eJournals Colloquia Germanica 50/1

Colloquia Germanica
cg
0010-1338
Francke Verlag Tübingen
Es handelt sich um einen Open-Access-Artikel, der unter den Bedingungen der Lizenz CC by 4.0 veröffentlicht wurde.http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/31
2017
501

Who’s Afraid of Angela Davis?

31
2017
Ada Bieber
In the early 1970s, Angela Davis was an iconic figure in the GDR, nowhere more so than among youth. The press supported solidarity campaigns for Davis, mainly organized by the FDJ (Free German Youth). Against the backdrop of Davis’s imprisonment in 1970 and her trial in 1971–72, journalistic and fictional writing as well as radio plays appeared for a young audience. The article compares the ways in which Davis appears as a political figure in literature for youth, and argues that literary portraits were dominantly shaped through the ideological discourse of antifascism and the interest to inveigh against the politics of the USA. By examining texts that were originally addressed towards young audiences or reissued for them, the article gives an account of different generic texts such as Maximilian Scheer’s radio play Der Weg nach San Rafael: Für Angela Davis (1971), the youth novel Schwarze Rose aus Alabama (1972) by Werner Lehmann, and the travelogue Unterwegs zu Angela (1973) by the German-Australian writer Walter Kaufmann. Also included are narrations in magazines such as Bummi (1973) and Neues Leben (1971; 1973). The article shows that all examples served ideological images that were communicated to youth, while distracting from Davis’s radical call for freedom of all people.
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Who’s Afraid of Angela Davis? : An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR5 5 Who’s Afraid of Angela Davis? : An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR Ada Bieber Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin Abstract: In the early 1970s, Angela Davis was an iconic figure in the GDR, nowhere more so than among youth. The press supported solidarity campaigns for Davis, mainly organized by the FDJ (Free German Youth)� Against the backdrop of Davis’s imprisonment in 1970 and her trial in 1971-72, journalistic and fictional writing as well as radio plays appeared for a young audience. The article compares the ways in which Davis appears as a political figure in literature for youth, and argues that literary portraits were dominantly shaped through the ideological discourse of antifascism and the interest to inveigh against the politics of the USA� By examining texts that were originally addressed towards young audiences or reissued for them, the article gives an account of different generic texts such as Maximilian Scheer’s radio play Der Weg nach San Rafael: Für Angela Davis (1971), the youth novel Schwarze Rose aus Alabama (1972) by Werner Lehmann, and the travelogue Unterwegs zu Angela (1973) by the German-Australian writer Walter Kaufmann� Also included are narrations in magazines such as Bummi (1973) and Neues Leben (1971; 1973). The article shows that all examples served ideological images that were communicated to youth, while distracting from Davis’s radical call for freedom of all people� Keywords: Angela Davis, GDR children’s literature, antifascist youth literature, Maximilian Scheer, Walter Kaufmann, German-Australian literature, Junge Welt, Bummi In the early 1970s, Angela Davis was an iconic figure in the GDR, nowhere more so than among youth. The press, including youth-directed publications like Junge Welt, supported solidarity campaigns for Davis, mainly organized by the FDJ (Freie Deutsche Jugend) [Free German Youth]. The major FDJ campaign, 56 Ada Bieber Eine Millionen Rosen für Angela [One Million Roses for Angela], called upon GDR citizens, and in particular young people, to send postcards of solidarity ( Solidaritätsschreiben ), decorated with flowers, to Davis in San Rafael prison, as well as postcards of protest ( Protestschreiben ) to President Nixon and Governor Reagan to demand freedom for Davis ( Kämpft Angela Davis frei 45-46)� 1 As Maria Höhn and Martin Klimke observe, “East German citizens signed petitions on Davis’s behalf, collected ‘solidarity donations’ for Free Angela Davis -committees in the United States,” and named youth clubs and workers’ teams after Davis (135). The intensity of the response surprised Americans. Time magazine concluded that East Germany was “deeply in the grip of Angelamania” (“East Germany: St� Angela”)� East German interest in Davis dovetailed with a much broader interest in African-American struggles, which was closely tied to the antifascist ideology of the GDR and contemporary proletarian internationalism, as Klimke and Höhn explain: East German leaders saw the oppression of African Americans in the United States as part of an international class struggle, in which former colonies across the globe were striving for liberation and independence. They thus actively championed what they considered the ‘other America’ of black civil rights activists, focusing especially on those who openly shared their Marxist and socialist convictions� (125) What is more, referring frequently to the “African American civil rights movement in domestic and foreign policy” helped to “discredit the Western system of democracy and capitalism” (125), in particular as it related to the next generation. Thus, within the GDR the engagement of school children and young people was a core element for focusing on the political dimensions of Davis’s thought� Leander Haußmann’s movie Sonnenallee (1999), for instance, captures the involvement of youth in Angela Davis campaigns humorously through two school teachers proudly talking about their students involved in sending postcards to Davis: Denk nur an all die Sonnenblumen, die emsig überall im Land gesammelt werden […]� Damit haben wir die Jugendfreundin Angela Davis bestimmt raus� Die Amis zittern schon. [ Just think of all the sunflowers which are being collected industriously all over the country […]. We’ll surely free our comrade Angela Davis with those [postcards]. The Americans are already quaking in fear�] 2 Encouraging youth to learn about Davis spread far beyond school activities and, among other things, found a prominent place in youth literature and media� An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 57 Against the backdrop of Davis’s imprisonment in 1970 and her trial in 1971-72, reports about her appeared in Junge Welt and Neues Leben, two GDR publications aimed at a young readership . Some of these reports stand out for their literary quality, crossing the genres of political commentary, travel report, and fictional narration, such as Walter Kaufmann’s journalistic reports, Unterwegs zu Angela [On My Way To Angela] for Junge Welt. Surprisingly, scholarship has not yet turned towards