Midnight Sports was the result of a discussion I organized between the police and the young people� On December 8, 2007, we opened the gym for the first time. The effect was stupendous. The categorization of criminally burdened place could soon be lifted�” 33 “DFB Interviewer: And the baseball bats had to be left outside the gym? ” 34 “Ismail Öner: Let’s not exaggerate, it wasn’t so bad. We created encounters. At our first tournament, the police played against the young people. They had previously only encountered each other during incidents� The young people come to the gym, and they bring all their worries and needs along� Then the social pedagogy work begins� We create networks with schools, families, football clubs, child welfare offices, and other people and institutions around the young person� There is often trouble� They are in danger of failing; they are under threat of expulsion, a young man cannot find an internship, another has a court order� Sometimes it is just lovesickness�” 35 “If girls come into the gym, they are permitted to play� But I know what I can do and what I can’t� Pedagogy plays a major role� I can’t empathize to understand the problems of 14-year-old girls� Other female colleagues will have to take that on�” 36 “We are a country that brought guest workers to Germany in the early 1960s and now they live with us� We lied to ourselves for a while� We said they would not stay� At some point they will be gone� That is not reality, and of course the approach was to say, now let us do multiculturalism here and live next to each other and be happy about each other � This approach has failed, absolutely failed! ” 37 One jarring reference to racist violence appears in the award text for a club whose member, Halit Yozgat, was murdered by the National Socialist Underground (NSU). 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Robert Geffner et al., Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. 2705—33� Said, Edward W. “The Clash of Definitions .” The New Crusades: Constructing the Muslim Enemy , Ed� Emran Qureshi and Michael Sells� New York: Columbia University Press, 2003� 68—87� Sobiech, Gabriele and Gian-Claudio Gentile. “Die Logik der Praxis: Frauenfußball zwischen symbolischer Emanzipation und männlicher Herrschaft�” Spielen Frauen ein anderes Spiel? Ed� Gabriele Sobiech and Andrea Ochsner� Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012. 171—94. Spaaij, Ramón et al� “Sport and Social Inequalities�” Sociology Compass 9�5 (2015): 400—11� Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty� “Can the Subaltern Speak? ” Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture � Ed� Cary Nelson� Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1988� 271—313� 240 Kate Zambon DOI 10.24053/ CG-2024-0011 Süssmuth, Rita. Zuwanderung Gestalten, Integration Fördern: Bericht Der Unabhängigen Kommission’Zuwanderung’ . Ministry of Interior Affairs, 2001. 