literary representations of Angela Davis for young audiences, including texts for children, adolescents, and young adults, which emerged in the context of political interest in Angela Davis in the GDR. This article gives an account of texts about Davis, which were originally addressed towards young audiences or reissued for them, and partly originated in documentary material� Among them are Maximilian Scheer’s radio play Der Weg nach San Rafael: Für Angela Davis [The Way to San Rafael: For Angela Davis] (1971), broadcast for school children and youth on public radio ( Neues Deutschland , 11 January 1971), the propagandistic youth novel Schwarze Rose aus Alabama [Black Rose from Alabama] (1972) by Werner Lehmann, as well as the travelogue Unterwegs zu Angela [On My Way To Angela] (1973) by the German-Australian writer Walter Kaufmann, first published as a series of short articles in Junge Welt before appearing as a book� Also included are narrations about Angela Davis in youth magazines, such as Bummi (1973) for kindergarten children, and Neues Leben for youth (1971; 1973)� By bringing these different genres together, this essay compares the ways in which Davis appears as a political figure in literature for youth, and argues that literary portraits of Davis were dominantly shaped through what Julia Hell identifies as the “ideological discourse […] of antifascism” (17), and the interest to inveigh against the politics of the United States of America� In other words, situating Davis among these fundamental GDR discourses reveals that all examples maintain focalization from an East German perspective, in which Davis’s voice and her specific political standpoint are overshadowed by the antifascist educational goal central in the GDR. As a result, East German literature on Davis often distracts from her radical call for freedom and political criticism, presenting her as a supporter and admirer of the GDR� Rather than highlighting her rebellious quality, writers indicated it was her self-declared belief in communism that should attract young readers and create feelings of solidarity with her fight from a certain distance. Literature directed towards youth about Angela Davis includes a wide range of different genres and hybrid text forms, mirroring a complex understanding of children’s and youth literature in the GDR and beyond. Therefore, it is in order to say a few words about the term ‘children’s and youth literature,’ as it is used here. Generally speaking, the term carries a variety of meanings, often synonymous with “original children’s writing,” referring to texts for the target 58 Ada Bieber group of young readers, in which the “author […] expects that the original act of addressing will be respected by all other senders concerned with further transmission, and that her/ his message will be fed into a channel that leads to the desired receivers” (Ewers 13)� However, beside original writing for a young readership, Ewers reminds us that institutions hugely influence the common understanding of literature for youth, a fact that leads to school readings as well as to “intended children’s and youth reading” (18)� Ewers also points out that literary messages for children and adolescents can appear in different media, such as books, periodicals, and magazines� All three categories and their publishing environments mirror different interests through production, distribution, and readership. The broader term ‘literature for youth’ captures the historical and individual transitions between young age groups and their reading material and, additionally, points to mediation as an educational act� It also helps to lower strict distinctions between literature for children and adolescents on the one hand, and so-called adult literature on the other, by avoiding overgeneralizations about age restrictions of texts, such as age-related literary style and/ or educational messages� In the GDR, shortsighted definitions of literature for youth were rejected from early years onwards, and literature for youth was seen as an important literary and political tool, as Johannes R� Becher pointed out in 1956� In reference to Soviet traditions, a broad understanding of literature for youth was embraced, including various genres and media� Christian Emmrich declared in his GDR-published book Literatur für Kinder und Jugendliche in der DDR [Literature for Children and Youth in the GDR] that literature for youth was an important part of national literature (Emmrich 15), building a container for various genres and literary forms directed towards children up to the age of fourteen and then onwards to people as old as twenty-five. Those age indicators stem from the Verordnung zum Schutze der Jugend [Protection of Young Persons Act], defining young people under the age of thirteen as children, while the phase of adolescence ( Jugendliche ) ranged from age fourteen to eighteen� In 1974, the age of youth was extended to the age of twenty-five, which reveals a broader understanding of youth development, including young adults. Those numbers provided a dominant framework for publishing houses; however, cross-publishing of texts originally targeted at children as well as at adults was common in children’s and youth literature concerned with contemporary issues ( Handbuch zur Kinder- und Jugendliteratur SBZ/ DDR 189)� Among these were, for example, Tinko by Erwin Strittmatter (1954) and Ankunft im Alltag by Brigitte Reimann (1961)� Besides a broad readership, the understanding of literature for youth in the GDR contained hybrid forms of fiction and nonfiction to entertain and educate young people� Sebastian Schmiedeler among others has recently shown An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 59 that nonfictional texts and hybrid genres have not received the attention they deserve (2017)� Schmiedeler’s position overlaps with GDR studies on children’s and youth literature by Günter Ebert and Harri Günther� Günther’s study on Sachliteratur für Kinder und Jugendliche in der DDR von 1946 bis 1986 [Nonfiction for Children and Youth in the GDR from 1946 to 1986], for example, emphasizes the development of nonfictional texts towards higher literary quality: Auf eine höhere Stufe konnte die Sachliteratur für Kinder und Jugendliche nur gelangen, wenn sie sich nicht im Nachtrab zur wissenschaftlichen und populärwissenschaftlichen Literatur befand, sondern wenn sie ihre eigene literarische Qualität entwickelte� (75) [Nonfiction for children and adolescents could only reach a higher level by not imitating research or popular science literature, but by developing its own literary qualities�] In terms of political education, documentaries and research material built a groundwork for narrations that would attract young people as readers. In the case of Angela Davis, the corpus of literature about Davis appears both at the interface of nonfiction and fiction as well as a cross-writing phenomenon for young readers and for adults. While those texts were written for and/ or directed towards children and young adults, they also exploited Davis’s popularity in GDR youth culture in the early 1970s. The mediation of the political figure Angela Davis for youth in the GDR is exceptional� 3 One of the first East German narratives on Davis is a radio play by Maximilian Scheer, whose work had previously engaged with the subject of injustice in the United States. Scheer had fled Nazi Germany, emigrated to the United States, worked in antifascist journalism, and returned to East Germany in 1947� His radio play Der Weg nach San Rafael: Für Angela Davis [The Way to San Rafael: For Angela Davis] engaged with the events leading up to Davis’s imprisonment and was first broadcast on 5 January 1971, the first day of Davis’s trial in California. Shortly after, on 11 January 1971, the play was broadcast on Radio DDR II in a show for “jugendliche Hörer und für Pädagogen” [for young listeners and educators] ( Neues Deutschland, 11 January 1971, 4)� In the same month, the publishing house Verlag der Nation applied for the imprimatur ( Druckgenehmigung ) for a print version of the play with a print run of 30,000, and it is fair to assume that copies found their way into schools and readings of young people. The cover of the print version reads: “Der lange Weg nach San Rafael. Ein Hörspiel FÜR ANGELA DAVIS von Maximilian Scheer” [The Long Way To San Rafael: A Radio Play FOR ANGELA DAVIS by Maximilian Scheer]. The title thus emphasizes both strong solidarity with Davis in her fight against the U.S. government, and active support of her fight for freedom though educating the GDR audience 60 Ada Bieber on her behalf about the broader background of her imprisonment� Although Davis’s trial prompted Scheer to write the radio play, the U�S� activist remains in the background� Rather than placing Davis at the center of the piece, Scheer explores conditions of imprisonment in the United States and specifically the events leading up to Davis’s case by portraying the situation of George Jackson and the Soledad Brothers in the San Quentin State Prison. The play starts with George stating: Ich bin George Jackson und ich erzähle Ihnen kein Märchen� Ich sitze seit zehn Jahren im Zuchthaus wegen siebzig Dollar� Die hat ein Freund von mir an einer Tankstelle geraubt, und ich soll ihm bei der Flucht geholfen haben� (5) [My name is George Jackson, and I am not going to tell you a fairy tale� I have been in prison for ten years because of seventy dollars� A friend of mine stole them at a gas station, and I supposedly helped him escape�] In the following scenes, radio listeners learn about the lives of George and his brother Jonathan, and later how they are linked with Davis’s imprisonment and trial� Although Scheer bases the play on facts, the audience’s emotional engagement derives from introducing an outside “listener” ( Hörerin ) who talks directly to Jackson, but is marked as “far away” ( entfernt , 5), possibly from East Germany. The “listener” engages with Jackson as a voice coming through his prison walls: “Mister Jackson, ich höre Ihnen von weither zu” [Mr. Jackson, I am listening to you from far away] (5)� By introducing such bridging dialogue, Scheer attempts to look behind the scenes for a better understanding of political circumstances. Throughout the play, the voice of the interlocutor keeps the conversation going, and occasionally asks questions that direct the play to criticism of unjust American laws: Was Sie sagen, klingt nun doch wie ein Märchen� Da muß noch etwas anderes passiert sein […]. Und ich soll Ihnen glauben, in ihrem Land sei es üblich, für zehn Jahre ins Zuchthaus zu kommen, wenn einer siebzig Dollar nascht […]? (5) [It sounds like you are telling tales after all. Something else must have happened then� I cannot believe that it is common in your country to get ten years in prison for pilfering seventy dollars�] A second level of the radio play highlights significant interactions not with an outside character but between the Soledad Brothers, Jonathan Jackson, his sister, and a lawyer, as well as public figures such as Charles Young, chancellor of UCLA and Ronald Reagan, then Governor of California� For example, Scheer imagines a dialogue between Ronald Reagan and Charles Young about removing Davis from her position as a professor at UCLA� Furthermore, Scheer’s An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 61 play depicts a plot against Davis, clearly stirring up emotions against the USA� The author conveys an authentic perspective by including the voices of the Soledad Brothers in order to place Davis’s case in the context of events that led to her imprisonment� Still, Davis herself only appears in the last scene (scene 14), where she speaks directly to the audience as an activist against racism and injustice in America� By additionally connecting Davis’s trial to Nazi Germany, Scheer follows a literary tradition in the GDR that links the Holocaust with the struggles of African-Americans (Bieber; Weßel 104-18), for example in Sally Bleistift in Amerika by Auguste Lazar (1935), or Anna Seghers’ Der erste Schritt [ The First Step ] (1953)� At the onset of the play, Scheer’s narrator states that the prisons in California are similar to Dachau and Buchenwald� 4 Linking U�S� justice with Nazi atrocities, the author contributes to East German discourses on the Holocaust as well as to the antifascist founding myth of the GDR� Accordingly, socialism and thus the GDR presented the only alternative to fascism, which was clearly linked with the imperialism of the capitalist West. That said, Scheer’s generation, which had suffered during the Nazi years, had an authentic contribution to make by opening up the conversation to include global perspectives on forms of state oppression� By connecting political discourses about black liberation and institutionalized racism in the U�S� to the Holocaust, Scheer pursues questions of victimization and comparability� Transatlantic links between histories of genocide and oppression have been (carefully) established since World War II (Wiesen 112)� In part, they resonate in African-American writing, for example in “An Open Letter to My Sister” (1970), in which James Baldwin describes Davis after her imprisonment “as alone, say, as the Jewish housewife in the boxcar headed to Dachau” (Baldwin 13)� The comparison establishes patterns of racism against minorities that repeat themselves in different historical realities and demand continued resistance. It also points to the political system of racist ideology at work in the U�S� Angela Davis, who courageously fought against segregation, racism, and imperialism, appears in Scheer’s play as a young communist resistance