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Web. http: / / www�sozialraum�de/ die-konstruktion-gefaehrlicher-orte�php/ 14 May 2024� Verzeichnis der Autor: innen Dr. Rebecca Dawson University of Kentucky Department of Modern and Classical Languages, Literatures, and Cultures Patterson Office Tower 1005 Lexington, KY, 40506 USA bessdawson@uky�edu Dr. Oliver Knabe University of Dayton Department of Global Languages and Cultures Jesse Philips Humanities Center 300 College Park Dayton, OH 45469 USA Oknabe1@udayton�edu Dr. Alex Holznienkemper University of New Hampshire Department of Languages, Literatures & Cultures Murkland Hall 15 Library Way Durham, NH 03824 USA alex�holznienkemper@unh�edu Dr. Sabine Waas College of William & Mary Department of Modern Languages & Literatures Washington Hall 241 Jamestown Road Williamsburg, VA 23185 USA swaas@wm�edu Dr. Kate Zambon University of New Hampshire Department of Communication Horton Social Science Center Durham, NH 03824 USA Kate�Zambon@unh�edu Linguistik \ Literaturgeschichte \ Anglistik \ Bauwesen \ Fremdsprachendidaktik \ DaF \ Germanistik \ Literaturwissenschaft \ Rechtswissenschaft \ Historische Sprachwis senschaft \ Slawistik \ Skandinavistik \ BWL \ Wirtschaft \ Tourismus \ VWL \ Maschinenbau \ Politikwissenschaft \ Elektrotechnik \ Mathematik & Statistik senschaft \ Slawistik \ Skandinavistik \ BWL \ Wirtschaft \ Tourismus \ VWL \ Maschinenbau \ Politikwissenschaft \ Elektrotechnik \ Mathematik & Statistik \ Management \ Altphilologie \ Sport \ Gesundheit \ Romanistik \ Theologie \ Kulturwissenschaften \ Soziologie \ Theaterwissenschaft \ Geschichte \ \ Management \ Altphilologie \ Sport \ Gesundheit \ Romanistik \ Theologie \ Kulturwissenschaften \ Soziologie \ Theaterwissenschaft \ Geschichte \ Spracherwerb \ Philosophie \ Medien- und Kommunikationswissenschaft \ Linguistik \ Literaturgeschichte \ Anglistik \ Bauwesen \ Fremdsprachendidaktik \ Spracherwerb \ Philosophie \ Medien- und Kommunikationswissenschaft \ Linguistik \ Literaturgeschichte \ Anglistik \ Bauwesen \ Fremdsprachendidaktik \ DaF \ Germanistik \ Literaturwissenschaft \ Rechtswissenschaft \ Historische Sprachwissenschaft \ Slawistik \ Skandinavistik \ BWL \ Wirtschaft \ Tourismus DaF \ Germanistik \ Literaturwissenschaft \ Rechtswissenschaft \ Historische Sprachwissenschaft \ Slawistik \ Skandinavistik \ BWL \ Wirtschaft \ Tourismus \ VWL \ Maschinenbau \ Politikwissenschaft \ Elektrotechnik \ Mathematik & Statistik \ Management \ Altphilologie \ Sport \ Gesundheit \ Romanistik \ \ VWL \ Maschinenbau \ Politikwissenschaft \ Elektrotechnik \ Mathematik & Statistik \ Management \ Altphilologie \ Sport \ Gesundheit \ Romanistik \ Theologie \ Kulturwissenschaften \ Soziologie \ Theaterwissenschaft \ Geschichte \ Spracherwerb \ Philosophie \ Medien- und Kommunikationswissenschaft Theologie \ Kulturwissenschaften \ Soziologie \ Theaterwissenschaft \ Geschichte \ Spracherwerb \ Philosophie \ Medien- und Kommunikationswissenschaft \ Linguistik \ Literaturgeschichte \ 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KG \ Dischingerweg 5 \ 72070 Tübingen \ Germany Tel. +49 (0)7071 9797 0 \ Fax +49 (0)7071 97 97 11 \ info@narr.de \ www.narr.de Dietmar Hüser, Ansbert Baumann (Hrsg.) Migration|Integration|Exklusion Eine andere deutsch-französische Geschichte des Fußballs in den langen 1960er Jahren 1. Auflage 2020, 300 Seiten €[D] 68,00 ISBN 978-3-8233-8294-2 eISBN 978-3-8233-9294-1 Ein weit verbreitetes gesellschaftliches und politisches Narrativ schreibt dem Fußball integrative Wirkungen zu. Zugleich können sich in der alltäglichen Praxis des Fußball-Spielens auch Ausgrenzungseffekte ergeben, so dass viele Beobachter beispielsweise „Ausländervereine“ eher als Beleg einer nicht gelungenen Integration wahrnehmen. Der Band beleuchtet das Thema unter interdisziplinären, international vergleichenden Gesichtspunkten und bietet damit nicht nur eine zeitgeschichtliche