fighter, who teaches at first at UCLA, but was then threatened and dismissed by her academic employer with the help of Governor Reagan (scene 5)� Scheer also lets Jonathan Jackson, the younger brother of George Jackson and close companion of Davis, praise her political work: Eine großartige Frau! Und was sie weiß! Was sie erlebt hat in Alabama und in Europa, in den Ghettos und an der Uni! Und wie sie das erzählt! Vor Hunderten jedesmal! Und in verschiedenen Städten! Aber je mehr Erfolg sie hat, desto gefährlicher wird es für sie selbst� (20) 62 Ada Bieber [A great woman! And all she knows, and everything she’s experienced in Alabama and Europe, in the ghettos and at the university! And how she tells the story! In front of hundreds of people every time! And in various cities! But the more successful she is, the more dangerous it becomes for her�] Only after the death of Jonathan Jackson, the foreshadowed danger, systematic oppression against African-Americans, and communist beliefs fall into place: On August 7, 1970, Jonathan Jackson walked into a courtroom in California’s Marin County, holding three guns, and took the judge, the prosecutor, and three jurors hostage� Aided by three inmates, whom he had freed in the courtroom, the seventeen-year-old younger brother of George Jackson led the hostages at gunpoint to a van parked outside. Police opened fire. The shootout took the lives of Jackson, the judge, and two inmates� Police traced the ownership of one of Jackson’s guns to Angela Davis� A week later, Davis was charged with murder, kidnapping, and conspiracy, and a warrant was issued for her arrest� (Kendi 412-13) In the radio play, Davis appears as a character only after she has been imprisoned� Consequently, now her voice sounds through the prison walls as George Jackson’s did earlier in the play� And as Jackson did before, she starts out with accusing the state of unjust and life-threatening politics: Ich bin Angela Davis� Ich weiß nicht, ob Sie meine Stimme erreicht� Ich spreche gegen die Steinwände einer Zelle […]� Denn dies ist die Wahrheit, und ich schrieb sie zwischen den Steinen: Der Gouverneur Ronald Reagan und der Staat von Kalifornien […] fordern jetzt mein Leben� (28-29) [I am Angela Davis� I do not know if my voice gets through to you� I am speaking against stone walls in a cell […]� Because this is the truth, and I wrote it between the bricks: Governor Ronald Reagan and the state of California […] are now demanding the death penalty for me�] Unlike Jackson, who talked to a nameless listener, Davis talks to a figure called Billy Mullis, a U�S� citizen who lives in the GDR� He reminds her that they met in East Berlin on May Day 1967, celebrating socialism in the GDR� While before qualities of resistance and antifascist images were attached to Davis and her cause, she now appears as the victim of U�S� politics, who needs support from both a socialist country like the GDR and fellow Americans who believe in socialism, some of whom even found a new home in East Germany like Billy� In the radio play, Davis confirms that only in East Berlin she understood that she had to return to her own torn country in order to do her part of political work (“in mein zerrissenes Land zurückzukehren und dort das Meinige zu tun,” 30)� While Scheer’s play suggest that experiencing the realities of the GDR turned An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 63 Davis into an active political fighter, Davis’s own writing does not provide any evidence for this claim� Rather, her autobiography suggests that it was the unease she felt in West Germany, knowing she lived for two years among people who participated - directly or indirectly - in the Nazi terror that motivated her to contribute to changes in the United States (Davis 138-45)� Besides referring to the past, youth literature critiqued capitalism and imperialism, while expressing solidarity with U�S� civil rights movements, emphasizing international solidarity campaigns and their engagement in protection of human rights on an international scale� In the early 1970s, the new Honecker government needed to appear dynamic, and “set out to strive for recognition and prestige in the Western world,” as Anja Werner points out (140)� Set against East Germany’s political environment of that time, officials briefly chose Davis as a role model to support this goal. Klimke and Höhn show that the alliance between the GDR and African-American activists supported the GDR’s efforts to strengthen their international reputation: Still without diplomatic relations with the United States, the East German regime hosted various representatives of U�S� peace organizations and the CPUSA during Davis’s trial, seeking to underline its principled support of her cause and trying to commit these groups to advocate for official international recognition of the GDR (135). However, in the GDR, Davis’s understanding of Marxist thought (“Angela Y� Davis” 15-25) was not completely embraced� Katrina Hagen points out that “in spite of Davis’s support of the GDR, […] ‘ideological holes’ remained problematic” and the “East German media went to great pains to demonstrate that Davis indeed toed the appropriate socialistic line� Indeed, the press deemphasized the revolutionary and racially subversive elements of Davis’s politics” (168)� According to Hagen, the GDR reshaped Davis in a way that was useful to their own political messages: While Davis’s ties to the New Left and black revolutionary politics made her a problematic ‘Hero of the other America,’ her youth and dynamism, as well as her glamour as a black woman, nonetheless gave her public appeal. The East German media played up these qualities to shape Davis’s image in ways that made her an attractive figure for state-socialistic mass consumption in spite of her ideological shortcomings (170)� Dorothee Wierling notes that more than 1,750 articles on Angela Davis appeared in the GDR press between 1969 and 1973, many presenting her as a romantic revolutionary (273). One series of short articles later found their way into the youth novel Schwarze Rose aus Alabama [Black Rose from Alabama] (1972) by Werner Lehmann, which strikingly examplifies East German ideology vis-à-vis the United States. The novel was published in the youth publishing house Neues 64 Ada Bieber Leben in the series “Wissenswertes für junge Leute” [Valuable Knowledge for Young People] with a print run of 15,000. Only two weeks later, an upgraded print run of 35,000 followed (DR 1/ 3545). The quick increase in print runs signaled a huge success and Schwarze Rose aus Alabama became a standard text for informing youth about Davis� In the preface, the author makes a point of highlighting that the following narration builds upon a diverse body of world press coverage of Angela Davis’s imprisonment� Referring to press reports, the author creates a sense of authenticity, although what follows after is largely filtered through the strong propagandistic lens of GDR politics. In other words, the tone differs strongly from world press reports as well as Davis’s letters, interviews, and speeches, although fragments of those form the foundation of the book. The novel’s emotionally manipulative language and simplistic interpretations, employed to portray the case against Angela Davis as nothing but an evil thriller plotted out by Reagan, Hoover, and Nixon (Weßel 109), expose this book as a propagandistic text. Although Davis was acquitted in 1972, the foreword to Lehmann’s narrative suggests that Davis’s safety remains threatened in the USA� Clearly, it is meant to incite anxiety among readers: “Angela Davis hat zugesagt, im Weltfestspielsommer 1973 in Berlin zu sein� Wird sie dabeisein? Ist sie dabei? ” [Angela Davis has accepted the invitation to the Youth Festival in East Berlin in 1973� Will she really be able to come? Will she join us? ] (5)� In some respects, the narration continues to present Davis as a prisoner and a victim rather than someone who has been acquitted. Such a depiction of Davis as a subject of persecution supports the ideological division between East and West. The book underlines this attempt to inveigh against the West in statements, for example, that Hollywood is on the brink of death (“Hollywood lag im Sterben,” 24), and by further contrasting the show business of Reagan’s first career with the riots in Watts and other places: “Das Sterben hatte übrigens auch auf den Straßen anderer kalifornischer Städte um sich gegriffen” [What’s more, death was also running rampant on other Californian streets] (24)� Intertwining actual deaths during the race riots with the metaphorical death of capitalistic America, the narrative incorporates facts merely to guide readers’ judgement about America� Such forms of reader manipulation continue throughout the book� Visually, the book comes across as a modern narrative for young people with a pop-cultural design that conveys a feeling of freedom. The visual level also connects with the anti-American message, for example in a collage of the White House, violent policemen, and a gunman pitted against youth protesters. In the beginning, the narrative zooms straight into California and begins with the story of Davis’s suspension from UCLA, and later turns to her arrest, imprisonment and parts of her trial, while delving into Davis’s personal and political development and offering vignettes of segregation in America throughout. The An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 65 first chapter opens with the fictionalized first-person perspectives of UCLA Chancellor Young and California’s Governor Reagan� Taking on this point of view, the text implies that we receive this information directly from the minds of these characters� All characters are presented as merely carrying out evil plans with a certain pleasure in order to secure their own political interests and wealth, while the following chapters praising Angela Davis and the black protest movement build a counterpart� Thus, the narrative structure of the book leads the reader to sympathize with Davis and the movement for black liberation� As in Scheer’s radio play, Davis appears as an active character only towards the end, when the book adopts a first-person perspective. Only here, Davis describes her time in prison and formulates a strong link to the GDR� As in previous examples, the book emphasizes that Davis was highly influenced by the GDR and her visit to East Germany in 1967. This exaggerated claim suggests the importance and attraction of the GDR to young readers: Und eines Tages, es ist der Erste Mai, reist Angela zu den Erben von Marx und Engels, in die DDR. Im Strom der Hunderttausend auf dem Berliner Marx-Engels-Platz sieht sie den Sozialismus demonstrieren, die verwirklichte Gerechtigkeit, Freiheit und Gleichheit und die lebendige internationale Solidarität� (36) [And one day, it is May Day, Angela travels to the heirs of Marx and Engels, to the GDR� In the midst of hundreds of thousands of people at Berlin’s Marx-Engels Square, she witnesses socialism demonstrating, the realization of justice, freedom, and equality and lively international solidarity�] This particular link to East Germany gains even more importance since the book was published shortly before Davis was invited to visit the World Youth Festival ( Weltfestspiele der Jugend ) in 1973 and to speak to the socialistic youth - staged almost as a heroine returning home� However, not all narratives about Angela Davis represented such strong expressions of GDR self-importance� German-Australian author Walter Kaufmann’s novel Unterwegs zu Angela [On My Way To Angela] (1973) differs significantly from the previously discussed narratives� Rather than conveying propagandistic messages, Kaufmann offers a nuanced investigation of U.S. realities. Aiming for an authentic representation of Davis in an American context, Kaufmann places the activist within black liberation movements in the U�S�, while carefully connecting them to international socialism and German history� Without doubt, Kaufmann’s well-rounded and authentic descriptions benefit from his first-hand experiences in the USA� A well-known writer for youth who had published his early books in the GDR with the youth publishing house Verlag Neues Leben , 66 Ada Bieber Kaufmann also worked as a journalist for the Junge Welt � As correspondent in the U�S�, he wrote rather personal and literary weekly reports about Angela Davis between March and June 1972, reports that were specifically targeted at young readers� Still, Verlag Junges Leben decided against publishing the series as a book, possibly because it conflicted with the publication of Lehmann’s novel the year before, which was still selling well with a print run of 35,000� In fact, the fundamental differences in depictions of Angela Davis as well as the USA suggest that there was little interest in marketing the two novels in the same program. The publishing house Verlag der Nation , on the other hand, seized the opportunity to publish the book which promised to be a success with young people shortly before Angela Davis’s visit to the Weltfestspiele . The application of the publishing house for imprimatur argues for the continuing relevance of the subject for young people: Obwohl der größte Teil des eingereichten Manuskripts bereits im vorigen Jahr in der ‘Jungen Welt’ abgedruckt wurde, und obwohl bereits jetzt rund 8 Monate seit dem Freispruch ergangen sind, scheint es dem Verlag […] gerechtfertigt, die Reportagen aus Anlaß der X� Weltfestspiele auch in Buchform herauszugeben� Es steht außer Frage, daß der Titel eine starke bewußtseinsbildende Ausstrahlung hat, und daß er es vor allem jüngeren Lesern erleichtern