Perspektivierung, sondern auch einen Beitrag zur Versachlichung eines immer wieder - und bis heute - unter alarmistischen Vorzeichen diskutierten Themas. Die Zeitschrift erscheint jährlich in 4 Heften von je etwa 96 Seiten. Abonnementpreis pro Jahrgang: € 138,00 (print)/ € 172,00 (print & online)/ € 142,00 (e-only) Vorzugspreis für private Leser € 101,00 (print); Einzelheft € 45,00 (jeweils zuzüglich Versandkosten). Bestellungen nimmt Ihre Buchhandlung oder der Verlag entgegen: Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG, Postfach 25 60, D-72015 Tübingen · eMail: info@narr.de Aufsätze - in deutscher oder englischer Sprache - bitte einsenden als Anlage zu einer Mail an hhoebu@uky.edu oder bessdawson@uky.edu (Prof. Harald Höbusch oder Prof. Rebeccah Dawson, Division of German Studies, 1055 Patterson Office Tower, University of Kentucky, Lexington, KY 40506-0027, USA). Typoskripte sollten nach den Vorschriften des MLA Style Manual (2008) eingerichtet sein. Sonstige Mitteilungen bitte an hhoebu@uky.edu © 2024 · Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG Alle Rechte vorbehalten/ All Rights Strictly Reserved Druck und Bindung: CPI books GmbH, Leck ISSN 0010-1338 BUCHTIPP Wie kommen Fußballklubs mit der Sprachenvielfalt in der Mannschaft zurecht? Welche Funktionär: innen und Politiker: innen beschimpfen französische Fans in ihren Foren? Ticken „Live-Ticker“ in verschiedenen Kulturen gleich oder unterschiedlich? Wenn bei einem Fußball- Videogame der digitale Schiedsrichter Abseits konstatiert, kann man dann auch dagegen sein? Wie kämpfen Fans für die Beibehaltung der traditionellen Stadiennamen? Um welche Mannschaften handelt es sich bei den Rivalen „Herne-West“ und „Lüdenscheid Nord“? Inwiefern bestimmt die Kultur Ghanas die Bildhaftigkeit seiner Fußballkommentare? Dieses Buch beantwortet nicht nur alle Ihre Fragen über Sprache(n) und Fußball, sondern auch viele weitere, die Sie sich noch nicht gestellt haben. Eine Fülle an linguistischen Disziplinen, zahlreiche Länder und Sprachen auf mehreren Kontinenten: der Fußball bringt sie alle zusammen. Eva Lavric, Gerhard Pisek (eds.) Language and Football Tübinger Beiträge zur Linguistik (TBL) 1. Au age 2024, 382 Seiten €[D] 88,00 ISBN 978-3-8233-8624-7 eISBN 978-3-8233-9624-6 Narr Francke Attempto Verlag GmbH + Co. KG \ Dischingerweg 5 \ 72070 Tübingen \ Germany Tel. +49 (0)7071 97 97 0 \ info@narr.de \ www.narr.de ISSN 0010-1338 Themenheft: German Identity and History through the Lens of Football Gastherausgeber: Oliver Knabe Oliver Knabe: Introduction: German Football, History, and Identity Rebeccah Dawson: The First German Football Film. Zoltan Korda’s Die elf Teufel and the Cultural Transgressions of the late Weimar Republic Oliver Knabe: Revisiting a Children’s Classic: The Silent Third Reich in Sammy Drechsel’s Elf Freunde müßt ihr sein (1955) Alex Holznienkemper: Glocal yet National-German Soccer Culture, Identity, and Vereinsgeschichte Sabine Waas: Celebrity and Athlete? Depictions of German Soccer Star Jérôme Boateng in Mass Media Kate Zambon: Unruly Boys and Unemancipated Girls: Football Integration and Gendered Imaginaries of Di erence narr.digital Band 57 Band 57 Heft 2 Harald Höbus ch, Rebeccah Dawson (Hr sg.) C O L L O Q U I A G E R M A N I C A I n t e r n a t i o n a l e Z e i t s c h r i f t f ü r G e r m a n i s t i k C O L L O Q U I A G E R M A N I C A I n t e r n a ti o n a l e Z e it s c h r ift f ü r G e r m a n i s ti k