wird, theoretisches Wissen, das sie über die USA haben, zu festigen und die Bereitschaft zur internationalistischen Solidarität zu fördern (DR 1/ 2405). [Although large parts of the manuscript were already published last year in ‘Junge Welt,’ and it has been 8 months since the acquittal [of Angela Davis], the publishing house sees ongoing relevance to print the reports as a book on the occasion of the 10th world festival. Without doubt, the book has a strong educational effect that will help particularly young readers to deepen their theoretical knowledge about the USA and support the willingness for international solidarity�] Kaufmann, privileged because of his Australian passport which he had received during his time in Australia (1940-57), was a rather atypical GDR writer� Despite having had one of his earlier books censored, which most likely prompted him to leave and distance himself from the socialistic state temporarily, Kaufmann felt at home in the GDR and always returned from his travels back to East Berlin. However, many aspects of his life remained influenced by his experiences abroad� For example, Kaufmann had started his career as a writer in Australia, and he felt most comfortable writing in English. Therefore, he wrote Unterwegs zu Angela in English, which supported his attempts to establish distance to GDR propaganda, 5 allowed him to reconnect with the English-speaking world, and deepen his understanding of the United States� An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 67 In a way, it even brought him back to his major subject: his own history of escaping fascism and searching for answers in communism� Kaufmann’s adoptive parents had sent him, a teenager at the time, to the UK via a Kindertransport before they perished in Auschwitz� In 1940, he was deported to Australia on the HMT Dunera , along with more than 2,500 Jewish refugees who had fled Nazi Germany to the UK, and now were interned in camps in New South Wales and Victoria (“Dunera Boys”). Strongly influenced by a “communist-dominated group” of writers (Ludewig 144), he became a member of the Australian Communist Party. In 1956, Kaufmann decided to settle in East Germany as a professional writer, but was advised to maintain his Australian passport to ensure certain privileges: He worked as a foreign correspondent for several East German newspapers and magazines and led a very privileged life in the GDR, remaining free to travel outside the tightly controlled borders of his adopted homeland� His travelogues made popular reading in East Germany and their high print runs allowed him to maintain a comfortable existence as a professional author� Kaufmann has published well over 100 books, stories and newspaper articles [for Neues Deutschland, Junge Welt and Berliner Zeitung ] in both German and English (Ludewig 140)� With such freedom at hand, the United States became a major destination for Kaufmann - not only as a “raging reporter” ( rasender Reporter ), but also a politically engaged travel writer� Following in the footsteps of Egon Erwin Kisch - the Austrian-Czech writer and journalist famous for his authentic reports during the Weimar Republic and his exile from Nazi Germany, e�g�, in Australia, Spain, and Mexico - Kaufmann dug deep into American society to uncover various layers of social and political reality by traveling, working, and interviewing average people� Reportages such as Begegnungen mit Amerika heute [Encounters with America Today] (1965) and Hoffnung unter Glas (Hope Under Glass) (1966), for which he received the Heinrich-Mann-Award, made Kaufmann a well-known expert on America� In order to write about Davis, Kaufmann returned to the U�S� in 1972� He traced her life through interviews with family, friends, and associates before attending the trial in California. He had the opportunity to conduct two interviews with Davis and added two of her speeches to his book manuscript� Aiming for an authentic testimony about the U�S�, Kaufmann provides photographs of American cities, juxtaposing their hypermodernity with the poverty of many black neighborhoods. Thus, the author builds a literary mosaic that reveals a complex and polyphonic society, often portraying a country that is divided by race and poverty, but also one that is home to those engaged in the struggle for social equality� Kaufmann also traveled to Alabama, where he got in touch with 68 Ada Bieber the civil rights movement, freedom projects organized by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and other black movements of the 1960s. His book reveals that his own political understanding of America echoes Davis’s activism: for example, he points to the systematic criminalization of African Americans as a form of political oppression, a subject that later grew strong in Davis’s work� Supported by many photographs that reinforce his words, Kaufmann verbally and visually composes a palimpsest of social, political, and personal layers that form the case of Davis� In particular, racism and racial segregation are striking key subjects with which literary realism in East Germany had not yet sufficiently engaged. Kaufmann explores these topics through personal interaction and field research during his travels to New York City, Alabama, and California; his various meetings with Davis’s family and comrades; and his interviews with strangers he encountered along his way, such as a woman in New York City who collects money for an Angela Davis solidarity campaign� Besides interviews with Davis, the narrative includes various conversations with people who had an interest in the trial� Kaufmann interviews Americans representing a broad spectrum of political viewpoints, from hypocrites and racists to people in the street who sympathize with Davis. Throughout, the support for Davis dominates the narrative, in order to expose the hate and racism smoldering under the surface� Kaufmann also includes a photograph of a sign on a fence that reads “Gas Angela” (58), an image which triggers an immediate link - particularly for German readers - to the gas chambers of Nazi concentration camps� Moreover, Kaufmann compares the prison situation in the United States with Nazi Germany - a strategy we are familiar with from Scheer’s perspective in the radio play I discussed before� During an interview conducted with the incarcerated Davis, Kaufmann implicitly links U�S� prisons to Nazi concentration camps when he states that he only experienced a detention center once, in Nazi Germany, when he visited his mother shortly before she was deported (“Aus dem Gefängnis in San José”). In fact, Kaufmann’s writing on U.S. prisons is buttressed by his visit to San Quentin, where the director of the institution, Mr. O’Brian, gave him a tour. The chapter “Der faire Bericht” [The Fair Report] replicates his report for the Junge Welt (2 June 1972), retaining it as a lampoon of the conditions and methods employed in American prisons. While Mr. O’Brian claims that he believes inmates are entitled to all civil rights and expresses sympathy with Jonathan Jackson and his motives, he emerges as serving an oppressive institution that supports injustice against African Americans and political activists, among others� Responding to the director’s request that he fairly relate his experiences in the San Quentin prison, Kaufmann writes his report as a direct answer to Mr. O’Brian, An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 69 imitating an ongoing conversation, which allows him to introduce his personal interpretation of what he witnessed inside the prison walls� In the chapter “Der faire Bericht,” the focalizer tends to compare and thus associate Nazi concentration camps with U�S� prisons, for example when Kaufmann details the visit in the gas chamber of the prison ( Unterwegs 90), an apparatus not only used during the Holocaust, but since the mid-1920s in several U�S� states to execute death row inmates� 6 The chapter closes with fundamental questions about the nature of political imprisonment and the conditions in detention centers, particularly for inmates held for political reasons� Kaufmann closes by asking if the death penalty or rather social equality will help to prevent crimes within a society, and in a way, foregrounds major questions Angela Davis poses in her later work� While Kaufmann resents some realities of real-existing socialism in the GDR, a general socialistic worldview informs the narrative without being overly didactic or propagandistic� In fact, the interviews Kaufmann conducted with Davis and her family serve as probably the most authentic testimony of Davis for young readers. Here, Davis confirmed that the expressions of solidarity she received from GDR youth helped her feel confident in her political beliefs and supported her activism (127). Such an interview finds its way into the chapter titled “Warum bist du Kommunistin? ” [Why Are You A Communist? ], which was overtly geared towards the GDR media and praised the GDR’s solidarity with Davis� In fact, Davis’s words pervade the entire narrative of Unterwegs zu Angela , which opens and closes with original speeches that Davis delivered in 1972 in Madison Square Garden and in East Berlin respectively. The epilogue includes many photos and features the entire speech by Davis in Friedrichstadt-Palast on 11 September 1972, in which Davis praises GDR youth as major supporters 7 and promotes proletarian internationalism: “In deutscher Sprache schließt Angela Davis: Es lebe das Volk der DDR! Es lebe der proletarische Internationalismus! ” [Angela Davis closes in German: Long live the people of the GDR! Long live proletarian internationalism! ] (239)� Here, Davis underlines that she will continue fighting for black liberation in America and for equality on an international basis� While “Angelamania” in the GDR had passed its political heyday, Davis was only at the beginning of her political activism� Although she returned to the GDR the following year as special guest of the 10th World Youth Festival, public interest in her diminished� When Davis came back for the World Youth Festival in East Berlin, officials and media were careful to cover up her radical call for activism. The ambiguity of presenting Angela Davis as an idol to youth behind the Iron Curtain while veiling her radical call for freedom reveals an oppressive state’s strategy to misuse an activist for their own ideological advantage. Vis-à-vis the simplistic 70 Ada Bieber government propaganda, one wonders how much of Davis’s political message actually resonated with youth behind the Berlin Wall, where young people had little access to Davis during her visit. When she arrived, young East Germans could briefly meet with her during her arrival and also had the chance to engage with her in a few moderated talks that were part of the official festival program. The youth magazine Neues Leben , which previously advertised strong political messages and images in support of the political struggle of Davis, made an interesting move in 1973� Instead of continuing to portray her as a political activist, former U�S� correspondent Horst Schäfer asks: Was schreibt man über eine so bekannte Frau? […] Wir entscheiden uns, die kleinen Züge einer großen Persönlichkeit zu zeigen und damit die Frage so vieler Interessierter zu beantworten: ‘Wie ist Angela Davis eigentlich privat? ’ (32) [What should one write about such a famous woman? […] We decide to show the small features of a famous personality, and in doing so, to answer the question of so many: ‘What is Angela Davis like in private? ’] Distracting from her political significance even further and also in a stereotypically gendered way, the author goes on by emphasizing her physical features, such as her hands, her voice, and her looks generally (“gesamten äußeren Erscheinung,” 36)� Deliberately, Schäfers largely eclipses the activist’s political work and the trial against her, and focuses on Davis as a young, stylish, and attractive woman complete with stereotypical female attributes such as spontaneity, empathy, and sociability (38)� His male gaze becomes particularly creepy when he remembers Davis wearing hot pants during a private skipping contest with friends: Angela, in schwarzen ‘heißen Höschen,’ hatte ihre Clarks ausgezogen und hüpfte mit den anderen um die Wette, verlor aber schließlich den ‘Contest,’ weil sie vor Lachen nicht mehr springen konnte� (38) [Angela in black ‘hot pants’ [the German expression has connotations which suggest a girl’s panties rather than American hot pants], had slipped out of her Clarks and competed jumping with the others, but she lost in the contest because she couldn’t stop laughing�] Such word choice lets Davis come across not so much as a serious political activist but an attractive young woman from a stereotypical male perspective. This distinct approach to scale down Davis’s importance for young readers curiously met with Schäfer’s desire for self-aggrandizement. After all, he portrays himself as a close friend of Davis, and what is more, he emphasizes Davis’s emotional and habitual closeness to GDR youth culture by stating: An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 71 [Sie] ist begeistert von der DDR und insbesondere von der Erziehung der Jugend zum Internationalismus, […] liest gern und viel und Marx und Engels im Original, fühlt sich in Cuba so richtig wohl� (38) [She is enthusiastic about the GDR, particularly about the youth education towards proletarian Internationalism, […] she reads a lot, Marx and Engels even in German, and she loves Cuba�] By the end of the article, the reader is easily convinced that Davis is just one of many young socialists who will soon visit the GDR� Her radical call for freedom, her trial, and the attack on the U.S. state vanish into the background. Bummi , a magazine for kindergarten and primary school readers which introduces Davis to the very young ones before the festival, follows the same narrative strategy. Bummi the bear, a fictional character in the stories, visits New York City, which he describes as a big, cold place without trees and green spaces, a metropolis full of traffic and harsh policemen. Here, images of Davis as radical activist are replaced by the stereotypically gendered image of a warm, motherly figure for young black children. Remarkably, the depicted New York City faces segregation familiar from the Jim Crow South� Young black children are not permitted to sit on a bench, and Angela Davis vaguely promises changes for the future: “Weine nicht� […] Einmal wirst du auch auf den Bänken sitzen dürfen” [Don’t you cry. […] One day, you will be allowed to sit on benches as well.] (“Auf Wiedersehen, Angela” n. pag.). The story increasingly highlights the connection between Davis and the GDR. Simultaneously, it shifts from Davis towards a more generally negative image of the United States emphasizing American crimes in the world such as the Vietnam War: “Was macht man aber mit den bösen Amerikanern, die Bomben auf unsere lieben vietnamesischen Freunde warfen? ” [But what to do about the mean Americans, who threw bombs on our good Vietnamese friends? ] (n� pag�) Again, children and youth are relegated to propaganda instead of engaging in a serious discourse on proletarian internationalism and human rights. The article in Bummi marks the end of literature for youth about Angela Davis, and although the readers are reminded that Davis will visit the GDR that summer, her political significance in the GDR had already faded� Considered together, East German narratives for youth portraying Angela Davis demonstrate that politically motivated literature for youth - like any political literature - cannot be separated from the political landscape in which it appears� Featuring a radical activist such as Davis in literature for youth within a restrictive political system led to misrepresentations of what was actually at stake, namely freedom and human rights for everyone� For a while, Davis served as a perfect ally for the GDR, and the various youth novels reveal how literary 72 Ada Bieber approaches shape national and ideological images that are communicated to youth� Nevertheless, considered more broadly, the activist Angela Davis represented a real threat to any unjust state, and therefore pointed to the question of what other people’s freedom means in the context of one’s own liberty� What is more, her radical call for freedom certainly has influenced people outside the United States to adopt her principles, and it is fair to say that youth behind the Iron Curtain were encouraged to connect the dots between the fight for civil rights in the U�S� and their hope for liberty in the GDR� However, Davis’s remarks about GDR politics are ambiguous at best, and her silence regarding the Berlin Wall appears problematic� Together, they simultaneously give way to a socialistic understanding of the Wall as a necessary rampart against an aggressive West, and insinuate an array of imaginary walls that support the division of people and prevent collective freedom� Paul M� Farber notes that “Davis’s own downplaying of the Berlin Wall exists alongside her wall-heavy discourse” (141), her understanding of walls as symbols of repression, and her general criticism of prison systems. Although her attitude towards the Berlin Wall remains elusive, the fifth chapter of her autobiography is named “Walls” and expands upon “connections across space and time to the politics of the larger society” (Farber 151) in order to mark walls as principles of oppression� To a certain extent, one could argue that Davis allowed the (mis)use of her persona, valuing the personal recognition of a socialistic country over the value of freedom for all� It certainly remains one of Angela Davis’s shortcomings that she did not address the Berlin Wall and the restrictions behind the Iron Curtain in her writings or in speeches. These deficiencies raise questions about the degree to which she profited personally and politically from the Eastern Bloc’s support. Nevertheless, Angela Davis was an important figure in the GDR and especially in youth culture, which gave young people the opportunity to read through various representations of her as an activist in the United States and connect her work with the German past and presence� Notes 1 For example, the Berliner Zeitung provides its readers with important information, such as the addresses in the U�S� for sending their postcards: “Solidaritätsschreiben an Angela Davis, Marin County Courthouse, San Rafael, California - USA,” while the newspaper also called for “Protestschreiben an den Gouverneur Ronald Reagan, State Capitol Sacramento, California — USA” ( Berliner Zeitung 77/ 1971: 5)� 2 All translations in this article are mine� An American Icon and the Political Uses of Youth Literature in the GDR 73 3 In North America, neither fiction nor scholarship in the field of children and young adult literature has yet turned to the perceived gap in “Angela Davis research.” The missing coverage of Davis as a political figure in youth literature reflects a practice of shying away from radical figures, presumably for the same reasons identified by Herbert Marcuse in 1970. He argued that Davis’s case is a “story of a threefold political repression: against a woman, against a militant black woman, against a leftist rebel” (qtd. in Höhn and Klimke 119; see also Marcuse 173)� 4 “Diese Zuchthäuser [in Kalifornien] haben Ähnlichkeit mit Dachau und Buchenwald�” 5 Both the articles in Junge Welt as well as the book appeared in a translation by Olga and Erich Fetter. 6 “Ich sah die Gurte an den zwei Stühlen in dem runden Gebäude aus Stahl und Glas, sah die Öffnungen, aus denen das tödliche Gas strömte…” ( Unterwegs 90)� 7 “Im Haus eines Freundes in San Jose gibt es eine große Garage, die gefüllt ist mit Millionen von Briefen und Karten der Jugend der sozialistischen Länder und besonders von der Jugend der DDR […]� Mit den vielen, vielen Briefen und Karten, die an mich geschrieben wurden, und den Protestschreiben an die Regierung der Vereinigten Staaten, die geschrieben wurden von den Jugendlichen, von Arbeitern und Studenten und von Wissenschaftlern, damit hat das Volk der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik bei der Regierung meines Landes eine nachhaltige Wirkung erzielt�” ( Unterwegs 235) [At a friend’s house in San Jose, there is a huge garage filled with millions of letters and postcards from youth of socialist countries, particularly from youth of the GDR […]. 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